Part 15

[Footnote 149: "Essais," II. p. 103 (1785). The meetings were held every Tuesday. The tone prevailing in the little coterie is suggested by the amusing criticism of Perrault's poem, "On the Creation of the World:" see "Essais," II. p. 105.]

[Footnote 150: "Lettres de Henry St. John" (Grimoard), III. p. 193. In another letter of October 6th, he asks to be remembered to "our little society" (III. p. 206). The letters are in French.]

[Footnote 151: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 91.]

[Footnote 152: Ibid., I. p. 102. "Je demandai de moi-même à admettre l'abbé."]

[Footnote 153: Journal (Édition Jannet), I. p. 67.]

[Footnote 154: This account of the Entresol is derived from d'Argenson's Journal (Rathery), I. pp. 91-111; "Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montagne, ou Loisirs d'un Ministre," _passim_; "Lettres de Henry St. John," edited by Grimoard, 1808: see Appendix, III. p. 459. There is also a conscientious account in a paper by M. Tessin, "Un membre de l'Entresol" (Bibliothèque Nationale).]

[Footnote 155: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 96.]

[Footnote 156: Grimoard, III. p. 466, and Journal (Rathery), I. p. 97.]

[Footnote 157: Grimoard, III. p. 473.]

[Footnote 158: Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 168. "J'eus au conseil le bureau des affaires ecclésiastiques," &c.]

[Footnote 159: See below, note 399.]

[Footnote 160: "Loisirs d'un Ministre," II. pp. 180,181.]

[Footnote 161: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 99.]

[Footnote 162: Ibid., I. p. 104.]

[Footnote 163: "Le Comte de Plélo" (J. B. Rathery), p. 101]

[Footnote 164: Ibid.]

[Footnote 165: Ibid., p. 102.]

[Footnote 166: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 103. "Son Éminence montrait un grand goût pour l'Entresol."]

[Footnote 167: Ibid.]

[Footnote 168: Ibid.]

[Footnote 169: Ibid.]

[Footnote 170: Ibid., I. p. 107.]

[Footnote 171: Ibid., I. p. 110.]

[Footnote 172: "Lettres de Henry St. John" (Grimoard), III. p. 478]

[Footnote 173: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 72.]

[Footnote 174: Ibid., Introduction, I. p. xvii.]

[Footnote 175: During the Commune, May 23.]

[Footnote 176: Édouard Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 56.]

[Footnote 177: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 115.]

[Footnote 178: See p. 57. Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 168.]

[Footnote 179: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 166.]

[Footnote 180: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 118. July, 1732.]

[Footnote 181: Ibid. I. p. 117.]

[Footnote 182: Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 57.]

[Footnote 183: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 166.]

[Footnote 184: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 123, August, 1732. It might be contended that the proposal was never serious. The contention would be just if the offer had been made a year afterwards; but at this time the impression produced by d'Argenson was still fresh, and Chauvelin's sincerity is above reproach.]

[Footnote 185: See pp. 28-9.]

[Footnote 186: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 123.]

[Footnote 187: Ibid., I. p. 120.]

[Footnote 188: Ibid., I. p. 131.]

[Footnote 189: Chauvelin placed his library at his disposal, gave him valuable hints as to the manner in which to pay court to the Cardinal, and even deigned to instruct him in the etiquette of card-playing, one of the necessary arts of Court life. "In fact," says d'Argenson himself, "there is no denying that this first minister neglects no opportunity of drawing me out and bringing me into prominence; and that, if I myself were not concerned, I might say that one should think well of him for helping in this way a zealous and unobtrusive man, who tries to be of use without knowledge of the brazen art of pushing himself forward" (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 140).]

[Footnote 190: Ibid., I. p. 137.]

[Footnote 191: Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 60. In reference to another memoir, relating to a method of procuring cavalry horses, St. Pierre writes: "I shall not preach to you the necessity of enthusiasm in undertaking--you have quite enough,--but assiduous work in order to perfect" (Goumy, p. 59).]

[Footnote 192: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 184.]

[Footnote 193: Ibid., I. p. 205.]

