CHAPTER III.

THE IZZE-KLOTH OR MEDICINE CORD OF THE APACHE.

There is probably no more mysterious or interesting portion of the religious or "medicinal" equipment of the Apache Indian, whether he be medicine-man or simply a member of the laity, than the "izze-kloth" or medicine cord, illustrations of which accompany this text. Less, perhaps, is known concerning it than any other article upon which he relies in his distress.

I regret very much to say that I am unable to afford the slightest clew to the meaning of any of the parts or appendages of the cords which I have seen or which I have procured. Some excuse for this is to be found in the fact that the Apache look upon these cords as so sacred that strangers are not allowed to see them, much less handle them or talk about them. I made particular effort to cultivate the most friendly and, when possible, intimate relations with such of the Apache and other medicine-men as seemed to offer the best chance for obtaining information in regard to this and other matters, but I am compelled to say with no success at all.

I did advance so far in my schemes that Na-a-cha, a prominent medicine-man of the Tonto Apache, promised to let me have his cord, but as an eruption of hostility on the part of the tribe called me away from the San Carlos Agency, the opportunity was lost. Ramon, one of the principal medicine-men of the Chiricahua Apache, made me the same promise concerning the cord which he wore and which figures in these plates. It was, unfortunately, sent me by mail, and, although the best in the series and really one of the best I have ever been fortunate enough to see on either living or dead, it was not accompanied by a description of the symbolism of the different articles attached. Ramon also gave me the head-dress which he wore in the spirit or ghost dance, and explained everything thereon, and I am satisfied that he would also, while in the same frame of mind, have given me all the information in his power in regard to the sacred or medicine cord as well, had I been near him.

There are some things belonging to these cords which I understand from having had them explained at other times, but there are others about which I am in extreme doubt and ignorance. There are four specimens of medicine cords represented and it is worth while to observe that they were used as one, two, three, and four strand cords, but whether this fact means that they belonged to medicine-men or to warriors of different degrees I did not learn nor do I venture to conjecture.

The single-strand medicine cord with the thirteen olivella shells belonged to a Zuñi chief, one of the priests of the sacred order of the bow, upon whose wrist it was worn as a sign of his exalted rank in the tribe. I obtained it as a proof of his sincerest friendship and with injunctions to say nothing about it to his own people, but no explanation was made at the moment of the signification of the wristlet or cord itself or of the reason for using the olivella shells of that particular number or for placing them as they were placed.

One of the four-strand cords was obtained from Ramon and is the most beautiful and the most valuable of the lot. Ramon called my attention to the important fact that it was composed of four strands and that originally each had been stained a different color. These colors were probably yellow, blue, white, and black, although the only ones still discernible at this time are the yellow and the blue.

The three-strand cord was sent to me at Washington by my old friend, Al. Seiber, a scout who has been living among the Apache for twenty-five years. No explanation accompanied it and it was probably procured from the body of some dead warrior during one of the innumerable scouts and skirmishes which Seiber has had with this warlike race during his long term of service against them. The two strand cord was obtained by myself so long ago that the circumstances connected with it have escaped my memory. These cords, in their perfection, are decorated with beads and shells strung along at intervals, with pieces of the sacred green chalchihuitl, which has had such a mysterious ascendancy over the minds of the American Indians--Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, as well as the more savage tribes, like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified wood, rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet, claws of the bear, rattle of the rattlesnake, buckskin bags of hoddentin, circles of buckskin in which are inclosed pieces of twigs and branches of trees which have been struck by lightning, small fragments of the abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and much other sacred paraphernalia of a similar kind.

That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred and important occasions, I soon learned; they were not to be seen on occasions of no moment, but the dances for war, medicine, and summoning the spirits at once brought them out, and every medicine-man of any consequence would appear with one hanging from his right shoulder over his left hip.

Only the chief medicine-men can make them, and after being made and before being assumed by the new owner they must be sprinkled, Ramon told me, with "heap hoddentin," a term meaning that there is a great deal of attendant ceremony of a religious character.

These cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of the Apache believe firmly that a bullet will have no effect upon the warrior wearing one of them. This is not their only virtue by any means; the wearer can tell who has stolen ponies or other property from him or from his friends, can help the crops, and cure the sick. If the circle attached to one of these cords (see Fig. 436) is placed upon the head it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross attached to another (see Fig. 439) prevents the wearer from going astray, no matter where he may be; in other words, it has some connection with cross-trails and the four cardinal points to which the Apache pay the strictest attention. The Apache assured me that these cords were not mnemonic and that the beads, feathers, knots, etc., attached to them were not for the purpose of recalling to mind some duty to be performed or prayer to be recited.

I was at first inclined to associate these cords with the quipus of the Peruvians, and also with the wampum of the aborigines of the Atlantic coast, and investigation only confirms this first suspicion. It is true that both the wampum and the quipu seem to have advanced from their primitive position as "medicine" and attained, ethnologically speaking, the higher plane of a medium for facilitating exchange or disseminating information, and for that reason their incorporation in this chapter might be objected to by the hypercritical; but a careful perusal of all the notes upon the subject can not fail to convince the reader that the use of just such medicine cords prevailed all over the world, under one form or another, and has survived to our own times.

First, let me say a word about rosaries, the invention of which has been attributed to St. Dominick, in Spain, and to St. Bridget, in Ireland. Neither of these saints had anything to do with the invention or introduction of the rosary, although each in his or her own province may have adapted to new and better uses a cord already in general service among all the peoples of Europe. The rosary, as such, was in general use in parts of the world long before the time of Christ. Again, the cords of the various religious orders were looked upon as medicine cords and employed in that manner by the ignorant peasantry.

In this chapter I will insert notes showing the use of such cords by other tribes, and follow with descriptions of the uses to which the cords of St. Francis and others were put, and with references to the rosaries of different races or different creeds; finally, I will remark upon the superstitions connected with cords, belts, and strings, knotted or unknotted, made of serpent skin, human skin, or human hair. The strangest thing about it all is that observers have, with scarcely an exception, contented themselves with noting the existence of such cords without making the slightest effort to determine why they were used.

There are certain cords with medicine bags attached to be seen in the figures of medicine-men in the drawings of the sacred altars given by Matthews in his account of the Navajo medicine-men.

Cushing also has noted the existence of such cords in Zuñi, and there is no doubt that some at least of the so-called "fishing lines" found in the Rio Verde cliff dwellings in Arizona were used for the same purposes.

Describing the tribes met on the Rio Colorado, in 1540-1541, Alarcon says: "Likewise on the brawne of their armes they weare a streit string, which they wind so often about that it becommeth as broad as one's hand."[533] It must be remembered that the Indians thought that Alarcon was a god, that they offered sacrifice to him, and that they wore all the "medicine" they possessed.

In 1680, the Pueblos, under the leadership of Popé, of the pueblo of San Juan, were successful in their attempt to throw off the Spanish yoke. He made them believe that he was in league with the spirits, and "that they directed him to make a rope of the palm leaf and tie in it a number of knots to represent the number of days before the rebellion was to take place; that he must send this rope to all the Pueblos in the kingdom, when each should signify its approval of, and union with, the conspiracy by untying one of the knots."[534]

I suspect that this may have been an izze-kloth. We know nothing about this rebellion excepting what has been derived through Spanish sources; the conquerors despised the natives, and, with a very few notable exceptions among the Franciscans, made no effort to study their peculiarities. The discontent of the natives was aggravated by this fact; they saw their idols pulled down, their ceremonial chambers closed, their dances prohibited, and numbers of their people tried and executed for witchcraft.[535] Fray Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron was a striking example of the good to be effected by missionaries who are not above studying their people; he acquired a complete mastery of the language of the pueblo of Jemez, "and preached to the inhabitants in their native tongue." He is represented as exercising great influence over the people of Jemez, Sia, Santa Ana, and Acoma. In this rebellion of 1680 the Pueblos expected to be joined by the Apache.[536]

The izze-kloth of the Apache seems to have had its prototype in the sacred string of beans with which Tecumseh's brother, the Shawnee prophet, traveled among the Indian tribes, inciting them to war. Every young warrior who agreed to go upon the warpath touched this "sacred string of beans" in token of his solemn pledge.[537]

Tanner says in the narrative of his captivity among the Ojibwa: "He [the medicine-man] then gave me a small hoop of wood to wear on my head like a cap. On one-half of this hoop was marked the figure of a snake, whose office, as the chief told me, was to take care of the water."[538] The "small hoop of wood" of which Tanner speaks, to be worn on the head, seems to be analogous to the small hoop attached to the izze-kloth, to be worn or applied in cases of headache (Fig. 436). Reference to something very much like the izze-kloth is made by Harmon as in use among the Carriers of British North America. He says: "The lads, as soon as they come to the age of puberty, tie cords, wound with swan's-down, around each leg a little below the knee, which they wear during one year, and then they are considered as men."[539] Catlin speaks of "mystery-beads" in use among the Mandan.[540] "The negro suspends all about his person cords with most complicated knots."[541]

The female inhabitants of Alaska, Unalaska, and the Fox Islands were represented by the Russian explorers of 1768 (Captain Krenitzin) to "wear chequered strings around the arms and legs."[542] These cords bear a striking resemblance to the "wresting cords" of the peasantry of Europe. Some of the Australians preserve the hair of a dead man. "It is spun into a cord and fastened around the head of a warrior."[543] "A cord of opossum hair around the neck, the ends drooping down on the back and fastened to the belt," is one of the parts of the costume assumed by those attaining manhood in the initiation ceremonies of the Australians.[544] Again, on pages 72 and 74, he calls it "the belt of manhood." "The use of amulets was common among the Greeks and Romans, whose amulets were principally formed of gems, crowns of pearls, necklaces of coral, shells, etc."[545]

When I first saw the medicine cords of the Apache, it occurred to me that perhaps in some way they might be an inheritance from the Franciscans, who, two centuries ago, had endeavored to plant missions among the Apache, and did succeed in doing something for the Navajo part of the tribe. I therefore examined the most convenient authorities and learned that the cord of S. François, like the cord of St. Augustine and the cord of St. Monica, was itself a medicine cord, representing a descent from a condition of thought perfectly parallel to that which has given birth to the izze-kloth. Thus Picart tells us: "On appelle Cordon de S. François la grosse corde qui sert de ceinture aux Religieux qui vivent sous la Regle de ce Saint.... Cette corde ceint le corps du Moine, & pend à peu prés jusqu'aux pieds. Elle lui sert de discipline, & pour cet effet, elle est armée de distance en distance de fort gros nœuds.... La Corde de S. François a souvent gueri les malades, facilité les accouchemens, fortifié la santé, procuré lignée & fait une infinité d'autres miracles édifians."[546] This author says of the girdle of St. Augustine "Elle est de cuir," and adds that the Augustinians have a book which treats of the origin of their order, in which occur these words: "Il est probable que nos premiers Peres, qui vivoient sous la Loi de nature, étant habillés de peau devoient porter une Ceinture de même étoffe."[547] This last assumption is perfectly plausible. For my part it has always seemed to me that monasticism is of very ancient origin, antedating Christianity and representing the most conservative element in the religious part of human nature. It clings obstinately to primitive ideas with which would naturally be associated primitive costume. The girdle of St. Monica had five knots. "The monks [of the Levant] use a girdle with twelve knots, to shew that they are followers of the twelve apostles."[548] Among the "sovereign remedies for the headache" is mentioned "the belt of St. Guthlac."[549] Buckle refers to the fact that English women in labor wore "blessed girdles." He thinks that they may have been Thomas Aquinas's girdles.[550]

And good Saynt Frances gyrdle, With the hamlet of a hyrdle, Are wholsom for the pyppe.[551]

Some older charms are to be found in Bale's Interlude concerning the Laws of Nature, Moses, and Christ, 4to, 1562. Idolatry says:

For lampes and for bottes Take me Saynt Wilfride's knottes.[552]

The "girdle of St. Bridget," mentioned by Mooney[553] and by other writers, through which the sick were passed by their friends, was simply a "survival" of the "Cunni Diaboli" still to be found in the East Indies. This "girdle of St. Bridget" was made of straw and in the form of a collar.

The custom prevailing in Catholic countries of being buried in the habits of the monastic orders, of which we know that the cord was a prominent feature, especially in those of St. Francis or St. Dominick, is alluded to by Brand.[554] This custom seems to have been founded upon a prior superstitious use of magical cords which were, till a comparatively recent period, buried with the dead. The Roman Catholic church anathematized those "qui s'imaginent faire plaisir aux morts ou leur mettant entre les mains, ou en jettant sur leurs fosses, ou dans leurs tombeaux de petites cordes nouées de plusieurs nœuds, & d'autres semblables, ce qui est expressement condamné par le Synode de Ferrare en 1612."[555] Evidently the desire was to be buried with cords or amulets which in life they dared not wear.

We may infer that cords and other articles of monastic raiment can be traced back to a most remote ancestry by reading the views of Godfrey Higgins, in Anacalypsis, to the effect that there was a tradition maintained among the Carmelites that their order had been established by the prophet Elisha and that Jesus Christ himself had been one of its members. Massingberd, speaking of the first arrival of the Carmelites in England (about A. D. 1215), says: "They professed to be newly arrived in Italy, driven out by the Saracens from the Holy Land, where they had remained on Mount Carmel from the time of Elisha the prophet. They assert that 'the sons of the prophets' had continued on Mount Carmel as a poor brotherhood till the time of Christ, soon after which they were miraculously converted, and that the Virgin Mary joined their order and gave them a precious vestment called a scapular."[556]

ANALOGUES TO BE FOUND AMONG THE AZTECS, PERUVIANS, AND OTHERS.

According to the different authorities cited below, it will be seen that the Aztec priests were in the habit of consulting Fate by casting upon the ground a handful of cords tied together; if the cords remained bunched together, the sign was that the patient was to die, but if they stretched out, then it was apparent that the patient was soon to stretch out his legs and recover. Mendieta says: "Tenian unos cordeles, hecho de ellos un manojo como llavero donde las mujeres traen colgadas las llaves, lanzábanlos en el suelo, y si quedaban revueltos, decian que era señal de muerte. Y si alguno ó algunos salian extendidos, teníanlo por señal de vida, diciendo: que ya comenzaba el enfermo á extender los piés y las manos."[557] Diego Duran speaks of the Mexican priests casting lots with knotted cords, "con nudillos de hilo echaban suertes."[558] When the army of Cortes advanced into the interior of Mexico, his soldiers found a forest of pine in which the trees were interlaced with certain cords and papers which the wizards had placed there, telling the Tlascaltecs that they would restrain the advance of the strangers and deprive them of all strength:

Hallaron un Pinar mui espeso, lleno de hilos i papeles, que enredaban los Arboles, i atravesaban el camino, de que mucho se rieron los Castellanos; i dixeron graciosos donaires, quando luego supieron que los Hechiceros havian dado à entender à los Tlascaltecas que con aquellos hilos, i papeles havian de tener à los Castellanos, i quitarles sus fuerças.[559]

Padre Sahagun speaks of the Aztec priests who cast lots with little cords knotted together: "Que hechan suertes con unas cordezuelas que atan unas con otros que llaman Mecatlapouhque."[560] Some such method of divining by casting cords must have existed among the Lettons, as we are informed by Grimm.[561] "Among the Lettons, the bride on her way to church, must throw a bunch of colored threads and a coin into every ditch and pond she sees."[562]

In the religious ceremonies of the Peruvians vague mention is made of "a very long cable," "woven in four colours, black, white, red, and yellow."[563] The Inca wore a "llautu." "This was a red fringe in the fashion of a border, which he wore across his forehead from one temple to the other. The prince, who was heir apparent, wore a yellow fringe, which was smaller than that of his father."[564] In another place, Garcilaso says: "It was of many colours, about a finger in width and a little less in thickness. They twisted this fringe three or four times around the head and let it hang after the manner of a garland."[565] "The Ynca made them believe that they were granted by order of the Sun, according to the merits of each tribe, and for this reason they valued them exceedingly."[566] The investiture was attended with imposing ceremonies. "When the Grounds of the Sun were to be tilled [by the Peruvians], the principal men went about the task wearing white cords stretched across the shoulders after the manner of ministers of the altar"[567] is the vague description to be gathered from Herrera.

Knotted cords were in use among the Carib; "ce qui revient aux Quippos des Péruviens."[568] The accompanying citation from Montfaucon would seem to show that among the Romans were to be found sacred baldrics in use by the war priests; such baldrics are to be seen also among the American aborigines, and correspond very closely to the medicine cords. Montfaucon describes the Saliens, who among the Romans were the priests of Mars, the god of war; these priests in the month of March had a festival which was probably nothing but a war dance, as that month would be most favorable in that climate for getting ready to attack their neighbors and enemies. He says that these Saliens "sont vêtus de robes de diverses couleurs, ceints de baudriers d'airain." These would seem to have been a sort of medicine cord with plates of brass affixed which would rattle when shaken by the dancer.[569]

Captain Cook found that the men of the tribes seen in Australia wore "bracelets of small cord, wound two or three times about the upper part of their arm."[570]

"Whilst their [the Congo natives'] children are young, these people bind them about with certain superstitious cords made by the wizards, who, likewise, teach them to utter a kind of spell while they are binding them."[571] Father Merolla adds that sometimes as many as four of these cords are worn.

Bosman remarks upon the negroes of the Gold Coast as follows: "The child is no sooner born than the priest (here called Feticheer or Consoe) is sent for, who binds a parcel of ropes and coral and other trash about the head, body, arms, and legs of the infant; after which he exorcises, according to their accustomed manner, by which they believe it is armed against all sickness and ill accidents."[572]

In the picture of a native of Uzinza, Speke shows us a man wearing a cord from the right shoulder to the left hip.[573]

In the picture of Lunga Mândi's son, in Cameron's Across Africa,[574] that young chief is represented as wearing a cord across his body from his right shoulder to the left side.

