CHAPTER XLIII

THE MEDIAEVAL SYNTHESIS: DANTE

It lies before us to draw the lines of mediaeval development together. We have been considering the Middle Ages very largely, endeavouring to fix in mind the more interesting of their intellectual and emotional phenomena. We have found throughout a certain spiritual homogeneity; but have also seen that the mediaeval period of western Europe is not to be forced to a fictitious unity of intellectual and emotional quality--contradicted by a disparity of traits and interests existing then as now. Yet just as certain ways of discerning facts and estimating their importance distinguish our own time, making it an “age” or epoch, so in spite of diversity and conflict, the same was true of the mediaeval period. From the ninth to the fourteenth century, inter-related processes of thought, beliefs, and standards prevailed and imparted a spiritual colour to the time. While not affecting all men equally, these spiritual habits tended to dominate the minds and tempers of those men who were the arbiters of opinion, for example, the church dignitaries, or the theologian-philosophers. Men who thought effectively, or upon whom it fell to decide for others, or to construct or imagine for them, such, whether pleasure-loving, secularly ambitious, or immersed in contemplation of the life beyond the grave, accepted certain beliefs, recognized certain authoritatively prescribed ideals of conduct and well-being, and did not reject the processes of proof supporting them.

The causes making the Middle Ages a characterizable period in human history have been scanned. We observed the antecedent influences as they finally took form and temper in the intellectual atmosphere of the latter-day pagan world and the cognate mentalities of the Church Fathers. We followed the pre-Christian Latinizing of Provence, Spain, Gaul, and the diffusion of Christianity throughout the same countries, where, save for sporadic dispossession, Christianity and Latin were to continue, and become, in the course of centuries, mediaeval and Romance. As waves of barbarism washed over the somewhat decadent society of Italy and her Latin daughters, we saw a new ignorance setting a final seal upon the inability of these epigoni to emulate bygone achievements. Plainly there was need of effort to rescue the _disjecta membra_ of the antique and Christian heritages. The wreckers were famous men, young Boëthius, old Cassiodorus, the great pope Gregory, and princely Isidore. For their own people they were gatherers and conservers; but they proved veritable transmitters for Franks, Anglo-Saxons and Germans, who were made acquainted with Christianity and Latinity between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the period in the course of which the Merovingian kingdoms were superseded by the Carolingian Empire.

With the Carolingian period the Middles Ages unquestionably are upon us. The factors and material of mediaeval development, howsoever they have come into conjunction, are found in interplay. It was for the mediaeval peoples, now in presence of their spiritual fortunes, to grow and draw from life. Their task, as has appeared from many points of view, was to master the Christian and antique material, and change its substance into personal faculty. Under different guises this task was for all, whether living in Italy or dwelling where the antique had weaker root or had been newly introduced.

This Carolingian time of so much sheer introduction to the teaching of the past presented little intellectual discrimination. That would come very gradually, when men had mastered their lesson and could set themselves to further study of the parts suited to their taste. Nevertheless, there was even in the Carolingian period another sort of discrimination, towards which men’s consciences were drawn by the contrast between their antique and Christian heritages, and because the latter held a criterion of selection and rejection, touching all the elements of human life.

Whoever reflects upon his life and its compass of thought, of inclination, of passion, action, and capacity for happiness or desolation, is likely to consider how he may best harmonize its elements. He will have to choose and reject; and within him may arise a conflict which he must bring to reconcilement if he will have peace. He may need to sacrifice certain of his impulses or even rational desires. As with a thoughtful individual, so with thoughtful people of an epoch, among whom like standards of discrimination may be found prevailing. The ninth century received, with patristic Christianity, a standard of selection and rejection. In conformity with it, men, century after century, were to make their choice, and try to bring their lives to a discriminating unity and certain peace. Yet in every mediaeval century the soul’s peace was broken in ways demanding other modes of reconcilement.

What profiteth a man to gain the world and lose his eternal life? Here was the Gospel basis of the matter. And, following their conception of Christ’s teaching, the Fathers of the Church elaborated and defined the conditions of attainment of eternal life with God, which was salvation. This was man’s whole good, embracing every valid and righteous element of life. Thus it had been with Christ; thus it was with Augustine; thus it was with Benedict of Nursia and Gregory the Great; only in Benedict and Gregory the salvation which represented the true and uncorrupt life of man on earth, as well as the assured preparation for eternal life with God, had shrunken from the universality of Christ, and even from the fulness of desire with which Augustine sought to know God and the soul. In these later men the conception of salvation had contracted through ascetic exclusion and barbaric fear.

Yet with Benedict and Gregory, in whom there was much constructive sanity, and indeed with all men who were not maniacally constrained, there was recognition that salvation was of the mind as well as through faith and love, or abhorrent fear. It is necessary to know the truth; and surely it is absolutely good to desire to know the truth forever, without the cumbrances of fleshly mortality. This desire is a true part of everlasting life. Through it Origen, Hilary of Poictiers, Augustine largely, and after them the great scholastics with Dante at their close, achieved salvation.

But why should one desire to know the truth utterly and forever, were not the truth desirable, lovable? Naturally one loves that which through desire and effort one has come to know. Love is required and also faith by him who will have and know the salvation which is eternal life; the emotions must take active part. Yet salvation comes not through the unguided sense-desiderative nature. It is for reason to direct passionate desire, and raise it to desire rationally approved, which is volition.

Thus salvation not only requires the action of the whole man, but is in and of his entire nature. It presents a unity primarily because of its agreement with the will of God, and then because of its unqualified and universal insistence that it, salvation, life eternal, be set absolutely first in man’s endeavour. What indeed could be more irrational, and more loveless and faithless, than that any desire should prevail over the entire good of man and the will of God as well? Oneness and peace consist in singleness of purpose and endeavour for salvation. Herein lies the standard of conduct and of discrimination as touching every element of mortal life.

With mediaeval men, the application of the criterion of salvation depended on how the will of God for man, and man’s accordant conduct, was conceived. What kind of conduct, what elements of the intellectual and emotional life were proper for the Kingdom of Heaven? What matters barred the way, or were unfit for the eternal spiritual state? The history of Christian thought lies within these queries. An authoritative consensus of opinion was represented by the Church at large, holding from century to century a _juste milieu_ of doctrine, by no means lax and yet not going to ascetic extremes. Seemingly the Church maintained varying standards of conduct for different orders of men. Yet in truth it was applying one standard according to the responsibilities of individuals and their vows.

The Church (meaning, for our purpose, the authoritative consensus of mediaeval ecclesiastical or religious approvals) always upheld as the ideal of perfect living the religious life, led under the sanction and guidance of some recognized monastic _regula_. So lived monks and nuns, and in more extreme or sporadic instances, anchorites and _reclusae_. The main peril of this strait and narrow path was its forsaking, the breaking of its vows. Less austerely guarded and exposed to further dangers were the secular clergy, living in the world, occupied with the care of lay souls, and with other cares that hardly touched salvation. The world avowedly, the flesh in reality, and the devil in all probability, beset the souls of bishops and other clergy. In view of their exposed positions “in the world,” a less austerely ascetic life was expected of the seculars, whose lapses from absolute holiness God might--or perhaps might not--condone.

Around, and for the most part below, regulars and seculars were the laity of both sexes, of all ages, positions, and degrees of instruction or ignorance. They had taken no vows of utter devotion to God’s service, and were expected to marry, beget children, fight and barter, and fend for themselves amid the temptations and exigencies of affairs. Well for them indeed if they could live in communion with the Church, and die repentant and absolved, eligible for purgatory.

For all these kinds of men and women like virtues were prescribed, although their fulfilment was looked for with varying degrees of expectation. For instance, the distinctly theological virtues, faith, hope, and charity, especially the first, could not be completely attained by the ignorance and imperfect consecration of laymen. The vices, likewise, were the same for all, pride, anger, hypocrisy, and the rest; only with married people a venial unchastity was sacramentally declared not to constitute mortal sin. For this one case, human weakness, also mankind’s necessity, was recognized; while, in practice, the Church, through its boundless opportunities for penitence and absolution, mercifully condoned all delinquency save obstinate pride, impenitence, and disbelief.

These were the bare poles ethical of the orthodox mediaeval Christian scheme. How as to its intellectual and emotional inclusiveness? The many-phased interest of the mind, _i.e._ the desire to know, was in principle accepted, but with the condition that the ultimate end of knowledge should be the attainment of salvation. It was stated and re-emphasized by well-nigh every type of mediaeval thinker, that Theology was the queen of sciences, and her service alone justified her handmaids. All knowledge should make for the knowledge of God, and enlarge the soul’s relationship to its Creator and Judge. “He that is not with me is against me.” Knowledge which does not aid man to know his God and save his soul, all intellectual pursuits which are not loyal to this end, minister to the obstinacy and vainglory of man, stiff-necked, disobedient, unsubmissive to the will of God. Knowledge is justified or condemned according to its ultimate purpose. Likewise every deed, business, occupation, which can fill out the active life of man. As they make for Christ and salvation, the functions of ruler, warrior, lawyer, artisan, priest, are justified and blessed--or the reverse.

But how as to the appetites and the emotions? How as to love, between the sexes, parent and child, among friends? The standard of discrimination is still the same, though its application vary. Appetite for food, if unrestrained, is gluttony; it must be held from hindering the great end. One must guard against love’s obsession, against sense-passion, which is so forgetful of the ultimate good: concupiscence is sinful. Through bodily begetting, the taint of original sin is transmitted; and in all carnal desire, though sanctioned by the marriage sacrament, is lust and spiritual forgetfulness. When in fornication and adultery its acts contravene God’s law, they are mortal sins which will, if unabsolved, cast the sinner into hell.

Few men in the Middle Ages were insensible to their future lot, and therefore the criterion of salvation unto eternal life would rarely be rejected. But often there was conflict within the soul before it acquiesced in what it felt compelled to recognize; and sometimes there was clear revolt against current convictions, or practical insistence that a larger volume of the elements of human nature were fit for life eternal.

Conflict before acquiescence had agitated the natures of sainted Fathers of the Church, who marked out the path to salvation which the Middle Ages were to tread. One thinks at once of Jerome’s never-forgotten dream of exclusion from Paradise because of too great delight in classic reading. Another phase was Augustine’s, set forth somewhat retrospectively in his _Confessions_. Therein, as would seem, the drawings of the flesh were most importunate. Yet not without sighs and waverings did the _mind_ of Augustine settle to its purpose of knowing only God and the soul. At all events the chafings of mortal curiosity, the promptings of cultivated taste, and the cravings of the flesh, were the moving forces of the Psychomachia which passed with Patristic Christianity to the Middle Ages. Thousands upon thousands of ardent souls were to experience this conflict before convincing themselves that classic studies should be followed only as they led heavenward, and that carnal love was an evil thing which, even when sacramentally sanctioned, might deflect the soul.

The revolt against the authoritatively accepted standard declared itself along the same lines of conflict, but did not end in acquiescence and renunciation. It contended rather for a peace and reconcilement which should include much that was looked upon askance. It was not always violent, and might be dumb to the verge of unconsciousness, merely a tacit departure from standards more universally recognized than followed.

There were countless instances of this silent departure from the standard of salvation. With cultivated men, it realized itself in classical studies, as with Hildebert of Le Mans or John of Salisbury. It does not appear that either of them experienced qualms of conscience or suffered rebuke from their brethren. No more did Gerbert, an earlier instance of catholic interest in profane knowledge, though legends of questionable practices were to encircle his fame.

Other men pursued knowledge, rational or physical, in such a way as to rouse hostile attention to its irrelevancy or repugnancy to saving faith, and this even in spite of formal demonstration by the investigator--Roger Bacon is in our mind--of the advantage of his researches to the Queen Theology. Bacon might not have been so suspect to his brethren, and his demonstration of the theological serviceableness of natural knowledge would have passed, had he not put forth bristling manifestos denouncing the blind acceptance of custom and authority. Moreover, the obvious tendencies of methods of investigation advocated by him countered methods of faith; for the mediaeval and patristic conception of salvation, whatever collateral supports it might find in reason, was founded on the authority of revelation.

Indeed it was the lifting up of the standard of rational investigation which distinguished the veritable revolt from those preliminary inner conflicts which often strengthened final acquiescence. And it was the obstinate elevation of one’s individual wisdom (as it appeared to the orthodox) that separated the accredited supporters of the Church among theologians and philosophers, from those who were suspect. We mark the line of the latter reaching back through Abaelard to Eriugena. Such men, although possibly narrower in their intellectual interests than some who more surely abode within the Church’s pale, may be held as broader in principle. For inasmuch as they tended to set reason above authority, it would seem that there was no bound to their pursuit of rational knowledge, wherewith to expand and fortify their reason.

But if the intellectual side of man pressed upon the absolutism of the standard of salvation, more belligerent was the insistency of love--not of the Crucified. To the Church’s disparagement of the flesh, love made answer openly, not slinking behind hedges or closed doors, nor even sheltering itself within wedlock’s lawfulness. It, love, without regard to priestly sanction, proclaimed itself a counter-principle of worth. The love of man for woman was to be an inspiration to high deeds and noble living as well as a source of ennobling power. It presented an ideal for knights and poets. It could confer no immortality on lovers save that of undying fame: but it promised the highest happiness and worth in mortal life. If only knights and ladies might not have grown old, the supremacy of love and its emprize would have been impregnable. But age must come, and the ghastly mediaeval fear of death was like to drive lover and mistress at the last within some convent refuge. Fear brought compunction and perhaps its tears. Renunciation of the joy of life seemed a fit penance to disarm the Judge’s wrath. So at the end of life the ideal of love was prone to make surrender to salvation. Asceticism even enters its literature, as with the monkish Galahad. There was, however, another way of reconcilement between the carnal and the spiritual, the secular and the eternal, by which the secular and carnal were transformed to symbols of the spiritual and eternal--the way of the _Vita nuova_ and the _Divina Commedia_, as we shall see.

So in spite of conflicts or silent treasons within the natures of many who fought beneath the Christian banner, in spite of open mutinies of the mind and declared revolts of the heart, salvation remained the triumphant standard of discrimination by which the elements of mediaeval life were to be esteemed or rejected. What then were these elements to which this standard, or deflections from it, should apply? How specify their mediaeval guise and character? It would be possible to pass in review synoptically the contents of this work. We might return, and then once more travel hitherward over the mediaeval path, the many paths and byways of mediaeval life. We might follow and again see applied--or unapplied--these standards of discrimination, salvation over all, and the deviations of pretended acquiescence or subconscious departure. We might perhaps make one final attempt to draw the currents of mediaeval life together, or observe the angles of their divergence, and note once more the disparity of taste and interest making so motley the mediaeval picture. But this has been done so excellently, in colours of life, and presented in the person of a man in whom mediaeval thought and feeling were whole, organic, living--an achievement by the Artist moving the antecedent scheme of things which made this man Dante what he was. We shall find in him the conflict, the silent departures, and the reconcilement at last of recalcitrant elements brought within salvation as the standard of universal discrimination. Dante accomplishes this reconcilement in personal yet full mediaeval manner by transmuting the material to the spiritual, the mortal to the eternal, through the instrumentality of symbolism. He is not merely mediaeval; he is the end of the mediaeval development and the proper issue of the mediaeval genius.

Yes, there is unity throughout the diversity of mediaeval life; and Dante is the proof. For the elements of mediaeval growth combine in him, demonstrating their congruity by working together in the stature of the full-grown mediaeval man. When the contents of patristic Christianity and the surviving antique culture had been conceived anew, and had been felt as well, and novel forms of sentiment evolved, at last comes Dante to possess the whole, to think it, feel it, visualize its sum, and make of it a poem. He had mastered the field of mediaeval knowledge, diligently cultivating parts of it, like the Graeco-Arabian astronomy; he thought and reasoned in the terms and assumptions of scholastic (chiefly Thomist-Aristotelian) philosophy; his intellectual interests were mediaeval; he felt the mediaeval reverence for the past, being impassioned with the ancient greatness of Rome and the lineage of virtue and authority moving from it to him and thirteenth-century Italy and the already shattered Holy Roman Empire. He took earnest joy in the Latin Classics, approaching them from mediaeval points of view, accepting their contents uncritically. He was affected with the preciosity of courtly or chivalric love, which Italy had made her own along with the songs of the Troubadours and the poetry of northern France. His emotions flowed in channels of current convention, save that they overfilled them; this was true as to his early love, and true as to his final range of religious and poetic feeling. His was the emotion and the cruelty of mediaeval religious conviction; while in his mind (so worked the genius of symbolism) every fact’s apparent meaning was clothed with the significance of other modes of truth.

Dante was also an Italian of the period in which he lived; and he was a marvellous poet. One may note in him what was mediaeval, what was specifically Italian, and what, apparently, was personal. This scholar could not but draw his education, his views of life and death, his dominant inclinations and the large currents of his purpose, from the antecedent mediaeval period and the still greater past which had worked upon it so mightily. His Italian nature and environment gave point and piquancy and very concrete life to these mediaeval elements; and his personal genius produced from it all a supreme poetic creation.

The Italian part of Dante comes between the mediaeval and the personal, as species comes between the genus and the individual. The tremendous feeling which he discloses for the Roman past seems, in him, specifically Italian: child of Italy, he holds himself a Latin and a direct heir of the Republic. Yet often his attitude toward the antique will be that of mediaeval men in general, as in his disposition to accept ancient myth for fact; while his own genius appears in his beautifully apt appropriation of the Virgilian incident or image; wherein he excels his “Mantuan” master, whose borrowings from Homer were not always felicitous. Frequently the specifically Italian in Dante, his yearning hate of Florence, for example, may scarcely be distinguished from his personal temper; but its civic bitterness is different from the feudal animosities or promiscuous rages which were more generically mediaeval. As a lighter example, there are three lines in the fourth canto of the _Purgatorio_ which do not reflect the Middle Ages, nor yet pertain to Dante’s character, but are, we feel, Italian. They are these: “Thither we drew; and there were persons who were staying in the shadow behind the rock, as one through indolence sets himself to stay.”

