The New England Historical & Genealogical Register, Vol. 1, No. 3, July 1847
Part 6
What good end will be answered by ascertaining y^e Sums necessary to be raised when thirteen independent Legislatures are to judge whether those sums are necessary or not and whether they will raise them or not and if one State won't raise their quota, y^e other states are more than foolish, they are distracted if they raise theirs.--What effect will a requisition on y^e states for raising, cloathing, arming, and equipping their quotas of men have, when y^e 13 Legislatures are left to judge of y^e expediency, or necessity of this equipment, whether they are not charged above their proportion--whether it won't do as well sometime hence? What security is it possible to have under such a Government? A Government without energy, without power. Zeal and enthusiasm carried us thro' y^e last war without any Government till March 1781, when y^e Confederation was compleated and then we hobbled along 21 months longer under it until peace took place, and since y^e Peace, Requisitions from Congress have had no more effect than y^e Pope's bulls wou'd have had. The old Confederation is just y^e same to y^e United States as a people, as a milk and water diet wou'd be to a labouring man, both wou'd grow weaker and weaker till they were not able to crawl. Nothing ever gave us any respectability abroad but y^e readiness and chearfulness with which we complied with all y^e recommendations of Congress when we had no Government at all. That enabled us to form treaties with other nations, to hire money, and their hatred to Great Britain engaged them to join in y^e war against her. The nations in Europe discovered this weakness long before we did. Great Britain for 5 years has refused to make any Treaty of commerce with us, has shut all her Ports against our shipping, while our Ports are filled with their shipping and seamen and are picking up our seamen for their employ--they bring their Produce and manufactures to us to buy but won't let us carry our own to them. They have embarrass'd our commerce with other nations by setting y^e Algerines upon our shipping and thereby obliged us to give 5 per Cent. to them for insurance against the Algerines--all this while we have not had y^e power to retalliate upon them in one Single Article. The other Powers viz: France, Holland, Spain and Portugal have now taken y^e hint and are imposing duties upon our Produce and Manufactures to y^e great encouragement of their own and discouragement of ours, and we can't make any Regulations to counterwork them. Massachusetts some years ago took y^e lead and made some very advantageous Regulations. New Hampshire followed, and Rhode Island adopted a small part. Soon y^e People in New Hampshire grew restive and obliged y^e Government to repeal y^e same. Rhode Island followed and Massachusetts was obliged to follow them, so that you see what a rope of sand we are. This conduct of y^e European nations will in time, if it produces good Government, prove of eminent advantage to us. They drained us of almost all our Cash. This put People upon being industrious and frugal. Industry has occasioned great improvements in agriculture and in manufactures. The first has rendered Provisions plenty and so cheap that we sell them to almost all nations. The latter has supplied us with many necessaries which we used to send cash for, and we remitted to other nations pay for what necessaries we wanted. Frugality has prevented us from sending our Cash abroad for many Superfluities which we can do as well or perhaps better without; so that now it is an undoubted fact that y^e exports from America greatly exceed y^e imports; consequently Cash may now become as plenty as it wou'd be best it shou'd be.
The old Confederation without Power or Energy destroyed y^e Credit of y^e United States. The scarcity of Cash, and y^e embarrassments of y^e Government, for want of some fixed System of finance has destroyed y^e credit of y^e individual States--different Tender acts in different States, different sorts of paper money in different States, (for almost all y^e States have either paper money or tender acts,) have destroyed private Credit; so that we are now as a people and as individuals totally without either public or private Credit. Under these circumstances money never can circulate in plenty, let y^e advantages for importing it be what they may--
Is it now possible for a Government, under these disadvantages, whether it be continental or particular, to support itself any length of time? Will not private industry be discouraged? Can such a Government protect y^e industrious from y^e hands of invaders or y^e more savage hands of violence among ourselves? Anarchy will soon rear its head and y^e Tyranny of some ambitious Demagogue will soon tread on its heels. Suppose for a moment y^e General Court of New Hampshire or Massachusetts were to agree that such a sum of money was necessary to be raised for y^e building and maintaining of a colledge for supporting schools in different Parts, for supporting ministers, for encouraging y^e Iron manufactory, y^e manufactory of cloath, for repairing y^e highways, for training and disciplining y^e militia, and procuring a stock of guns and ammunition and building forts for y^e defence of y^e State and then send a recommendation to y^e several towns desiring them to raise their quota of that sum, being so much.