On the Lower Congo, at Stanley Pool, Stanley met a young chief: "From his shoulders depended a long cloth of check pattern, while over one shoulder was a belt, to which was attached a queer medley of small gourds containing snuff and various charms, which he called his Inkisi."[575] This no doubt was a medicine cord. "According to the custom, which seems to belong to all Africa, as a sign of grief the Dinka wear a cord round the neck."[576] "The Mateb, or baptismal cord, is _de rigueur_, and worn when nothing else is. It formed the only clothing of the young at Seramba, but was frequently added to with amulets, sure safeguards against sorcery."[577] The Abyssinian Christians wear a blue cord as a sign of having been baptized, and "baptism and the blue cord are, in the Abyssinian mind, inseparable."[578] "The cord,[579] or mateb, without which nobody can be really said in Abyssinia to be respectable."[580] It further resembles the Apache medicine cord, inasmuch as it is "a blue cord around the neck."[581] The baptismal cords are made of "blue floss silk."[582]

THE MAGIC WIND KNOTTED CORDS OF THE LAPPS AND OTHERS.

"The navigators of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have related many wonderful stories about the magic of the _Finns_ or _Finno Lappes_, who sold wind contained in a cord with three knots. If the first were untied, the wind became favourable, if the second, still more so, but, if the third were loosed, a tempest was the inevitable consequence."[583] The selling of wind knots was ascribed not only to the Lapps and Finns, but to the inhabitants of Greenland also.[584] "The northern shipmasters are such dupes to the delusions of these impostors that they often purchase of them a magic cord which contains a number of knots, by opening of which, according to the magician's directions, they expect to gain any wind they want."[585] "They [Lapland witches] further confessed, that while they fastened three knots on a linen towel in the name of the devil, and had spit on them, &c., they called the name of him they doomed to destruction." They also claimed that, "by some fatal contrivance they could bring on men disorders," ... as "by spitting three times on a knife and anointing the victims with that spittle."[586]

Scheffer describes the Laplanders as having a cord tied with knots for the raising of the wind; Brand says the same of the Finlanders, of Norway, of the priestesses of the island of Sena, on the coast of Gaul, in the time of the Emperor Claudius, the "witches" of the Isle of Man, etc.[587]

Macbeth, speaking to the witches, says:

Though you untie the winds, and let them fight Against the churches; though the yesty waves Confound and swallow navigation up.[588]

ROSARIES AND OTHER MNEMONIC CORDS.

The rosary being confessedly an aid to memory, it will be proper to include it in a chapter descriptive of the different forms of mnemonic cords which have been noticed in various parts of the world. The use of the rosary is not confined to Roman Catholics; it is in service among Mahometans, Tibetans, and Persians.[589] Picart mentions "chaplets" among the Chinese and Japanese which very strongly suggest the izze-kloth.[590]

Father Grébillon, in his account of Tartary, alludes several times to the importance attached by the Chinese and Tartars to the privilege of being allowed to touch the "string of beads" worn by certain Lamas met on the journey, which corresponds very closely to the rosaries of the Roman Catholics.[591]

"Mr. Astle informs us that the first Chinese letters were knots on cords."[592]

Speaking of the ancient Japanese, the Chinese chronicles relate: "They have no writing, but merely cut certain marks upon wood and make knots in cord."[593] In the very earliest myths of the Chinese we read of "knotted cords, which they used instead of characters, and to instruct their children."[594] Malte-Brun calls attention to the fact that "the hieroglyphics and little cords in use amongst the ancient Chinese recall in a striking manner the figured writing of the Mexicans and the Quipos of Peru."[595] "Each combination [of the quipu] had, however, a fixed ideographic value in a certain branch of knowledge, and thus the _quipu_ differed essentially from the Catholic rosary, the Jewish phylactery, or the knotted strings of the natives of North America and Siberia, to all of which it has at times been compared."[596]

E. B. Tylor differs in opinion from Brinton. According to Tylor, "the quipu is a near relation of the rosary and the wampum-string."[597]

The use of knotted cords by natives of the Caroline Islands, as a means of preserving a record of time, is noted by Kotzebue in several places. For instance: "Kadu kept his journal by moons, for which he made a knot in a string."[598]

During the years of my service with the late Maj. Gen. Crook in the Southwest, I was surprised to discover that the Apache scouts kept records of the time of their absence on campaign. There were several methods in vogue, the best being that of colored beads, which were strung on a string, six white ones to represent the days of the week and one black or other color to stand for Sundays. This method gave rise to some confusion, because the Indians had been told that there were four weeks, or Sundays ("Domingos"), in each "Luna," or moon, and yet they soon found that their own method of determining time by the appearance of the crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among the Zuñi I have seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days and months incised on the narrow edges, and among the Apache another method of indicating the flight of time by marking on a piece of paper along a horizontal line a number of circles or of straight lines across the horizontal datum line to represent the full days which had passed, a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent for the beginning of each month.

Farther to the south, in the Mexican state of Sonora, I was shown, some twenty years ago, a piece of buckskin, upon which certain Opata or Yaqui Indians--I forget exactly which tribe, but it matters very little, as they are both industrious and honest--had kept account of the days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line, as before, with complete circles to indicate full days and half circles to indicate half days, a long heavy black line for Sundays and holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. These accounts had to be drawn up by the overseer or superintendent of the rancho at which the Indians were employed before the latter left for home each night.

THE SACRED CORDS OF THE PARSIS AND BRAHMANS.

I have already apologized for my own ignorance in regard to the origin and symbolical signification of the izze-kloth of the Apache, and I have now to do the same thing for the writers who have referred to the use by the religious of India of the sacred cords with which, under various names, the young man of the Parsis or Brahmans is invested upon attaining the requisite age. No two accounts seem to agree and, as I have never been in India and cannot presume to decide where so many differ, it is best that I should lay before my readers the exact language of the authorities which seem to be entitled to greatest consideration.

"A sacred thread girdle (kûstîk), should it be made of silk, is not proper; the hair of a hairy goat and a hairy camel is proper, and from other hairy creatures it is proper among the lowly."[599]

Every Parsi wears "a triple coil" of a "white cotton girdle," which serves to remind him of the "three precepts of his morality--'good thoughts,' 'good words,' 'good deeds.'"[600]

Williams describes the sacred girdle of the Pārsīs as made "of seventy-two interwoven woollen threads, to denote the seventy-two chapters of the Yasna, but has the appearance of a long flat cord of pure white wool, which is wound round the body in three coils." The Pārsī must take off this kustī five times daily and replace it with appropriate prayers. It must be wound round the body three times and tied in two peculiar knots, the secret of which is known only to the Pārsīs.[601]

According to Picart, the "sudra," or sacred cord of the Pārsīs, has four knots, each of which represents a precept.[602]

Marco Polo, in speaking of the Brahmans of India, says: "They are known by a cotton thread, which they wear over the shoulders, tied under the arm, crossing the breast."[603]

Picart described the sacred cord of the Brahmans, which he calls the Dsandhem, as made in three colors, each color of nine threads of cotton, which only the Brahmans have the right to make. It is to be worn after the manner of a scarf from the left shoulder to the right side. It must be worn through life, and, as it will wear out, new ones are provided at a feast during the month of August.[604] The Brahman "about the age of seven or nine ... is invested with 'the triple cord,' and a badge which hangs from his left shoulder."[605]

The Upavita or sacred cord, wound round the shoulders of the Brahmans, is mentioned in the Hibbert Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion. "Primarily, the sacred cord was the distinguishing mark of caste among the Aryan inhabitants. It consisted for the Brahmans of three cotton threads; for the Kshatriyas or warriors of three hempen threads; and for the Vaisyas or artisans and tradesmen of woollen threads."[606]

"All coiling roots and fantastic shrubs represent the serpent and are recognized as such all over India. In Bengal we find at the present day the fantastically growing Euphorbia antiquorum regularly worshipped, as the representative of the serpent god. The sacred thread, worn alike by Hindoo and Zoroastrian, is the symbol of that old faith; the Brahman twines it round his body and occasionally around the neck of the sacred bull, the Lingam, and its altar.... With the orthodox, the serpent thread should reach down to its closely allied faith, although this Ophite thread idea is now no more known to Hindoos than the origin of arks, altars, candles, spires, and our church fleur-de-lis to Jews and Christians."[607]

General Forlong alludes to the thigh as the symbol of phallic worship. "The serpent on head denoted Holiness, Wisdom, and Power, as it does when placed on gods and great ones of the East still; but the Hindoo and Zoroastrian very early adopted a symbolic thread instead of the ophite deity, and the throwing of this over the head is also a very sacred rite, which consecrates the man-child to his God; this I should perhaps have earlier described, and will do so now. The adoption of the Poita or sacred thread, called also the _Zenar_, and from the most ancient pre-historic times by these two great Bactro-Aryan families, points to a period when both had the same faith, and that faith the Serpent. The Investiture is the Confirmation or second birth of the Hindoo boy; until which he can not, of course, be married. After the worship of the heavenly stone--the Sāligrāma, the youth or child takes a branch of the Vilwa tree in his right hand, and a mystic cloth-bag in the left, when a Poita is formed of three fibres of the Sooroo tree (for the first cord must always be made of the _genuine living fibres_ of an orthodox tree), and this is hung to the boy's left shoulder; he then raises the Vilwa branch over his right shoulder, and so stands for some time, _a complete figure_ of the old faiths in Tree and Serpent, until the priest offers up various prayers and incantations to Soorya, Savitri or Sot, the Eternal God. The Sooroo-Poita is then removed as not durable enough, and the permanent thread is put over the neck. It also is formed of three threads, each 96 cubits or 48 yards long, folded and twisted together until only so long that, when thrown over the left shoulder, it extends half-way down the right thigh, or a little less; for the object appears to be to unite the Caput, Sol, or Seat of intellect with that of passion, and so form a perfect man."[608]

All Parsis wear the sacred thread of serpent and phallic extraction, and the investiture of this is a solemn and essential rite with both sects [i.e., the Hindus and Parsis], showing their joint Aryan origin in high Asia, for the thread is of the very highest antiquity. The Parsi does not, however, wear his thread across the shoulder, and knows nothing of the all-but-forgotten origin of its required length. He wears it next to his skin, tied carefully round the waist, and used to tie it round his right arm, as is still the custom with some classes of Brahmins who have lost purity of caste by intermarriage with lower classes.[609]

At the baptism or investiture of the thread, which takes the place of the Christian confirmation ceremony, but between the ages of 7 and 9, Fire and Water are the great sanctifying elements, and are the _essentials_. The fire is kindled from the droppings of the sacred cow, then sprinkled over with holy water and blessed; and when so consecrated by the priest it is called "Holy Fire."[610]

"The _Brahmans_, the _Rajas_, and the _Merchants_, distinguish themselves from the various casts of Sudras by a narrow belt of thread, which they always wear suspended from the left shoulder to the opposite haunch like a sash."[611] But, as Dubois speaks of the division of all the tribes into "Right-hand and Left-hand," a distinction which Coleman[612] explains as consisting in doing exactly contrariwise of each other, it is not a very violent assumption to imagine that both the present and a former method of wearing the izze-kloth, akin to that now followed by the Apache, may once have obtained in India. The sectaries of the two Hands are bitterly antagonistic and often indulge in fierce quarrels, ending in bloodshed.[613]

"All the Brahmans wear a Cord over the shoulder, consisting of three black twists of cotton, each of them formed of several smaller threads.... The three threads are not twisted together, but separate from one another, and hang from the left shoulder to the right haunch. When a Brahman marries, he mounts nine threads instead of three." Children were invested with these sacred cords at the age of from 7 to 9. The cords had to be made and put on with much ceremony, and only Brahmans could make them. According to Dubois, the material was cotton; he does not allude to buckskin.[614]

Coleman[615] gives a detailed description of the manner in which the sacred thread of the Brahmans is made:

The sacred thread must be made by a Brahman. It consists of three strings, each ninety-six hands (forty-eight yards), which are twisted together: it is then folded into three and again twisted; these are a second time folded into the same number and tied at each end in knots. It is worn over the left shoulder (next the skin, extending half way down the right thigh), by the Brahmans, Ketries and Vaisya castes. The first are usually invested with it at eight years of age, the second at eleven, and the Vaisya at twelve.... The Hindus of the Sutra caste do not receive the poita.

The ceremony of investiture comprehends prayer, sacrifice, fasting, etc., and the wearing of a preliminary poita "of three threads, made of the fibers of the _suru_, to which a piece of deer's skin is fastened."[616] This piece of buckskin was added no doubt in order to let the neophyte know that once buckskin formed an important part of the garment. The Brahmans use three cords, while the Apache employ four; on this subject we shall have more to learn when we take up the subject of numbers.

Maurice says that the "sacred cord of India," which he calls the zennar, is "a cord of three threads in memory and honor of the three great deities of Hindostan."[617] It "can be woven by no profane hand; the Brahmin alone can twine the hallowed threads that compose it and it is done by him with the utmost solemnity, and with the addition of many mystic rites."[618] It corresponds closely to the izze-kloth; the Apache do not want people to touch these cords. The zennar "being put upon the left shoulder passes to the right side and hangs down as low as the fingers can reach."[619] The izze-kloth of the Apache, when possible, is made of twisted antelope skin; they have no cord of hemp; but when the zennar is "put on for the first time, it is accompanied with a piece of the skin of an antelope, three fingers in breadth, but shorter than the zennar."[620]

On p. 128 of Vining's An Inglorious Columbus, there is a figure of worshipers offering gifts to Buddha; from Buddha's left shoulder to his right hip there passes what appears to be a cord, much like the izze-kloth of the Apache.

Examples of the use of such cords are to be found elsewhere.

In the conjuration of one of the shamans, "They took a small line made of deers' skins of four fathoms long, and with a small knot the priest made it fast about his neck and under his left arm, and gave it unto two men standing on both sides of him, which held the ends together."[621] It is difficult to say whether this was a cord used on the present occasion only or worn constantly by the shaman. In either case the cord was "medicine."

Hagennaar relates that he "saw men wearing ropes with knots in them, flung over their shoulders, whose eyes turned round in their heads, and who were called Jammaboos, signifying as much as conjurors or exorcists."[622]

The Mahometans believe that at the day of judgment Jesus Christ and Mahomet are to meet outside of Jerusalem holding a tightly-stretched cord between them upon which all souls must walk. This may or may not preserve a trace of a former use of such a cord in their "medicine," but it is well to refer to it.[623]

The sacred thread and garment which were worn by all the perfect among the Cathari, and the use of which by both Zends and Brahmans shows that its origin is to be traced back to a pre-historic period.[624]

"No religious rite can be performed by a (child) before he has been girt with the sacred girdle, since he is on a level with a Sûdra before his (new) birth from the Veda."[625]

In explaining the rules of external purification--that is, purification in which water is the medium--Baudhâyana says:[626]

The sacrificial thread (shall be made) of Kusa grass, or cotton, (and consist) of thrice three strings.

(It shall hang down) to the navel.

(In putting it on) he shall raise the right arm, lower the left, and lower the head.

The contrary (is done at sacrifices) to the manes.

(If the thread is) suspended around the neck (it is called) nivita.

(If it is) suspended below (the navel, it is called) adhopavita.

A former use of sacred cords would seem to be suggested in the constant appearance of the belief in the mystical properties and the power for good or evil of the knots which constitute the characteristic appendage of these cords. This belief has been confined to no race or people; it springs up in the literature of the whole world and survives with a pertinacity which is remarkable among the peasantry of Europe and among many in both America and Europe who would not hesitate to express resentment were they to be included among the illiterate.

The powers of these knots were recognized especially in strengthening or defeating love, as aiding women in labor, and in other ways which prove them to be cousins-german to the magic knots with which the medicine-men of the Lapps and other nations along the shores of the Baltic were supposed to be able to raise or allay the tempest. "One of the torments with which witchcraft worried men was the Knot by which a man was withheld so that he could not work his will with a woman. It was called in the Latin of the times Nodus and Obligamentum, and appears in the glossaries, translated by the Saxons into lyb, drug." "To make a 'ligatura' is pronounced 'detestable' by Theodoras, Archbishop of Canterbury, in 668. The knot is still known in France, and Nouer l'aiguillette is a resort of ill-will." Then is given the adventure of Hrut, prince of Iceland, and his bride Gunnhilld, princess of Norway, by whom a "knot" was duly tied to preserve his fidelity during his absence.[627] "Traces of this philosophy are to be found elsewhere," (references are given from Pliny and Galens in regard to "nod").[628] "A knot among the ancient northern nations seems to have been the symbol of love, faith, and friendship, pointing out the indissoluble tie of affection and duty. Thus the ancient Runic inscriptions, as we gather from Hickes's Thesaurus, are in the form of a knot. Hence, among the northern English and Scots, who still retain, in a great measure, the language and manners of the ancient Danes, that curious kind of a knot, a mutual present between the lover and his mistress, which, being considered as the emblem of plighted fidelity, is therefore called a true-love knot: a name which is not derived, as one would naturally suppose it to be, from the words 'true' and 'love,' but formed from the Danish verb _Trulofa, fidem do_, I plight my troth, or faith.... Hence, evidently, the bride favors or the top-knots at marriages, which have been considered as emblems of the ties of duty and affection between the bride and her spouse, have been derived."[629]

Sir Thomas Browne, in his Vulgar Errors,[630] says "the true-lover's knot is much magnified, and still retained in presents of love among us; which, though in all points it doth not make out, had, perhaps, its original from Nodus Herculanus, or that which was called Hercules, his knot resembling the snaky complications in the caduceus or rod of Hermes and in which form the zone or woolen girdle of the bride was fastened, as Turnebus observes in his Adversaria." Brand shows[631] that the true-lover's knot had to be tied three times. Another species of knot divination is given in the Connoisseur, No. 56: "Whenever I go to lye in a strange bed, I always tye my garter nine times round the bed-post, and knit nine knots in it, and say to myself: 'this knot I knit, this knot I tye, to see my love as he goes by,' etc. There was also a suggestion of color symbolism in the true-lover's knot, blue being generally accepted as the most appropriate tint. I find among the illiterate Mexican population of the lower Rio Grande a firm belief in the power possessed by a lock of hair tied into knots to retain a maiden's affections.

"I find it stated that headache may be alleviated by tying a woman's fillet round the head.[632] To arrest incontinence of urine, the extremities of the generative organs should be tied with a thread of linen or papyrus, and a binding passed round the middle of the thigh.[633] It is quite surprising how much more speedily wounds will heal if they are bound up and tied with a Hercules' knot; indeed, it is said that if the girdle which we wear every day is tied with a knot of this description, it will be productive of certain beneficial effects, Hercules having been the first to discover the fact."[634] "Healing girdles were already known to Marcellus."[635]

"In our times 'tis a common thing, saith Erastus in his book _de Lamiis_, for witches to take upon them the making of these philters, to force men and women to love and hate whom they will; to cause tempests, diseases, &c., by charms, spels, characters, knots."[636]

Burton[637] alludes to the "inchanted girdle of Venus, in which, saith Natales Comes, ... all witchcraft to enforce love was contained."