Again, Dante’s arguments in the _De monarchia_[672] seem to be those of an Italian Ghibelline. Yet beyond his intense realization of Italy’s direct succession to the Roman past, his reasoning is scholastic and mediaeval, or springs occasionally from his own reflections. The Italian contribution to the book tends to coalesce either with the general or the personal elements. Dante argues that the rewards or fruits of virtue belonged to the Roman people because of the pre-eminent virtue, high lineage, and royal marriage-connections, of their ancestor Aeneas.[673] Here, of course, the statements of Virgil are accepted literally, and one notes that while the argument is mediaeval in its absurdity, it will be made Italian in its application. Likewise his further arguments making for the same conclusion, however Italianized in their pointing, are mediaeval, or patristic, in their provenance: for example, that the Roman Empire was divinely helped by miracles; that the divine arbitrament decided the world-struggle or _duellum_ in its favour; and that Christ was born and suffered legally to redeem mankind under the Empire’s authority and jurisdiction.[674] Moreover, in refuting the very mediaeval papal arguments from “the keys,” from “the two swords,” and from the analogy of the sun and moon, Dante himself reasons scholastically.[675]

The _De vulgari eloquentia_ illustrates the difference between Dante accepting and reproducing mediaeval views, and Dante thinking for himself. In opening he speaks of mixing the stronger potions of others with the water of his own talent, to make a beverage of sweetest hydromel--we have heard such phrases before! Then the first chapters give the current ideas touching the nature and origin of speech, and describe the confusion of language at the building of Babel: each group of workmen engaged in the same sort of work found themselves speaking a new tongue understood only by themselves; while the sacred Hebrew speech endured with that seed of Shem who had taken no part in the impious construction. After this foolishness, the eighth chapter of Book I. becomes startlingly intelligent as Dante discusses the contemporary Romance tongues of Europe and takes up the _idioma_ which uses the particle _si_. Out of its many dialects he detaches his thought of a _volgare_, a mother tongue, which shall be the illustrious, noble, and courtly speech in Latium, and shall seem to be of every Latian city and yet of none, and afford a standard by which the speech of each city may be criticized. The mediaeval period offers no such penetrating linguistic observation; and in the _De Vulgari Eloquentia_, as in the _Convito_, Dante is deeply conscious of the worth of the Romance vernacular.

Written in the _volgare_, the style of the latter nondescript work bears curious likeness to scientific Latin writing. The Latin scholastic thought shows plainly through this involved and scholastic _volgare_, while the scholastic substance is rendered in a scarcely altered medium. The _Convito_ is indeed a curious work which one need not lament that Dante did not carry out to its mediaeval interminableness in fourteen books. The four that he wrote suffice to show its futility and apparent confusion in conception and form. Besides incidentally explaining the thought of the idyllic _Vita nuova_, it professed to be a commentary upon fourteen of Dante’s canzone, the meaning of which had been misunderstood. Indeed they had been suspected of disclosing a passion bearing a morganatic relationship to the love of Beatrice. Truly understood they referred to that love which is the love of knowledge, philosophy to wit; and their commentary should expound that, and might properly set forth the contents of the Seven Liberal Arts and the higher divine reaches of knowledge. The _Convito_ seems also to mark a stage in Dante’s life: the time perhaps when he turned, or imagined himself as turning, to philosophy for consolation in youthful grief, or the time perhaps when his nature looked coldly upon its early faith and sought to stay itself with rational knowledge. The book might thus seem a _De consolatione philosophiae_, after the temper, if not the manner, of Boëthius’ work, which then was much in Dante’s mind. Yet it was to be a setting forth of knowledge for the ignorant, a sort of _Summa contra Gentiles_, as is hinted in the last completed chapter. These three purposes fall in with the fact that the work was apparently the expression of Dante’s intellectual nature, and of his spiritual condition between the experience of the _Vita nuova_ and the time or state of the _Commedia_.[676]

Certainly the _Convito_ gives evidence touching the writer’s mental processes and the interests of his mind. Except for its lofty advocacy of the _volgare_ and its personal apologetic references, it contains little that is not blankly mediaeval. And had it kept on to its completion, so as to have become no torso, but a full _Summa_ or _Tesoro_ of liberal knowledge, its whimsical form as a commentary upon canzone would have made it one of the most bizarre of mediaeval compositions. One should not take this most repellent of Dante’s writings as an adequate expression of the intellectual side of his nature; though a significant phrase may be drawn from it: “Philosophy is a loving use of wisdom (_uno amoroso uso di sapienza_) which chiefly is in God, since in Him is utmost wisdom, utmost love, and utmost actuality.”[677] A loving use of wisdom--with Dante the pursuit of knowledge was no mere intellectual search, but a pilgrimage of the whole nature, loving heart as well as knowing mind, and the working virtues too. This pilgrimage is set forth in the _Commedia_, perhaps the supreme creation of the Middle Ages, and a work that by reason of the beautiful affinity of its speech with Latin,[678] exquisitely expressed the matters which in Latin had been coming to formulation through the mediaeval centuries.

The _Commedia_ (_Inferno_, _Purgatorio_, _Paradiso_) is a _Summa_, a _Summa salvationis_, a sum of saving knowledge. It is such just as surely as the final work of Aquinas is a _Summa theologiae_. But Aquinas was the supreme mediaeval theologian-philosopher, while Dante was the supreme theologian-poet; and with both Aquinas and Dante, theology includes the knowledge of all things, but chiefly of man in relation to God. Such was the matter of the _divina scientia_ of Thomas, and such was the subject of the _Commedia_, which was soon recognized as the _Divina Commedia_ in the very sense in which Theology was the divine science. The _Summa_ of Thomas was _scientia_ not only in substance, but in form; the _Commedia_ was _scientia_, or _sapientia_, in substance, while in form it was a poem, the epic of man the pilgrim of salvation. In every sense, Aristotelian and otherwise, it was a work of art; and herein if we cannot compare it with a _Summa_, we may certainly liken it to a Cathedral, which also was a work of art and a _Summa salvationis_ wrought in stone. For a Cathedral--it is the great French type we have in mind--was a _Summa_ of saving knowledge, as well as a place for saving acts. And presenting the substance of knowledge in the forms of art, very true art, the matter of which had long been pondered on and loved or hated, the Cathedral in its feeling and beauty, as well as in the order of its manifested thought, was a _Commedia_; for it too was a poem with a happy ending, at least for those who should be saved.

The Cathedral had grown from dumb barrel-vaulted Romanesque to Gothic, speaking in all the terms of sculpture and painted glass. It grew out of its antecedents. The _Commedia_ rested upon the entire evolution of the Middle Ages. Therein had lain its spiritual preparation. To be sure it had its casual forerunners (_precursori_): narratives, real or feigned, of men faring to the regions of the dead.[679] But these signified little; for everywhere thoughts of the other life pressed upon men’s minds: fear of it blanched their hearts; its heavenly or hellish messengers had been seen, and not a few men dreamed that they had walked within those gates and witnessed clanging horrors or purgatorial pain. Heaven they had more rarely visited.

Dante gave little attention to any so-called “forerunners,” save only two, Paul and Virgil. The former was a warrant for the poet’s reticence as to the manner of his ascent to Heaven;[680] the latter supplied much of his scheme of Hell. Yet there were one or two others possessed of some affinity of soul with the great Florentine, who perhaps knew nothing of them. One of these was Hildegard of Bingen, with her vision of the spirits in the cloud, and her pungent sights of the bitterness of the pains of hell.[681] Another sort of affinity is disclosed in the allegorical _Anticlaudianus_ of Alanus de Insulis, in which Reason can take _Prudentia_ just so far upon her heavenly journey, and then gives place to Theology, even as Virgil, symbol of rational wisdom, gives place to Beatrice at the summit of the Mount of Purgatory.[682] Dante might have drawn still more enlightenment from the _De sacramentis_ of Hugo of St. Victor, in which the rational basis of the universal scheme of things is shown to lie in the principle of allegorical intendment. Yet one finds few traces of Hugo in Dante except through Hugo’s pupil, Richard, whose works he had read. That such apt forerunners should scarcely have affected him shows how he was taught and inspired, not by individuals, but by the entire Middle Ages.

One observes mediaeval characteristics in the _Commedia_ raised to a higher power. The mediaeval period was marked by contrasts of quality and of conduct such as cannot be found in the antique or the modern age. And what other poem can vie with the _Commedia_ in contrasts of the beautiful and the loathsome, the heavenly and the hellish, exquisite refinement of expression and lapses into the reverse,[683] love and hate, pity and cruelty, reverence and disdain? These contrasts not only are presented by the story; they evince themselves in the character of the author. Many scenes of the _Inferno_ are loathsome:[684] Dante’s own words and conduct there may be cruel and hateful[685] or show tender pity; and every reader knows the poetic beauty which glorifies the _Paradiso_, renders lovely the _Purgatorio_, and ever and anon breaks through the gloom of Hell.

Another mediaeval quality, sublimated in Dante’s poem, is that of elaborate plan, intended symmetry of composition, the balance of one incident or subject against another.[686] And finally one observes the mediaeval inclusiveness which belongs to the scope and purpose of the _Commedia_ as a _Summa_ of salvation. Dante brings in everything that can illuminate and fill out his theme. Even as the _Summa_ of St. Thomas, so the _Commedia_ must present a whole doctrinal scheme of salvation, and leave no loopholes, loose ends, broken links of argument or explanation.

The substance of the _Commedia_, practically its whole content of thought, opinion, sentiment, had source in the mediaeval store of antique culture and the partly affiliated, if not partly derivative, Latin Christianity. The mediaeval appreciation of the Classics, and of the contents of ancient philosophy, is not to be so very sharply distinguished from the attitude of the fifteenth or sixteenth, nay, if one will, the eighteenth, century, when the _Federalist_ in the young inchoately United States, and many an orator in the revolutionary assemblies of France, quoted Cicero and Plutarch as arbiters of civic expediency. Nevertheless, if we choose to recognize deference to ancient opinion, acceptance of antique myth and poetry as fact,[687] unbounded admiration for a shadowy and much distorted ancient world, as characterizing the mediaeval attitude toward whatever once belonged to Rome and Greece, then we must say that such also is Dante’s attitude, scholar as he was;[688] and that in his use of the Classics he differed from other mediaeval men only in so far as above them all he was a poet.

Lines of illustrative examples begin with the opening canto of the _Inferno_, where Dante addresses Virgil as _famoso saggio_, an appellative strictly corresponding with the current mediaeval view of the “Mantuan.” Mediaeval also is the grouping of the great poets who rise to meet Virgil, first Homer, then _Orazio satiro_, and Ovid and Lucan.[689] More narrowly mediaeval, that is, pertaining particularly to the thirteenth century, is Dante’s profound reverence for the authority of Aristotle, _il maestro di color che sanno_.[690] It may be that the poet’s sense of the enormous, _elect_, importance of Aeneas,[691] and his putting Rhipeus, most righteous of the Trojans, as the fifth regal spirit in the Eagle’s eye,[692] belonged more especially to Dante as the Ghibelline author of the _De monarchia_. But generically mediaeval was his acceptance of antique myth for fact, a most curious instance of which is his referring to the consuming of Meleager with the consuming of the brand, to illustrate a point of physiological psychology.[693] Antique heroes, even monsters, seem as real to him as the people of Scripture and history. It is not, however, his mediaevalism, but his own greatness that enables him to lift his treatment of them to the level of their presentation in the Classics. Noble as an antique demigod is the damned Jason, silent and tearless, among the scourged;[694] and Ulysses is as great in the tale he tells from out the lambent flame as he was in the palace of Alcinoos, telling the tale which Dante never read.[695]

The poet, especially in the _Purgatorio_, constantly balances moral examples alternately drawn from pagan and sacred story. This propensity was quite mediaeval; for throughout the Middle Ages the antique authority was used to fortify or parallel the Christian argument. Yet herein, as always, Dante is Dante as well as a mediaeval man; and his moral examples, for the aid of souls who are purging themselves for Heaven, are interesting and curious enough. On the pavement of the first ledge of Purgatory, Lucifer is figured falling from Heaven and Briareus transfixed by the bolt of Jove; then Nimrod, Niobe, Saul, Arachne, Rehoboam, Eriphyle and Sennacherib, the Assyrians routed after Holophernes’ death, and Troy in ashes.[696] On the third ledge, as instances of gentle forgivingness, he sees in vision the Virgin Mary, and then appear Peisistratus (tyrant of Athens) refusing to avenge himself, and Stephen asking pardon for his slayers.[697] But the most wonderful instance of this combining of the Christian and the antique, each at its height of feeling, occurs in the thirtieth canto of the _Purgatorio_, where angels herald the appearance of Beatrice with the chant, _Benedictus qui venis_, and, as they scatter flowers, sing _Manibus o date lilia plenis_. This unison of the hail to Christ upon His sacrificial entry into Jerusalem and the Virgilian heartbreak over the young Marcellus, shows how Dante rose in his combinings, and how potent an element of his imagination was the antique.[698]

Of course the plan of Hell reflects the sixth Book of the _Aeneid_, and throughout the whole _Commedia_ the Virgilian phrase rises aptly to the poet’s lips. “Thou wouldst that I renew the desperate grief which presses my heart even before I put it into words,” says Ugolino, nearly as Aeneas speaks to Dido.[699] And in the _Paradiso_ the power of the Dantesque reminiscence rouses the reader, spiritually as it were, to emulate the glorious ones who passed to Colchos.[700] A more desperate passage was the lot of those who must drop from Acheron’s bank into Charon’s boat;--the whole scene here is quite reminiscent of Virgil. The simile:

“Quam multa in silvis auctumni frigore primo Lapsa cadunt folia,”

is even beautified and made more pregnant with significance in Dante’s

“Come d’autunno si levan le foglie L’una appresso dell’altra....”[701]

On the other hand, the threefold attempt of Aeneas to embrace Anchises is stripped of its beautiful dream-simile in Dante’s use.[702] A lovelier bit of borrowing is that of the quick springing up again of the rush, the symbol of humility, _l’umile pianta_, with which the poet is girt before proceeding up the Mount of Purgatory.[703]

With Dante the pagan antique represented much that was philosophically true, if not veritably divine. In his mind, apparently, the heathen good stood for the Christian good, and the conflict of the heathen deities with Titan monsters symbolized, if indeed it did not continue to make part of, the Christian struggle against the power of sin.[704] We may be jarred by the apostrophe:

“... O sommo Giove, Che fosti in terra per noi crucifisso.”[705]

But this is a kind of Christian-antique phrase by no means unexampled in mediaeval poetry. And we feel the poetic breadth and beauty of the invocation in which Apollo symbolizes or represents, exactly what we will not presume to say, but at all events some veritable spiritual power, as Minerva does, apparently, in another passage.[706] In such instances the antique image which beautifies the poem is transfigured to a Christian symbol, if it does not present actual truth.

Yet however universally Dante’s mind was solicited by the antique matter and his poet’s nature charmed, he was profoundly and mediaevally Christian. The _Commedia_ is a mediaeval Christian poem. Its fabric, springing from the life of earth, enfolds the threefold quasi-other world of damned, of purging, and of finally purified, spirits. It is dramatic and doctrinal. Its drama of action and suffering, like the narratives of Scripture, offers literal fact, moral teaching, and allegorical or spiritual significance. The doctrinal contents are held partly within the poem’s dramatic action and partly in expositions which are not fused in the drama. Thus whatever else it is, the poem is a _Summa_ of saving doctrine, which is driven home by illustrations of the sovereign good and abysmal ill coming to man under the providence of God. One may perhaps discern a twofold purpose in it, since the poet works out his own salvation and gives precepts and examples to aid others and help truth and righteousness on earth. The subject is man as rewarded or punished eternally by God--says Dante in the letter to Can Grande. This subject could hardly be conceived as veritable, and still less could it be executed, by a poet who had no care for the effect of his poem upon men. Dante had such care. But whether he, who was first and always a poet, wrote the _Commedia_ in order to lift others out of error to salvation, or even in order to work out his own salvation,--let him say who knows the mind of Dante. No divination, however, is required to trace the course of the saving teaching, which, whether dramatically exemplified or expounded in doctrinal statement, is embodied in the great poem; nor is it hard to note how Dante drew its substance from the mediaeval past.

The _Inferno_, which is the most dramatic and realistic, “Dantesque,” part of the _Commedia_, and replete with terrestrial interest, is doctrinally the least rich. Its doctrine chiefly lies in its scheme of punishment, or divine vengeance, for different sins. Herein Dante followed no set series like the seven deadly sins expiated in Purgatory. Neither the Church nor authoritative writers had laid out the plan of Hell. Dante had in mind Thomas Aquinas and Aristotle, also Cicero’s _De officiis_,[707] and, structurally, Virgil. His scheme also was affected by his own character, situation, and aversions, and assuredly by the movement of its own composition. At the mouth of Hell the worthless nameless ones and the neutral angels receive their due. Then after the sad calm of the place of the unbaptized and the great blameless heathen, the veritable Hell begins, and the series of tortures unfold, the lightest being such as punish incontinence, while the most awful are reserved for those fraudulent ones who have betrayed a trust. Dante’s power of presenting the humanly loathsome does not let the progress of hellish torment fail in climax even to the end, where Brutus, Cassius, and Judas are crunched in the dripping mouths of Lucifer at the bottom of the lowest pit of Hell.