Wou'd not this be a laughable way of raising money for y^e public exigences? One town wou'd say there was no need of building a Colledge; others wou'd say there is no need of Schools or ministers; let them that work Iron and cloath get their own pay; our highways will do well enough without repairs; y^e militia are good gunners already, there is no need of forts, and there is no war at hand, and we can do without Guns and ammunition a little longer; besides all they have rated our town too high. Wou'd not this be y^e common language? A precious little money wou'd be raised, I trow. Let me ask, if y^e People in our town meetings are competent Judges of y^e necessity and advantage of raising money for these purposes? You will instantly answer me, no not one in six. Can they have large and extensive views of y^e interest, of y^e essential and important interests of y^e whole state? No, perhaps, not one, thô many of them when they had met with other persons from all parts of y^e state, and had freely conversed with them might be good Judges afterwards. How absurd and impolitic then is it to trust y^e great affairs and interests of a continent, 1500 miles long and 1000 miles wide to y^e determination of 2600 men deputed from some little spots of 6 miles square y^e greatest part of whom never went further than y^e next market town perhaps, or at y^e outside to y^e shire town of y^e state and never expects to go again after his year is up, or if he does, it is only to get his 3_s._ 6_d._ a day without labour or at y^e most to have y^e honour of saving a small Tax upon his own town--and these men are not to meet altogether where they might, if disposed, get y^e necessary information to form a Judgment by,--but in thirteen different places where they have different interests, different leaders and different information. How much more ridiculous is it then, that all these men are to determine of y^e necessity of Peace or War--of y^e sums of Money necessary to be raised, of y^e best and easiest mode of raising it thro' all y^e states, regulating y^e value of money thro' all y^e states, of defining and punishing Piracies and felonies on y^e high seas and of Offences against y^e law of nations--when it is necessary and proper to grant Letters of Marque and reprisal--what are y^e rights and duties of Ambassadors, Consuls and public ministers, what are proper rules respecting captures where other nations are concerned with us in y^e capture or are interested in y^e vessel captured, what regulations of Trade may be carried into effect in other nations so as not to injure our own commerce. These and a thousand other matters respecting our intercourse with other nations and other great national concerns, must be determined by some Body of men with decision and be carried into effect too. How preposterous is it then for us to think of going on under y^e old Confederation where y^e several states or some of them wou'd hiss any Law that might be proposed on those matters out of Doors.
Now let us consider y^e new Constitution. Are there any objects, of Legislation in this, which were not left to y^e decision of Congress under y^e old Articles? Very few, save that of Regulating commerce with foreign nations for want of which we have suffered enough already--also to form a rule for naturalization Laws about Bankruptcies--fix y^e standard of weights and measures--to promote y^e progress of arts and Sciences--to prevent counterfeiting y^e Securities and current coin of y^e states, to provide for organizing, arming, disciplining and calling forth y^e militia on necessary occasions; to exercise exclusive Jurisdiction over 10 miles square of land where Congress may sit, if so much is ceded to them by any state to their satisfaction and such other places where continental arsenals are kept. Our People are taught y^e necessity of this provision for if a man of less penetration and decision had been in y^e chair y^e year before last--they would have lost their most useful and costly magazine. Is it not reasonable that these matters shou'd be done with uniformity thro' y^e states? Can these great objects ever be accomplished without making laws to bind all persons in y^e Jurisdiction? Who are to make those Laws but y^e Representatives chosen by y^e People at large every two years, and where an equal representation is provided for, and a Senate chosen by y^e state Legislatures, one third of which are to be chosen every two years. When Laws are made they are nonsensical unless they can be carried into execution; therefore it is necessary somebody shou'd have a Power of determining when they are broken, and to decree y^e forfieture in consequence of such breach. This shows y^e necessity of y^e Judicial Power--and an executive with y^e necessary officers are requisite for carrying those decrees into execution--and without all this y^e whole parade of making laws wou'd be idle.