The first general council of Milan, in 1565, prohibited the use of what were called phylacteries, ligatures, and reliquaries (of heathen origin) which people all over Europe were in the habit of wearing at neck or on arms or knees.[638]

"King James[639] enumerates thus: 'Such kinde of charmes as ... staying married folkes to have naturally adoe with each other, by knitting so many knots upon a point at the time of their marriage.'"[640]

"Tying the point was another fascination, illustrations of which may be found in Reginald Scott's Discourse Concerning Devils and Spirits, p. 71; in the Fifteen Comforts of Marriage, p. 225; and in the British Apollo, vol. 2, No. 35, 1709. In the old play of The Witch of Edmonton, 1658, Young Banks says, 'Ungirt, unbless'd, says the proverb.'"[641]

Frommann speaks of the frequent appearance of knots in witchcraft, but, beyond alluding to the "Nodus Cassioticus" of a certain people near Pelusia, who seem, like the Laplanders, to have made a business of fabricating and selling magic knots, he adds nothing to our stock of information on the subject. He seems to regard the knot of Hercules and the Gordian knot as magical knots.[642]

Bogle mentions the adoration of the Grand Lama (Teshu Lama). The Lama's servants "put a bit of silk with a knot upon it, tied, or supposed to be tied, with the Lama's own hands, about the necks of the votaries."[643]

A girdle of Venus, "possessing qualities not to be described," was enumerated among the articles exhibited at a rustic wedding in England.[644]

In 1519, Torralva, the Spanish magician, was given by his guardian spirit, Zequiel, a "stick full of knots," with the injunction, "shut your eyes and fear nothing; take this in your hand, and no harm will happen to you."[645] Here the idea evidently was that the power resided in the knots.

"Immediately before the celebration of the marriage ceremony [in Perthshire, Scotland] every knot about the bride and bridegroom (garters, shoe-strings, strings of petticoats, &c.), is carefully loosened."[646]

"The precaution of loosening every knot about the new-joined pair is strictly observed [in Scotland], for fear of the penalty denounced in the former volumes. It must be remarked that the custom, is observed even in France, _nouer l'aiguillette_ being a common phrase for disappointments of this nature."[647]

In some parts of Germany "a bride will tie a string of flax around her left leg, in the belief that she will thereby enjoy the full blessing of the married state."[648]

"There was formerly a custom in the north of England, which will be thought to have bordered very closely upon indecency ... for the young men present at a wedding to strive, immediately after the ceremony, who could first pluck off the bride's garters from her legs. This was done before the very altar ... I have sometimes thought this a fragment of the ancient ceremony of loosening the virgin zone, or girdle, a custom that needs no explanation." "It is the custom in Normandy for the bride to bestow her garter on some young man as a favour, or sometimes it is taken from her ... I am of opinion that the origin of the Order of the Garter is to be traced to this nuptial custom, anciently common to both court and country."[649]

Grimm quotes from Hincmar of Rheims to show the antiquity of the use for both good and bad purposes of "ligatures," "cum filulis colorum multiplicium."[650]

To undo the effects of a "ligature," the following was in high repute: "Si quem voles per noctem cum fœmina coire non posse, pistillum coronatum sub lecto illius pone."[651] But a pestle crowned with flowers could be nothing more or less than a phallus, and, therefore, an offering to the god Priapus.

"Owing to a supposed connection which the witches knew between the relations of husband and wife and the mysterious knots, the bridegroom, formerly in Scotland and to the present day in Ireland, presents himself occasionally, and in rural districts, before the clergyman, with all knots and fastenings on his dress loosened, and the bride, immediately after the ceremony is performed, retires to be undressed, and so rid of her knots."[652]

USE OF CORDS AND KNOTS AND GIRDLES IN PARTURITION.

Folk medicine in all regions is still relying upon the potency of mystical cords and girdles to facilitate labor. The following are a few of the many examples which might be presented:

Delivery was facilitated if the man by whom the woman has conceived unties his girdle, and, after tying it round her, unties it, saying: "I have tied it and I will untie it," and then takes his departure.[653]

"Henry, in his History of Britain, vol. 1, p. 459, tells us that 'amongst the ancient Britons, when a birth was attended with any difficulty, they put certain girdles made for that purpose about the women in labour which they imagined gave immediate and effectual relief. Such girdles were kept with care till very lately in many families in the Highlands of Scotland. They were impressed with several mystical figures; and the ceremony of binding them about the woman's waist was accompanied with words and gestures, which showed the custom to have been of great antiquity, and to have come originally from the Druids.'"[654]

"But my girdle shall serve as a riding _knit_, and a fig for all the witches in Christendom."[655] The use of girdles in labor must be ancient.

"Ut mulier concipiat, homo vir si solvat semicinctum suum et eam præcingat."[656] "Certum est quod partum mirabiliter facilirent, siveinstar cinguli circumdentur corpori." These girdles were believed to aid labor and cure dropsy and urinary troubles.[657]

"The following customs of childbirth are noticed in the Traité des Superstitions of M. Thiers, vol. 1, p. 320: 'Lors qu'une femme est preste d'accoucher, prendre _sa ceinture_, aller à l'Eglise, _lier la cloche avec cette ceinture_ et la faire sonner trois coups afin que cette femme accouche heureusement. Martin de Arles, Archidiacre de Pampelonne (Tract. de Superstition) asseure que cette superstition est fort en usage dans tout son pays.'"[658]

In the next two examples there is to be found corroboration of the views advanced by Forlong that these cords (granting that the principle upon which they all rest is the same) had originally some relation to ophic rites. Brand adds from Levinus Lemnius: "Let the woman that travels with her child (is in her labour) be girded with the skin that a serpent or a snake casts off, and then she will quickly be delivered."[659] A serpent's skin was tied as a belt about a woman in childbirth. "Inde puerperæ circa collum aut corporem apposito, victoriam in puerperii conflictu habuerunt, citissimeque liberatæ fuerunt."[660]

The following examples, illustrative of the foregoing, are taken from Flemming: The skins of human corpses were drawn off, preferably by cobblers, tanned, and made into girdles, called "Cingula" or Chirothecæ, which were bound on the left thigh of a woman in labor to expedite delivery. The efficacy of these was highly extolled, although some writers recommended a recourse to tiger's skin for the purposes indicated. This "caro humano" was euphemistically styled "mummy" or "mumia" by Von Helmont and others of the early pharmacists, when treating of it as an internal medicament.

There was a "Cingulum ex corio humano" bound round patients during epileptic attacks, convulsions, childbirth, etc., and another kind of belt described as "ex cute humana conficiunt," and used in contraction of the nerves and rheumatism of the joints,[661] also bound round the body in cramp.[662]

"The _girdle_ was an essential article of dress, and early ages ascribe to it other magic influences: e.g., Thôr's divine strength lay in his girdle."[663] In speaking of the belief in lycanthropy he says: "The common belief among us is that the transformation is effected by _tying a strap round the body_; this girth is only three fingers broad, and is cut out of human skin."[664] Scrofulous tumors were cured by tying them with a linen thread which had choked a viper to death.[665] "Filum rubrum seraceum [silk] cum quo strangulata fuit vipera si circumdatur collo angina laborantes, eundem curare dicitur propter idem strangulationis et suffocationis."[666]

"Quidam commendant tanquam specificum, ad Anginam filum purpureum cum quo strangulata fuit vipera, si collo circumdetur."[667]

"MEDIDAS," "MEASURING CORDS," "WRESTING THREADS," ETC.

Black says:[668] "On the banks of the Ale and the Teviot the women have still a custom of wearing round their necks blue woollen threads or cords till they wean their children, doing this for the purpose of averting ephemeral fevers. These cords are handed down from mother to daughter, and esteemed in proportion to their antiquity. Probably these cords had originally received some blessing."

Black's surmise is well founded. These cords were, no doubt, the same as the "medidas" or measurements of the holy images of Spain and other parts of Continental Europe. "The ribands or serpent symbols [of Our Lady of Montserrat] are of silk, and exactly the span of the Virgin's head, and on them is printed '_medida de la cabeza de Nuestra Señora Maria Santísima de Montserrat_,' i.e., exact head measurement of Our Lady of Montserrat."[669]

These same "medidas" may be found in full vogue in the outlying districts of Mexico to-day. Twenty years ago I saw them at the "funcion" of San Francisco, in the little town of Magdalena, in Sonora. I watched carefully to see exactly what the women did and observed that the statue of St. Francis (which, for greater convenience, was exposed outside of the church, where the devout could reach it without disturbing the congregation within) was measured from head to foot with pieces of ribbon, which were then wrapped up and packed away. In reply to my queries, I learned that the "medida" of the head was a specific for headache, that of the waist for all troubles in the abdominal region, those of the legs, arms, and other parts for the ailments peculiar to each of them respectively. This was in a community almost, if not absolutely, Roman Catholic; but in the thoroughly Protestant neighborhood of Carlisle, Pa., the same superstition exists in full vigor, as I know personally. Three years ago my second child was suffering from the troubles incident to retarded dentition and had to be taken to the mountains at Holly Springs, within sight of Carlisle. I was begged and implored by the women living in the place to have the child taken to "a wise woman" to be "measured," and was assured that some of the most intelligent people in that part of the country were firm believers in the superstition. When I declined to lend countenance to such nonsense I was looked upon as a brutal and unnatural parent, caring little for the welfare of his offspring.

"In John Bale's Comedye concernynge thre Lawes, 1538 ... Hypocrysy is introduced, mentioning the following charms against barrenness:

And as for Lyons, there is the length of our Lorde In a great pyller. She that will with a coorde Be fast bound to it, and _take soche chaunce as fall_ Shall sure have chylde, for within it is hollowe all."[670]

When a person in Shetland has received a sprain "it is customary to apply to an individual practiced in casting the 'wrested thread.' This is a thread spun from black wool, on which are cast nine knots, and tied round a sprained leg or arm." It is applied by the medicine-man with the usual amount of gibberish and incantation.[671] These "wresting or wrested threads" are also to be found among Germans, Norwegians, Swedes, and Flemings.[672]

Grimm quotes from Chambers's Fireside Stories, Edinburgh, 1842, p. 37: "During the time the operator is putting the thread round the afflicted limb he says, but _in such a tone of voice as not to be heard by the bystanders_, nor even by the person operated upon: "The _Lord_ rade, and the foal slade; he lighted, and he righted, set joint to joint, bone to bone, and sinew to sinew. Heal in the Holy Ghost's name!"[673]

"Eily McGarvey, a Donegal wise woman, employs a green thread in her work. She measures her patient three times round the waist with a ribbon, to the outer edge of which is fastened a green thread.... She next hands the patient nine leaves of 'heart fever grass,' or dandelion, gathered by herself, directing him to eat three leaves on successive mornings."[674]

Miss Edna Dean Proctor, the poet, told me, June 9, 1887, that some years ago, while visiting relations in Illinois, she met a woman who, having been ill for a long time, had despaired of recovery, and in hope of amelioration had consulted a man pretending to occult powers, who prescribed that she wear next the skin a certain knotted red cord which he gave her.

On a previous page the views of Forlong have been presented, showing that there were reasons for believing that the sacred cords of the East Indies could be traced back to an ophic origin, and it has also been shown that, until the present day, among the peasantry of Europe, there has obtained the practice of making girdles of snake skin which have been employed for the cure of disease and as an assistance in childbirth. The snake itself, while still alive, as has been shown, is applied to the person of the patient by the medicine-men of the American Indians.

In connection with the remarks taken from Forlong's Rivers of Life on this subject, I should like to call attention to the fact that the long knotted blacksnake whip of the wagoners of Europe and America, which, when not in use, is worn across the body from shoulder to hip, has been identified as related to snake worship.

There is another view to take of the origin of these sacred cords which it is fair to submit before passing final judgment. The izze-kloth may have been in early times a cord for tying captives who were taken in war, and as these captives were offered up in sacrifice to the gods of war and others they were looked upon as sacred, and all used in connection with them would gradually take on a sacred character. The same kind of cords seem to have been used in the chase. This would explain a great deal of the superstition connected with the whole subject of "hangman's rope" bringing luck, curing disease, and averting trouble of all sorts, a superstition more widely disseminated and going back to more ancient times than most people would imagine. One of the tribes of New Granada, "quando iban à la Guerra llevaban Cordeles para atar à los Presos."[675] This recalls that the Apache themselves used to throw lariats from ambush upon travelers, and that the Thugs who served the goddess Bhowani, in India, strangled with cords, afterwards with handkerchiefs. The Spaniards in Peru, under Jorge Robledo, going toward the Rio Magdalena, in 1542, found a large body of savages "que llevaban Cordeles, para atar à los Castellanos, i sus Pedernales, para despedaçarlos, i Ollas para cocerlos."[676] The Australians carried to war a cord, called "Nerum," about 2 feet 6 inches long, made of kangaroo hair, used for strangling an enemy.[677]

The easiest method of taking the hyena "is for the hunter to tie his girdle with seven knots, and to make as many knots in the whip with which he guides his horse."[678] Maj. W. Cornwallis Harris[679] describes a search made for a lost camel. A man was detailed to search for the animal and provided with the following charm to aid him in his search: "The rope with which the legs of the lost animal had been fettered was rolled betwixt his (the Ras el Káfilah's) hands, and sundry cabalistic words having been muttered whilst the Devil was dislodged by the process of spitting upon the cord at the termination of each spell, it was finally delivered over to the Dankáli about to be sent on the quest." Stanley describes the "lords of the cord" at the court of Mtesa, king of Uganda, but they seem to be provost officers and executioners merely.[680] "In cases of quartan fever they take a fragment of a nail from a cross, or else a piece of a halter that has been used for crucifixion, and after wrapping it in wool, attach it to the patient's neck, taking care, the moment he has recovered, to conceal it in some hole to which the light of the sun can not penetrate."[681] There is a widespread and deeply rooted belief that a rope which has hanged a man, either as a felon or suicide, possesses talismanic powers.[682] Jean Baptiste Thiers[683] says: "Il y a des gens assez fous pour s'imaginer qu'ils seront heureux au jeu ... pourvu qu'ils ayent sur eux un morceau de corde de pendu." Brand says: "I remember once to have seen, at Newcastle upon Tyne, after a person executed had been cut down, men climb upon the gallows and contend for that part of the rope which remained, and which they wished to preserve for some lucky purpose or other. I have lately made the important discovery that it is reckoned a cure for the headache."[684] "A halter with which one had been hanged was regarded within recent times in England as a cure for headache if tied round the head."[685]

In the long list of articles employed by the ancients for the purpose of developing affection or hatred between persons of opposite sex, Burton mentions "funis strangulati hominis."[686] "A remarkable superstition still prevails among the lowest of our vulgar, that a man may lawfully sell his wife to another, provided he deliver her over with a halter about her neck. It is painful to observe that instances of this frequently occur in our newspapers."[687] While discussing this branch of the subject, it might be well to peruse what has already been inserted under the head of the uses to which were put the threads which had strangled vipers and other serpents.

UNCLASSIFIED SUPERSTITIONS UPON THIS SUBJECT.

In conclusion, I wish to present some of the instances occurring in my studies which apparently have a claim to be included in a treatise upon the subject of sacred cords and knots. These examples are presented without comment, as they are, to all intents and purposes, "survivals," which have long ago lost their true significance. Attention is invited to the fact that the very same use seems to be made by the Irish of hair cords as we have already seen has been made by the Australians.

The Jewish garment with knots at the corners would appear to have been a prehistoric garment preserved in religious ceremonial; it would seem to be very much like the short blanket cloak, with tufts or knots at the four corners, still made by and in use among the Zuñi, Navajo, Tusayan, and Rio Grande Pueblos. But magic knots were by no means unknown to Jews, Assyrians, or other nations of Syria and Mesopotamia.

"In Memorable Things noted in the Description of the World, we read: About children's necks the wild Irish hung the beginning of St. John's Gospel, a crooked nail of a horseshoe, or a piece of a wolve's skin, and both the sucking child and nurse were girt with girdles finely plaited with woman's hair."[688]

Gainsford, in his Glory of England, speaking of the Irish, p. 150, says: "They use _incantations_ and _spells_, wearing _girdles of woman's haire_, and _locks of their lover's_."

Camden, in his Ancient and Modern Manners of the Irish, says that "they are observed to present their lovers with bracelets of women's hair, whether in reference to Venus' cestus or not, I know not."[689] This idea of a resemblance between the girdle of Venus and the use of the maiden's hair may be worth consideration; on the same page Brand quotes from Beaumont and Fletcher:

Bracelets of our lovers' hair, Which they on our arms shall twist,

and garters of the women were generally worn by lovers.[690]

"Chaque habit qu'ils [the Jews] portent doit avoir quatre pands, & à chacun un cordon pendant en forme de houppe, qu'ils nomment Zizit. Ce cordon est ordinairement de huit fils de laine filée exprès pour cela, avec cinq nœuds chacun, qui occupent la moitié de la longueur. Ce qui n'est pas noué étant éfilé acheve de faire une espece de houppe, qu'ils se fassent, dit la Loi, des cordons aux pands de leurs habits."[691]

The following is from Black:[692]

When Marduk [Assyrian god] wishes to comfort a dying man his father Hea says: "Go--

Take a woman's linen kerchief! Bind it round thy left hand: loose it from the left hand! Knot it with seven knots: do so twice: Sprinkle it with bright wine: Bind it round the head of the sick man: Bind it round his hands and feet, like manacles and fetters. Sit round on his bed: Sprinkle holy water over him. He shall hear the voice of Hea. Davkina shall protect him! And Marduk, Eldest Son of heaven, shall find him a happy habitation."

A variant of the same formula is to be found in François Lenormant's Chaldean Magic.[693] Lenormant speaks of the Chaldean use of "magic knots, the efficacy of which was so firmly believed in even up to the middle ages."

Again, he says that magic cords, with knots, were "still very common among the Nabathean sorcerers of the Lower Euphrates," in the fourteenth century, and in his opinion the use of these was derived from the ancient Chaldeans. In still another place he speaks of the "magic knots" used by Finnish conjurors in curing diseases.