The general idea of hell torments came to the poet from current beliefs and authoritative utterances, ranging from the “outer darkness” of the Gospel to the lurid oratory of St. Bernard. Dante’s thoughts were drawn generically from the stores of mediaeval convictions, approvals, and imaginings: they were given to him by his epoch. Of necessity--innocently, one may say--he made them into concrete realities because he was Dante. Terrifying phrases and crude ghastliness were raised through his dramatic power to living experiences. The reader goes through Hell, sees with his own eyes, hears with his own ears, and stifles in the choking air. Doubtless the narrative brought fear and contrition to the men of Dante’s time. But for us the disproportion of the vengeance to the crime, the outrage of everlasting torments for momentary, even impulsive sin, is shocking and preposterous.[708] The torments themselves present conditions which become unthinkable when we try to conceive them as enduring eternally. Human flesh, or implicated spirit could not last beneath them. And as for our impulses, there is many a tortured soul with whom we would keep company, for instance, with the excellent band of Sodomites--Priscian (!) Brunetto Latini, and those three Florentines whose “honoured names” the poet greets with reverence and affection.[709] One might even wish to make a third in the flame which enwraps Diomede and Ulysses. In fact, Dante’s dramatic genius has brought the mediaeval hell to a _reductio ad absurdum_, to our minds.

The poet is of it too. He can pity those who touch his pity. And how great he can be, how absolute. There is compacted in the story of Francesca all that can be thought or felt over unhappy love. Yet Dante never doubts the justice of the punishment he describes; sometimes he calmly or cruelly approves. _Nel mio bel San Giovanni!_ How many thousands have quoted these detached words to show the poet’s love of his beautiful baptistery. But, in fact, he refers to the little cylindrical places where stood the baptizing priests, in order to bring home to the reader the size of the holes in the burning rock from which protruded the quivering feet of Simoniacs![710] It appears that the souls of all the damned will suffer more when they shall again be joined to their bodies after the resurrection.[711]

The _Inferno_ fully exemplifies the doctrinal statement obscurely set over the gate which shut out hope: moved by justice, the Trinity, “divine power, supreme wisdom, primal love, created me (Hell) to endure eternally.” Dante follows this current authoritative opinion, stated by Aquinas. Here one may repeat that Dante is the child of the Middle Ages, rather than a disciple of any single teacher. If he follows Aquinas more than any other scholastic, he follows Bonaventura also with breadth and balance. These two, however, were themselves final results of lines of previous development. Both were rational and also mystically contemplative, though the former quality predominates in Thomas and the latter in Bonaventura. And in Dante’s poem, at the end of the _Paradiso_, Theology, the rational apprehension of divine truth, gives place to contemplation’s loftier insight. Dante is kin to both these men; but when he thinks, more frequently he thinks like Thomas, and the intellectual realization of life is dominant with him. This was evident in the _Convito_; and that the intellectual vision constitutes the substance of the _Commedia_, becomes luminously apparent in the _Paradiso_.[712] It is even suggested at the gate of Hell, within which the wretched people will be seen, who have lost the good of the Intellect,[713] by which is meant knowledge of God.

The _Purgatorio_ presents more saving doctrine than the cantica of damnation. Its Mount with the earthly paradise at the top, may have been his own, but might have been taken from the Venerable Bede or Albertus Magnus.[714] The ante-purgatory appears as a creation of the poet, influenced by certain passages of the _Aeneid_ and by ancient disciplinary practices which kept the penitents waiting outside the church.[715] The teaching of the whole cantica relates to the purgation of pride, envy, anger, _accidia_ (sloth), avarice, gluttony, lust. These are the seven deadly sins whose _provenance_ is early monasticism.[716] Through their purgation man is made pure and fit to mount to the stars.

We shall not follow Dante through the _Purgatorio_ and _Paradiso_, or observe in detail the teachings set forth and the sources whence they were derived.[717] But a brief reference to the successive incidents and topics of instruction will show how the _Commedia_ touches every key of saving doctrine. The soul entering Purgatory goes seeking liberty from sin,[718] and as a first lesson learns to detach itself from memories of the damned.[719] It receives some slight suggestion of the limits of human reason;[720] and is told that according to the correct teaching there is one soul in man with several faculties.[721] It learns the risk of repentance in the hour of death;[722] and the efficacy of the prayers of others to help souls through their purifying expiation; also, that, after death, souls can advance only by the aid of grace.[723] The symbolism of the gate of Purgatory teaches the need of contrition and confession. Upon the first ledge, the proud do penance, disciplined with examples of humility, and through the Lord’s Prayer are taught man’s entire dependence upon God. It is fitting that Pride should be the first sin expiated, since it lies at the base of all sins in the Christian scheme. Much doctrine is inculcated by the treatment of the different sins and the appositeness of the hymns sung by the penitents.[724]

Ascending the second ledge, Virgil, _i.e._ human reason, expounds the first principles of the doctrine of that love which is of the Good.[725] Next is set forth the theory of human free-will and the effect of the spheres in directing human inclination--all in strict accord with the teaching of Thomas;[726] and then, still in accord with Thomas, the fuller nature of love (or desire) is expounded, and the allotment of purgatorial pains in expiation of the various modes of evil desire or failure to love aright.[727] These fitting pains are as a solace to the soul yearning to accomplish its purgation.[728] Next, generation is explained, the creation of the soul, and the manner of its existence after separation from the body, according to dominant scholastic theories.[729] In the concluding cantos of the _Purgatorio_, much Church doctrine is symbolically set forth by the Mystic Procession and the rivers of the earthly paradise, Lethe and Eunoe--the latter representing sacramental grace through which good works, killed by later sins, are made to live again.[730] The earthly paradise symbolizes the perfect happiness of life in the flesh, and the state wherein man is fit to pass to the heavenly Paradise.

Besides doctrine directly bearing on Salvation, the _Commedia_ contains explanations by the way, needed to understand Dante’s journey through the earth and heavens, and give it verisimilitude. Apparently these explanations were also intended to afford a sufficient knowledge of the structure of the universe. The _Paradiso_ abounds in this kind of information, largely physical and astronomical. Its first canto offers a general statement, beautifully put, of the ordering of created things. In this instance, the instruction is not exclusively astronomical or physical,[731] but touches upon animated creatures, and follows Thomist teaching. Another interesting instance is the explanation in the second canto of the spots on the moon and then of the influence of the heavens. Here the astronomical matter runs on into elucidations touching human nature, even that human nature which is to be saved through saving doctrine. In this way the Christian-Thomist-Dantesque scheme of knowledge holds together. The _Commedia_ is the pilgrimage of the soul after all wisdom, and includes, implicitly at least, the matter of the _Convito_.

The _Paradiso_ contains the chief store of saving knowledge. It sets forth the ultimate problems of human life and divine salvation, with due emphasis laid upon the limitations of human understanding. Dante, conscious of the strenuousness of his high argument, warns off all but the chosen few.

A first point learned in the heavenly voyage is that no soul in Paradise desires aught save what it has; since such desire would contravene the will of God. Paradise is everywhere in Heaven, though the divine grace rains not upon all in one mode.[732] Beatified souls do not dwell in any particular star, though Plato seems to say so. Scripture condescends to figure the intelligible under the guise of sensible forms, as Plato may have done.[733] Broken vows and their reparation are now considered. Then the history of the Roman Eagle brings out the fact that Christ was crucified under Tiberius and His death avenged by Titus, which leads on to the explanation of the Fall and the Redemption, occupying the seventh canto. The next offers comment upon the divine goodness and the diversity of human lots; and shows how the bitter may rise from the sweet. With deep consistency the poet exclaims against the insensate toilsome reasonings through which mortals beat their wings downward, away from God.[734]

In canto thirteen the reader is enlightened regarding the wisdom of Adam, of Solomon, and of Christ; and then as to the existence of the beatified soul before and after it is clothed with the glorified body of the Resurrection.[735] Incidentally the justice of eternal punishment is adverted to.[736] The depth of the divine righteousness is next presented,[737] and its application to the heathen, with illustrations of God’s saving ways, in the instances of certain princes who loved righteousness, including Trajan and the Trojan Rhipeus.[738] The incomprehensibility of Predestination next receives attention.

Now intervenes the marvellous and illuminative beauty of canto twenty-three, preceding Dante’s declaration of his creed, upon interrogatories from the apostles, Peter, James, and John. In this way he states the dogmatic fundamentals of the Christian Faith, and the substantiating rôles of philosophic argument and authority.[739] After this, the vision of the hierarchies of angels leads on to discourse upon their creation and nature, the immediate fall of those who fell, the exaltation of the steadfast with added grace, and the mode and measure of their knowledge. Thomas is followed in this scholastic argument.

With the vision of the Rose, rational theology gives place to mystic contemplation;[740] and further visions of the divine ordering precede the prayer to the Virgin, with which the last canto opens--that prayer so beautiful and so expressive of mediaeval thought and feeling as to the most kind and blessed Lady of Heaven. This prayer or hymn is made of phrases which the mediaeval mind and heart had been recasting and perfecting for centuries. It is almost a great _cento_, like the _Dies Irae_. After the Lady’s answering benediction, there comes to Dante, in grace, the final mystic vision of the Trinity, enfolding all existence--substance, accidents and their modes, bound with love in one volume. Supreme dogmatic truth is set forth, and the furthest strainings of reason are stilled in supersensual and super-rational vision, which satisfies all intellectual desire. This vision, vouchsafed through the Virgin’s grace, assures the pilgrim soul: the goal is reached alike of knowledge and salvation.

One may say that the _Commedia_ begins and ends with the Virgin. It was she who sent Beatrice into the gates of Hell to move Virgil--meaning human reason--to go to Dante’s aid. The prayer which obtains her benediction, and the vision following, close the _Paradiso_. So the teaching of the poem ends in mediaeval strains. For the Virgin was the mediaeval goddess, beloved and universally adored, helpful in every way, and the chief aid in bringing man to Heaven. But no more with Dante than with other mediaeval men is she the end of worship and devotion. Her eyes are turned on God. So are those of Beatrice, of Rachel, and of all the saints in Paradise. As for man on earth, he is _viator_, journeying on through discipline, in righteousness and beneficence, but above all in faith and hope and love of God, with his eyes of knowledge and desire set on God. God is the goal, even of the _vita activa_, which is also training and enlightenment. Loving his brother whom he hath seen, man may learn to love God--practising himself in love. Even Christ’s parable, “Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these,” rightly interpreted, implies that the end of human charity is God: the human charity is preparation, obedience, means of enlightenment. The brother for whom Christ died--that is he whom thou shalt love, and that is why thou shalt love him. In themselves human relationships are disciplinary, ancillary, as all the sciences are ancillary to Theology. Mediaeval religion is turned utterly toward God; the relationship of the soul to God is its whole matter. It is not humanitarian: not human, but _divina scientia, fides, et amor_, make mediaeval Christianity. Thus Dante’s doctrine is mediaeval. Toward God moves the desire of the _viatores_ in Purgatory, though they still are incidentally mindful of earth’s memories. In Paradise the eyes of all the blessed are set on Him. Because of the divine love they may for a moment turn the eyes of their knowledge and desire to aid a fellow-creature; the occasion past, they fix them again on God: thus the Virgin, thus Bernard, thus Beatrice.

As a son of the Middle Ages, Dante was possessed with the spirit of symbolism. Allegory, with him, was not merely a way of expressing that which might transcend direct statement: it embodied a principle of truth. The universally accepted allegorical interpretation of Scripture justified the view that a deeper verity lay in allegorical significance than in literal meaning. This principle applied to other writings also. “Now since the literal sense [of the first canzone] is sufficiently explained, it is time to proceed to the allegorical and true interpretation.”[741]

In the _Vita Nuova_ and somewhat more lifelessly in the _Convito_, Dante explains that it is his way to invest his poetry with a secondary or allegorical sense. He proposes in the latter work to carry out the formal notion of the four kinds of meaning contained in profound writings--literal, allegorical, moral, anagogical.[742] He never holds himself, however, to the lines of any such obsession, but is content in practice with the literal and the broadly allegorical sense.[743] Even then the great Florentine occasionally can be jejune enough. The conception of the ten heavens figuring the Seven Liberal Arts along with metaphysics, ethics, and theology, as a plan of composition for the _Convito_,[744] was on a level with the structural symbolism of the _De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_ of Capella. Yet the likening of Ethics to the _primum mobile_ and Theology to the Empyrean has bearing on Dante’s, and the mediaeval, scheme of the sciences, among which Theology is chief.

Allegory moulds the structure and permeates the substance of the _Commedia_. For this Dante himself vouches in the famous dedicatory letter to Can Grande, where his thoughts may be heard creaking scholastically, as he describes the nature of his poem, and explains why he entitled it _Commedia_:

“Literally, the subject is the state of souls after death taken simply. If, however, the work be accepted allegorically, the subject is man, according as by merit or demerit through freedom of choice (_arbitrii libertatem_) he is subject to Justice, rewarding or punitive.”

This is the positive statement emanating, in all probability, from the poet. Perhaps it is as well that he did not live to inaugurate the series of Commentaries upon his poem, which began within a few years of his death and show no signs of ceasing.[745] So it has been left to others to determine the metes and bounds and special features of the _Commedia’s_ allegorical intent. The task has proved hazardous, because Dante was such a great poet, so realistic in his visualizing and so masterful in forcing the different phases of his many-sided thoughts to combine in concrete creations. His drama is so living that one can hardly think it an allegory.

Evidently certain matters, like the Mystic Procession and its apocalyptic appurtenances in the last cantos of the _Purgatorio_, are sheer allegory. Such, while suited to suggest theological tenets, are formal and lifeless, a little like the hieratic allegorical mosaics of the fourth and fifth centuries, which were composed before Christian art had become imbued with Christian feeling.[746] Indeed, doffing for an instant one’s reverence for the great poet, one may say that from the point of view of art and life, Dante’s symbolism becomes jejune, or at least ceases to draw us, according as it becomes palpable allegory.[747]

Beyond such incidents one recognizes that the general course of the poem, its more pointed occurrences, together with its chief characters and the scenes amid which they move, have commonly both literal and allegorical meaning.[748] Usually it is wise not to press either side too rigorously. The poet’s mind worked in the clearly imagined setting and dramatic action of his poem, where fact and symbolism combined in that reality which is both art and life. Surely the _Commedia_ was completed and rendered real and beautiful through many a touch and incident which had no allegorical intent. Even as in a French cathedral, the main sculptured and painted subjects have doctrinal, that is to say, allegorical, significance, besides their literal truth; but there is also much lovely carving of scroll and flowered ornament and beast and bird, which beautifies the building.

For Dante’s purpose, to set out the state of disembodied spirits after death, allegory might prove prejudicial, because of the intensity of his artist’s vision. Much of the poem’s symbolism, especially in the _Paradiso_, belongs to that unavoidable imagery to which every one is driven when attempting to describe spiritual facts. Such symbolism, however, when constructed with the plastic power of a Dante, may become itself so convincing or compelling as to reduce the intended spiritual signification to the terms of its concrete embodiment in the symbol. In view of the carnality of most sin, one is not surprised to find the place of punishment a converging cavity within the earth. With Dante, as with Hildegard, the sights and torments of Hell are realistically given quite as of course. Perhaps Dante’s Mount of Purgatory begins to give us pause, and its corniced _mise en scène_ tends to enflesh the idea of spirit and materialize its purgation. But the limiting effect of symbolism is most keenly felt in the _Paradiso_, notwithstanding the beauty of that cantica; for its very concrete symbolism seems sometimes to ensphere the intended truths of spirit in a sort of crystalline translucency. It is all a marvellously imagined description of the state of blessed souls. Yet in the final pure and glorious image of a white rose (_candida rosa_) the company of the glorified spirits is so visualized as to become, surely not theatrical, but as if assembled upon the rounding tiers of seats occupied by an audience.[749] There are topics in which the sheer ratiocination of Thomas is more completely spiritual than the poetic vision of Dante.

Dante’s most admirable symbolic creation was also his dearest reality--Beatrice. And while this being in which he has immortalized his fame and hers, is eminently the creation of his genius, the elements were drawn from the many-chambered mediaeval past. Some issued out of the vast matter of chivalric love, with its high heart of service and sense of its own worth, its science, its foolish and most wise reasoning, its preciosity of temper--Dante and his literary friends were virtuosos in everything pertaining to its understanding.[750] This love was of the fine-reasoning mind. The first canzone of the _Vita Nuova_ does not begin “Donne, che sentite amore,” but: “Donne, ch’ avete intelletto d’ amore.” Through that book love is what it never ceases to be with Dante, _intelligenza_:

“Intelligenza nuova, che l’ Amore Piangendo mette in lui....”

The _piangendo_, the tears, have likewise part; without them love is not had or even understood. The enormous sense of love’s supreme worth--that too is in Dante. It had all been with the Troubadours of Provence, with Chrétien de Troies, and with the great Minnesingers, and had been reasoned on, appreciated, felt and wept over, by ladies and knights who listened to their poems. From France and Provence love and its reasonings had come to Italy even before Dante’s eyes had opened to it and other matters.