That these parts, y^e Judicial and executive, shou'd be appointed by congress is necessary in order that y^e proceedings may be uniform and to prevent one state from conniving at or disregarding y^e laws made for y^e benefit of y^e whole. If they are to raise money they must have officers to collect it. These must be appointed by Congress or such men will be appointed by particular states as will shew y^e most favour--and look thro' y^e whole, I believe you will not find a Single Power given but what would maim y^e constitution if it was left out. Perhaps it may be said this will be an expensive Government. The Legislative will not be more expensive, if so much, as y^e present congress for after they have got matters a going properly, they may be at home half their time. The other officers must be paid it is true, but when we consider y^e advantages of a steady uniform Government with proper energy, I believe we shall find y^e Benefits purchased at a cheap rate. Perhaps some may say that this annihilates our own state Governments, and our own Legislatures will have nothing to do; but y^e Laws respecting criminal offenders in all cases, except Treason, are subjects for Legislation. We may increase, lessen, or change punishments for crimes as we think best, and make any act criminal or pœnal as far as Law can make it so at our pleasure. The regulating Towns, parishes, Providing ministers, schools, looking after Poor persons, punishing Idlers, vagabonds &c. &c. regulating Highways, bridges, fisheries, common fields &c. are also matters pertaining to y^e General court--but above all y^e great rules for regulating inheritances, descent of estates, Partition of them, last wills and Testaments, executors, Administrators, and Guardians are subjects for our own Legislation--y^e appointment of all courts, and y^e rules of Proceeding in them and of determining all controversies between our own citizens, Rules of Legitimacy, marriage and divorce and in fine all matters not expressly given to congress are still to be the subjects of our own Legislation to be carried into Effect by our own courts and officers. Over what things does y^e constitution give congress a Power only those of great national concern, which require a large comprehensive view and which, Heaven knows, our Houses of R-p-s-t-tives were never capable of comprehending or of judging whether they were acting right or wrong.--I write very freely to you, without any reserve. Y^e regard I have for my Children, my Kinsmen, my friends, my Neighbours, Posterity and my country, makes me bless God that those objects are likely for ever to be taken out of such hands, two thirds of whom were never from their fire side before, and never comprehended in their view more than their own farms and their own little private interest. I cou'd write a volume on this subject, but thus much must suffice for y^e present. I believe you are tired now as well as your affectionate
Kinsman and sincere friend and Serv^t NATH'L PEASLEE SARGEANT.
A COMPLETE LIST OF THE MINISTERS OF BOSTON OF ALL DENOMINATIONS, FROM 1630 TO 1842, ARRANGED IN THE ORDER OF THEIR SETTLEMENT.
BY JAMES C. ODIORNE, M. A.
(Continued from page 136.)