"The Jewish phylactery was tied in a knot, but more generally knots are found in use to bring about some enchantment or disenchantment. Thus in an ancient Babylonian charm we have--

'Merodach, the Son of Hea, the prince, with his holy hands cuts the knots.'

That is to say, he takes off the evil influence of the knots. So, too, witches sought in Scotland to compass evil by tying knots. Witches, it was thought, could supply themselves with the milk of any neighbor's cows if they had a small quantity of hair from the tail of each of the animals. The hair they would twist into a rope and then a knot would be tied on the rope for every cow which had contributed hair. Under the clothes of a witch who was burned at St. Andrews, in 1572, was discovered 'a white claith, like a collore craig, with stringis, wheron was mony knottis vpon the stringis of the said collore craig.' When this was taken from her, with a prescience then wrongly interpreted, she said: 'Now I have no hope of myself.' 'Belyke scho thought,' runs the cotemporary account, 'scho suld not have died, that being vpon her,' but probably she meant that to be discovered with such an article in her possession was equivalent to the sentence of death. So lately as the beginning of the last century, two persons were sentenced to capital punishment for stealing a charm of knots, made by a woman as a device against the welfare of Spalding of Ashintilly."[694]

"Charmed belts are commonly worn in Lancashire for the cure of rheumatism. Elsewhere, a cord round the loins is worn to ward off toothache. Is it possible that there is any connection between this belt and the cord which in Burmah is hung round the neck of a possessed person while he is being thrashed to drive out the spirit which troubles him? Theoretically the thrashing is given to the spirit, and not to the man, but to prevent the spirit escaping too soon a charmed cord is hung round the possessed person's neck. When the spirit has been sufficiently humbled and has declared its name it may be allowed to escape, if the doctor does not prefer to trample on the patient's stomach till he fancies he has killed the demon."[695]

"The numerous notices in the folklore of all countries of magic stones, holy girdles, and other nurses' specials, attest the common sympathy of the human race."[696]

This is from Brand:[697] "Devonshire cure for warts. Take a piece of twine, tie in it as many knots as you have warts, touch each wart with a knot, and then throw the twine behind your back into some place where it may soon decay--a pond or a hole in the earth; but tell no one what you have done. When the twine is decayed your warts will disappear without any pain or trouble, being in fact charmed away."

"In our time, the anodyne necklace, which consists of beads turned out of the root of the white Bryony, and which is hung round the necks of infants, in order to assist their teething, and to ward off the convulsions sometimes incident to that process, is an amulet."[698]

"Rowan, ash, and red thread," a Scotch rhyme goes, "keep the devils frae their speed."[699]

For the cure of scrofula, grass was selected. From one, two, or three stems, as many as nine joints must be removed, which must then be wrapped in black wool, with the grease in it. The person who gathers them must do so fasting, and must then go, in the same state, to the patient's house while he is from home. When the patient comes in, the other must say to him three times, "I come fasting to bring a remedy to a fasting man," and must then attach the amulet to his person, repeating the same ceremony three consecutive days.[700]

Forlong says: "On the 2d [of May], fearing evil spirits and witches, Scotch farmers used to tie red thread upon their wives as well as their cows, saying these prevented miscarriages and preserved the milk."[701]

In Scotland "they hope to preserve the milk of their cows, and their wives from miscarriage, by tying threads about them."[702]

Brand gives a remedy for epilepsy: "If, in the month of October, a little before the full moon, you pluck a twig of the elder, and cut the cane that is betwixt two of its knees, or knots, in nine pieces, and these pieces, being bound in a piece of linnen, be in a thread so hung about the neck that they touch the spoon of the heart, or the sword-formed cartilage."[703]

Black says:[704] "To cure warts a common remedy is to tie as many knots on a hair as there are warts and throw the hair away. Six knots of elderwood are used in a Yorkshire incantation to ascertain if beasts are dying from witchcraft. Marcellus commended for sore eyes that a man should tie as many knots in unwrought flax as there are letters in his name, pronouncing each letter as he worked; this he was to tie round his neck. In the Orkneys, the blue thread was used for an evil purpose because such a colour savored of Popery and priests; in the northern counties it was used because a remembrance of its once preeminent value still survived in the minds of those who wore it, unconsciously, though still actively, influencing their thoughts. In perhaps the same way we respect the virtue of red threads, because, as Conway puts it, 'red is sacred in one direction as symbolising the blood of Christ.'"[705]

"To cure ague [Hampshire, England] string nine or eleven snails on a thread, the patient saying, as each is threaded, 'Here I leave my ague.' When all are threaded they should be frizzled over a fire, and as the snails disappear so will the ague."[706]

Dr. Joseph Lanzoni scoffed at the idea that a red-silk thread could avail in erysipelas; "Neque filum sericum chermisinum parti affectæ circumligatum erysipelata fugat." The word "chermesinum" is not given in Ainsworth's Latin-English Dictionary, but it so closely resembles the Spanish "carmesi" that I have made bold to render it as "red" or "scarlet."[707]

"Red thread is symbolical of lightning," and is consequently laid on churns in Ireland "to prevent the milk from being bewitched and yielding no butter." "In Aberdeenshire it is a common practice with the housewife to tie a piece of red worsted thread round the cows' tails before turning them out for the first time in the season to grass. It secured the cattle from the evil-eye, elf-shots, and other dangers."[708] "It [blue] is the sky color and the Druid's sacred colour."[709] "In 1635, a man in the Orkney Islands was, we are led to believe, utterly ruined by nine knots cast on a blue thread and given to his sister."

"In a curious old book, 12mo., 1554, entitled A Short Description of Antichrist, is this passage: 'I note all their Popishe traditions of confirmacion of yonge children with oynting of oyle and creame, and with _a ragge knitte about the necke of the younge babe_.'"[710]

A New England charm for an obstinate ague. "The patient in this case is to take a string made of woolen yarn, of three colors, and to go by himself to an apple-tree; there he is to tie his left hand loosely with the right to the tree by the tri-colored string, then to slip his hand out of the knot and run into the house without looking behind him."[711]

The dust "in which a hawk has bathed itself, tied up in a linen cloth with a red string, and attached to the body,"[712] was one of the remedies for fevers. Another cure for fever: "Some inclose a caterpillar in a piece of linen, with a thread passed three times round it, and tie as many knots, repeating at each knot why it is that the patient performs that operation."[713]

"To prevent nose-bleeding people are told to this day to wear a skein of scarlet silk thread round the neck, tied with nine knots down the front; if the patient is a man, the silk being put on and the knots tied by a woman; and if the patient is a woman, then these good services being rendered by a man."[714]

A cord with nine knots in it, tied round the neck of a child suffering from whooping cough, was esteemed a sovereign remedy in Worcester, England, half a century ago.

Again, references will be found to the superstitious use of "ligatures" down to a comparatively recent period, and "I remember it was a custom in the north of England for boys that swam to wear an eel's skin about their naked leg to prevent the cramp."[715]

THE MEDICINE HAT.

The medicine hat of the old and blind Apache medicine-man, Nan-ta-do-tash, was an antique affair of buckskin, much begrimed with soot and soiled by long use. Nevertheless, it gave life and strength to him who wore it, enabled the owner to peer into the future, to tell who had stolen ponies from other people, to foresee the approach of an enemy, and to aid in the cure of the sick. This was its owner's own statement in conversation with me, but it would seem that the power residing in the helmet or hat was not very permanent, because when the old man discovered from his wife that I had made a rude drawing of it he became extremely excited and said that such a delineation would destroy all the life of the hat. His fears were allayed by presents of money and tobacco, as well as by some cakes and other food. As a measure of precaution, he insisted upon sprinkling pinches of hoddentin over myself, the hat, and the drawing of it, at the same time muttering various half-articulate prayers. He returned a month afterwards and demanded the sum of $30 for damage done to the hat by the drawing, since which time it has ceased to "work" when needed.

This same old man gave me an explanation of all the symbolism depicted upon the hat and a great deal of valuable information in regard to the profession of medicine-men, their specialization, the prayers they recited, etc. The material of the hat, as already stated, was buckskin. How that was obtained I can not assert positively, but from an incident occurring under my personal observation in the Sierra Madre in Mexico in 1883, where our Indian scouts and the medicine-men with them surrounded a nearly grown fawn and tried to capture it alive, as well as from other circumstances too long to be here inserted, I am of the opinion that the buckskin to be used for sacred purposes among the Apache must, whenever possible, be that of a strangled animal, as is the case, according to Dr. Matthews, among the Navajo.

The body of Nan-ta-do-tash's cap (Fig. 434, p. 503) was unpainted, but the figures upon it were in two colors, a brownish yellow and an earthy blue, resembling a dirty Prussian blue. The ornamentation was of the downy feathers and black-tipped plumes of the eagle, pieces of abalone shell, and chalchihuitl, and a snake's rattle on the apex.

Nan-ta-do-tash explained that the characters on the medicine hat meant: A, clouds; B, rainbow; C, hail; E, morning-star; F, the God of Wind, with his lungs; G, the black "kan"; H, great stars or suns.

"Kan" is the name given to their principal gods. The appearance of the kan himself and of the tail of the hat suggest the centipede, an important animal god of the Apache. The old man said that the figures represented the powers to which he appealed for aid in his "medicine" and the kan upon whom he called for help. There were other doctors with other medicines, but he used none but those of which he was going to speak to me.

When an Apache or other medicine-man is in full regalia he ceases to be a man, but becomes, or tries to make his followers believe that he has become, the power he represents. I once heard this asserted in a very striking way while I was with a party of Apache young men who had led me to one of the sacred caves of their people, in which we came across a great quantity of ritualistic paraphernalia of all sorts.

"We used to stand down here," they said, "and look up to the top of the mountain and see the kan come down." This is precisely what the people living farther to the south told the early Spanish missionaries.

The Mexicans were wont to cry out "Here come our gods!" upon seeing their priests masked and disguised, and especially when they had donned the skins of the women offered up in sacrifice.[716]

The headdresses worn by the gods of the American Indians and the priests or medicine-men who served them were persistently called "miters" by the early Spanish writers. Thus Quetzalcoatl wore "en la cabeça una Mitra de papel puntiaguda."[717] When Father Felician Lopez went to preach to the Indians of Florida, in 1697, among other matters of record is one to the effect that "the chief medicine man called himself bishop."[718] Possibly this title was assumed because the medicine-men wore "miters."

Duran goes further than his fellows. In the headdress used at the spirit dances he recognizes the tiara. He says that the Mexican priests at the feast of Tezcatlipoca wore "en las cabezas tiaras hechas de barillas."[719] The ghost dance headdress illustrated in this paper (Fig. 441) is known to the Chiricahua Apache as the "ich-te," a contraction from "chas-a-i-wit-te," according to Ramon, the old medicine-man from whom I obtained it. He explained all the symbolism connected with it. The round piece of tin in the center is the sun; the irregular arch underneath it is the rainbow. Stars and lightning are depicted on the side slats and under them; the parallelograms with serrated edges are clouds; the pendant green sticks are rain drops; there are snakes and snake heads on both horizontal and vertical slats, the heads in the former case being representative of hail.

There are feathers of the eagle to conciliate that powerful bird, turkey feathers to appeal to the mountain spirits, and white gull feathers for the spirits of the water. There are also small pieces of nacreous shells and one or two fragments of the "duklij," or chalchihuitl, without which no medicine-man would feel competent to discharge his functions.

The spirit dance itself is called "cha-ja-la." I have seen this dance a number of times, but will confine my description to one seen at Fort Marion (St. Augustine, Fla.), in 1887, when the Chiricahua Apache were confined there as prisoners; although the accompanying figure represents a ghost dance headdress seen among the Apache in the winter of 1885. A great many of the band had been suffering from sickness of one kind or another and twenty-three of the children had died; as a consequence, the medicine-men were having the Cha-ja-la, which is entered into only upon the most solemn occasions, such as the setting out of a war party, the appearance of an epidemic, or something else of like portent. On the terreplein of the northwest bastion, Ramon, the old medicine-man, was violently beating upon a drum, which, as usual, had been improvised of a soaped rag drawn tightly over the mouth of an iron kettle holding a little water.

Although acting as master of ceremonies, Ramon was not painted or decorated in any way. Three other medicine-men were having the finishing touches put to their bodily decoration. They had an under-coating of greenish brown, and on each arm a yellow snake, the head toward the shoulder blade. The snake on the arm of one of the party was double-headed, or rather had a head at each extremity.

Each had insignia in yellow on back and breast, but no two were exactly alike. One had on his breast a yellow bear, 4 inches long by 3 inches high, and on his back a kan of the same color and dimensions. A second had the same pattern of bear on his breast, but a zigzag for lightning on his back. The third had the zigzag on both back and breast. All wore kilts and moccasins.

While the painting was going on Ramon thumped and sang with vigor to insure the medicinal potency of the pigments and the designs to which they were applied. Each held, one in each hand, two wands or swords of lathlike proportions, ornamented with snake-lightning in blue.

The medicine-men emitted a peculiar whistling noise and bent slowly to the right, then to the left, then frontward, then backward, until the head in each case was level with the waist. Quickly they spun round in full circle on the left foot; back again in a reverse circle to the right; then they charged around the little group of tents in that bastion, making cuts and thrusts with their wands to drive the maleficent spirits away.

It recalled to my mind the old myths of the angel with the flaming sword guarding the entrance to Eden, or of St. Michael chasing the discomfited Lucifer down into the depths of Hell.

These preliminaries occupied a few moments only; at the end of that time the medicine-men advanced to where a squaw was holding up to them a little baby sick in its cradle. The mother remained kneeling while the medicine-men frantically struck at, upon, around, and over the cradle with their wooden weapons.

The baby was held so as successively to occupy each of the cardinal points and face each point directly opposite; first on the east side, facing the west; then the north side, facing the south; then the west side, facing the east; then the south side, facing the north, and back to the original position. While at each position, each of the medicine-men in succession, after making all the passes and gestures described, seized the cradle in his hands, pressed it to his breast, and afterwards lifted it up to the sky, next to the earth, and lastly to the four cardinal points, all the time prancing, whistling, and snorting, the mother and her squaw friends adding to the dismal din by piercing shrieks and ululations.

That ended the ceremonies for that night so far as the baby personally was concerned, but the medicine-men retired down to the parade and resumed their saltation, swinging, bending, and spinning with such violence that they resembled, in a faint way perhaps, the Dervishes of the East. The understanding was that the dance had to be kept up as long as there was any fuel unconsumed of the large pile provided; any other course would entail bad luck. It was continued for four nights, the colors and the symbols upon the bodies varying from night to night. Among the modes of exorcism enumerated by Burton, we find "cutting the air with swords."[720] Picart speaks of the "flêches ou les baguettes dont les Arabes Idolâtres se servoient pour deviner par le sort." He says that the diviner "tenoit à la main" these arrows, which certainly suggest the swords or wands of the Apache medicine-men in the spirit dance.[721]

There were four medicine-men, three of whom were dancing and in conference with the spirits, and the fourth of whom was general superintendent of the whole dance, and the authority to whom the first three reported the result of their interviews with the ghostly powers.

The mask and headdress of the first of the dancers, who seemed to be the leading one, was so elaborate that in the hurry and meager light supplied by the flickering fires it could not be portrayed. It was very much like that of number three, but so fully covered with the plumage of the eagle, hawk, and, apparently, the owl, that it was difficult to assert this positively. Each of these medicine-men had pieces of red flannel tied to his elbows and a stick about four feet long in each hand. Number one's mask was spotted black and white and shaped in front like the snout of a mountain lion. His back was painted with large arrowheads in brown and white, which recalled the protecting arrows tightly bound to the backs of Zuñi fetiches. Number two had on his back a figure in white ending between the shoulders in a cross. Number three's back was simply whitened with clay.

All these headdresses were made of slats of the Spanish bayonet, unpainted, excepting that on number two was a figure in black, which could not be made out, and that the horizontal crosspieces on number three were painted blue.

The dominos or masks were of blackened buckskin, for the two fastened around the neck by garters or sashes; the neckpiece of number three was painted red; the eyes seemed to be glass knobs or brass buttons. These three dancers were naked to the waist, and wore beautiful kilts of fringed buckskin bound on with sashes, and moccasins reaching to the knees. In this guise they jumped into the center of the great circle of spectators and singers and began running about the fire shrieking and muttering, encouraged by the shouts and the singing, and by the drumming and incantation of the chorus which now swelled forth at full lung power.

THE SPIRIT OR GHOST DANCE HEADDRESS.

As the volume of music swelled and the cries of the on-lookers became fiercer, the dancers were encouraged to the enthusiasm of frenzy. They darted about the circle, going through the motions of looking for an enemy, all the while muttering, mumbling, and singing, jumping, swaying, and whirling like the dancing Dervishes of Arabia.

Their actions, at times, bore a very considerable resemblance to the movements of the Zuñi Shálako at the Feast of Fire. Klashidu told me that the orchestra was singing to the four willow branches planted near them. This would indicate a vestige of tree worship, such as is to be noticed also at the sun dance of the Sioux.

At intervals, the three dancers would dart out of the ring and disappear in the darkness, to consult with the spirits or with other medicine-men seated a considerable distance from the throng. Three several times they appeared and disappeared, always dancing, running, and whirling about with increased energy. Having attained the degree of mental or spiritual exaltation necessary for communion with the spirits, they took their departure and kept away for at least half an hour, the orchestra during their absence rendering a mournful refrain, monotonous as a funeral dirge. My patience became exhausted and I turned to go to my quarters. A thrill of excited expectancy ran through the throng of Indians, and I saw that they were looking anxiously at the returning medicine-men. All the orchestra now stood up, their leader (the principal medicine-man) slightly in advance, holding a branch of cedar in his left hand. The first advanced and bending low his head murmured some words of unknown import with which the chief seemed to be greatly pleased. Then the chief, taking his stand in front of the orchestra on the east side of the grove or cluster of trees, awaited the final ceremony, which was as follows: The three dancers in file and in proper order advanced and receded three times; then they embraced the chief in such a manner that the sticks or wands held in their hands came behind his neck, after which they mumbled and muttered a jumble of sounds which I can not reproduce, but which sounded for all the world like the chant of the "hooter" at the Zuñi Feast of Fire. They then pranced or danced through the grove three times. This was repeated for each point of the compass, the chief medicine-man, with the orchestra, taking a position successively on the east, south, west, and north and the three dancers advancing, receding, and embracing as at first.