This was one strain that entered the Beatrice of the _Vita Nuova_, of the _Convito_, of the _Commedia_. But Beatrice is something else: she is, or becomes, Theology, the God-given science of the divine and human. Long had Theologia (_divina scientia_) been a queen; and even before her, Philosophia, as with Boëthius, had been a queenly woman gowned with as full symbolical particularity as ever the Beatrice of Dante. Indeed from the time of the _Psychomachia_ of Prudentius to the _Roman de la Rose_ of De Lorris and De Meun, every human quality, and many an aspect of human circumstance, had been personified, for the most part under the forms of gracious or seductive women. Above all of these rose, sweet, gracious, and potent, the Virgin Queen of Heaven. It came as of course to Dante to symbolize his conception of divine wisdom in a woman’s form. The achievement of his genius was the transfusing combination of elements of courtly love, didactic allegory, and _divina scientia_, in a creature before whom the whole man Dante, heart and reason and religious faith, could stand and gaze and love and worship.

Beatrice was his and of him always; but with the visions and experience of that mature and grace-illuminated manhood, which expressed itself in the _Commedia_, she comes to be much that she had not been when she lived on earth or had just left it, and Dante was a maker of exquisite verses in Florence; and much too that she had scarce become while the poet was consoling himself with philosophy for his bereavement and the dulling of his early faith. Beatrice lives and moves and has her ever more uplifted being as the reality as well as symbol of Dante’s thoughts of life. With all first love’s idealism, he loved a girl; then she, having passed from earth, becomes the inspiration and object of address of the young maker of sonnets and canzoni, who with such intellectual preciosity was intent on building these verses of fine-spun sentiment. Thereafter, when he is in darker mood, she does not altogether leave him, whatever variant attitudes his thought and temper take. And at last the yearning self-fulfilments of his renewed life draw together in the Beatrice of the _Commedia_.

It is very beautiful, and the growth, as well as work, of genius; but it is not strange. For there is no bound to the idealizing of the love which first transfuses a youth’s nature with a mortal golden flame, and awakens it to new understanding. Out of whatever of experience of life and joy and sorrow may come to the man, this first love may still vivify itself anew--often in dreams--and become again living and beautiful, in tears, and will awaken new perceptions and disclose further vistas of the _intelligenza nuova_ which love never ceases to impart to him who has loved.

Dante’s mind was always turning from the obvious sense-actuality of the fact to its symbolism; which held the truer reality. With such a man it is not strange that the beloved and adored woman, the love of whom was virtue and enlightenment, should, when dead to earth, become that divine wisdom which opens Heaven to the lover who would follow, for all eternity, whither his beloved has so surely gone. No, it was not strange, but only as wonderful as all the works of God, that she who while living had been the spring of virtue of all kinds and meanings in the poet’s breast, should after death become the emblem, even the reality, of that whereby man is taught how to win his heavenly salvation. Passage after passage in the _Purgatorio_ and _Paradiso_ show that Beatrice is this _divina scientia_, and yet has never ceased to be one whom the poet loves.[751]

Thus it is clear that mediaeval development converges at last in Dante. He, or his _Commedia_, might be the final _Summa_, were not he, or rather it, the final poem. Man and work include the emotions and the intellectual interests of the Middle Ages, embracing what had been known,--Physics, Astronomy, Politics, History, Pagan Mythology, Christian Theology,--all bent and moulded at last to the matter of the book. Not the contents of the _Commedia_ is Dante’s own, but the poem itself--that is his creation.

Yet even the poem itself was a climax long led up to. The power of its feeling had been preparing in the conceptions, even in the reasonings, which through the centuries had been gaining ardour as they became part of the entire natures of men and women. Thus had mediaeval thought become emotionalized and plastic and living in poetry and art. Otherwise, even Dante’s genius could not have fused the contents of mediaeval thought into a poem. How many passages in the _Commedia_ illustrate this--like the lovely picture of Lia moving in the flowering meadow, with her fair hands making her a garland. The twenty-third canto of the _Paradiso_, telling of the triumph of Christ and the Virgin, yields a larger illustration; and within it, as a very concrete lyric instance, floats that flower of angelic love, the song of Gabriel circling the Lady of Heaven with its melody, and giving quintessential utterance to the love and adoration which the Middle Ages had intoned to the Virgin. Yes, if it be Dante’s genius, it is also the gathering emotion of the centuries, which lifts the last cantos of the _Paradiso_ from glory to glory, and makes this closing singing of the _Commedia_ such supreme poetry. Nor is it the emotional element alone that reaches its final voice in Dante. Passage after passage of the _Paradiso_ is the apotheosis of scholastic thought and ways of stating it, the very apotheosis, for example, of those harnessed phrases in which the line of great scholastics had endeavoured to put in words the universalities of substance and accident and the absolute qualities of God.

Yet one more feature of Dante’s typifying inclusiveness of the past. Its elements exist in him at first without conscious opposition and yet not subordinated one to another, the less worthy to those of eternal validity. Then conflict arises; the mediaeval Psychomachia awakes in Dante. Evidently he who wrote the _Convito_ after the _Vita Nuova_, had not continued spiritually undisturbed. Had there come dullings of his early faith? Did his mind seek too exclusive satisfaction in knowledge? Had he possibly swerved a little from some high intention? The facts are veiled. Dante wears neither his mind nor his heart upon his sleeve. Yet a reconcilement was attained by him, though perhaps he had to fetch it out of Hell. He achieved it in his great poem, which in its long making made the poet into the likeness of itself. Fitness for salvation is the ultimate criterion with Dante respecting the elements of mortal life, as it had been through the Middle Ages. And the _Commedia_--truly the _Divina Commedia_--while it presents the scheme of salvation for universal man, is the achieved salvation of the poet.

INDEX

_NOTE.--Of several references to the same matter the more important are shown by heavy type._

Abaelard, Peter, career of, ii. 342-5; at Paris, ii. 343, 344, 383; popularity there, ii. 119; love for Heloïse, ii. 4-=5=, 344; love-songs, ii. =13=, 207; Heloïse’s love for, i. 585; ii. =3=, =5=, 8, 9, =15-16=; early relations with Heloïse, ii. 4-5; suggestion of marriage opposed by her, ii. 6-9; marriage, ii. 9; suffers vengeance of Fulbert, ii. 9; becomes a monk at St. Denis, ii. 10; at the Paraclete, ii. 10, 344; at Breton monastery, ii. 10; St. Bernard’s denunciations of, i. 229, 401; ii. =344-5=, =355=; letters to, from Heloïse quoted, ii. 11-15, 17-20, 23, 24; letters from, to Heloïse quoted, ii. 16-17, 21-3, 24-5; closing years at Cluny, ii. 25, =26=, 345; death of, ii. =27=, 345; estimate of, ii. 4, 342; rationalizing temper, i. 229; ii. =298-9=; skill in dialectic, ii. 303, =345-6=, 353; not an Aristotelian, ii. 369; works on theology, ii. 352-5; _De Unitate et Trinitate divina_, ii. 10, =298-9=, 352 _and_ _n. 3_; _Theologia_, ii. =303-4=, 395; _Scito te ipsum_, ii. 350-1; _Sic et non_, i. 17; ii. =304-6=, =352=, 357; _Dialectica_, ii. 346 _and_ _nn._, 349-50; _Dialogue_ between Philosopher, Jew, and Christian, ii. 350, =351=; _Historia calamitatum_, ii. =4-11=, 298-9, =343=; _Carmen ad Astralabium filium_, ii. 192; hymns, ii. 207-9; otherwise mentioned, ii. 134, 283 _and_ _n._

Abbo, Abbot, i. =294 and n.=, 324

Abbots: Armed forces, with, i. 473 Cistercian, position of, i. 362-3 _and_ _n._ Investiture of, lay, i. 244 Social class of, i. 473

Accursius, _Glossa ordinaria_ of, ii. 262, =263=

Adalberon, Abp. of Rheims, i. 240, =282-3=, 287

Adam of Marsh, ii. 389, 400, 487

Adam of St. Victor, editions of hymns of, ii. 87 _n. 1_; examples of the hymns, ii. 87 _seqq._; Latin originals, ii. 206, 209-15

Adamnan cited, i. 134 _n. 2_, 137

Adelard of Bath, ii. 370

Aedh, i. 132

Agobard, Abp. of Lyons, i. 215, =232-3=; cited, ii. 247

Aidan, St., i. 174

Aimoin, _Vita Abbonis_ by, i. 294 _and_ _n._

Aix, Synod of, i. 359

Aix-la-Chapelle: Chapel at, i. 212 _n._ School at, _see_ Carolingian period--Palace school

Alans, i. 113, 116, 119

Alanus de Insulis, career of, ii. 92-4; estimate of, ii. 375-6; works of, ii. 48 _n. 1_, =94=, 375 _n. 5_, 376; _Anticlaudianus_, ii. =94-103=, 192, 377, 539; _De planctu naturae_, ii. =192-3 and n. 1=, 376

Alaric, i. 112

Alaric II., i. =117=; ii. 243

Alberic, Card., i. 252 _n. 2_

Alberic, Markgrave of Camerino, i. 242

Alberic, son of Marozia, i. 242-3

Albertus Magnus, career of, ii. 421; estimate of, ii. 298, 301, =421=; estimate of work of, ii. 393, 395; attitude toward Gilbert de la Porrée, ii. 372; compared with Bacon, ii. 422; with Aquinas, ii. 433, =438=; relations with Aquinas, ii. 434; on logic, ii. 314-15; method of, ii. 315 _n._; edition of works, ii. 424 _n. 1_; _De praedicabilibus_, ii. 314 and _n._, 315, 424-5; work on the rest of Aristotle, ii. 420-1; analysis of this work, ii. 424 _seqq._; attitude toward the original, ii. 422; _Summa theologiae_, ii. 430, 431; _Summa de creaturis_, ii. 430-1; _De adhaerendo Deo_, ii. 432; otherwise mentioned, i. 17; ii. 82 _n. 2_, 283, 312, 402, 541 _n. 2_

Albigenses, i. 49; persecution of, i. 366-7, 461, 481, 572; ii. 168

Alboin the Lombard, i. 115

Alchemy, ii. 496-7

Alcuin of York, career of, i. 214; works of, i. 216-21 _and_ _n. 2_; extracts from letters of, ii. 159; stylelessness of, ii. =159=, 174; verses by, quoted, ii. 136-7; on _urbanitas_, ii. 136; otherwise mentioned, i. 212, 240, 343; ii. 112, 312, 332

Aldhelm, i. 185

Alemanni, i. 9, 121, 122, 145 _n. 2_, 174, 192

Alemannia, Boniface’s work in, i. 199

Alexander the Great, Pseudo-Callisthenes’ Life of, ii. 224, 225, =229-230=; Walter of Lille’s work on, ii. 230 _n. 1_

Alexander II., Pope, i. 262 _n._, 263 _and_ _n. 1_

Alexander de Villa-Dei, _Doctrinale_ of, ii. =125-7=, 163

Alexander of Hales--at Paris, i. 476; ii. =399=; Bacon’s attack on, ii. 494, 497; estimate of work of, ii. 393, 395, 399; Augustinianism of, ii. 403-4

Alfred, King of England, i. 144 _and_ _n. 2_, =187-90=

Allegory (_See also_ Symbolism): Dictionaries of, ii. 47-8 _and_ _n. 1_, 49 Greek examples of, ii. 42, 364 Metaphor distinguished from, ii. 41 _n._ Politics, in, ii. 60-1, 275-=6=, =280= _Roman de la rose_ as exemplifying, ii. 103 Scripture, _see under_ Scriptures Two uses of, ii. 365

Almsgiving, i. 268

Alphanus, i. 253-4

_Amadas_, i. 565

Ambrose, St., Abp. of Milan, on miracles, i. 85-6; attitude toward secular studies, i. 300; ii. 288; _Hexaëmeron_ of, i. 72-4; _De officiis_, i. 96; hymns, i. 347-8; otherwise mentioned, i. 70, 75, 76, 104, 186, 354; ii. 45 _n._, 272

Anacletus II., Pope, i. 394

Anchorites, _see_ Hermits

Andrew the Chaplain, _Flos amoris_ of, i. 575-6

Angels: Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 324-5, 435, =457 seqq.=, =469=, =473-5= Dante’s views on, ii. 551 Emotionalizing of conception of, i. 348 _n. 4_ Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 68, 69 Symbols, regarded as, ii. 457 Vincent’s _Speculum_ as concerning, ii. 319 Writings regarding, summary of, ii. 457

Angilbert, i. 234-5

Angles, i. 140

Anglo-Saxons: Britain conquered by, i. 141 Characteristics of, i. 142, =196= Christian missions by, i. 196, 197 Christian missions to, i. 172, 174, =180 seqq.= Customs of, i. 141 Poetry of, i. 142-4 Roman influence slight on, i. 32

Aniane monastery, i. 358-9

Annals, i. 234 and _n. 1_

Anselm (at Laon), ii. 343-4

Anselm, St., Abp. of Canterbury, dream of, i. 269-70; early career, i. 270; at Bec, i. 271-2; relations with Rufus, i. 273, 275; journey to Italy, i. 275; estimate of, i. 274, =276-7=; ii. =303=, 330, =338=; style of, i. 276; ii. =166-7=; influence of, on Duns Scotus, ii. 511; works of, i. 275 _seqq._; _Cur Deus homo_, i. 275, 277 _n. 1_, =279=; ii. 395; _Monologion_, i. 275-7; _Proslogion_, i. 276-8; ii. =166=, 395; _Meditationes_, i. 276, =279=; _De grammatico_, i. 277 _n. 2_; otherwise mentioned, i. 16, 19, 301-2; ii. 139, 283, 297, 340

Anselm of Besate, i. 259

Anthony, St., i. 365-6; Life of, by Athanasius, i. 47, =52 and n.=

Antique literature, _see_ Greek thought _and_ Latin classics

Antique stories, themes of, in vernacular poetry, ii. 223 _seqq._

Apollinaris Sidonius, ii. 107

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 44

_Apollonius of Tyre_, ii. 224 _and_ _n._

Aquinas, Thomas, family of, ii. 433-4; career, ii. 434-5; relations with Albertus Magnus, ii. 434; translations of Aristotle obtained by, ii. 391; _Vita_ of, by Guilielmus de Thoco, ii. 435 _n._; works of, ii. 435; estimate of, and of his work, i. 17, 18; ii. 301, =436-8=, 484; completeness of his philosophy, ii. 393-5; pivot of his attitude, ii. 440; present position of, ii. 501; style, ii. 180; mastery of dialectic, ii. 352; compared with Eriugena, i. 231 _n. 1_; with Albertus Magnus, ii. 433, =438=; with Bonaventura, ii. 437; with Duns, ii. 517; Dante compared with and influenced by, ii. 541 _n. 2_, =547=, 549, 551, 555; on monarchy, ii. 277; on faith, ii. 288; on difference between philosophy and theology, ii. 290; on logic, ii. 313; _Summa theologiae_, i. 17, 18; ii. =290 seqq.=; style of the work, ii. 180-1; Bacon’s charge against it, ii. 300; Peter Lombard’s work contrasted with it, ii. 307-10; its method, ii. 307; its classification scheme, ii. 324-9; analysis of the work, ii. 438 _seqq._, 447 _seqq._; _Summa philosophica contra Gentiles_, ii. 290, 438, =445-6=; otherwise mentioned, i. 69 _n. 2_; ii. 283, 298, 300, 312, 402

Aquitaine, i. 29, 240, =573=

Arabian philosophy, ii. =389-90=, 400-1

Arabs, Spanish conquest by, i. 9, 118

Archimedes, i. 40

Architecture, Gothic: Evolution of, i. 305; ii. =539= Great period of, i. 346

Argenteuil convent, ii. 9, 10

Arianism: Teutonic acceptance of, i. =120=, 192, 194 Visigothic abandonment of, i. 118 _nn._

Aristotle, estimate of, i. 37-8; works of, i. 37-8; unliterary character of writings of, ii. 118, 119; philosophy as classified by, ii. 312; attitude of, to discussions of final cause, ii. 336; the _Organon_, i. =37=, 71; progressive character of its treatises, ii. 333-4; Boëthius’ translation of the work, i. 71, =91-2=; advanced treatises “lost” till 12th cent., ii. 248 _n._, 334; Porphyry’s _Introduction_ to the _Categories_, i. 45, 92, 102; ii. 312, =314 n.=, 333, =339=; Arabian translations of works, ii. 389-90; introduction of complete works, i. 17; Latin translations made in 13th cent., ii. 391; three stages in scholastic appropriation of the Natural Philosophy and Metaphysics, ii. 393; Paris University study of, ii. 391-2 _and_ _n._; Albertus Magnus’ work on, ii. 420-1, 424 _seqq._; Aquinas’ mastery of, i. 17, 18; Dominican acceptance of system of, ii. 404; Dante’s reverence for, ii. 542

Arithmetic: Abacus, the, i. 299 Boëthius’ work on, i. 72, =90= Music in relation to, ii. 291 Patristic treatment of, i. 72 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313

Arnold of Brescia, i. 401; ii. 171

Arnulf, Abp. of Rheims, i. 283-4

Art, Christian (_For particular arts, see their names_): Demons as depicted in, ii. 540 _n. 2_ Early, i. 345 _n._ Emotionalizing of, i. 345-7 Evolution of, i. 19-20 Germany, in (11th cent.), i. 312 Symbolism the inspiration of, i. 21; ii. 82-6

Arthur, King, story of youth of, i. 568-569; relations with Lancelot and Guinevere, i. 584; with Parzival, i. 592, 599-600, 612