TABLE LEGEND: (Part 1 of 2) A = _Order of Settlement._ B = _Names of Ministers._ C = _Denomination._ D = _Churches._ E = _Graduated._
+-----------------------+-------+---------------+----------- A | B | C | D | E -----+-----------------------+-------+---------------+----------- 91 |David Annan |Pres. |Federal St. |Scotland 92 {|Claudius Florent |Cath. |Chh. Holy Cross| {| Bouchard de La Poterie| | | 93 |Peter Thacher |Cong. |Brattle St. |Harv., 1769 94 |Jeremy Belknap, D. D. |Cong. |Federal St. |Harv., 1762 95 |William Montague |Epis. |Christ Chh. |Dart., 1784 96 |Thomas Gair |Bapt. |2nd Bapt. |Brown, 1777 97 |Samuel West, D. D. |Cong. |Hollis St. |Harv., 1761 98 |Louis de Rousselet |Cath. |Chh. Holy Cross| 99 |John Thayer |Cath. |Chh. Holy Cross| 100 |Thomas Baldwin, D. D. |Bapt. |2nd Bapt. |---- ---- 101 |Jesse Lee |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 102 |Daniel Smith |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 103 {|John Sylvester John |Epis. |Trinity Chh. | {| Gardiner, D. D. | | | 104 |William Walter, D. D. |Epis. |Christ Chh. |Harv., 1756 105 {|Francis Anthony |Cath. |Chh. Holy Cross| {| Matignon, D. D. | | | 106 |Jeremiah Cosden |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 107 |Amos G. Thompson |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 108 {|John Thornton Kirkland,|Cong. |New South |Harv., 1789 {| D. D., LL.D. | | | 109 |Christopher Spry |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 110 |Evan Rogers |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 111 |John Harper |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 112 |Joshua Hale |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 113 |George Pickering |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 114 {|John de Cheverus, D. D.|Cath. |Chh. Holy Cross|Coll. Louis {| | | | Le Grand, {| | | |Paris, 1786 115 |Elias Hull |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 116 |Daniel Ostander |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 117 |William Beauchamp |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 118 {|John Snelling Popkin, |Cong. |Federal St. |Harv., 1792 {| D. D. | | | 119 |William Emerson |Cong. |1st. Chh. |Harv., 1789 120 |Joshua Wells |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 121 |Thomas F. Sargent |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 122 |George Pickering |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 123 |Samuel Haskell |Epis. |Christ Chh. |Yale, 1790? 124 |Thomas Lyall |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 125 {|William Ellery |Cong. |Federal St. |Harv., 1798 {| Channing, D. D. | | | 126 |Epaphras Kibby |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 127 {|Joseph Stephens |Cong. |Brattle St. |Harv., 1800 {| Buckminster, | | | 128 |Asa Eaton, D. D. |Epis. |Christ Chh. |Harv., 1803 129 |Peter Jayne |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 130 |Reuben Hubbard |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 131 |Charles Lowell, D. D. |Cong. |West Chh. |Harv., 1800 132 |Samuel Merwin |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 133 |Thomas Paul |Bapt. |African Bapt. | 134 |Daniel Webb |Meth. |2nd Meth. | 135 {|Joseph Clay |Bapt. |1st Bapt. |Coll. N.J., {| | | | 1784 136 |Caleb Blood |Bapt. |3d Bapt. | 137 |Joshua Huntington |Cong. |Old South |Yale, 1804 138 |Martin Ruter, D. D. |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 139 |Elijah R. Sabin |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 140 |Phillip Munger |Meth. |2nd Meth. |---- ---- 141 |Samuel Cary |Unit. |King's Chapel |Harv., 1804 142 |Horace Holley, LL.D. |Cong. |Hollis St. |Yale, 1803 143 |Greenlief Norris |Meth. |2nd Meth. |---- ---- 