This terminated the "medicine" ceremonies of the evening, the glad shouts of the Apache testifying that the incantations of their spiritual leaders or their necromancy, whichever it was, promised a successful campaign. These dancers were, I believe, dressed up to represent their gods or kan, but not content with representing them aspired to be mistaken for them.

AMULETS AND TALISMANS.

THE "TZI-DALTAI."

The Apache, both men and women, wear amulets, called tzi-daltai, made of lightning-riven wood, generally pine or cedar or fir from the mountain tops, which are highly valued and are not to be sold. These are shaved very thin and rudely cut in the semblance of the human form. They are in fact the duplicates, on a small scale, of the rhombus, already described. Like the rhombus, they are decorated with incised lines representing the lightning. Very often these are to be found attached to the necks of children or to their cradles. Generally these amulets are of small size. Below will be found figures of those which I was permitted to examine and depict in their actual size. They are all unpainted. The amulet represented was obtained from a Chiricahua Apache captive. Deguele, an Apache of the Klukaydakaydn clan, consented to exhibit a kan, or god, which he carried about his person. He said I could have it for three ponies. It was made of a flat piece of lath, unpainted, of the size here given, having drawn upon it this figure in yellow, with a narrow black band, excepting the three snake heads, _a_, _b_, and _c_, which were black with white eyes; _a_ was a yellow line and _c_ a black line; flat pearl buttons were fastened at _m_ and _k_ respectively and small eagle-down feathers at _k_ on each side of the idol. The rear of the tablet, amulet, or idol, as one may be pleased to call it, was almost an exact reproduction of the front.

The owner of this inestimable treasure assured me that he prayed to it at all times when in trouble, that he could learn from it where his ponies were when stolen and which was the right direction to travel when lost, and that when drought had parched his crops this would never fail to bring rain in abundance to revive and strengthen them. The symbolism is the rain cloud and the serpent lightning, the rainbow, rain drops, and the cross of the four winds.

These small amulets are also to be found inclosed in the phylacteries (Fig. 447) which the medicine-men wear suspended from their necks or waists.

Sir Walter Scott, who was a very good witness in all that related to prehistoric customs and "survivals" among the Celtic Scots, may be introduced at this point:

A heap of wither'd boughs was piled Of juniper and rowan wild, Mingled with shivers from the oak, Rent by the lightning's recent stroke.[722]

CHALCHIHUITL.

The articles of dress depicted in this paper are believed to represent all those which exclusively belong to the office of the Apache "diyi" or "izze-nantan." Of late years it can not be said that every medicine-man has all these articles, but most of them will be found in the possession of the man in full practice.

No matter what the medicine-man may lack, he will, if it be possible, provide himself with some of the impure malachite known to the whites of the Southwest as turquoise. In the malachite veins the latter stone is sometimes found and is often of good quality, but the difference between the two is apparent upon the slightest examination. The color of the malachite is a pea green, that of the turquoise a pale sky blue. The chemical composition of the former is a carbonate of copper, mixed with earthy impurities; that of the latter, a phosphate of alumina, colored with the oxide of copper. The use of this malachite was widespread. Under the name of chalchihuitl or chalchihuite, it appears with frequency in the old Spanish writings, as we shall presently see, and was in all places and by all tribes possessing it revered in much the same manner as by the Apache. The Apache call it duklij, "blue (or green) stone," these two colors not being differentiated in their language. A small bead of this mineral affixed to a gun or bow made the weapon shoot accurately. It had also some relation to the bringing of rain, and could be found by the man who would go to the end of a rainbow, after a storm, and hunt diligently in the damp earth. It was the Apache medicine-man's badge of office, his medical diploma, so to speak, and without it he could not in olden times exercise his medical functions.

In the curious commerce of the Indian tribes, some possessed articles of greater worth than those belonging to their neighbors. In the southwest the red paint sold by the tribes living in the Grand Canyon of the Colorado was held in higher repute than any other, and the green stone to be purchased from the Rio Grande Pueblos always was in great demand, as it is to this day. Vetancurt[723] speaks of the Apache, between the years 1630 and 1680, coming to the pueblo of Pecos to trade for "chalchihuites." John de Laet speaks of "petites pierres verdes" worn in the lower lip by the Brazilians.[724]

Among the Mexicans the chalchihuitl seems to have been the distinguishing mark or badge of the priesthood. Duran, in speaking of the consecration of a sacrificial stone in Mexico by Montezuma the elder, and his assistant or coadjutor, Tlacaclel, says: "Echáronse á las espaldas unas olletas [I do not know what this word means] hechas de piedras verdes muy ricas, donde significaban que no solamente eran Reyes, pero juntamente Sacerdotes."[725]

Among the tribes in Central America, a chalchihuitl was placed in the mouths of the dying to receive their souls: "que era para que recibiese su ánima."[726]

One of the Mexican myths of the birth of Quetzalcoatl narrates that his mother, Chimalma, while sweeping, found a chalchihuitl, swallowed it, and became pregnant: "Andando barriendo la dicha Chimalma halló un chalchihuitl, (que es una pedrezuela verde) y que la tragó y de esto se empreñó, y que así parió al dicho Quetzalcoatl."[727] The same author tells us that the chalchihuitl (which he calls "pedrezuela verde") are mentioned in the earliest myths of the Mexicans.[728]

In South America the emerald seems to have taken the place of the chalchihuitl. Bollaert[729] makes frequent mention of the use of the emerald by the natives of Ecuador and Peru, "a drilled emerald, such as the Incas wore;" "large emeralds, emblematic of their [the Incas'] sovereignty."

From Torquemada we learn that the Mexicans adorned their idols with the chalchihuitl, and also that they buried a chalchihuitl with their dead, saying that it was the dead man's heart.[730]

"Whenever rain comes the Indians [Pima and Maricopa] resort to these old houses [ruins] to look for trinkets of shells, and a peculiar green stone."[731] The idols which the people of Yucatan gave to Juan de Grijalva in 1518 were covered with these stones, "cubierta de pedrecicas."[732] Among the first presents made to Cortes in Tabasco were "unas turquesas de poco valor."[733] The fact that the Mexicans buried a "gem" with the bodies of their dead is mentioned by Squier, but he says it was when the body was cremated.[734]

The people of Cibola are said to have offered in sacrifice to their fountains "algunas turquesas que las tienen, aunque ruines."[735]

"Turquesas" were given to the Spaniards under Coronado by the people of the pueblo of Acoma.[736]

"The Mexicans were accustomed to say that at one time all men have been stones, and that at last they would all return to stones; and, acting literally on this conviction, they interred with the bones of the dead a small green stone, which was called the principle of life."[737]

The great value set upon the chalchihuitl by the Aztecs is alluded to by Bernal Diaz, who was with the expedition of Grijalva to Yucatan before he joined that of Cortes to Mexico.[738] Diaz says that Montezuma sent to Charles V, as a present "a few chalchihuis of such enormous value that I would not consent to give them to any one save to such a powerful emperor as yours."[739] These stones were put "in the mouth of the distinguished chiefs who died."[740]

Torquemada[741] repeats the Aztec myth already given from Mendieta. He says that in 1537 Fray Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo, provincial of the Franciscans, sent friars of his order to various parts of the Indian country; in 1538 he sent them to the north, to a country where they heard of a tribe of people wearing clothes and having many turquoises.[742] The Aztec priesthood adopted green as the sacred color. The ceremony of their consecration ended thus: "puis on l'habillait tout en vert."[743]

Maximilian, Prince of Wied, saw some of the Piegans of northwestern Montana "hang round their necks a green stone, often of various shapes." He describes it as "a compact talc or steatite which is found in the Rocky Mountains."[744]

PHYLACTERIES.

The term phylactery, as herein employed, means any piece of buckskin or other material upon which are inscribed certain characters or symbols of a religious or "medicine" nature, which slip or phylactery is to be worn attached to the person seeking to be benefited by it, and this phylactery differs from the amulet or talisman in being concealed from the scrutiny of the profane and kept as secret as possible. This phylactery, itself "medicine," may be employed to enwrap other "medicine" and thus augment its own potentiality. Indians in general object to having their "medicine" scrutinized and touched; in this there is a wide margin of individual opinion; but in regard to phylacteries there is none that I have been able to discover, and the rule may be given as antagonistic to the display of these sacred "relics," as my Mexican captive interpreter persisted in calling them.

The first phylactery which it was my good fortune to be allowed to examine was one worn by Ta-ul-tzu-je, of the Kaytzentin gens. It was tightly rolled in at least half a mile of orange-colored saddlers' silk, obtained from some of the cavalry posts. After being duly uncovered, it was found to be a small piece of buckskin two inches square, upon which were drawn red and yellow crooked lines which the Apache said represented the red and yellow snake. Inside were a piece of green chalchihuitl and a small cross of lightning-riven twig (pine) and two very small perforated shells. The cross was called "intchi-dijin," the black wind.

A second phylactery which I was also allowed to untie and examine belonged to Na-a-cha and consisted of a piece of buckskin of the same size as the other, but either on account of age or for some other reason no characters could be discerned upon it. It, however, enwrapped a tiny bag of hoddentin, which, in its turn, held a small but very clear crystal of quartz and four feathers of eagle down. Na-a-cha took care to explain very earnestly that this phylactery contained not merely the "medicine" or power of the crystal, the hoddentin, and the itza-chu, or eagle, but also of the shoz-dijiji, or black bear, the shoz-lekay, or white bear, the shoz-litzogue, or yellow bear, and the klij-litzogue or yellow snake, though just in what manner he could not explain.

It would take up too much time and space to describe the manner in which it was necessary for me to proceed in order to obtain merely a glimpse of these and other phylacteries, all of the same general type; how I had to make it evident that I was myself possessed of great "medicine" power and able to give presents of great "medicine" value, as was the case. I had obtained from cliff dwellings, sacred caves, and other places beads of talc, of chalchihuitl, and of shell, pieces of crystal and other things, sacred in the eyes of the Apache, and these I was compelled to barter for the information here given.

The medicine shirts of the Apaches, several of which are here represented, do not require an extended description. The symbolism is different for each one, but may be generalized as typical of the sun, moon, stars, rainbow, lightning, snake, clouds, rain, hail, tarantula, centipede, snake, and some one or more of the "kan" or gods.

The medicine sashes follow closely in pattern the medicine shirts, being smaller in size only, but with the same symbolic decoration. Similar ornamentation will be found upon the amulets (ditzi), made of lightning-struck pine or other wood. All of these are warranted, among other virtues, to screen the wearer from the arrows, lances, or bullets of the enemy. In this they strongly resemble the salves and other means by which people in Europe sought to obtain "magical impenetrability." The last writer to give receipts for making such salves, etc., that I can recall, was Etmüller, who wrote in the early years of the seventeenth century.

Such as the reader can imagine the medicine-man to be from this description of his paraphernalia, such he has been since the white man first landed in America. Never desirous of winning proselytes to his own ideas, he has held on to those ideas with a tenacity never suspected until purposely investigated. The first of the Spanish writers seem to have employed the native terms for the medicine-men, and we come across them as cemis or zemis, bohiti, pachuaci, and others; but soon they were recognized as the emissaries of Satan and the preachers of witchcraft, and henceforth they appear in the documents as "hechicheros" and "brujos" almost exclusively. "Tienan los Apaches profetas ó adivinos que gozan de la mas alta estimacion. Esos adivinos pratican la medicina lamas rudimental, la aplicacion de algunas yerbas y esto acompañado de ceremonias y cantos supersticiosos."[745] Pimentel seems to have derived his information from Cordero, a Spanish officer who had served against the Apache at various times between 1770 and 1795, and seemed to understand them well.

"There was no class of persons who so widely and deeply influenced the culture and shaped the destiny of the Indian tribes as their priests. In attempting to gain a true conception of the race's capacities and history there is no one element of their social life which demands closer attention than the power of these teachers.... However much we may deplore the use they made of their skill, we must estimate it fairly and grant it its due weight in measuring the influence of the religious sentiment on the history of man."[746]

"Like Old Men of the Sea, they have clung to the neck of their nations, throttling all attempts at progress, binding them to the thraldom of superstition and profligacy, dragging them down to wretchedness and death. Christianity and civilization meet in them their most determined, most implacable foes."[747]

In spite of all the zeal and vigilance of the Spanish friars, supported by military power, the Indians of Bogotá clung to their idolatry. Padre Simon cites several instances and says tersely: "De manera que no lo hay del Indio que parece mas Cristiano y ladino, de que no tenga ídolos á quien adore, como nos lo dice cada dia la experiencia." (So that there is no Indian, no matter how well educated he may appear in our language and the Christian doctrine, who has not idols which he adores, as experience teaches us every day.)[748]

"The Indian doctor relied far more on magic than on natural remedies. Dreams, beating of the drum, songs, magic feasts and dances, and howling to frighten the female demon from the patient, were his ordinary methods of cure."[749]

In a very rare work by Padre José de Arriaga, published in Lima, 1621, it is shown that the Indians among whom this priest was sent on a special tour of investigation were still practicing their old idolatrous rites in secret. This work may be found quoted in Montesinos, Mémoires sur l'Ancien Pérou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 17; the title of Arriaga's work is Extirpacion de la Idolatría de los Indios del Peru. Arriaga also states that the functions of the priesthood were exercised by both sexes.

It will only be after we have thoroughly routed the medicine-men from their intrenchments and made them an object of ridicule that we can hope to bend and train the mind of our Indian wards in the direction of civilization. In my own opinion, the reduction of the medicine-men will effect more for the savages than the giving of land in severalty or instruction in the schools at Carlisle and Hampton; rather, the latter should be conducted with this great object mainly in view: to let pupils insensibly absorb such knowledge as may soonest and most completely convince them of the impotency of the charlatans who hold the tribes in bondage.

Teach the scholars at Carlisle and Hampton some of the wonders of electricity, magnetism, chemistry, the spectroscope, magic lantern, ventriloquism, music, and then, when they return to their own people, each will despise the fraud of the medicine-men and be a focus of growing antagonism to their pretensions. Teach them to love their own people and not to despise them; but impress upon each one that he is to return as a missionary of civilization. Let them see that the world is free to the civilized, that law is liberty.

FOOTNOTES:

[533] Relation of the Voyage of Don Fernando Alarcon, in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 508.

[534] Davis, Conquest of New Mexico, p. 288.

[535] Davis, ibid., pp. 280, 284, 285.

[536] Ibid., pp. 277, 292.

[537] Catlin, North American Indians, London, 1845, vol. 2, p. 117.

[538] Tanner's Narrative, p. 188.

[539] Journal, p. 289.

[540] North American Indians, London, 1845, vol. 1, p. 135.

[541] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 32, quoting Bastian.

[542] Coxe, Russian Discoveries between America and Asia, London, 1803, p. 254.

[543] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, pp. xxix, 112.

[544] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 68.

[545] Pettigrew, Medical Superstitions, Philadelphia, 1844, pp. 67, 72, 74.

[546] Cérémonies et Coûtumes Religieuses, Amsterdam, 1739, vol. 2, pp. 28, 29.

[547] Ibid., p. 29.

[548] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, book 2, p. 77.

[549] Pettigrew, Medical Superstitions, Philadelphia, 1844, p. 61. See also Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 93.

[550] Citations, Common place Book, p. 395, London, 1872.

[551] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, pp. 310, 311.

[552] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 310.

[553] Holiday Customs of Ireland, pp. 381 et seq.

[554] Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 325.

[555] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc., vol. 10, p. 56.

[556] Massingberd, The English Reformation, London, 1857, p. 105.

[557] Mendieta, p. 110.

[558] Vol. 3, cap. 5, p. 234.

[559] Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 6, p. 141.

[560] Kingsborough, vol. 7, chap. 4.

[561] Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1233.

[562] Ibid.

[563] Fables and Rites of the Incas, Padre Christoval de Molina (Cuzco, 1570-1584), transl. by Clements R. Markham, Hakluyt Society trans., vol. 48, London, 1873, p. 48.

[564] The common people wore a black "llautu." See Garcilaso, Comentarios, Markham's transl., Hak. Soc., vol. 41, pp. 88, 89.

[565] Ibid., p. 85.

[566] Ibid., p. 89.

[567] "Quando vàn à sembrar las Tierras del Sol, vàn solos los Principales à trabajar, i vàn con insignias blancas, i en las espaldas unos Cordones tendidos blancos, à modo de Ministros del Altar."--Herrera, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 6, pp. 94-95.

[568] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc., Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, p. 92.

[569] Montfaucon, L'antiquité expliquée, tome 2, pt. 1, p. 33.

[570] Hawkesworth, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 229.

[571] Voyage to Congo, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 16, p. 237.

[572] Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. 16, p. 388.

[573] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, p. 125.

[574] London, 1877, vol. 2, p. 131.

[575] Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, vol. 2, p. 330.

[576] Schweinfurth, Heart of Africa, London, 1873, vol. 1, p. 154.

[577] Winstanley, Abyssinia, vol. 2, p. 68.

[578] This cord is worn about the neck. Ibid., p. 257.

[579] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 235.

[580] Ibid., vol. 2, p. 132.

[581] Ibid., p. 165.

[582] Ibid., p. 292.

[583] Malte-Brun, Universal Geography, vol. 4, p. 259, Phila., 1832.

[584] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 2, p. 640.

[585] Nightingale, quoted in Madden, Shrines and Sepulchres, vol. 1, pp. 557, 558.

[586] Leems, Account of Danish Lapland, in Pinkerton, Voyages, London, 1808, vol. 1, p. 471.

[587] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 5. See also John Scheffer, Lapland, Oxford, 1674, p. 58.

[588] Act IV, scene 1.

[589] Benjamin, Persia, London, 1877, p. 99.

[590] Cérémonies et Coûtumes, vol. 7, p. 320.

[591] Du Halde, History of China, London, 1736, vol. 4, pp. 244, 245, and elsewhere.

[592] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, p. 218.

[593] Vining, An Inglorious Columbus, p. 635.

[594] Du Halde, History of China, London, 1736, vol. 1, p. 270.

[595] Univ. Geog., vol. 3, book 75, p. 144, Phila., 1832.

[596] Brinton, Myths of the New World, N. Y., 1868, p. 15.