Arthurian romances: Comparison of, with _Chansons de geste_, i. 564-5 German culture influenced by, ii. 28 Origin and authorship of, question as to, i. 565-7 Universal vogue of, i. =565=, 573, 577 otherwise mentioned, i. 531, 538

Arts, the (_See also_ Latin classics): Classifications of, ii. 312 _seqq._ Course of, shortening of, ii. =132=, 384 _Dictamen_, ii. =121=, =129=, 381 Grammar, _see that heading_ Masters in, at Paris and Oxford, ii. 384-5; course for, ii. 388 Seven Liberal, _see that heading_

Asceticism: Christian: Carthusian, i. 384 Early growth of, i. 333-5 Manichean, i. 49 Women’s practice of, i. 444, 462-3 Neo-Platonic, i. 43, 44, 46, 50, =331=, 334

Astralabius, ii. 6, 9, 27; Abaelard’s poem to, ii. 191-2 _and_ _n. 1_

Astrology, i. =44 and n.=; ii. 374: Bacon’s views on, ii. 499-500

Astronomy: Chartres study of, i. 299 Gerbert’s teaching of, i. 288-9 Patristic attitude toward, i. 72

Ataulf, i. 112, 116

Athanasius, St., estimate of work of, i. =54=, 68; Life of St. Anthony by, i. 47, =52 and n.=, 84; _Orationes_, i. 68

Atlantis, i. 36

Attila the Hun, i. 112-13; in legend, i. 145-7

Augustine, Abp. of Canterbury, i. 6, 171, =180-2=; Gregory’s letters to, cited, i. 102

Augustine, St., Bp. of Hippo, Platonism of, i. 55; personal affinity of, with Plotinus, i. 55-7; barbarization of, by Gregory the Great, i. 98, 102; compared with Gregory the Great, i. 98-9; with Anselm, i. 279; with Guigo, i. 385, 390; overwhelming influence of, in Middle Ages, ii. 403; on numbers, i. 72 _and_ _n. 2_, 105; attitude toward physical science, i. 300; on love of God, i. 342, 344; allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 44-5; modification by, of classical Latin, ii. 152; _Confessions_, i. =63=; ii. 531; _De Trinitate_, i. =64=, =68=, 74, 96; _Civitas Dei_, i. 64-65, 69 _n. 2_, =81-82=; _De moribus Ecclesiae_, i. 65, 67-8; _De doctrina Christiana_, i. 66-7; classification scheme based on the _Doctrina_, ii. 322; _De spiritu et littera_, i. 69; _De cura pro mortuis_, i. 86; _De genesi ad litteram_, ii. 324; Alcuin’s compends of works of, i. 220; otherwise mentioned, i. 5, 53, 71, 75, 82, 87, 89, 104, 186, 225, 340, 354, 366, 370; ii. 107, 269, 297, 312

Augustus, Emp., i. 26, 29

Aurillac monastery, i. 281

Ausonius, i. 126 _n. 2_; ii. 107

Austrasia: Church organization in, i. 199 Feudal disintegration of, i. 240 Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Rise of, under Pippin, i. 209

Authority _v._ reason, _see_ Reason

Auxerre, i. 506-7

Averroes, ii. 390

Averroism, ii. 400-1

Averroists, ii. =284 n.=, 296 _n. 1_

Avicenna, ii. 390

Avitus, Bp. of Vienne, i. 126 _n. 2_

Azo, ii. 262-3

Bacon, Roger, career of, ii. 486-7 tragedy of career, ii. 486; relations with Franciscan Order, ii. 299, 486, =488=, 490-1; encouragement to, from Clement IV., ii. 489-90 _and_ _n. 1_; estimate of, ii. 484-6; estimate of work of, ii. 402; style of, ii. 179-80; attitude toward the classics, ii. 120; predilection for physical science, ii. 289, 486-7; Albertus Magnus compared with, ii. 422; on four causes of ignorance, ii. 494-5; on seven errors in theological study, ii. 495-8; on experimental science, ii. 502-8; on logic, ii. 505; on faith, ii. 507; editions of works of, ii. 484 _n._; Greek Grammar by, ii. =128= _and_ _n. 5_, 484 _n._, 487, 498; _Multiplicatio specierum_, ii. 484 _n._, 500; _Opus tertium_, ii. =488=, 490 _and_ _nn._, 491, 492, 498, 499; _Opus majus_, ii. 490-1, 492, =494-5=, 498, =499-500=, =506-8=; _Optics_, ii. 500; _Opus minus_, ii. 490-1, =495-8=; _Vatican fragment_, ii. 490 _and_ _n. 2_, =505 n. 1=; _Compendium studii philosophiae_, ii. 491, 493-4, 507-8; _Compendium theologiae_, ii. 491; otherwise mentioned, ii. 284 _n._, 335 _n._, =389=, 531-2

Bartolomaeus, _De proprietatibus rerum_ of, ii. 316 _n. 2_

Bartolus, ii. 264

Baudri, Abbot of Bourgueil, ii. 192 _n. 1_

Bavaria: Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Merovingian rule in, i. 121 Otto’s relations with, i. 241 Reorganization of Church in, 198-9

Bavarians, i. 145 _n. 2_, 209, 210

Beauty, love of, i. 340

Bec monastery, i. 262 _n._, 270-2

Bede, estimate of, i. 185-6; allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 47 _n. 1_; _Church History of the English People_, i. 172, =186=, 234 _n. 2_; _De arte metrica_, i. 187, =298=; _Liber de temporibus_, 300; otherwise mentioned, i. 184, 212

Beghards of Liége, i. 365

Belgae, i. 126

Belgica, i. 29, 32

Benedict, Prior, i. 258

Benedict, St., of Nursia, i. =85 and n. 2=, 94, 100 _n. 4_; _Regula_ of, _see under_ Monasticism

Benedictus, _Chronicon_ of, ii. 160-1

Benedictus Levita, Deacon, ii. 270

Benoit de St. More, _Roman de Troie_ by, ii. 225, =227-9=

Beowulf, i. 141, =143-4= _and_ _n. 1_

Berengar, King, i. 256

Berengar of Tours, i. 297, 299, =302-3=; ii. 137

Bernard, Bro., of Quintavalle, i. 502

Bernard, disciple of St. Francis, i. 425-6

Bernard of Chartres, ii. 130-2, 370

Bernard, St., Abbot of Clairvaux, at Citeaux, i. 360, 393; inspires Templars’ _regula_, i. 531; denounces and crushes Abaelard, i. 229, 401; ii. =344-5=, =355=; denounces Arnold of Brescia, i. 401; ii. 171; relations with Gilbert de la Porrée, ii. 372; Lives of, i. 392 _n._, 393 _n. 1_; appearance and characteristics of, i. 392-3; estimate of, i. 394; ii. 367-8; love and tenderness of, i. 344, 345, =394 seqq.=; ii. 365; severity of, i. 400-1; his love of Clairvaux, i. 401-2; of his brother, i. 402-4; Latin style of, ii. 169-71; on church corruption, i. 474; on faith, ii. 298; unconcerned with physics, ii. 356; St. Francis compared with, i. 415-16; extracts from letters of, i. 395 _seqq._; ii. 170-1; _Sermons on Canticles_--cited, 337 _n._; quoted, i. =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9; _De consideratione_, ii. 368; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 20, 279, 302, 472, 501; ii. 34, 168

Bernard Morlanensis, _De contemptu mundi_ by, ii. 199 _n. 3_

Bernard Silvestris, _Commentum ..._ of, ii. 116-17 _and_ _n. 2_; _De mundi universitate_, ii. 119, =371 and n.=

Bernardone, Peter, i. 419, 423-4

Bernward, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312 _and_ _n. 1_

Bible, _see_ Scriptures

Biscop, Benedict, i. 184

Bishops: Armed forces, with, i. 473 Francis of Assisi’s attitude toward, i. 430 Gallo-Roman and Frankish, position of, i. 191-2, 194 _and_ _nn._, 198, =201 n.= Investiture of, lay, i. 244-5 _and_ _n. 4_; ii. 140 Jurisdiction and privileges of, ii. 266 Papacy’s ascendancy over, i. 304 Reluctance to be consecrated, i. 472 Social class of, i. 473 Vestments of, symbolism of, ii. 77 _n. 2_

_Blancandrin_, i. 565

Bobbio monastery, i. 178, =282-3=

Boëthius, death of, i. =89=, 93; estimate of, i. 89, 92, =102=; Albertus Magnus compared with, ii. 420; works of, i. 90-3; Gerbert’s familiarity with works of, i. 289; works of, studied at Chartres, i. 298-9; their importance, i. 298; _De arithmetica_, i. 72, =90=; _De geometria_, i. 90; commentary on Porphyry’s _Isagoge_, i. =92=; ii. 312; translation of the _Organon_, i. 71, =91-2=; “loss” of advanced works, ii. 248 _n._, 334; _De consolatione philosophiae_, i. =89=, 188, =189-90=, 299; mediaeval study of the work, i. 89; ii. 135-6

Bologna: Clubs and guilds in, ii. 382 Fight of, against Parma, i. 497 Law school at, ii. =121=, 251, =259-62=, 378 Medical school at, ii. 121, 383 _n._ University, Law, inception and character of, ii. 121, =381-3=; affiliated universities, ii. 383 _n._

Bonaventura, St. (John of Fidanza), career of, ii. 403; at Paris, ii. 399, 403; estimate of, ii. 301; style of, ii. 181-2; contrasted with Albertus, ii. 405; compared with Aquinas, ii. 405, 437; with Dante, ii. 547; on faith, ii. 298; on Minorites and Preachers, ii. 396; attitude toward Plato and Aristotle, ii. 404-5; toward Scriptures, ii. 405 _seqq._; _De reductione artium ad theologiam_, ii. 406-8; _Breviloquium_, ii. 408-13; _Itinerarium mentis in Deum_, ii. 413-18; otherwise mentioned, ii. 283, 288

Boniface, _see_ Winifried-Boniface

Boniface VIII., Pope, _Sextus_ of, ii. 272; _Unam sanctam_ bull of, ii. 509

_Books of Sentences_, method of, ii. 307 (_See also under_ Lombard)

Botany, ii. 427-8

Bretons, i. 113

_Breviarium_, i. 117, 239, =243-4=

Britain: Anglo-Saxon conquest of, i. 141 Antique culture in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 10-11 Celts in, i. 127 _n._ Christianity of, i. 171-2 Romanization of, i. 32

Brude (Bridius), King of Picts, i. 173

Brunhilde, i. 176, 178

Bruno, Abp. of Cologne, i. 309-10, 383-4; Ruotger’s Life of, i. 310; ii. 162 _and_ _n. 1_

Burgundians: Christianizing of, i. 193 Church’s attitude toward, i. 120 Roman law code promulgated by (_Papianus_), ii. 239, =242= Roman subjects of, i. 121 otherwise mentioned, i. 9-10, 113, 145

Burgundy, i. =175=, 243 _n. 1_

Byzantine architecture, 212 _n._

Byzantine Empire, _see_ Eastern Empire

Cædmon, i. 183, 343

Caesar, C. Julius, cited, i. =27-9=, 138, 296

Caesar of Heisterbach, Life of Engelbert by, i. 482-6 _and_ _n._; _Dialogi miraculorum_, cited, i. 488 _n._, 491.

Canon law: Authority of, ii. 274 Basis of, ii. 267-9 Bulk of, ii. 269 Conciliar decrees, collections of, ii. =269= Decretals: Collections of, ii. 269, =271-2=, =275= =n.= False, ii. 270, 273 Gratian’s _Decretum_, ii. 268-9, =270-1=, 306 _Jus naturale_ in, ii. 268-9 _Lex romana canonice compta_, ii. 252 Scope of, ii. 267 Sources of, ii. 269 Supremacy of, ii. 277

Canossa, i. 244

Cantafables, i. 157 _n. 1_

Canticles, i. 350; Origen’s interpretation of, 333; St. Bernard’s Sermons on, i. 337 _n._, =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9

Capella, Martianus, _De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_ of, i. =71 and n. 3=; ii. 553

_Caritas_, ii. 476-8; in relation to faith, ii. 479-81; to wisdom, ii. 481

Carloman, King of Austrasia, i. =199-200 and n.=, 209

Carloman (son of Pippin), i. 209-10

Carnuti, i. 296

Carolingian period: _Breviarium_ epitomes current during, ii. 244, =249= Continuity of, with Merovingian, i. 210-12 Criticism of records non-existent in, i. 234 Definiteness of statement a characteristic of, i. 225, =227= Educational revival in, 218-19, 222, =236=; ii. 122, =158=; palace school, i. =214=, 218, 229, 235 First stage of mediaeval learning represented by, ii. 330, 332 History as compiled in, i. 234-5 King’s law in, ii. 247 Latin poetry of, ii. 188, 194, 197 Latin prose of, ii. 158 Originality in, circumstances evoking, i. 232-3 Restatement of antique and patristic matter in, i. =237=, 342-3

Carthaginians, i. 25

Carthusian Order, origin of, i. 383-4

Cassian’s _Institutes_ and _Conlocations_, i. 335

Cassiodorus, life and works of, i. 93-7; _Chronicon_, i. 94; _Variae epistolae_, i. 94; _De anima_, 94-5; _Institutiones divinarum et saecularium litterarum_, i. =95-6=; ii. 357 _n. 2_; otherwise mentioned, i. 6, 88-9, 115; ii. 312

Cathari, i. 49; ii. 283 _n._

Catullus, i. 25

Cavallini, i. 347

Celsus cited, ii. 235, 237

Celtic language, date of disuse of, i. 31 _and_ _n._

Celts: Gaul, in, i. =125 and n.=, =126-7=, 129 _n. 1_ Goidelic and Brythonic, i. 127 _n._ Ireland, in, _see_ Irish Italy invaded by (3rd cent. B.C.), i. 24 Latinized, i. 124 Teutons compared with, i. 125

Champagne, i. 240, =573=

Chandos, Sir John, i. 554-5

_Chanson de Roland_, i. 12 _n._, 528 _and_ _n. 2_, =559-62=

_Chansons de geste_, i. =558 seqq.=; ii. 222

Charlemagne, age of, _see_ Carolingian period; estimate of, i. 213; relations of, with the Church, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273; relations with Angilbert, i. 234-5; educational revival by, i. =213-14=; ii. 110, 122, =158=, 332; book of Germanic poems compiled by order of, ii. 220; Capitularies of, ii. 110, =248=; open letters of, i. 213 _n._; Einhard’s Life of, ii. 158-9; poetic fame of, i. 210; false Capitularies ascribed to, ii. 270; empire of, non-enduring, i. 238; otherwise mentioned, i. 9, 115, 153, 562; ii. 8

Charles Martel, i. 197, =198=, =209=; ii. 273

Charles II. (the Bald), King of France, i. 228, 235

Charles III. (the Simple), King of France, i. 239-40

Charles IV., King of France, i. 551

Chartres Cathedral, sculpture of, i. =20=, 297; ii. =82-5=

Chartres Schools: Classics the study of, i. 298; ii. 119 Fulbert’s work at, i. 296-7, 299 Grammar as studied at, ii. 129-30 Medicine studied at, ii. 372 Orleans the rival of, ii. 119 _n. 2_ Trivium and quadrivium at, i. =298-9=; ii. 163 mentioned, i. 287, 293

Chartreuse, La Grande, founding of, i. 384 (_See also_ Carthusian)

Chaucer, ii. 95

Childeric, King, i. 119, 122

Chivalry: Literature of: Arthurian romances, _see that heading_ Aube (alba) poetry, i. =571=; ii. 30 _Chansons de geste_, i. 558 _seqq._ Nature of, i. 20 _Pastorelle_, i. 571 Pietistic ideal recognized in, ii. 288, 533 Poems of various nations cited, i. 570 =n.= Religious phraseology in love poems, i. 350 _n. 2_ _Romans d’aventure_, i. =564-5=, 571 _n. 2_ Three branches of, i. 558 Nature of, i. 522, =570 n.= Order of, evolution of, i. 524 _seqq._ (_See also_ Knighthood)

Chrétien de Troies, romances by, i. 566-=7=; _Tristan_, i. 567; _Perceval_, i. 567, =588-9=; _Erec_ (Geraint), i. 567, 586; ii. 29 _n._; _Lancelot_ or _Le Conte de la charrette_, i. 567, 569-70, =582-5=; _Cligés_, i. 567, =586 n. 2=; _Ivain_, i. =571 n. 2=, 586 _n. 3_; ii. 29 _n._; translation of Ovid’s _Ars amatoria_, i. 574