144 |Edward Mitchell |Univ. |1st Univ. |---- ---- 145 |Samuel Cooper Thacher |Cong. |New South |Harv., 1804 146 |Elijah Hedding, D. D. |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 147 |Erastus Otis |Meth. |2nd Meth. |---- ---- 148 {|Edward Dorr Griffin, |Cong. |Park St. |Yale, 1790 {| D. D. | | | 149 |Daniel Sharp, D. D. |Bapt. |3d Bapt. |---- ---- 150 |Paul Dean |Univ. |1st Univ. |---- ---- 151 |William Stephens |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 152 |William Hinman |Meth. |1st and 2nd |---- ---- | | | Meth. | 153 |John Lovejoy Abbot |Cong. |1st Chh. |Harv., 1805 154 |Francis Parkman, D. D. |Cong. |New North |Harv., 1807 155 |Edward Everett, LL.D. |Cong. |Brattle St. |Harv., 1811 156 |Joseph A. Merrill |Meth. |1st and 2nd |---- ---- | | | Meth. | 157 |James Manning Winchell |Bapt. |1st Bapt. |Brown, 1812 158 |George Pickering |Meth. |1st and 2nd |---- ---- | | | Meth. | 159 {|Nathaniel Langdon |Cong. |1st Chh. |Harv., 1811 {| Frothingham, D. D. | | | 160 |Daniel Filmore |Meth. |1st and 2nd |---- ---- | | | Meth. | 161 |Henry Ware, Jun., D. D.|Cong. |2nd Chh. |Harv., 1812 162 {|Sereno Edwards Dwight, |Cong. |Park St. |Yale, 1803 {| D. D. | | | 163 |Timothy Merritt |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 164 |Enoch Mudge |Meth. |2nd Meth. |---- ---- 165 |Hosea Ballou |Univ. |2nd Univ. |---- ---- 166 |Phillip Larisey |Cath. |Chh. Holy Cross| 167 {|John Gorham Palfrey, |Cong. |Brattle St. |Harv., 1815 {| D. D., LL.D. | | | 168 |Samuel Snowden |Meth. |African Meth. |---- ---- 169 {|Francis William Pitt |Cong. |New South |Harv., 1814 {| Greenwood, D. D. | | | 170 {|James Sabine |Cong. |Essex St. |England {| | | | {| | | | {| | | | {| | | | 171 |John Pierpont |Cong. |Hollis St. |Yale, 1804 172 |Benjamin R. Hoyt |Meth. |1st Meth. | 173 |V. R. Osborn |Meth. |2nd Meth. | 174 |Simon Clough |Christ.|1st Christ. |---- ---- 175 |Patrick Byrne. |Cath. |Chh. Holy | | Assistant | | Cross | 176 |D. Kilburn |Meth. |2nd Meth. |---- ---- 177 {|Samuel Farmar Jarvis, |Epis. |St. Paul's |Yale, 1805 {| D. D., LL.D. | | | 178 {|Benjamin Blydenburg |Cong. |Old South |Union, 1813 {| Wisner, D. D. | | | 179 |William Taylor, D. D. |Cath. |Chh. Holy | | | | Cross | 180 |Shipley W. Willson |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 181 |Ephraim Wiley |Meth. |2nd Meth. | 182 |Francis Wayland, D. D. |Bapt. |1st Bapt. |Union, 1813 183 |Elijah Hedding, D. D. |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 184 |Samuel Green |Cong. |Essex St. |Harv., 1816 185 |Paul Dean |Univ. |Bulfinch St. |---- ---- 186 |John Lindsey |Meth. |1st Meth. | 187 {|James Sabine |Pres. |Church St. |England {| | | | 188 |Prince Hawes |Cong. |Phillips | 189 |Sebastian Streeter |Univ. |1st Univ. | 190 |Solomon Sias |Meth. |1st Meth. | 191 |Isaac Bonney |Meth. |2nd Meth. | 192 {|Ezra Stiles Gannett, |Cong. |Federal St. |Harv., 1820 {| D. D. | | | 193 |John Lauris Blake, D.D.|Epis. |St. Matthews |Brown, 1812 194 {|Francis William Pitt |Unit. |King's Chapel |Harv., 1814 {| Greenwood, D. D. | | | 195 |Alexander Young, D. D. |Cong. |New South |Harv., 1820 196 |Samuel Barrett |Cong. |Chambers St. |Harv., 1818 197 {|Benedict Fenwick, D. D.|Cath. |Chh. Holy |Georget'n, {| | | Cross | D.C. 198 |Aaron D. Sargent |Meth. |2nd Meth. |---- ---- 199 |Timothy Merritt |Meth. |1st Meth. |---- ---- 200 {|James Davis Knowles |Bapt. |2nd Bapt. |Col'b. D.C. {| | | | 1824 201 {|Charles Mortgridge |Christ.|1st Christ. |---- ---- {| | | | 202 |James Lee |Meth. |Indep. Meth. |---- ---- | | | Afr. | 203 |Lyman Beecher, D. D. |Cong. |Bowdoin St. |Yale, 1797
(To be concluded.)
TABLE LEGEND: (Part 2 of 2) A = _Order of Settlement._ B = _Names of Ministers._ F = _Settled._ G = _Died or Resigned._