[597] Early History of Mankind, London, 1870, p. 156.

[598] Voyages, vol. 3, p. 102.

[599] Shâyast lâ-Shâyast, cap. 4, pp. 285, 286. In Sacred Books of the East, Max Müller's edition, vol. 5.

[600] Monier Williams, Modern India, p. 56.

[601] Ibid., pp. 179, 180.

[602] Cérémonies et Coûtumes, vol. 7, p. 28.

[603] Marco Polo, Travels, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 163.

[604] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc., vol. 6, pt. 2, p. 99.

[605] Malte-Brun, Univ. Geog., vol. 2, lib. 50, p. 235, Philadelphia, 1832.

[606] Dr. J. L. August Von Eye, The history of culture, in Iconographic Encyc., Philadelphia, 1886, vol. 2, p. 169.

[607] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 120.

[608] Ibid., pp. 240-241.

[609] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 328.

[610] Ibid., p. 323.

[611] Dubois, People of India, p. 9.

[612] Mythology of the Hindus.

[613] Mythology of the Hindus, pp. 9, 10, 11.

[614] Ibid., p. 92.

[615] Ibid., p. 155.

[616] Ibid., pp. 135, 154, 155.

[617] Maurice, Indian Antiquities, London, 1801, vol. 5, p. 205.

[618] Ibid., vol. 4, p. 375, where a description of the mode of weaving and twining is given.

[619] Ibid., p. 376.

[620] Ibid., vol. 5, p. 206.

[621] Notes of Richard Johnson, Voyages of Sir Hugh Willoughby and others to the northern part of Russia and Siberia, Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 1, p. 63.

[622] Caron's account of Japan in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 631.

[623] Rev. Father Dandini's Voyage to Mount Libanus, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 10, p. 286.

[624] Henry Charles Lea, History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, vol. 1, p. 92, New York, 1888.

[625] Müller, Sacred Books of the East, vol. 14, Vasish_th_a, cap. 2, par 6.

[626] Ibid., Baudhâyana, prasna 1, adhyâya 5, kandikâ 8, pars. 5-10, p. 165.

[627] Saxon Leechdoms, vol. 1, pp. xli-xliii.

[628] Ibid., p. xliii.

[629] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 2, pp. 108,109.

[630] Browne, Religio Medici, p. 392.

[631] Brand, op. cit., p. 110.

[632] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 22.

[633] Ibid., lib. 28, cap. 17.

[634] Ibid.

[635] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1169.

[636] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 91; vol. 2, pp. 288, 290.

[637] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 91; vol. 2, p. 290.

[638] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc., vol. 10, pp. 69-73.

[639] Dæmonology, p. 100.

[640] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 299.

[641] Ibid., p. 170.

[642] Frommann, Tractatus de Fascinatione, Nuremberg, 1675, p. 731.

[643] Markham, Bogle's mission to Tibet, London, 1876, p. 85.

[644] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 149.

[645] Thomas Wright, Sorcery and Magic, London, 1851, vol. 2, p. 10.

[646] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 143.

[647] Pennant, in Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 382.

[648] Hoffman, quoting Friend, in Jour. Am. Folk Lore, 1888, p. 134.

[649] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, pp. 127 et seq.

[650] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1174. He also speaks of the "nouer l'aiguillette", ibid., p. 1175.

[651] Saxon Leechdoms, vol. 1, p. xliv.

[652] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186.

[653] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 9.

[654] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 67.

[655] Ibid., p. 170.

[656] Sextus Placitus, De Medicamentis ex Animalibus, Lyons, 1537, pages not numbered, article "de Puello et Puellæ Virgine."

[657] Etmüller, Opera Omnia, Lyons, 1690, vol. 2, p. 279, Schroderii Dilucidati Zoologia.

[658] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 68, footnote.

[659] Ibid., p. 67.

[660] Paracelsus, Chirurgia Minora, in Opera Omnia, Geneva, 1662, vol. 2, p. 70.

[661] Ibid., p. 174.

[662] Beckherius, Medicus Microcosmus, London, 1660, p. 174.

[663] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1094, footnote.

[664] Ibid., p. 1096.

[665] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 30, cap. 12.

[666] Etmüller, Opera Omnia, Lyons, 1690, vol. 2, pp. 282, 283, Schroderii Dilucidati Zoologia.

[667] Ibid., p. 278a.

[668] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 113.

[669] Forlong, Rivers of Life, London, 1883, vol. 2, p. 313.

[670] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 69.

[671] Notes and Queries, 1st series, vol. 4, p. 500.

[672] See also Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 79.

[673] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1233.

[674] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 114.

[675] Herrera, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 1, p. 171.

[676] Ibid., dec. 7, lib. 4, cap. 5, p. 70.

[677] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 351. See also previous references to the use of such cords by the Australians.

[678] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 27.

[679] Highlands of Æthiopia, vol. 1, p. 247.

[680] Through the Dark Continent, vol. 1, p. 398.

[681] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 11.

[682] Notes and Queries, 4th series, vol. 5, pp. 295, 390.

[683] Traité des Superstitions, tome 1, chap. 3, paragraph 8.

[684] Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 276.

[685] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 109.

[686] Anatomy of Melancholy, vol. 2, pp. 288, 290.

[687] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 107.

[688] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 78.

[689] Ibid., p. 91.

[690] Ibid., p. 93.

[691] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc., vol. 1, p. 41.

[692] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186.

[693] P. 41.

[694] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 186.

[695] Ibid., (after Tylor) pp. 176, 177.

[696] Ibid., p. 178.

[697] Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 276.

[698] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 1, p. 195.

[699] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 197.

[700] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 24, cap. 118.

[701] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 451.

[702] Pennant, quoted by Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 54.

[703] Ibid., p. 285.

[704] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186.

[705] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 113.

[706] Ibid., p. 57.

[707] Ephemeridum Physico-medicarum, Leipzig, 1694, vol. 1, p. 49.

[708] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 112.

[709] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 112.

[710] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 2, p. 86.

[711] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 38.

[712] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 30, cap. 38.

[713] Ibid.

[714] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 111.

[715] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 3, pp. 288, 324.

[716] This fact is stated by Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. 10, cap. 33, and by Gomara, Hist. of the Conq. of Mexico, p. 446; see also Diego Duran, lib. 1, cap. 20, p. 226.

[717] Herrera, dec. 3, lib. 2, p. 67.

[718] John Gilmary Shea, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 472.

[719] Diego Duran, vol. 3, cap. 4, p. 217.

[720] Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 337.

[721] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc., Amsterdam, 1729, vol. 5, p. 50.

[722] Lady of the Lake, canto 3, stanza 4, Sir Rhoderick Dhu, summoning Clan Alpine against the king.

[723] Teatro Mexicano, vol. 3, p. 323.

[724] Lib. 14, cap. 4, and lib. 16, cap. 16.

[725] Lib. 1, cap. 23, pp. 251-252.

[726] Ximenez, Hist. Orig. Indios, p. 211.

[727] Mendieta, p. 83.

[728] Ibid., p. 78.

[729] Researches in South America, p. 83.

[730] Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib. 13, cap. 45, and elsewhere.

[731] Emory, Reconnoissance, p. 88.

[732] Gomara, Historia de la Conquista de Méjico, Veytia's edition, p. 299.

[733] Ibid., p. 310.

[734] Smithsonian Contributions, "Ancient monuments of New York," vol. 2.

[735] Buckingham Smith, Relacion de la Jornada de Coronado á Cibola, Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Florida, London, 1857, vol. 1, p. 148.

[736] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 150.

[737] Brinton, Myths of the New World, p. 253.

[738] London, 1844, vol. 1, pp. 26, 29, 36, 93.

[739] Ibid., p. 278.

[740] Ibid., vol. 2, p. 389.

[741] Monarchia Indiana, lib. 6, cap. 45, p. 80.

[742] Ibid., lib. 19, cap. 22, pp. 357-358.

[743] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 10, p. 240.

[744] London, 1843, p. 248.

[745] Pimentel, Lenguas Indígenas de México, vol. 3, pp. 498, 499.

[746] Brinton, Myths of the New World, pp. 285, 286.

[747] Ibid., p. 264.

[748] Kingsborough, vol. 8, sup., p. 249.

[749] Parkman, Jesuits, introduction, p. lxxxiv.

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=Bock, Carl.=

The head-hunters of Borneo. London: 1881.

=Bogle, George.=

See Markham, Clements R.

=Bollaert, William.=

Antiquarian, ethnological and other researches in New Granada, Ecuador, Peru and Chile. London: 1860.

=Boscana, Geronimo.=

Chinigchinich. (In Robinson, Life in California, New York: 1846.)

=Bourke, John G.=

Snake dance of the Moquis of Arizona. New York: 1884.

=Bourke, John G.=

Scatalogic rites of all nations. Washington: 1891.

=Brand, John.=

Observations on the popular antiquities of Great Britain. Vols. I-III. London: 1882-'83.

=Brasseur de Bourbourg.=

Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique Centrale. Vols. I-IV. Paris: 1857-'59.

=Brasseur de Bourbourg.=

See Popol Vuh.

=Brinton, Daniel G.=

Myths of the New World. New York: 1868.

=Browne, Thomas.=

Religio medici. (In Vol. II of his works.) London: 1835.

=Bruce, James.=

Travels to discover the source of the Nile, in the years 1768-1773. Vol. III. Dublin: 1791.

=Buckle, Henry Thomas.=

Wise and posthumous works of. Vol. II. Common place books. London: 1872.

=Burton, Richard F.=

A mission to Gelele, king of Dahome. Vols. I-II. London: 1864.

=Burton, Richard F.=

A plain and literal translation of the Arabian nights' entertainments, now entitled the book of the thousand nights and a night. Vol. VIII. London: [1886.]

=Burton, Robert.=

The anatomy of melancholy, what it is, with all the kinds, causes, symptoms, prognostics, and several cures of it. By Democritus Junior. Vols. I-II. London: 1827.

=Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nuñez.=

Relation et naufrages; Valladolid, 1555. (In Vol. VII of Ternaux-Compans, Voyages. Paris: 1837.)

=Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nuñez.=

See Smith, Buckingham.

=Cameron, Verney L.=

Across Africa. Vols. I-II. London: 1877.

=Campbell, Archibald.=

A voyage round the world, from 1806 to 1812. Second American edition. New York: 1810.

=Catlin, George.=

Illustrations of the manners, customs, and condition of the North American Indians. Vols. I-II. London: 1845.

=Catlin, George.=

O-kee-pa: A religious ceremony, and other customs of the Mandans. Philadelphia: 1867.

=Charlevoix, Pierre F. X. de.=

History and general description of New France. Translated, with notes, by John Gilmary Shea. Vol. IV. New York: 1870.

=Clavigero, Francisco Saverio.=

History of Mexico. Translated by Charles Cullen. Vols. I-III. Philadelphia: 1817.

=Cockayne, Oswald.=

Leechdoms, wortcunning, and starcraft of early England. Vol. I. London: 1864.

=Coleccion de documentos= inéditos, relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones Españolas de América y Oceanía. Vol. XIV. Madrid: 1870.

=Coleman, Charles.=

Mythology of the Hindus. London: 1832.

=Columbus, Christopher.=

Select letters of. Translated and edited by R. H. Major. (Forms Vol. II of Hakluyt Society's Works, London: 1847.)

=Corbusier, William F.=

The Apache-Yumas and Apache-Mohaves. (In American Antiquarian, Chicago: September and November, 1886.)

=Coxe, William.=

Account of Russian discoveries between Asia and America. London: 1803.

=Crantz, David.=

The history of Greenland: containing a description of the country, and its inhabitants. Vols. I-II. London: 1767.

=Crónica seráfica= y apostólica. Espinosa (Mexico): 1746.

=Cushing, Frank H.=

A study of Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuñi culture growth. (In Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethnology, 1882-'83, pp. 467-521, Washington: 1886.)

=Dall, William H.=

Masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs. (In Ann. Rep. Bu. of Ethnology, 1881-'82. Washington: 1884.)

=Davis, T. W. Rhys.=

See Hibbert Lectures, 1881.

=Davis, W. W. H.=

Spanish conquest of New Mexico. Doylestown (Pa.): 1869.

=Deane, J. B.=

Serpent worship. London: 1833.

=Delano, Amasa.=

Voyage. Boston: 1847.

=Dennys, N. B.=

The folk-lore of China, and its affinities with that of the Aryan and Semitic races. London and Hongkong: 1876.

=Diaz del Castillo, Bernal.=

The memoirs of. Written by himself, containing a true and full account of the discovery and conquest of Mexico and New Spain. Translated by John I. Lockhart. Vols. I-II. London: 1844.

=Dillon, P.=

Narrative and successful result of a voyage in the south seas to ascertain the actual fate of La Perouse's expedition. Vols. I-II. London: 1829.

=Dobrizhoffer, Martin.=

An account of the Abipones, an equestrian people of Paraguay. Vol. I-III. London: 1822.

=Dodge, Richard I.=

Our wild Indians: thirty-three years' personal experience among the red men of the great West. Hartford (Conn.): 1882.

=Domenech, Em.=

Seven years' residence in the great deserts of North America. Vols. I-II. London: 1860.

=Dorman, Rushton M.=

Origin of primitive superstitions. Philadelphia: 1881.

=Dubois, J. A.=

Description of the character, manners, and customs of the people of India. London: 1817.

=Du Cange, Charles du F.=

Glossarium ad scriptores mediæ et infirmæ Latinitatis. Vols. I-VI. Paris: 1733.

=Du Halde, P.=

The general history of China. Containing a geographical, historical, chronological, political, and physical description of the empire of China, Chinese-Tartary, Corea, and Thibet. Vols. I, II, IV. London: 1836.

=Dulaure, J. A.=

Histoire abrégée de différens cultes. Vols. I-II. Paris: 1825.

=Dupuis.=

Origine de tons le cultes, ou religion universelle. Vols. I-II. Paris: [N.D.].

=Duran, Diego.=

Historia antigua de la Nueva España con noticias de los ritos y costumbres de los Yndios y esplicacion del calendario Mexicano. Escrita en el año de 1585. Vols. I-III. Manuscript in the Library of Congress at Washington.

=Eastman, Mary H.=

Dacotah; or, life and legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling. New York: 1849.

=Emerson, Ellen R.=

Indian myths or legends, traditions, and symbols of the aborigines of America. Boston: 1884.

=Emory, William H.=

Notes of a military reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California. (Senate ex. doc. 7; 30th cong., 1st sess.) Washington: 1848.

=Etmüller, Michael.=

Opera omnia. Lyons: 1690.

=Eye, J. L. August von.=

See Iconographic Encyclopædia.

=Fernandez, Alonso.=

Historia eclesiastica de nuestros tiempos. Toledo: 1611.

=Flemming, Samuel Augustus.=

De remediis ex corpore humano desumtis. Erfurt: 1738.

=Fletcher, Robert.=

On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets. (In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Vol. V, Washington: 1882.)

=Forlong, J. G. R.=

Rivers of life, or the sources and streams of the faiths of man in all lands. Vols. I-II and chart. London: 1883.

=Forster, George.=

A voyage round the world, in his Britannic majesty's sloop _Resolution_. Vols. I-II. London: 1777.

=Fosbrooke, Thomas Dudley.=

British monachism; or, manners and customs of the monks and nuns of England. London: 1817.

=Franklin, John.=

Narrative of a second expedition to the shores of the Polar sea, in the years 1825, 1826, and 1827. London: 1828.

=Fraser, John.=

The aborigines of Australia: their ethnic position and relations. (In Jour. of Trans. of Victoria Institute, vol. XXII, pp. 154-186, London: 1889.)

=Frazer, J. G.=

Totemism. Edinburg: 1887.

=French, B. F.=

Historical collections of Louisiana. Compiled with historical and biographical notes by B. F. French, part 1--Historical documents from 1678 to 1691. New York: 1846.

=Freycinet, Louis C. D. de.=

Voyage round the world. London: 1823.

=Frommann, Johannes Christianus.=

Tractatus de fascinatione. Nuremberg: 1675.

=Gabb, William M.=

On the Indian tribes and languages of Costa Rica. (In Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., vol. XIV, pp. 483-602, Philadelphia: 1876.)

=Gage, Thomas.=

The English-American, his travail by sea and land: or, a new survey of the West-Indies. London: 1648.

=Gallatin, Albert.=

Notes on the semicivilized nations of Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America. (In Trans. Am. Ethnological Soc., vol. I, New York: 1845.)

=Gatschet, Albert S.=

Migration legend of the Creek Indians. Vol. I, Philadelphia: 1884. Vol. II, St. Louis: 1888.

=Gayarre, Charles.=

Louisiana: its colonial history and romance. New York: 1851.

=Gilmour, James.=

Among the Mongols. London: 1883.

=Gomara, Francisco L. de.=

Historia general de las Indias. (In Vedin, Historiadores primitivos de Indias, vol. I, pp. 157-294, Madrid: 1852.)

=Gomara, Francisco L. de.=

Conquista de Méjico. Segunda parte de la crónica general de las Indias. (In ibid., pp. 295-455.)

=Gore, J. Howard.=

Tuckahoe, or Indian bread. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann. Rep. for 1881, Washington: 1883.)

=Gregg, Josiah.=

Commerce of the prairies. Vols. I-II. New York and London: 1844.

=Grimm, Jacob.=

Teutonic mythology. Translated from the fourth edition, with notes and appendix by James Steven Sallybrass. Vols. I-IV. London: 1880-'88.

=Grinnell, Fordyce.=

The healing art as practiced by the Indians of the plains.

=Grossman, F. E.=

The Pima Indians of Arizona. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann. Rep. for 1871, pp. 407-419, Washington: 1873.)

=Gubernatis, Angelo de.=

Zoological mythology or the legends of animals. Vols. I-II. London: 1872.

=Gumilla, Joseph.=

El Orinoco ilustrado, historia natural, civil, y geographica, de este gran rio. Madrid: 1741.

=Hakluyt, Richard.=

Collection of the early voyages, travels, and discoveries of the English nation. Vols. III and V. London: 1810-'12.

=Hakluyt Society.=

Works. London: Vol. II, 1817; vol. XVI, 1854; vol. XXI, 1857; vol. XLI, 1869; vol. XLVIII, 1873.

=Harmon, Daniel W.=

Journal of voyages and travels in the interiour of North America. Andover: 1820.