Christianity: Appropriation of, by mediaeval peoples, stages in, i. 17-18 Aquinas’ _Summa_ as concerning, ii. 324 Art, in, _see_ Art Atonement doctrine, Anselm’s views on, i. 279 Basis of, ii. 268 Britain, in, i. 171-2 Buddhism contrasted with, i. 390 Catholic Church, _see_ Church Completeness of scheme of, ii. 394-5 Dualistic element in, i. 59 Eleventh century, position in, i. 16 Emotional elements in: Fear, i. 103, 339, 342, 383 Hate, i. 332, 339 Love, i. 331, =345= Synthetic treatment of, i. 333 Emotionalizing of, angels as regarded in, i. 348 _n. 4_ Eternal punishment doctrine of, i. =65=, =339=, 486 Faith of, _see_ Faith Feudalism in relation to, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Fifth century, position in, i. 15 Gallo-Roman, i. 191-2 German language affected by, i. 202 Greek Fathers’ contribution to, i. 5 Greek philosophic admixture in, i. 33-4 Hell-fear in, i. 103, =339=, 342, =383= Hymns, _see that heading_ Ideal _v._ actual, i. 354-5 Incarnation doctrine of, ii. 369 Irish missionaries of, _see under_ Irish Latin as modified for expression of, ii. 152, =154=, 156, 164, 171 Marriage as regarded by, ii. 8, 529 Martyrs for, _see_ Martyrs Mediaeval development in relation to, i. 11, 170 Mediation doctrine of, i. 54, 59-60 Militant character of, in early centuries, i. =69-70=, 75 Miracles, attitude toward, i. 50-1 Monasticism, _see that heading_ Neo-Platonism compared with, i. 51 Pagan ethics inconsistent with, i. 66 Pessimism of, toward mortal life, i. 64 Saints, _see that heading_ Salvation: Master motive, as, i. 59, =61=, 79, 89 Scholasticism’s main interest, as, ii. =296-7=, 300, 311 Standard of discrimination, as, ii. =530=, =533=, 559 Scriptures, _see that heading_ Teutonic acceptance of, _see under_ Teutons Trinity doctrine of: Abaelard’s works on, ii. 10, =298-9=, 352-3, 355 Aquinas on, ii. 449-50, 456 Bonaventura on, ii. 416-17 Dante’s vision, ii. 551 Peter Lombard’s Book on, ii. 323 Roscellin on, ii. 340 Vernacular presentation of, ii. 221 Visions, _see that heading_

Chronicles, mediaeval, ii. 175

Chrysostom, i. 53

Church, Roman Catholic: Authority of, Duns’ views on, ii. 516 Bishops, _see that heading_ British Church’s divergencies from, 171-2 Canon Law, _see that heading_ Charlemagne’s relations with, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273 Classical study as regarded by, i. 260; ii. =110 seqq.=, 396-7 Clergy, _see that heading_ Confession doctrine of, i. 489 Constantine’s relations with, ii. 266 Creation of, i. 11, 68, =86-7= Decretals, etc., _see under_ Canon Law Denunciations of, i. 474-5; ii. 34-5 Diocesan organization of, among Germans, i. 196 Doctrinal literature of, i. 68-70 Duns’ attitude towards, ii. 513 East and West, solidarity of development of, i. 55 Empire’s relations with, _see under_ Papacy Eternal punishment doctrine of, i. =65=, =339=, 486; ii. 550 Eucharistic controversy, _see that heading_ Fathers of the, _see_ Greek thought, patristic; Latin Fathers; _and chiefly_ Patristic thought Feudalism as affected by, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Feudalism as affecting, i. 244, 473 Frankish, _see under_ Franks Gallo-Roman, i. 191-2, 194 Hildegard’s visions regarding, i. 457 Intolerance of, _see subheading_ Persecutions Investiture controversy, _see under_ Bishops Irish Church’s relations with, i. 172-4 _and_ =n. 1= Isidore’s treatise on liturgical practices of, i. 106 Knights’ vow of obedience to, i. 530 Mass, the: Alleluia chant and Sequence-hymn, ii. 196, =201 seqq.= Symbolism of, ii. 77-8 Nicene Creed, i. 69 Papacy, Popes, _see those headings_ Paschal controversy, _see_ Eucharistic Penance doctrine of, i. =101=, 195 Persecutions by, i. 339; of Albigenses, i. 366-7, 461, 481, 572; ii. 168; of Jews, i. 118, 332; of Montanists, i. 332 Popes, _see that heading_ Predestination, attitude toward, i. 228 Property of, enactments regarding, ii. 266 Rationalists in, i. 305 Reforms in (11th cent.), i. 304 Roman law for, ii. 265 _and_ _n. 2_ Sacraments: Definition of the word, ii. 72 _and_ _n. 1_ Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 64, 66, 68-9, 71, =72-4=, 90 _n. 2_ Origin of, Bonaventura on, ii. 411-13 Pagan analogy with, i. 53, 59-60 Secularization of dignities of, i. 472 Simony in, i. =244=, 475 Spain, in, _see under_ Spain Standards set by, ii. 528-9 Suspects to, estimate of, ii. 532 Synod of Aix (817), i. 359 Theodosian Code as concerning, ii. 266-7 _and_ _n. 1_ Transubstantiation doctrine of, i. 226-227 “Truce of God” promulgated by, i. 529 _n. 2_

Churches: Building of, symbolism in, ii. 78-82 Dedication of, sequence designed for, ii. 210-11

Cicero, i. 26 _n. 3_, 39, 78, =219=

Cino, ii. 264

Cistercian Order: _Charta charitatis_, i. 361-3 Clairvaux founded, i. 393 Cluniac controversies with, i. 360

Citeaux monastery: Bernard at, i. 360, 393 Foundation and rise of, i. 360-3

Cities and towns: Growth of, in 12th cent., i. 305; ii. =379-80= Italian, _see under_ Italy

Cities (_civitates_) of Roman provinces, i. 29-30

Clairvaux (Clara Vallis): Founding of, i. 360, 393 Position of, i. 362 St. Bernard’s love of, i. 401-2

Classics, _see_ Latin classics

Claudius, Bp. of Turin, i. 215, 231-2 _and_ _n. 1_

Claudius, Emp., i. 30

Clement II., Pope, i. 243

Clement IV., Pope, ii. 489-91

Clement V., Pope, _Decretales Clementinae_ of, ii. 272

Clement of Alexandria, ii. 64

Clergy: Accusations against, false, penalty for, ii. 266 Legal status of, ii. 382 Regular, _see_ Monasticism Secular: Concubinage of, i. 244 Francis of Assisi’s attitude toward, i. 430, 440 Marriage of, i. 472 _n. 1_ Reforms of, i. 359 Standard of conduct for, i. 471; ii. 529 Term, scope of, i. 356

Clerval, Abbé, cited, i. 300 _n. 1_

Clopinel, Jean, _see_ De Meun

Clovis (Chlodoweg), i. 114, 117, =119-21=, 122, 138, =193-4=; ii. 245

Cluny monastery: Abaelard at, ii. 25, =26=, 345 Characteristics of, i. 359-60 Monastic reforms accomplished by, i. =293=, 304

Cologne, i. 29, 31

Columba, St., of Iona, i. =133-7=, 173

Columbanus, St., of Luxeuil and Bobbio, i. 6, 133, =174-9=, 196; Life and works of, 174 _n. 2_

Combat, trial by, i. 232

Commentaries, mediaeval: Boëthius’, i. 93 Excerpts as characteristic of, i. 104 General addiction to, ii. 390, 553 _n. 4_ Originals supplanted by, ii. 390 Raban’s, i. 222-3

Compends: Fourteenth century use of, ii. 523 Mediaeval preference for, i. 94 Medical, in Italy, i. 251 Saints’ lives, of (_Legenda aurea_), ii. 184

Conrad, Duke of Franconia, i. 241

Conrad II., Emp., i. 243

Constantine, Emp., ii. 266; “Donation” of, ii. =35=, 265, 270

Constantinus Africanus, i. =251= _and_ _n._; ii. 372

Cordova, i. 25

Cornelius Nepos, i. 25

_Cornificiani_, ii. =132=, 373

Cosmogony: Aquinas’ theory of, ii. 456 Mediaeval allegorizing of, ii. 65 _seqq._ Patristic attitude toward, i. 72-4

Cosmology, Alan’s, in _Anticlaudianus_, ii. 377

Cremona, i. 24

Cross, Christian: Magic safeguard, as, i. 294-5 Mediaeval feeling for, ii. 197

Crusades: Constantinople, capture of, as affecting Western learning, ii. 391 First: _Chansons_ concerning, i. 537-8 Character of, i. 535-7 Guibert’s account of, ii. 175 Hymn concerning, quoted, i. 349 _and_ _n._ Italians little concerned in, ii. 189 Joinville’s account of, quoted, i. 546-9 Language of, i. 531 Results of, i. 305 Second, i. 394 Spirit of, i. 535-7

Cuchulain, i. 129 _and_ _nn. 2, 3_

Cynewulf’s _Christ_, i. 183

Cyprian quoted, i. 337 _n._

Cyril of Alexandria, i. 227

Cyril of Jerusalem, i. 53

Da Romano, Alberic, i. 515-16

Da Romano, Eccelino, i. =505-6=, 516

Dacia, Visigoths in, i. 112

Damiani, St. Peter, Card. Bp. of Ostia, career of, i. 262-4; attitude of, to the classics, i. 260; ii. 112, 165; on the hermit life, i. 369-70; on tears, i. 371 _and_ _n._; extract illustrating Latin style of, ii. 165 _and_ _n. 3_; works of, i. 263 _n. 1_; writings quoted, i. 263-7; _Liber Gomorrhianus_, i. 265, 474; _Vita Romualdi_, i. 372 _seqq._; biography of Dominicus Loricatus, i. 381-2; _De parentelae gradibus_, ii. 252; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 19, 20, 260, 343, 345, 391; ii. 34

Damianus, i. 262, 265

Danes, i. 142, =153=

Dante, estimate of, ii. 534-5; scholarship of, ii. 541 _n. 2_; possessed by spirit of allegory, ii. 552-5; compared with Aquinas and influenced by him, ii. 541 _n. 2_, 547, 549, 551, 555; compared with Bonaventura, ii. 547; attitude to Beatrice, ii. 555-8; on love, ii. 555-6; on monarchy, ii. 278; _De monarchia_, ii. 535; _De vulgari eloquentia_, ii. 219, =536=; _Vita nuova_, ii. =556=, 559; _Convito_, ii. =537-8=, 553; _Divina Commedia_, i. 12 _n._; ii. 86, 99 _n. 1_, =103=, 219; commentaries on this work, ii. 553-4; estimate of it, ii. 538, 540-1, 544, 553-4; _Inferno_ cited, ii. 42, 541-3, =545-7=; _Purgatorio_ cited, ii. 535, 542-3, =548-9=, 554, 558; _Paradiso_ cited, i. 395; ii. 542-3, =549-51=, 558

Dares the Phrygian, ii. 116 _and_ _n. 3_, 224-=5 and nn.=, 226-7

_De bello et excidio urbis Comensis_, ii. 189-90

De Boron, Robert, i. 567

_De casu Diaboli_, i. 279

_De consolatione philosophiae_, _see under_ Boëthius

De Lorris, Guillaume, _Roman de la rose_ by, i. =586-7=; ii. 103 _and_ _n. 1_, 104

De Meun, Jean (Clopinel), _Roman de la rose_ by, ii. 103 _and_ _n. 1_, 104, =223=

Denis, St., i. 230

Dermot (Diarmaid, Diarmuid), High-King of Ireland, i. =132=-3, 135, =136=

Desiderius, Bp. of Vienne, i. 99

Desiderius, Pope, i. =253=, 263

Devil, the: Mediaeval beliefs and stories as to, i. 487 _seqq._ Romuald’s conflicts with, i. =374=, 379-80

Dialectic (_See also_ Logic): Abaelard’s skill in, ii. 118, 119, =345-6=, 353; his subjection of dogma to, ii. 304; his _Dialectica_, ii. 346 _and_ _nn._, 349-50 Chartres study of, i. 298 Duns Scotus’ mastery of, ii. 510, 514 Grammar penetrated by, ii. 127 _seqq._ Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Thirteenth century study of, ii. 118-20

Diarmaid (Diarmuid), _see_ Dermot

_Dictamen_, ii. =121=, =129=, 381

Dictys the Cretan, ii. 224, 225 _and_ _n. 1_

_Dies irae_, i. 348

Dionysius the Areopagite, ii. 10, 102, =344=

_Divina Commedia_, _see under_ Dante

Divination, ii. 374

Dominic, St., i. =366-7=, 497; ii. 396

Dominican Order: Aristotelianism of, ii. 404 Founding of, i. =366=; ii. 396 Growth of, i. 498; ii. =398= Object of, ii. 396 Oxford University, at, ii. 387 Papacy, relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Paris University, position in, ii. =386=, 399

Dominicus Loricatus, i. 263, =381-3=

Donatus, i. 71, 297; _Ars minor_ and _Barbarismus_ of, ii. 123-=4=

Donizo of Canossa, ii. 189 _and_ _n. 2_

Druids: Gallic, i. =28=, 296 Irish, i. 133

Du Guesclin, Bertrand, Constable of France, i. 554-6, 557 _n._

Duns Scotus, education of, ii. 511; career of, ii. 513; estimate of, ii. 513; intricacy of style of, ii. 510, 514, =516 n. 2=; on logic, ii. 504 _n. 2_; Occam’s attitude toward, ii. 518 _seqq._; editions of works of, ii. 511 _n. 1_; estimate of his work, ii. 509-10, 514

Dunstan, St., Abp. of Canterbury, i. 323-4

Durandus, Guilelmus, _Rationale divinorum officiorum_ of, ii. 76 _seqq._

Eadmer, i. 269, 273, 277

Eastern Empire: Frankish relations with, i. 123 Huns’ relations with, i. 112-13 Norse mercenaries of, i. 153 Ostrogoths’ relations with, i. 114 Roman restoration by, i. 115

Ebroin, i. 209

Eckbert, Abbot of Schönau, i. 444

Ecstasy: Bernard’s views on, ii. 368 Examples of, i. 444, 446

Eddas, ii. 220

Education: Carolingian period, in, i. =213-14=, 218-19, 222, =236=; ii. 110, 122, =158=, 332 Chartres method of, ii. 130-1 Grammar a chief study in, ii. 122 _seqq._, 331-2 Italy, in, _see under_ Italy Latin culture the means and method of, i. 12; ii. =109= Schools, clerical and monastic, i. =250 n. 2=, 293 Schools, lay, i. 249-51 Seven Liberal Arts, _see that heading_ Shortening of academic course, advocates of, ii. =132=, 373

Edward II., King of England, i. 551

Edward III., King of England, i. 550-1

Edward the Black Prince, i. 554-6

Einhard the Frank, i. 234 _n. 1_; _Life of Charlemagne_ by, i. 215; ii. 158-9

Ekkehart family, i. 309

Ekkehart of St. Gall, _Waltarius_ (_Waltharilied_) by, ii. 188

El-Farabi, ii. 390

Eleventh century: Characteristics of, i. 301; in France, i. 301, 304, 328; in Germany, i. 307-9; in England, i. 324; in Italy, i. 327 Christianity in, position of, i. 16

Elias, Minister-General of the Minorites, i. 499

Elizabeth, St., of Hungary, i. 391, =465 n. 1=

Elizabeth, St., of Schönau, visions of, i. 444-6

Emotional development, secular, i. 349-50 _and_ _n. 2_

Empire, the, _see_ Holy Roman Empire

Encyclopaedias, mediaeval, ii. 316 _n. 2_; Vincent’s _Speculum majus_, ii. 315-22

_Eneas_, ii. 225, =226=

Engelbert, Abp. of Cologne, i. 481-6; estimate of, i. 482

England (_See also_ Britain): Danish Viking invasion of, i. 153 Eleventh century conditions in, i. 324 Law in, principles of, i. 141-2; Roman law almost non-existent in Middle Ages, ii. 248 Norman conquest of, linguistic result of, i. 324

English language, character of, i. 324

Epicureanism, i. =41=, 70; ii. 296, 312

Eriugena, John Scotus, estimate of, i. 215, =228-9=, =231=; ii. 330; on reason _v._ authority, ii. 298, 302; works of, studied at Chartres, i. 299; _De divisione naturae_, i. =230-1=; ii. 302; otherwise mentioned, i. 16; ii. 282 _n._, 312

Essenes, i. 334

Ethelbert, King of Kent, i. 180-1

_Etymologies_ of Isidore, i. 33, 105 _and_ _n. 1_, =107-9=; ii. 318; law codes glossed from, ii. 250

Eucharistic (Paschal) controversy: Berengar’s contribution to, i. 302-3 Paschasius’ contribution to, i. 225-7

Eucherius, Bp. of Lyons, ii. 48 _n. 1_

Euclid, i. 40

Eudemus of Rhodes, i. 38

Eunapius, i. 47, 52

Euric, King of the Visigoths, i. 117 _and_ _n. 1_

Eusebius, i. 81 _n. 2_

Evil or sin: Abaelard’s views concerning, ii. 350 Eriugena’s views concerning, i. 228 Original sin, realism in relation to, ii. 340 _n._ Peter Lombard and Aquinas contrasted as to, ii. 308-10

Experimental science, Bacon on, ii. 502-8

_Fabliaux_, i. =521 n. 2=; ii. 222

Facts, unlimited actuality of, i. 79-80

Faith: Abaelard’s definition of, ii. 354 Bacon’s views on, ii. 507 Bernard of Clairvaux’s attitude toward, ii. 355 _Caritas_ in relation to, ii. 479-81 Cognition through, Aquinas’ views on, ii. 446 Occam’s views on, ii. 519 Proof of matters of, Aquinas on, ii. 450 Will as functioning in, ii. 479

_False Decretals_, i. 104 _n._, =118 n. 1=

Fathers of the Church (_See also_ Patristic thought): Greek, _see_ Greek thought, patristic Latin, _see_ Latin Fathers

Faustus, ii. 44

Felix, St., i. 86

Feudalism (_See also_ Knighthood): Anarchy of, modification of, i. 304 Austrasian disintegration by, i. 240 _Chansons_ regarding, i. 559 _seqq._, 569 Christianity in relation to, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Church affected by, i. 244, 473 Italy not greatly under, i. 241 Marriage as affected by, i. 571, 586 Obligations of, i. 533-4 Origin of, 522-3 Principle and practice of, at variance, i. 522