=Harris, W. Cornwallis.=

The highlands of Æthiopia. Vols. I-III. London: 1844.

=Hatch, Edwin.=

See Hibbert Lectures, 1888.

=Hawkesworth, John.=

An account of the voyages undertaken by the order of his present majesty for making discoveries in the southern hemisphere. Vols. I-III. London: 1773.

=Heath, Perry S.=

A Hoosier in Russia. New York: 1888.

=Henderson, John G.=

Aboriginal remains near Naples, Illinois. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann. Rep. for 1882, Washington: 1884.)

=Hennepin, Louis.=

See French, B. F.

=Herrera, Antonio de.=

Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar Oceano. Vols. I-V. Madrid: 1726-'30.

=Hibbert Lectures, 1879.=

On the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by the religion of ancient Egypt, by P. Le Page Renouf. London: 1880.

=Hibbert Lectures, 1881.=

On the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by some points in the history of Indian Buddhism, by T. W. Rhys Davis. New York: 1882.

=Hibbert Lectures, 1888.=

The influence of Greek ideas and usages upon the Christian church, by Edwin Hatch. London: 1890.

=Higgins, Godfrey.=

Anacalypsis, an attempt to draw aside the veil of the Saitic Isis. Vol. I, II. London: 1836.

=Hind, Henry Youle.=

Narrative of the Canadian Red River exploring expedition of 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan exploring expedition of 1858. Vols. I-II. London: 1860.

=Hoffman, Walter J.=

Folk-lore of the Pennsylvania Germans. (In Jour. of Am. Folk-Lore, Vol. I, No. 2, Boston: 1888.)

=Hone, William.=

Every-day book and table book. Vol. II. London: 1838.

=Humboldt, Alexander de.=

Researches concerning the institutions and monuments of the ancient inhabitants of America. Translated by Helen Maria Williams. Vol. I. London: 1814.

=Icazbalecta, Joaquin G.=

See Mendieta, Gerónimo de.

=Iconographic Encyclopædia.=

Prehistoric archæology by Daniel G. Brinton. History of culture translated from the German of Dr. J. L. August von Eye. Vol. II. Philadelphia: 1886.

=Inman, Thomas.=

Ancient faiths embodied in ancient names: or an attempt to trace the religious belief, sacred rites, and holy emblems of certain nations. Vols. I-II. London and Liverpool: 1868-'69.

=James, Edwin.=

See Tanner, John.

=Jarvis, Samuel F.=

Discourse on the religion of the Indian tribes of North America. (In Collections of N. Y. Hist. Soc. for 1821, Vol. III, New York: 1821.)

=Joutel.=

See French, B. F.

=Kane, Paul.=

Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America. London: 1859.

=Kelly, Fanny.=

Narrative of my captivity among the Sioux Indians. Cincinnati: 1871.

=Kennon, George.=

Tent life in Siberia. New York and London: 1883.

=King, Edward= (_Lord Kingsborough_).

Antiquities of Mexico: comprising facsimiles of ancient Mexican paintings and hieroglyphics. Vols. I-IX. London: 1831-'48.

=King, P. P.= (and others).

Narrative of the surveying voyages of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_, between the years 1826 and 1836. Vols. I-III, London: 1839.

=Kingsborough.=

See King, Edward.

=Knox, J.=

A new collection of voyages, discoveries, and travels. Printed for J. Knox. Vol. II. London: 1767.

=Kohl, J. G.=

Kitchi-gami. Wanderings around Lake Superior. London: 1860.

=Kotzebue, Otto von.=

A voyage of discovery into the South Sea and Beering's Straits. Vols. I-III. London: 1821.

=Kraskenninikoff, S.=

History of Kamtschatka, and the Kurilski islands, with the countries adjacent. Translated by James Grieve. Glocester: 1764.

=Laet, Joannes de.=

L'histoire du nouveau monde ou description des Indes Occidentales. Leyde: 1640.

=Lafitau, Joseph François.=

Mœurs des sauvages Ameriquains, comparées aux mœurs des premiers temps. Vols. I-II. Paris: 1724.

=Landa, Diego de.=

Relation des choses de Yucatan. (Translated and edited by Brasseur de Bourbourg.) Forms vol. III of Collection de documents dans les langues indigènes, pour servir à l'étude de l'histoire et de la philologie de l'Amérique ancienne. Paris: 1864.

=Lang, Andrew.=

Custom and myth. New York: 1885.

=Langsdorff, G. H. von.=

Voyages and travels in various parts of the world during the years 1803-'07. Parts I-II. London: 1813-14.

=Lanzoni, Joseph.=

Ephemeridum physico-medicarum. Vols. I-II. Leipsig: 1694.

=Lea, Henry Charles.=

History of the inquisition of the middle ages. Vols. I-III. New York: 1888.

=Le Clercq, Chrestien.=

Nouvelle relation de la Gaspesie. Paris: 1691.

=Le Jeune, Paul.=

See Relations des Jésuites.

=Lenormant, François.=

Chaldean magic: its origin and development. London: 1877.

=Lisiansky, Urey.=

Voyage round the world, in the years 1803-1806. London: 1814.

=Long, Stephen H.=

Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky mountains, performed in the years 1819-'20. Compiled by Edwin James. Vol. I. Philadelphia: 1823.

=Mackenzie, Alexander.=

Voyages from Montreal, on the river St. Laurence, through the continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific oceans, in the years 1789 and 1793. London: 1801.

=Madden, R. R.=

The shrines and sepulchres of the old and new world. Vols. I-II. London: 1851.

=Malte-Brun.=

Universal geography, or a description of all the parts of the world, on a new plan. Vols. I, II, and III. Philadelphia, 1817; Ibid., 1827; Ibid., 1832.

=Malte-Brun.=

Universal geography. Vols. I-V. Boston: 1825-'26.

=Manning, Thomas.=

See Markham, Clements R.

=Markham, Clements R.=

First part of the royal commentaries of the Yncas by the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. (Forms Vol. 41 of "Works issued by the Hakluyt Society," London: 1869.)

=Markham, Clements R.=

Narratives of the rites and laws of the Yncas. Translated from the original Spanish manuscripts, and edited by Clements R. Markham. (Forms Vol. 48 of Hakluyt's Society's Works, London: 1873.)

=Markham, Clements R.=

Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet, and of the journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: 1876.

=Massingberd, Francis C.=

The English reformation. London: 1842; Ibid., 1857.

=Matthews, Washington.=

The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony. (In Ann. Rep. Bu. Eth., 1883-'84, pp. 379-467, Washington: 1887.)

=Matthews, Washington.=

The prayer of a Navajo shaman. (In the American Anthropologist, Washington, D. C., vol. I, No. 2, April, 1888.)

=Maurice, Thomas.=

Indian antiquities: or, dissertations relative to ... Hindostan. Vols. I-V. London: 1800-'01.

=Maximilian Prince of Wied.=

Travels in the interior of North America. London: 1843.

=Meignan, Victor.=

From Paris to Pekin. London: 1885.

=Mendieta, Gerónimo de.=

Historia eclesiástica Indiana; obra escrita á fines del siglo XVI. La publica por primera vez Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta. Mexico: 1870.

=Miles, W. Augustus.=

How did the natives of Australia become acquainted with the demigods and dæmonia and with the superstitions of the ancient races? (In Jour. Ethnological Soc. of London, vol. III, London: 1854.)

=Molina, Christoval de.=

An account of the fables and rites of the Yncas. Translated by C. R. Markham. (In Hakluyt Society's Works, vol. 48, London: 1873.)

=Molina, Ignacio.=

Compendio de la historia geográfica, natural y civil del reyno de Chile. (Translation of Mendoza and Cruz y Bahamonde.) Vols. I-II. Madrid: 1788-'95.

=Montesinos, Fernando.=

Mémoires historiques sur l'ancien Péron. (Forms Vol. XVII of Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, Paris: 1840.)

=Montfaucon, Bernard de.=

L'antiquité expliquêe et representée en figures. Tom. II, pts. 1 and 2. Paris: 1722.

=Mooney, James.=

Holiday customs of Ireland. Reprinted from the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (May 3, 1889; pp. 377-427). Philadelphia: 1889.

=Müller, Max.=

Lectures on the science of religion. New York: 1872.

=Müller, Max.=

The sacred books of the East, translated by various oriental scholars and edited by Max Müller. Vol. V (the Bundahis, Bahman Yast, and Shâyast lâ-Shâyast), Oxford: 1880. Vol. XIV (the sacred laws of the Âryas--Vasish_th_a and Baudhâyana), Oxford: 1882.

=New York Historical Society.=

Collections ... for the year 1821. Vol. III. New York: 1821.

=Nightingale, J.=

The religions and religious ceremonies of all nations. London: 1821.

=North Carolina.=

Colonial records. Vol. I--1662-1712. Raleigh: 1886.

=Notes and Queries.=

First series. London: Vol. IV, July-December, 1851. Fourth series, Vol. V, January-June, 1870; Ibid., Vol. VIII, July-December, 1871.

=Pane, Roman.=

Des antiquités des Indiens. Translation of Brasseur de Bourbourg. Paris: 1864.

=Parkman, Francis.=

The Jesuits in North America in the seventeenth century. Boston: 1867.

=Parr, Bartholomew.=

London medical dictionary. Vol. I. Philadelphia: 1820.

=Pennant, Thomas.=

A tour in Scotland, 1769. (In Pinkerton, Collection of voyages and travels, vol. III, pp. 1-569, London: 1809.)

=Perrot, Nicholas.=

Memoire sur les mœurs, coustumes et relligion des sauvages de l'Amérique septentrionale. Leipzig and Paris: 1864.

=Pettigrew, Thomas J.=

On superstitions connected with the history and practice of medicine and surgery. Philadelphia: 1844.

=Pettit, James S.=

Apache campaign notes--'86. (In Jour. Military Service Institution, vol. VII, pp. 331-338, New York: 1886.)

=Peyronie, Gauthier de la.=

Voyages de M. P. S. Pallas. Tome 4. Paris: 1793.

=Picart, Bernard.=

Ceremonies et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du monde. Vols. I-IX. Amsterdam: 1733-'39.

=Pimentel, Francisco.=

Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las lenguas indígenas de México. Vol. III. México: 1875.

=Pinkerton, John.=

A general collection of the best and most interesting voyages and travels in all parts of the world. London: Vol. I, 1808; vol. III, 1809; vol. VII, 1811; vol. X, 1811; vol. XI, 1812; vol. XVI, 1814.

=Pliny.=

Natural history. Translation of Bostock and Riley. Vols. I-VI. London: 1855-'57, 1887.

=Popol Vuh.=

Popol Vuh. Le livre sacré et les mythes de l'antiquité américaine. (Translation of Brasseur de Bourbourg.) Paris: 1861.

=Powers, Stephen.=

Tribes of California. (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. III, Washington: 1877.)

=Purchas, Samuel.=

Haklvytvs posthumus or Purchas his pilgrimage. Vols. I-V. London: 1825-'26.

=Rau, Charles.=

Ancient aboriginal trade in North America. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann. Rep. for 1872, pp. 348-394, Washington: 1873.)

=Relations des Jésuites.=

Relations des Jésuites contenant ce qui s'est passé de plus remarquable dans les missions des pères de la compagnie de Jésus dans la Nouvelle-France. Vol. I. Quebec: 1858.

=Renouf, P. Le Page.=

See Hibbert Lectures, 1879.

=Richardson, John.=

Arctic searching expedition. Vols. I-II. London: 1851.

=Robinson, A.=

Life in California. New York: 1846.

=Ross, Alexander.=

The fur hunters of the far West. Vols. I-II. London: 1855.

=Salverte, Eusche.=

Philosophy of magic, prodigies, and apparent miracles. With notes, etc., by Anthony Todd Thomson. Vols. I-II. London: 1846.

=Saxon Leechdoms.=

See Cockayne, Oswald.

=Scheffer, John.=

The history of Lapland wherein are shewed the original manners, habits, marriages, conjurations, etc., of that people. Oxford: 1674.

=Schoolcraft, Henry R.=

Information respecting the history, condition and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Part IV. Philadelphia: 1854.

=Schultze, Fritz.=

Fetichism: a contribution to anthropology and the history of religion. Translated by J. Fitzgerald. (Forms No. 69 of Humboldt library of popular science literature.) New York: 1885.

=Schweinfurth, Georg.=

The heart of Africa. Translated by Ellen E. Frewer. Vols. I-II. London: 1873.

=Scott, Walter.=

Letters on demonology and witchcraft. Addressed to J. G. Lockhart, esq. New York: 1842.

=Scott, Walter.=

Lady of the lake.

=Sextus Placitus.=

De medicamentis ex animalibus. Lyons: 1537.

=Shakespeare, William.=

Macbeth. Collated with the old and modern editions [by Charles Jennens]. London: 1773.

=Shâyast lâ-Shâyast.=

See Müller, Max.

=Shea, John G.=

The Catholic church in colonial days. New York: 1886.

=Simpson, J.H.=

Report of an expedition into the Navajo country in 1849. (Forms part of senate ex. doc. 64, 31st cong., 1st sess.). Washington: 1850.

=Smart, Charles.=

Notes on the "Tonto" Apaches. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann. Rep. for 1867, Washington: 1868).

=Smet, P. J. de.=

Oregon missions and travels over the Rocky mountains in 1845-'46. New York: 1847.

=Smith, Buckingham.=

Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida y tierras adyacentes. Tom. I. London: 1857.

=Smith, Buckingham.=

Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca translated from the Spanish. New York: 1871.

=Smith, Edmund R.=

The Araucanians; or, notes of a tour among the Indian tribes of southern Chili. New York: 1855.

=Smith, John.=

True travels, adventures and observations. Vol. I. The generall historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Iles, vol. II. Richmond: 1819.

=Smyth, R. Brough.=

Aborigines of Victoria: with notes relating to the habits of the natives of other parts of Australia and Tasmania. Vols. I-II. London: 1878.

=Snyder, J. F.=

Indian remains in Cass County, Illinois. (In Smithsonian Institution Ann. Rep. for 1881, pp. 568-579, Washington: 1883.)

=Speke, John Hanning.=

Journal of the discovery of the source of the Nile. Edinburgh and London: 1863.

=Spencer, Herbert.=

Descriptive sociology; or, groups of sociological facts, classified and arranged. Nos. I-V. New York: 1873-'76.

=Spencer, Herbert.=

Ecclesiastical institutions: being part VI of the principles of sociology. New York: 1886.

=Squier, E. G.=

The serpent symbol, and the worship of the reciprocal principles of nature in America. New York: 1851.

=Squier, E. G.=

Aboriginal monuments of the state of New York. (In Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. II, Washington: 1851.)

=Squier, E. G., and Davis, E. H.=

Ancient monuments of the Mississippi valley. (Forms Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. I, Washington: 1848.)

=Staden de Homberg, Hans.=

Histoire d'un pays dans le Nouveau Monde, nommé Amérique. Marbourg, 1557. (Forms Vol. III of Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, Paris: 1837.)

=Stanley, H. M.=

Through the dark continent. Vols. I-II. New York: 1878.

=Strabo.=

The geography of Strabo. Literally translated by H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer. Vol. I. London: 1854.

=Strutt, Joseph.=

Sports and pastimes of the people of England. London: 1855.

=Tanner, John.=

Narrative of the captivity and adventures of John Tanner ... during three years' residence among the Indians. Prepared for the press by Edwin James. New York: 1830.

=Ternaux-Compans.=

Voyages, relations et mémoires originaux pour servir à l'histoire de la découverte de l'Amérique. Paris: Vols. III, VII, 1837; vols. IX, X, 1838; vols. XV, XVII, 1840.

=Theal, George McC.=

Kaffir folk-lore. London: 1882.

=Thiers, Jean-Baptiste.=

Traité des superstitions que regardent les sacremens. Vols. I-IV. Paris: 1741.

=Thomas, Cyrus.=

Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts. (In Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethnology for 1881-'82, pp. 1-65, Washington: 1884.)

=Thurn, Everard F. im.=

Among the Indians of Guiana. London: 1883.

=Torquemada, Juan de.=

Primera [-tercera] parte de los veinte i un libros rituales i monarchia Indiana. Vols. I-III. Madrid: 1723.

=Tylor, Edward B.=

Researches into the early history of mankind and the development of civilization. London: 1870.

=Tylor, Edward B.=

Primitive culture. Vols. I-II. London: 1871.

=Vaca.=

See Cabeça de Vaca; Smith, Buckingham.

=Vasishtha and Baudhâyana.=

See Müller, Max.

=Vedia, Enrique de.=

Historiadores primitivos de Indias. Vols. I-II. Madrid: 1852-'53.

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=Venegas, Miguel.=

A natural and civil history of California. Vols. I-II. London: 1759.

=Vetancurt, Agustin de.=

Teatro Mexicano. Descripcion breve de los sucesos ejemplares, historicos, politicos, militares y religiosos del nuevo mundo occidental de las Indias. Vols. I-III. Mexico: 1870-'71.

=Villagrá, Gaspar de.=

Historia de la Nueva Mexico. Alcala: 1610.

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Historia de la conquista de la provincia de el Itza. [Madrid: 1701.]

=Vining, Edward P.=

An inglorious Columbus. New York: 1885.

=Waitz, Theodor.=

Introduction to anthropology. Edited by J. Frederick Collingwood. London: 1863.

=Wallace, Alfred R.=

A narrative of travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, with an account of the native tribes. London: 1853.

=Whipple, A. W.=

Reports of explorations and surveys to ascertain the most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean. Vol. III. Washington: 1856.

=Whitney, W. Norton.=

Notes from the history of medical progress in Japan. Yokohama: 1885.

=Williams, Monier.=

Modern India and the Indians. London: 1878.

=Winstanley, W.=

A visit to Abyssinia: an account of travel in modern Ethiopia. Vols. I-II. London: 1881.

=Wrangell, Ferdinand P. von.=

Narrative of an expedition to the Polar Sea. New York: 1841.

=Wright, Thomas.=

Narratives of sorcery and magic, from the most authentic sources. Vols. I-II. London: 1851.

=Ximenez, Francisco.=

Las historias del origen de los Indios de esta provincia de Guatemala. Translated by C. Scherzer. Vienna: 1857.

INDEX.

A.

Acosta, José, cited on sacrifices of Indian corn 525 Alarcon, quoted on Indian customs 491, 494, 511 quoted on Indian sacred cords 555 Albinos, not medicine-men among the Apaches 460 Alegre, Francisco J., cited on Indian remedies 472 cited on ceremonial scratching among Indians 492 Amulets of the Apache 587-91 Arriaga, José de, cited on Indian medicine-men 594 Ashes, use of, in religious formalities 536 Asylum, right of, among Apache and other Indians 453-454

B.

Backus, E., quoted on magic powder of Indians 513 Baker, Frank, cited on "hand of glory" 486 Baker, Samuel, cited on African customs 489 Baking, origin of 542 Balboa, Vasco Nuñez, cited on Indian medicine-men 467 cited on Peruvian festival 527 Bancroft, H. H., cited on Indian medicine-men 457, 511 cited on mutilation by Indians 483 cited on scratching, by Indians 491 cited on Indian cakes 524 cited on Indian use of feathers 534, 535 Barcia, Gabriel de Cardenas, cited on sacred meal of Indians 512 quoted on magic powder of Indians 549 Bean, aversion to, by Egyptians and Abyssinians 517 Beans, string of, used as signal by Tecumseh 555 Benzoni, Girolamo, cited on Indian medicine-men 461 Black, William G., cited on magic knots and cords 570, 572, 573, 575, 576, 577, 579, 580 Blankets, blessed, used at Zuñi feasts 526 Bledos, meaning of the term 522 Blindness among Indian medicine-men 470 Blount, Thomas, cited on symbolic use of meal 513, 514 Bock, Carl, cited on Borneo water vessels 494 Bollaert, William, cited on emeralds of Peruvians 590 Brand, John, cited on bell-ringing 465 "hand of glory" 486 cited on powders 514, 532, 536 cited on sacred cakes 541, 544, 545, 546, 547 cited on cords and girdles 557, 561, 568, 569, 570, 571, 573, 575, 576, 578, 579, 580 Brasseur de Bourbourg, cited on Indian medicine-men 466 cited on origin of labrets 498 cited on tzoalli 523 Bread, sacred 541-547 unleavened 543, 544 Brinton, Daniel G., cited on Indian medicine-men 457, 480, 532 cited on Peruvian quipu 562 cited on chalchihuitl among Mexicans 590 quoted on influence of Indian medicine-men 593, 594 Bruce, James, quoted on Abyssinian hair dressing 492 Bull-roarer, use of among Indians 476-479 Buns, hot cross, of Good Friday 544-545 Burton, Robert, cited on magic cords and girdles 568, 569, 575 cited on exorcism 584

C.

Cakes, sacred 518, 541-547 Cameron, V. Lovett, cited on African customs 494, 514, 515 Castañeda, cited on Indian bread 522 Castration of Indian priests and medicine-men 454 Catlin, George, cited on Indian medicine-men 463 cited on Indian wigs 475 Chalchihuitl, an Indian amulet 588-591 Christmas foods 547 Clavigero, Francisco S., cited on Indian labret 497 cited on Indian mats of reeds 527-528 cited on Indian food 523 Clay-eating 537-540 Coleman, Charles, cited on Hindu powders 515 cited on sacred cords 565 Columbus, Christopher, quoted on magic powder of Indians 513 Commerce between "Buffalo" Indians and Pueblos 529, 530 Confessions of patient to Indian medicine-men 465, 466 Corbusier, Wm. F., quoted on galena among the Indians 549 cited on use of pollen by Indians 505 cited on Indian medicine-men 460 cited on Indian wigs 474 Cord of St. Francis, the 556-557 Cords, used in casting lots 558-559 magic wind, of the Lapps 560-561 mnemonic 561-563 sacred, of the Parsis and Brahmins 563-567 Mahometan belief concerning 566 measuring 572-573 sacred, ophic origin of 574 formerly used in binding prisoners 574-575 unclassified superstitions concerning 576-580 superstitions concerning 553-580 Countercharms to Indian "medicine" 459-460 Coxe, William, quoted on Indian magic powder 548 Crantz, David, cited on scratching among Eskimo 491 Crispellæ 541 Cross, place of the, in Indian symbolism 479-480 Cushing, F. H., cited on Zuñi water-vessels 494 cited on Zuñi Indians 452 cited on Zuñi drinking tubes 494

D.

Dall, William H., cited on Eskimo labrets 496 Davis, John, cited on Pueblo rebellion 555 Diaz, Bernal, cited on Indian medicine-women 469 cited on chalchihuitl among the Mexicans 591, 592 Diaz, Melchior, cited on Indian wig-making 475 Disease, method of treating by Indian medicine-men 462-468 Divination with grains and seeds 454-532, 533 Dobrizhoffer, Father, quoted on Abipones medicine-men 459-463 Dorman, Rushton M., cited on Peruvian priests 456 Dorsey, J. Owen, cited on Siouan medicine 452 Down of birds in ceremonial observances 533-535 Drinking reed and tubes, use of among Indians 493-498 Drinks and drugs used by Indian medicine-men 454, 455-456 Du Halde, P., cited on cords worn by Lamas 561 Dupuis, cited on castration of priests of Cybele 454 Duran, Diego, cited on Mexican priests 454, 456, 464 cited on Indian drinking tubes 495, 496 cited on sacred meal of Indians 510 cited on Indian idol of dough 524, 525, 529 quoted on clay eating by Mexicans 538 cited on cords among Mexicans 558 cited on Mexican headdress 582 Dust from churches, superstitions concerning 537

E.

Earth eating 537-540 Emerson, Mrs. Ellen Russell, cited on Indian customs 490, 495 Epileptic and insane, how regarded by Apache 460-461 Etmüller, Michael, quoted on girdles and cords 571, 572

F.

"Far," radical of "farina," etc. 545-546 Feathers, use of, in ceremonial observances 533-535 use of, in medicine hat 582 Fernandez, Alonso, quoted on sacrificial bread of Pueblos 545 Forlong, J. G. R., quoted on manna 517 quoted on sacred cakes 518, 544 cited on sacred cords 564, 565, 578 Fosbrooke, Thomas D., quoted on use of rushes at Easter 528 cited on symbolic use of ashes 536 Franklin, Sir John, cited on earth-eating by Eskimo 539 Frazer, J. G., cited on Indian customs 485 Frommann, J. C., on magic knots 569

G.

Galena, powdered, ceremonial use of, by Indians 548-549 pieces of, used in sacrifices 549 Gibberish always used by Indian medicine-men 464 Girdles, superstitions concerning 557-558, 570-572, 577 use of, in parturition 570-571 of human skin 571 Gomara cited on Indian medicine-men 459, 463, 464, 470, 472, 512 cited on Indian medicine-women 469 cited on Indian necklaces 488 cited on Indian cakes 526 cited on Indian mats 527 cited on clay-eating by Indians 538, 539 cited on chalchihuitl among Mexicans 590 Gonzales de Mendoza quoted on Indians throwing meal 510 Graffenreid, Baron de, cited on magic powder of Indians 512 Grimm, Jacob, cited on ancient German superstitions 487, 491, 541, 559, 561, 568, 570, 573 Grossman, Capt., cited on Apache purification 475

H.

Harris, W. Cornwallis, quoted on magic cords 574-575 Hawkins, ----, cited on scratching among Indians 491 Hair and wigs, use of, by Indian medicine-men 474-475 "Hand of glory," superstitions concerning 486 Hangman's rope, superstitions concerning 574, 575 Headdresses of Indian gods 582 of Apache medicine-men 584 Heath, Perry S., cited on use of down at Russian weddings 535 cited on Russian cakes 542 cited on Russian kostia 547 Hereditary priesthood among Indians 455-456 Herodotus, cited on Egyptian priests 454 Herrera, Antonio, quoted on Indian medicine-men 459, 461, 463, 472, 475, 553 quoted on Indian medicine-women 469 quoted on cross among Indians 480 quoted on Indian labrets 497 quoted on sacred meal of Indians 510 quoted on "powder of grass" 519 cited on Indian cakes 527 quoted on cords among Indians 558, 559, 574 cited on Indian headdress 582 Higgins, Godfrey, cited on hierophants of Athens 454 cited on Hindu powders 516 cited on use of flour in sacrifice 517 cited on use of pollen by the ancients 532 cited on girdles 557 Hind, Henry Youle, cited on Indian medicine-men 464, 513 cited on finger necklace 483 cited on Indian powder 513 Hoddentin, employment of, by the Apache 499-507 bags for carrying 500 offered to sun, moon, etc. 501-502 employment in corn culture 502 employment in sickness 502-505 employment as an amulet 503-506 a prehistoric food 518 the yiauhtli of the Aztecs 521-522 analogues of 530-532 Hoffman, W. J., cited on Ojibwa medicine 452, 511 Hutchinson, consul, cited on African magic powders 515

I.

Impotence, self-induced in Indian medicine-men 454 Indian corn, sacrifice of 525 Insanity, how regarded in Apache "medicine" 460 Izze-kloth of the Apache 550-558 Izze-kloth, analogues of other people 558

J.

James, Edwin, cited on Indian sacrifices 526 Jus primæ noctis claimed by Indian medicine-men 461

K.

Kalm, quoted on use of roots of rushes by Indians 520, 521 Kan or Apache gods 581-582 Kane, Paul, cited on scratching by Indians 491 Kelly, Fanny, cited on Sioux medicine-men 453 quoted on Sioux games with bones 486 Kennan, Geo., quoted on use of roots by Siberians 521 Kingsborough, Edward, quoted on Indian medical practice 594 Knots, magic wind, of the Lapps 560-561 mnemonic use of 562-563 magic, preventive of sexual intercourse 567, 569, 570 true lovers 567, 568-576 magic, various powers of 568-570 nuptial 568-570 use of in parturition 570-571 used in capturing hyena 574 used in finding lost animal 574 in garments 576 cure for warts, scrofula, epilepsy, etc. 578-579 Kohl, J. G., cited on mutilation by Indians 483, 484 cited on Ojibwa customs 490, 511, 531 Kolben, Peter, cited on Hottentot customs 485, 536 Kraskenninikoff, cited on Eskimo remedies 472, 473 Kunque, use of by the Apache and Pueblo 508-511 analogy of to flour in Spanish carnival 509-510

L.

Labrets, tubes used for, by Indians 497-498 Lafitau, Joseph François, cited on sacred powder of Indians 512 La Flèche, Francis, cited on Indian ghost food 527 La Salle, Robert C., quoted on use of corn by Indians in burials 513 Lea, Henry Charles, cited on sacred cords 567 Le Clerq, Chrestien, quoted on cross as an Indian symbol 480 Lucky days and seasons 461 Lycanthropy, power of, claimed by Indian medicine-men 458-459

M.

Malte-Brun, cited on earth-eating by Siberians 539 cited on cords and girdles 561, 562, 564 Mason, Otis T., cited on superstition connected with scratching 493 Maurice, Thomas, cited on sacred cords 566 Meal, sacred, use of, by Apache and Pueblo 508-511 use of, by other people 510-515 Measuring cords 572-573 Meat, sacred, of the Zuñis 545 Medicine cord of the Apache 550-558 Medicine hat of the Apache 502-503, 580-581 symbolism of 582 Medicine-men of the Indians, who may be 451-457 no organization of 452 manner of becoming one 453-454 powers claimed by 454-459, 462, 470-471 penalty for failure of, to cure disease 466-467 food of 470 disposal of, when dead 470 Medicine-women of the Indians 468-469 Medidas 572 Mendieta, Geronimo, cited on Indian medicine-women 469 quoted on Indian idols of flour or seeds 526 quoted on Indian divination with corn 533 Metamorphosis, power of, claimed by Indian medicine-men 458-459 Montesinos, Fernando, cited on Peruvian sacred flour 511 Montfaucon, Bernard de, cited on girdles of Saliens 559 Mud, plastering the head with, by Indians 475-476 Müller, Max, cited on scratching among the Parsi 493 cited on parched grain among the Hindus 546 cited on Hindu drinking custom 496 cited on sacred cords of Hindus 563, 567 Music, use of, by Indian medicine-men 465

N.

Name of an American Indian not to be divulged by himself 461 when given 461-462 battle or agnomen 462 Necklaces, of human fingers 480-487 of various parts of the human body 483-489 of human teeth 487-489

P.

Painting in Apache ceremonies 583 Pancakes, superstitions concerning 541, 542, 543 Parkman, Francis, cited on Indian medicine-men 455, 459, 475 Parturition, use of cords and knots in 570-572 Payment of Indian medicine-men 467-468 Pennant, Thomas, quoted on magic knots 569, 578 Perrot, Nicolas, quoted on magic powder of Indians 514 Pettit, Lieut., cited on Indian medicine-men 473 Phylacteries of the Apache 591-592 Picart, Bernard, cited on Indian medicine-men 457, 512 cited on Indian necklaces 488 cited on Indian drinking tubes 495 cited on Indian labrets 498 cited on sacred powders of Hindus 516 cited on reeds among the Romans 528 quoted on hair powder 535 quoted on cords 556-557, 558, 559, 561, 563, 564, 576 cited on Arab divination 584 Pimentel, Francisco, quoted on Indian medicine-men 593 Pliny, Caius, cited on Roman superstitions 486, 487, 568, 570, 572, 574, 575, 578, 579 Pollen, use of by Israelites and Egyptians 517-518 use of among Hindus and Romans 532 Polo, Marco, cited on cords worn by Brahmans 563 Porter, J. Hampden, cited on ceremonial scratching among Indians 492 Powder, sacred, use of, by various peoples 513-517 Powder of grass and straw used as food 519-520 sacred, general use of, among Indians 528-529 hair, use by Indians 535-536 Prehistoric foods used in covenant 540-541 sacrificed by Romans 545 Purchas, Samuel, quoted on Indian "mud-heads" 476

Q.

Quipu of the Peruvians 553

R.

Rain-making one of the powers ascribed to Indian medicine-men 455-456 Rebellion of the Pueblos 555 Reeds or rushes, superstitious uses of 527-528 Remedies of the Indian medicine-men 471-474 Rhombus, or bull-roarer, use of, among Indians 476-479 Richardson, Sir John, cited on Indian medicine-women 469 Rockhill, W. W., cited on flour-throwing by Tibetans 516 Rosary, origin of 554 used as a mnemonic cord 561

S.

Sage, seeds and roots of, used in tzoalli 526-527 Sahagun cited on Aztec customs 464, 486, 495, 518, 523, 528, 538, 559, 521 Salverte, Eusebe, cited on Indian medicine-men 458, 464 cited on Roman covenant bread 540 cited on amulets 578 Sashes, medicine, of the Apache 593 Scalp shirts in Indian "medicine" 476 Schultze, Fritz, cited on Indian medicine-men and women 470, 471 Schweinfurth, Georg A., cited on African customs 488, 560 Scott, Walter, cited on lycanthropy 459 quoted on lightning-riven wood 587 Scratch stick, employment of, among uncivilized peoples 490-493 not used for combs 491 origin of 492 Shirts of scalps in Indian "medicine" 476 Shirts, medicine, of the Apache 593 Simon, Padre, quoted on Indian idolatry 594 Simpson, John, cited on use of magic powder by Indians 509 Smith, John, cited on sacred meal of Indians 511, 512 Smyth, Brough, cited on Australian aboriginal customs 485, 535, 537, 540, 574 Snake-killing, prohibition of, by Indian medicine-men 470 Soul cakes 546 Speke, John H., cited on African customs 488, 494, 514, 515, 560 Spencer, Charles, cited on Indian medicine-men 458 Spencer, Herbert, cited on Indian medicine-men 455, 457, 458, 459, 461, 467, 468, 472 cited on ancient German priests 463 cited on Indian customs 492 Spirit dance of the Apache 582-584, 585-586 Stanley, Henry M., quoted on African amulets 485, 560 cited on African customs 515, 575 Stolen property, power to recover claimed by Indian medicine-men 461 Strutt, Joseph, quoted on magic cakes 547 Stuart, King James, quoted on magic knots 569 Sweat bath, a necessary part of Indian medicine 455

T.

Talismans of the Apache 587-590 Tanner, John, cited on Indian sacks of human skin 484 cited on scratching by Indians 490 cited on Indian powders 513 cited on Indian headdress 555, 556 Theal, Geo. M., quoted on rhombus among Kaffirs 479 Torquemada, Juan de, quoted on Aztec customs 522, 523, 524, 525 cited on Indian headdresses 582 Tule or flag, roots used as food 520-521 Tylor, E. B., cited on Indian medicine-men 458 cited on bull-roarer 478 Tzi-daltai of the Apaches 587 Tzoalli, cakes of, used in Indian sacrifices 523-528 idols formed of 525-526

U.

Unleavened bread 543-544

V.

Vaca, Cabeza de, cited on Mexican customs 455 cited on Floridian medicine-men 470, 472 cited on clay-eating by Indians 538 quoted on galena among the Indians 548 Vetancurt, Augustin de, quoted on Aztec customs 522 cited on Apache commerce 530 Villagrá, quoted on throwing meal by Indians 510 Vining, Edward P., cited on mnemonic knots of Japanese 562

W.

Wheat, origin of 542 Whipple, A. W., cited on Indian commerce 530 Whitney, W. Norton, cited on Japanese "medicine" 531 Wigs, use of by Indian medicine-men 474-475 Winstanley, W., cited on cords worn by Abyssinians 560 Wounds by wild beasts a qualification for Indian priesthood 457-458

X.

Ximenez, Francisco, cited on myths of Guatemala 528 Francisco, quoted on divination by Guatemalan Indians 533 Francisco, quoted on chalchihuitl among the Mexicans 590

* * * * *

Transcriber's Notes:

Obvious typographical errors have been repaired. Non-standard spellings, including those in other languages, were retained as in the original.

Hyphenation and accent variants that could not be clearly resolved, were retained.

The few cases of ellipses shown as asterisks were also retained.

Latin-1 and UTF-8 texts: Footnote 490, C^{ie} indicates a "C" followed by a superscript of the characters "ie."

Latin-1 and UTF-8 texts: _Underscores_ enclose italicised content; =Equal signs= enclose bold content.

p. 579, paragraph beginning "Dr. Joseph Lanzoni": both "chermisinum" and "chermesinum" occurred in the original as shown.

p. 585, paragraph beginning "At intervals": "Three several times they" is as in the original.