Fibonacci, Leonardo, ii. 501

Finnian, i. 136

_Flamenca_, i. 565

_Flore et Blanchefleur_, i. 565

Florus, Deacon, of Lyons, i. 229 _and_ _n._

Fonte Avellana hermitage, i. =262-3=, 381

Forms, new, creation of, _see_ Mediaeval thought--Restatement

Fortunatus, Hymns by, ii. 196-7

Fourteenth century: Academic decadence in, ii. 523 Papal position in, ii. 509-10

France (_For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names_): Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9-10 Arthurian romances developed in, i. 566 Cathedrals of, ii. 539, 554-5 Church in, secularization of, i. 472-3 Eleventh century conditions in, i. 301, 304, 328 History of, in 11th century, i. 300 Hundred Years’ War, i. 550 _seqq._ Jacquerie in (1358), i. 556 Language modifications in, ii. 155 Literary celebrities in (12th cent.), ii. 168 Monarchy of, advance of, i. 305 North and South, characteristics of, i. 328 Rise of, in 14th century, ii. 509 Town-dwellers of, i. =495=, 508

Francis, St., of Assisi, birth of, i. 415; parentage, i. 419; youth, i. 420-3; breach with his father, i. 423-4; monastic career, i. 427 _seqq._; French songs sung by, i. =419 and n. 2=, 427, 432; _Lives_ of, i. 415 _n._; style of Thomas of Celano’s _Life_, ii. 182-3; _Speculum perfectionis_, i. 415 _n._, 416 _n._, =438 n. 3=; ii. =183=; literal acceptance of Scripture by, i. 365, 406-=7=; on Scripture interpretation, i. 427 _n. 1_; ii. 183; universality of outlook, i. 417; mediaevalism, i. 417; Christ-influence, i. 417, =418=, =432=-3; inspiration, i. =419 n. 1=, 441; gaiety of spirit, i. 421, 427-8, 431-2; poetic temperament, i. 422, 435; love of God, man, and nature, i. 366, 428, =432-3=, =435=-7; simplicity, i. 429; obedience and humility, i. 365 _n._, =429-30=; humanism, i. 495; St. Bernard compared with, i. 415-16; St. Dominic contrasted with, ii. 396; _Fioretti_, ii. 184; Canticle of Brother Sun, i. 433-4, =439-40=; last testament of, i. 440-1; otherwise mentioned, i. 20, 21, 279, 344, 345, 355-6; ii. 302

Franciscan Order: Attractiveness of, i. 498 Augustinianism of, ii. 404 Bacon’s relations with, ii. 486, =488=, 490-=1= Characteristics of, i. 366 Founding of, i. =427=; ii. 396 Grosseteste’s relations, ii. =487=, 511 Object of, ii. 396 Oxford University, at, ii. 387, 400 Papacy, relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Paris University, in, ii. 386, 399 Rise of, ii. 398

Franconia, i. 241

Franks (_See also_ Germans): Christianity as accepted by, i. 193 Church among: Bishops, position of, i. =194 and nn.=, 198, 201 _n._ Charlemagne’s relations with, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273 Clovis, under, i. 194 Lands held by, i. 194, 199-200; immunities of, i. 201 _and_ _n._ Organization of, i. 199 Reform of, by Boniface, i. =196=; ii. 273 Roman character of, i. 201 Division of the kingdom a custom of, i. 238-9 Gallo-Roman relations with, i. 123 Language of, i. 145 _n. 2_ Law of, ii. 245-6 _Missi dominici_, i. 211 Ripuarian, i. 119, 121; ii. 246 Romanizing of, partial, i. 9-10 Salian, i. 113, =119=; Code, ii. 245-6 Saracens defeated by, i. 209-10 _n. 1_ Trojan origin of, belief as to, ii. 225 _and_ _n. 1_

Frederic, Count of Isenburg, i. 483-6

Frederick I. (Barbarossa), Emp., i. 448

Frederick II., Emp., under Innocent’s guardianship, ii. 32-3; crowned, ii. 33; estimate of, i. 497; otherwise mentioned, i. 250 _n. 4_, 417, 481, 505, 510, 517

Free, meaning of term, i. 526 _n. 3_

Free Companies, i. 556

Free will: Angelic, ii. 473 Duns Scotus on, ii. 515 Human, ii. 475 Richard of Middleton on, ii. 512

Freidank, i. 475; ii. =35=

Frescoes, i. 346-7

Friendship, chivalric, i. 561-2, 569-70, 583

Frisians, i. 169, 174; missionary work among, i. =197=, 200, 209

Froissart, Sir John, _Chronicles_ of, i. 549 _seqq._; estimate of the work, i. 557

Froumund of Tegernsee, i. =312-13=; ii. 110

Fulbert, Bp. of Chartres, i. 287, =296-7=, 299

Fulbert, Canon, ii. 4-6, 9

Fulco, Bp. of Toulouse, i. 461

Fulda monastery, i. =198=, 221 _n. 2_

Fulk of Anjou, ii. 138

Gaius, _Institutes_ of, ii. 241, 243

Galahad, i. 569-70, 583, 584 _and_ _n. 2_

Galen of Pergamos, i. =40=, 251

Gall, St., i. 6, 178, =196=

Gallo-Romans: Feudal system among, i. 523 Frankish rule over, i. 120, 123 Literature of, i. 126 _n. 2_

Gandersheim cloister, i. 311

Gaul (_For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names_): Celtic inhabitants of, i. =125 and n.=, =126=-7, 129 _n. 1_ Druidism in, i. =28=, 296 Ethnology of, i. 126 Heathenism in, late survival of, i. 191 _n. 1_ Latinization of, i. 9-10, =29-32= Visigothic kingdom in south of, i. 112, 116, 117, 121

Gauls, characteristics and customs of, i. 27-8

Geoffrey of Beaulieu, Life of St. Louis by, i. 539-42

Gepidae, i. 113, 115

Geraldus, St., i. 281

Gerard, brother of St. Bernard, i. 402-4

Gerbert of Aurillac, _see_ Sylvester II.

German language: Christianity as affecting, i. 202 High and Low, separation of, i. 145 _n. 2_ Middle High German literature, ii. 168, 221 Old High German poetry, ii. =194=, 220

Germans (Saxons) (_See also_ Franks): Characteristics of, i. 138-40, 147, 151-2 Language of, _see_ German language Latin as studied by, i. =307-9=; ii. =123=, 155 Literature of, ii. 220-1 (_See also subheading_ Poetry) Marriage as regarded by, ii. 30 Nationalism of, in 13th cent., ii. 28 Poetry of: _Hildebrandslied_, i. 145-7 _Kudrun_ (_Gudrun_), i. 148, =149=-52; ii. 220 _Nibelungenlied_, i. 145-6, =148-9=, 152, 193, 203 _n. 2_; ii. 220 _Waltarius_, i. 147 _and_ _n._, 148 otherwise mentioned, i. 113, 115, 119, 174, 209, 210

Germany: Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 10-11 Art in (11th cent.), i. 312 Church in, secularization of, i. 472 Italy contrasted with, as to culture, i. 249-50 Merovingian supremacy in, i. 121 Papacy as regarded by, ii. 28, 33, =34-5= Sequence-composition in, ii. 215

Gertrude of Hackeborn, Abbess, i. 466

Gilbert de la Porrée, Bp. of Poictiers, ii. 132, =372=

Gilduin, Abbot of St. Victor, ii. =62= _and_ _n. 2_

Giraldus Cambrensis, ii. 135 _and_ _n._

Girard, Bro., of Modena, i. 498

Glaber, Radulphus, _Histories_ of, i. 488 _n._

Glass-painting, ii. 82-6

Gnosticism, i. 51 _n. 1_

Gnostics, Eriugena compared with, i. 231 _and_ _n. 1_

Godehard, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312

Godfrey of Bouillon, i. 535-8

Godfrey of Viterbo, ii. 190 _and_ _n. 4_

Gondebaud, King of the Burgundians, ii. 242

Good and the true compared, ii. 441, 512

Goths (_See also_ Visigoths): Christianity of, i. 192, 194 Roman Empire invaded by, i. 111 _seqq._

Gottfried von Strassburg, i. 567; ii. 223; _Tristan_ of, i. 577-82

Gottschalk, i. 215, 221 _n. 2_, 224-5, 227-=8=; verses by, ii. 197-9

Government: Church _v._ State controversy, ii. 276-7 (_See also_ Papacy--Empire) Ecclesiastical, _see_ Canon Law Monarchical, ii. 277-8 Natural law in relation to, ii. 278-=9= Representative assemblies, ii. 278

Grace, Aquinas’ definition of, ii. 478-9

Grail, the, i. 589, =596-7=, =607=, 608, 613

Grammar: Chartres studies in, i. =298=; ii. 129-30 Current usage followed by, ii. 163 _and_ _n. 1_ Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Importance and predominance of, in Middle Ages, i. 109 _and_ _n._, =292=; ii. =331-2= Italian study of, ii. =129=, 381 Language continuity preserved by, ii. =122-3=, 151, 155 Law studies in relation to, ii. 121 Logic in relation to, ii. 127 _seqq._, 333-4; in Abaelard’s work, ii. 346 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313 Syntax, connotation of term, ii. 125 Works on--Donatus, Priscian, Alexander, ii. 123 =seqq.=

Grammarian, meaning of term, i. 250

Gratianus, _Decretum_ of, ii. 268-9, =270-1=, 306, 380-2; _dicta_, ii. 271

Greek classics, _see_ Greek thought, pagan

Greek language: Oxford studies in, ii. 120, 391, =487= Translations from, direct, in 13th cent., ii. 391

Greek legends, mediaeval allegorizing of, ii. 52, 56-9

Greek novels, ii. 224 _and_ _n._

Greek thought, pagan: Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 492-3 Breadth of interest of, ii. 109 Christian standpoint contrasted with, i. 390; ii. 295-6 Church Fathers permeated by, i. 33-4 Completeness of schemes presented by, ii. 394 Limitless, the, abhorrent to, i. 353-4 Love as regarded by, i. 575 Metaphysics in, ii. 335-7 Scholasticism contrasted with, ii. 296 _Summa moralium philosophorum_, ii. 373 Symbolism in, ii. 42, =56= Transmutation of, through Latin medium, i. 4

Greek thought, patristic (_See also_ Patristic thought): Comparison of, with Latin, i. 68 Pagan philosophic thought contrasted with, ii. 295-6 Symbolism in, ii. 43 Transmutation of, through Latin medium, i. 5, 34 _and_ _n._

Gregorianus, ii. =240=, 243

Gregory, Bp. of Tours, i. 121; _Historia Francorum_ by, i. 234 _n. 2_; ii. 155

Gregory I. (the Great), Pope, family and education of, i. 97; Augustine of Hippo compared with, i. 98-9; Augustinianism barbarized by, i. 98, 102; sends mission to England, i. 6, 33, =180-1 and n. 1=; estimate of, i. =56=, 89, =102-3=, =342=; estimate of his writings, i. 354; on miracles, i. 100, 182; on secular studies, ii. 288; letter to Theoctista cited, i. 102 _n. 1_; editions of works of, i. 97 _n._; works of, translated by King Alfred, i. 187; _Dialogues on the Lives and Miracles of the Italian Saints_, i. 85 and _n. 2_, 100; _Moralia_, i. =97=, 100; ii. 57; Odo’s epitome of this work, ii. 161; _Commentary on Kings_, i. 100 _n. 1_; _Pastoral Rule_, i. =102=, 187-8; otherwise mentioned, i. 16 _and_ _n. 4_, 65, 87, 104, 116

Gregory II., Pope, i. 197-8; ii. 273

Gregory III., Pope, i. 198; ii. 273

Gregory VII., Pope (Hildebrand), claims of, i. =244-5=; ii. 274; relations with Damiani, i. 263; exile of, i. 244, 253; estimate of, i. 261; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 174 _n. 1_, 243, 304

Gregory IX., Pope, codification by, of Canon law, ii. 272; efforts of, to improve education of the Church, ii. 398; mentioned, i. 476; ii. 33

Gregory of Nyssa, i. 53, 80, 87, 340

Grosseteste, Robert, Chancellor of Oxford University and Bp. of Lincoln, Greek studies promoted by, ii. =120=, =391=, 487; estimate of, ii. 511-12; Augustinianism of, ii. 403-4; attitude toward the classics, ii. 120, 389; relations with Franciscan Order, ii. =487=, 511; Bacon’s relations with, ii. 487

_Gudrun_ (_Kudrun_), i. 148, =149=-52; ii. 220

Guigo, Prior, estimate of, i. 390-1; relations with St. Bernard, i. 405; _Consuetudines Carthusiae_ by, i. 384; _Meditationes_ of, i. 385-90

Guinevere, i. 569, =584= _and_ _n. 1_, 585

Guiot de Provens, “Bible” of, i. 475-6 _and_ _n. 1_

Guiscard, Robert, ii. 189 _n. 2_

Gumpoldus, Bp. of Mantua, _Life of Wenceslaus_ by, ii. 162 _n. 1_

Gundissalinus, Archdeacon of Segovia, ii. 312 _and_ _n. 4_, 313

Gunther, _Ligurinus_ of, ii. 192 _and_ _n. 4_

Gunzo of Novara, i. 257-8

Harding, Stephen, Abbot of Citeaux, i. =360=, =361=, 393

Harold Fairhair, i. 153

_Hartmann von Aue_, i. =348-9 and n.=, 567; ii. 29 _n._

Harun al Raschid, Caliph, i. 210

Heinrich von Veldeke, i. 567; ii. 29 _n._

_Heliand_, i. =203 and nn.=, 308

Helias, Count of Maine, ii. 138

Hell: Dante’s descriptions of, ii. 546-7 Fear of, i. 103, =339=, 342, =383= Visions of, i. 454-5, 456 _n._

Heloïse, Abaelard’s love for, ii. 4-5, 344; his love-songs to, ii. =13=, 207; love of, for Abaelard, i. 585; ii. =3=, =5=, 8, 9, =15-16=; birth of Astralabius, ii. 6; opposes marriage with Abaelard, ii. 6-9; marriage, ii. 9; at Argenteuil, ii. 9, 10; takes the veil, ii. 10; at the Paraclete, ii. 10 _seqq._; letters of, to Abaelard quoted, ii. 11-15, 17-20, 23, 24; Abaelard’s letters to, quoted, ii. 16-17, 21-3, 24-5; Peter the Venerable’s letter, ii. 25-7; letter of, to Peter the Venerable, ii. 27; death of, ii. 27; intellectual capacity of, ii. 3

Henry the Fowler, i. 241

Henry II., Emp., i. 243; dirge on death of, ii. 216

Henry IV., Emp., i. 244; ii. =167=

Henry VI., Emp., ii. 32, 190

Henry I., King of England, ii. 139, 146, 176-8

Henry II., King of England, ii. 133, 135, 372

Henry of Brabant, ii. 391

Henry of Ghent, ii. 512

Henry of Huntington cited, i. 525

Henry of Septimella, ii. 190 _and_ _n. 3_

Heretics (_For particular sects, see their names_): Abaelard’s views on coercion of, ii. 350, 354 Insignificance of, in relation to mediaeval thought, ii. 283 _and_ _n._ Theodosian enactments against, ii. 266 Twelfth century, in, i. 305

Herluin, Abbot of Bec, i. 271

Hermann, Landgraf of Thüringen, i. 589; ii. 29

Hermann Contractus, i. 314-15 _and_ _n. 1_

Hermits: Irish, i. 133 Motives of, i. 335, 363 Temper of, i. 368 _seqq._

Hermogenianus, ii. 240, 243

Herodotus, i. 77

Hesse, Boniface’s work in, i. 197-8

Hilarion, St., i. 86

Hilary, Bp. of Poictiers, i. =63=, 68, 70

Hildebert of Lavardin, Bp. of Le Mans and Abp. of Tours, career of, ii. 137-40; love of the classics, ii. =141-2=, =146=, 531; letters of, quoted, ii. 140, 143, 144-5, 146-7; Latin text of letter, ii. 172; Latin elegy by, ii. 191; otherwise mentioned, ii. 61, 134, 373 _n. 2_

Hildebrand, _see_ Gregory VII.

_Hildebrandslied_, ii. 220

Hildegard, St., Abbess of Bingen, dedication of, i. 447; visions of, i. 267, =449-59=; affinity of, with Dante, ii. 539; correspondence of, i. 448; works of, i. 446 _n._; _Book of the Rewards of Life_, i. 452-6; _Scivias_, i. 457-9; otherwise mentioned, i. 20, 345, 443; ii. 302, 365

Hildesheim, bishops of (11th cent.), i. 312

Hilduin, Abbot, i. 230

Hincmar, i. 215, 230, =233 n. 1=

Hipparchus, i. 40

Hippocrates, i. 40

History: Carolingian treatment of, i. 234-5 Classical attitude toward, i. 77-8 Eleventh century treatment of, i. 300 _Historia tripartita_ of Cassiodorus, i. 96-7 Patristic attitude toward, i. 80-4 _Seven Books of Histories adversum paganos_ by Orosius, i. 82-3

Holy Roman Empire: Burgundy added to, i. 243 _n. 1_ German character of, ii. 32 Papacy, relations with, _see under_ Papacy Refounding of, by Otto, i. 243 Rise of, under Charlemagne, i. 212

Honorius II., Pope, i. 531

Honorius III., Pope, i. 366, 482, 497; ii. 33, 385 _n._, =398=

Honorius of Autun--on classical study, ii. 110, =112-13=; _Speculum ecclesiae_ of, ii. 50 _seqq._; _Gemma animae_, ii. 77 _n. 1_

Hosius, Bp. of Cordova, i. 118 _n. 1_

Hospitallers, i. 531

Hrotsvitha, i. 311 _and_ _n. 2_, ii. 215 _n. 2_

Huesca (Osca), i. 25

Hugh, Abbot of Cluny, ii. 137

Hugh Capet, i. 239-=40= _and_ _n._

Hugh the Great, Count of Paris, i. 241

Hugh of Payns, i. 531

Hugo, Archdeacon of Halberstadt, ii. 62

Hugo, Bro., of Montpellier, i. 510-14

Hugo, King, i. 242

Hugo of St. Victor, estimate of, ii. =63=, =111=, 118, 301, =356=; allegorizing by, ii. 367; on classical study, ii. 110-11; on logic, ii. 333; pupils of, ii. 87; works of, ii. 61 _n. 2_; _Didascalicon_, ii. 48 _n. 2_, =63=, =111=, 312, =357 and nn. 2-5=; _De sacramentis Christianae fidei_, ii. 48 _n. 2_, =64 seqq.=, 365, =395=, 540; _Expositio in regulam beati Augustini_, ii. 62 _n. 2_; _De arca Noë morali_, ii. 75 _n._, =365-7=; _De arca Noë mystica_, ii. 367; _De vanitate mundi_, ii. 75 _n._, =111-12=; _Summa sententiarum_, ii. 356; _Sermons on Ecclesiastes_, ii. 358-9; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 20, 457; ii. 404

Humanists, ii. 126

_Humiliati_ of Lombardy, i. 365

Hungarians, i. 241-=2=

Huns, i. 112, 119, 193

_Huon de Bordeaux_, i. 564

Hy (Iona) Island, i. 136, =173=

Hymns, Christian: Abaelard, by, ii. 25, =207-9= Estimate of, i. 21 Evolution of, i. 347-9 _and_ _n._; ii. 196, =200 seqq.= Hildegard’s visions regarding, i. 459 Hugo of St. Victor, by, ii. 86 _seqq._ Sequences, development of, ii. 196, =201-6=; Adam of St. Victor’s, ii. 209-15

Iamblicus, i. 42, =47=, 51, 56-7; ii. 295

Iceland, Norse settlement in, i. 153

Icelanders, characteristics and customs of, i. 154

Icelandic Sagas, _see_ Sagas

Ideal _v._ actual, i. 353 _seqq._

Innocent II., Pope, i. =394=; ii. 10

Innocent III., Pope, i. 417, 481, 497; ii. =32=, =274=, 384, =398=

Innocent IV., Pope, i. 506

_Intellectus agens_, ii. 464, =507 n. 2=

Iona (Hy) Island, i. 136, =173=

Ireland: Celts in, _see_ Irish Church of, missionary zeal of, i. 133, 136, 172 _seqq._ Danish settlements in, i. 153 Monasteries in, i. =153 n. 1=, 173 Norse invasion of, i. 134 Scholarship in, i. =180 n.=, 184-5

Irenaeus, Bp. of Lyons, i. 225

Irish: Art of, i. 128 _n. 1_ Characteristics of, i. =128=, 130, 133, 179 History of, i. 127 _and_ _n._ Influence of, on mediaeval feeling, i. 179 _and_ _n._ Literature of, i. =128 and n. 2=, =129 seqq.=, 134; poetry, ii. 194 Missionary labours of, i. 133, 136, 172 _seqq._; defect of, i. 179, 196 Norse harryings of, i. 133-4; intercourse with, i. 152 _n. 3_ Oxford University, at, ii. 387

Irnerius, ii. 121, =260=, 380-1; _Summa codicis_ of, ii. 255-9

Irrationality (_See also_ Miracles): Neo-Platonic teaching as to, i. 42-4, 48, 52 Patristic doctrine as to, i. 51-3

Isabella, Queen, wife of Edward II., i. 550-1

Isidore, Abp. of Seville, estimate of, i. 89, 103, 118 _n. 1_; Bede compared with, i. 185-7; _False Decretals_ attributed to, i. 118 _n. 1_; ii. =270=, 273; works of, i. 104-9; _Etymologiae_, _see_ Etymologies of Isidore; _Origines_, i. 236, 300; otherwise mentioned, i. 6, 88; ii. 46, 312

Italian people in relation to the antique, i. 7-8

Italy (_For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names_): Celtic inroads into (3rd cent. B.C.), i. 24 Church in, secularization of, i. 472 Cities in: Continuity of, through dark ages, i. 248, =494-5=; ii. 381 Fighting amongst, i. 497-8 Importance of, i. 241, 326, =494-5= Continuity of culture and character in, i. =326=, 495; ii. =120-2= Dante as influenced by, ii. 534-5 Education in--lay, persistence of, i. 249-51; clerical and monastic, i. 250 _n. 2_ Eleventh-century conditions in, i. 327 Feudalism not widely fixed in, i. 241 Feuds in, i. 515-16 Grammar as studied in, i. 250 _and_ _n. 2_; ii. 129 Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Literature of, mediaeval, lack of originality in, ii. 189; eleventh-century verse, i. 251 _seqq._; ii. 165 _n. 1_, 186 Lombard kingdom of (6th cent.), i. 115-16 Medicine studied in, i. 250 _and_ _n. 4_, =251=; ii. 121 Unification of, under Rome, i. 23

Jacobus à Voragine, _Legenda aurea_ by, ii. 184

Jacques de Vitry, Bp. and Card. of Tusculum, i. 461 and n.; Exempla of, i. 488 _n._, 490

Jerome, St., estimate of, i. 344, 354; letter of, on asceticism, i. 335 _and_ =n. 1=; love of the classics, ii. 107, 112, 531; modification by, of classical Latin, ii. 152, 171; two styles of, ii. 171 _and_ _n. 4_; Life of Paulus by, i. 84, 86; Life of Hilarion, i. 86; _Contra Vigilantium_, i. 86; otherwise mentioned, i. 56, 75, 76, 104

Jerome of Ascoli (Pope Nicholas IV.), ii. 491

Jews: Agobard’s tracts against, i. 232-=3= Gregory the Great’s attitude toward, i. 102 Louis IX.’s attitude toward, i. 545 Persecution of, i. 118, 332

Joachim, Abbot of Flora, _Evangelicum eternum_ of, 502 _n._, =510=, =512-13=, 517

John, Bro., of Vicenza, i. 503-4

John X., Pope, i. 242

John XI., Pope, i. 242

John XII., Pope, i. 243; ii. =160-1=

John XIII., Pope, i. 282

John XXII., Pope, _Decretales extravaganes_ of, ii. 272

John of Damascus, ii. 439 _n. 1_

John of Fidanza, _see_ Bonaventura

John of Parma, Minister-General of Franciscans, i. 507, 508, =510-11=

John of Salisbury, estimate of, ii. 118, 373-4; Chartres studies described by, ii. 130-2; attitude of, to the classics, ii. 114, 164, =173=, 531; Latin style of, ii. 173-4; _Polycraticus_, ii. 114-15, 174-5; _Metalogicus_, ii. 173-4; _Entheticus_, ii. 192; _De septem septenis_, ii. 375

John the Deacon, _Chronicon Venetum_ by, i. 325-6

Joinville, Sire de, _Histories_ of St. Louis by, i. 539, =542-9=

Jordanes, compend of Gothic history by, i. 94

Jordanes of Osnabrück cited, ii. 276 _n. 2_

Joseph of Exeter, ii. 225 _n. 2_

Jotsaldus, Life of Odilo by, i. 295-6

Judaism, emotional elements in, i. 331-2

Julianus, _Epitome_ of, ii. 242, =249=, 254

Jumièges cloister, ii. 201

Jurisprudence (_See also_ Roman law): Irnerius an exponent of, ii. 256, 259 Mediaeval renaissance of, ii. 265 Roman law, in, beginnings of, ii. 232

Justinian, _Codex_, _Institutes_, _Novellae_ of, _see under_ Roman law; _Digest of_, _see_ Roman law--Pandects

Jutes, i. 140

Jutta, i. 447

Keating quoted, i. 136

Kilwardby, Richard, Abp. of Canterbury, _De ortu et divisione philosophiae_ of, ii. 313

Kilwardby, Robert, ii. 128

Knighthood, order of: Admission to, persons eligible for, i. 527 Code of, i. 524 Hospitallers, i. 531 Investiture ceremony, i. 525-8 Love the service of, i. 568, =573= Templars, i. 531-5 Virtues and ideals of, i. 529-31, 567-8

Knowledge: Cogitation, meditation, contemplation (Hugo’s scheme), ii. 358 _seqq._ Forms and modes of, Aquinas on--divine, ii. 451-5; angelic, ii. 459-62; human, ii. 463 _seqq._ Grades of, Aquinas on, ii. 461, 467 Primacy of, over will maintained by Aquinas, ii. 440-1

La Ferté Monastery, i. 362

Lambert of Hersfeld, _Annals_ of, i. 313; ii. 167

Lambertus Audomarensis, _Liber Floridus_ of, ii. 316 _n. 2_

_Lancelot of the Lake_, i. 567, 569-70, =582-5=; Old French prose version of, i. 583 _seqq._

Land tenure, feudal, i. 523-4

Lanfranc, Primate of England, i. 174 _n. 1_, =261 n.=, 273

_Langue d’oc_, ii. 222, 248

_Langue d’oil_, ii. 222, 248

Languedoc, chivalric society of (11th and 12th centuries), i. 572

Latin classics: Abaelard’s reference to, ii. 353 Alexandrian antecedents of the verse, ii. 152 _n. 1_ Artificial character of the prose, ii. 151 _n._ Breadth of interest of, ii. 109 Characteristics of, ii. 153 Chartres a home of, i. 298; ii. 119 Common elements in, ii. 149, 157 Dante’s attitude toward, ii. 541, 544; his quotations from, ii. 543 _n. 1_ Ecclesiastical attitude toward, i. 260; ii. 110 _seqq._, 396-7 Familiarity with, of Damiani, i. 260; ii. 165; Gerbert, i. 287-8; ii. 110; John of Salisbury, ii. 114, 164, =173=, 531; Bernard of Chartres, ii. 132-3; Peter of Blois, ii. 133-4; Hildebert, ii. =141-2=, =146=, 531 Knowledge-storehouses for the Middle Ages, as, ii. 108 Mastery of, complete, as affecting mediaeval writings, ii. 164 Reverential attitude of mediaevals toward, ii. 107-9 Scripture study as aided by study of, ii. 110, 112, 120 Suggestions of new ideas from, for Northern peoples, ii. 136 Themes of, in vernacular poetry, ii. 223 _seqq._ Twelfth-century study of, ii. 117-18

Latin Fathers (_See also their names and_ Patristic thought): Comparison of, with Greek, i. 68 Style and diction of, ii. 150, 152 _seqq._ Symbolism in, ii. 43-6 Transmutation by, of Greek thought, i. 5, 34 _and_ _n._

Latin language: Britain, position in, i. 10, 32 Children’s letters in, ii. 123 _n._ Christianity as modifying, ii. 152, =154=, 156, 164, 171 Continuity of, preserved by universal study of grammar, ii. =122-3=, 151, 155 “Cornificiani” in regard to, ii. =132=, 373 Educational medium as, ii. 109 Genius of, susceptible of change, ii. 149 German acquisition of, i. 10, 32, =307-8=, =313=; ii. =123=, 155 Grammar of, _see_ Grammar Mediaeval modifications in, ii. 125, 164 Patristic modifications of, ii. 150, 152 _seqq._; Jerome’s, ii. 152, 171 Spelling of, mediaeval, i. 219 Sphere of, ii. 219-20 Supremacy of (during Roman conquest period), i. 4, =23-4 and n. 1=, 25, =30-1= Translations from, scanty nature of, ii. 331 _n. 2_ Translations into, difficulties of, ii. 498 Universality of, as language of scholars, ii. 219, 331 _n. 2_ Vernacular, developments of, ii. 151 Vitality of, in relation to vernacular tongues, ii. 219

Latin prose, mediaeval: Antecedents of, ii. 151 _seqq._ Best period of, ii. 167-8 Bulk of, ii. 157 _n._ Carolingian, ii. 158-60 Characteristics of, ii. 156 Estimation of, difficulties of, ii. 157 _and_ _n._ Influences upon, summary of, ii. 156 Prolixity and inconsequence of, ii. 154 Range of, ii. 154 Simplicity of word-order in, ii. 163 _n. 1_ Stages of development of, ii. 157 _seqq._ Style in, beginnings of, ii. 164 Stylelessness of, in Carolingian period, ii. 158-60 Thirteenth-century styles, ii. 179 Value of, as expressing the mediaeval mind, ii. 156, 164

Latin verse, mediaeval: Accentual and rhyming compositions, ii. 194; two kinds of, ii. 196 Antecedents of, ii. 187 _n. 1_ Carmina Burana (Goliardic poetry), ii. 203, =217-19 and n.= Development of, stages in, ii. 187 Leonine hexameters, ii. 199 _and_ _n. 3_ Metrical composition, ii. 187 _seqq._; elegiac verse, ii. 190-2 _and_ _n. 1_; hexameters, ii. 192; Sapphics, ii. 192-3 _and_ _n. 1_ Modi, ii. 215-16 Rhyme, development of, ii. 195, =206=

Law: Barbarian, Latin codes of, ii. 244 _seqq._ Barbaric conception of, ii. 245, 248-9 _Breviarium_, _see under_ Roman law Canon, _see_ Canon law English, principles of, i. 141-2 Grammar in relation to, ii. 121 Lombard codes, i. =115=; ii. 242, =246=, 248, 253; _Concordia_, ii. 259 Natural: Gratian on, ii. 268-9 _Jus gentium_ in relation to, ii. =234 and n.=, 268 Occam on, ii. 519 Sacraments of, ii. 74 _and_ _n. 1_ Supremacy of, ii. 269, 279 Roman, _see_ Roman law Salic, ii. 245-6 Territorial basis of, i. 123; ii. 247 Tribal basis of, i. 123; ii. =245-7= Visigothic codification of, in Spain, i. 118

Leander, Bp. of Seville, i. 118 _n. 1_

Légonais, Chrétien, ii. 230 _and_ _n. 2_

Leo, Brother, _Speculum perfectionis_ by, ii. 183-4

Leo I. (the Great), Pope, i. 113, 116

Leo IX., Pope, i. 243

Leon, Sir Guy de, i. 552-3

Leon, Sir Hervé de, i. 552-3

Leowigild, i. 117 _n. 2_, 118 _n. 1_

Lerins monastery, i. 195

Lewis, Lord, of Spain, i. 552-3

Liberal arts, _see_ Seven Liberal Arts

Liutgard of Tongern, i. 463-5

Liutprand, Bp. of Cremona i. =256-7=; ii. 161 _n. 1_

Liutprand, King of Lombards, i. 115-16

Logic (_See also_ Dialectic): Albertus Magnus on, ii. =313-15=, 504, 506 Aristotelian, mediaeval apprehension of, ii. 329 (_See also_ Aristotle--_Organon_) Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 505 Gerbert’s preoccupation with, i. 282, 289, =292= Grammar in relation to, ii. 127 _seqq._, 333-4; in Abaelard’s work, ii. 346 Importance of, in Middle Ages, i. 236; ii. 297 Nature of, ii. 333; schoolmen’s views on, ii. 313-15, 333 Occam’s views on, ii. 522 Patristic attitude toward, i. 71 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313 _seqq._ Scholastic decay in relation to, ii. 523 Second stage of mediaeval development represented by, ii. 332-4 Specialisation of, in 12th cent., ii. 119 Theology in relation to, ii. =340 n.=, 346 Twofold interpretation of, ii. 333 Universals, problem of, ii. 339 _seqq._; Abaelard’s treatment of, ii. 342, =348=

Lombard, Peter, estimate of, ii. 370; Gratian compared with, ii. 270; Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 497; _Books of Sentences_ by, i. 17, 18; ii. 134, 370; method of the work, ii. 306; Aquinas’ _Summa_ contrasted with it, ii. 307-10; its classification scheme, ii. 322-4; Bonaventura’s commentary on it, ii. 408

Lombards: Italian kingdom of (6th cent.), i. 115-16 Italian influence on, i. 7, 249 Law codes of, _see under_ Law

Louis of Bavaria, Emp., ii. 518

Louis I. (the Pious), King of France, i. 233, 239, =359=; false capitularies ascribed to, ii. 270

Louis VI. (the Fat), King of France, i. 304-5, 394, 400; ii. 62; Hildebert’s letter on encroachments of, ii. 140, 172

Louis IX. (the Saint), King of France, Geoffrey’s _Vita_ of, i. 539-42; Joinville’s _Histoire of_, i. 542-9; Testament of, i. 540 _n. 1_; otherwise mentioned, i. 476, 507-=9=, 515

Love, Aquinas on distinguishing definitions of, ii. 475-6

Love, chivalric: Antique conception of love contrasted with, i. 575 _Chansons de geste_ as concerned with, i. 564 Code of, by Andrew the Chaplain, i. 575-6 Dante’s exposition of, ii. 555-6 Estimate of, mediaeval, i. 568, 570 Literature of, _see_ Chivalry--Literature Marriage in relation to, i. 571 _and_ _n. 2_ _Minnelieder_ as depicting, ii. 30 Nature of, i. 572-5, 582-7 Stories exemplifying--_Tristan_, i. 577 _seqq._; _Lancelot_, 582 _seqq._

Love, spiritual: Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 472-3, 476 Bernard of Clairvaux as exemplifying, i. 394 _seqq._

Lupus, Servatus, Abbot of Ferrières, i. 215;