[Footnote 194: Ibid., I. p. 206.]

[Footnote 195: Ibid., I. p. 207.]

[Footnote 196: Ibid., I. pp. 207-9.]

[Footnote 197: See his mournful complaint to Chauvelin (Ibid., I. p. 141).]

[Footnote 198: This was the real nature of the "divorce" he speaks of. See below, note 207.]

[Footnote 199: On November 31. See the Marquis de Balleroy's letters of November 31 and December 1, where a circumstantial account is given of the ceremony (Barthélemy, I. pp. 378, 379). _Cf._ pp. 33, 43, 47, 71-73. Notes 94, 202, 207.]

[Footnote 200: A copy of the contract, a purely business document, exists in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal (MS. 6115).]

[Footnote 201: See the Marquis de Balleroy's letter of November 22, 1718 (Barthélemy, I. p. 373).]

[Footnote 202: See especially that of December 8, 1718. It is sufficiently amusing to quote in the original. "J'ai eu grand soin, ma chère tante, d'inspirer à Madame d'Argenson tous les sentiments qui vous sont dus. Pardonnez si ce qu'exigent vôtre mérite et vôtre esprit n'a moins arrêté que les bontés et l'amitié que vous avez pour moi. J'espère que vous ferez par la suite autant de cas de son amitié que de son admiration, et je vous assure que je l'élèverai à être tout ce qu'il y aura de plus respectueux dans vôtre népotisme. Me voilà-t-il pas bientôt assez à parler en mari fort supérieur d'âge? Je me trouve respectable par près de dix années de cette supériorité; je ne m'y serois pas attendu en me mariant aussi jeune." (He was now twenty-four.) "Je vois l'approbation de tout le monde qui me parle naturellement sur ce mariage, bien conforme à la vôtre. Je vous assure que je suis fort éloigné du repentir," &c. (Barthélemy, I. p. 385).]

[Footnote 203: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 180. See p. 43 and note 228.]

[Footnote 204: Ibid., I. pp. 180, 181. "La femme la plus avare de Paris." "La séquestration de bonne compagnie, même de toute compagnie."]

[Footnote 205: Ibid., I. p. 181.]

[Footnote 206: Ibid., I. p. 182.]

[Footnote 207: In the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal (MS. 6141, fol. 295) there exists a "Counsel's opinion" obtained by Mme. d'Argenson, signed "De Lambon," and dated September 28, 1756. It throws much light upon Madame d'Argenson's character, and confirms her husband's estimate of her. After twenty-two years she had not forgiven; and feeling it an indignity to be dependent upon her husband for the handsome allowance he had consented to make her, she proposed to have the separation, both of person and property, judicially confirmed. Her counsel evidently thought her claim unwarrantable, and in some of his most moderate words he says: "But to-day, after more than twenty-two years that they have lived apart, and after the legal arrangements made by Madame d'Argenson with her husband in January, 1733, and October, 1747 (le ... ? janvier, 1733, et le ? octobre, 1747), her desire would not be countenanced for a moment. She would not be permitted to revive the old facts, and to form a demand for a (judicial) separation, so long as M. d'Argenson adheres faithfully to that concluded by agreement." The document closes with the crushing words: "Il vaut mieux se condamner soimême, que de plaider pour être condamné."]

[Footnote 208: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 215.]

[Footnote 209: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 219.]

[Footnote 210: Ibid., September 3, and November 13 and 26, 1736.]

[Footnote 211: Ibid., I. p. 228.]

[Footnote 212: See Journal (Rathery), III. p. 13, and De Tocqueville, "Histoire Philosophique du règne de Louis XV.," I. p. 416.]

[Footnote 213: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 235.]

[Footnote 214: Ibid., I. p. 237.]

[Footnote 215: Ibid., I. p. 238.]

[Footnote 216: Ibid., I. p. 242.]

[Footnote 217: D'Argenson had held the same post in the beginning of his career (see pp. 28, 30). It was not important, but it presented opportunities which Count d'Argenson was astute enough to turn to account. He held it in conjunction with the chancellorship of the Orléans household, which had been given him by the Regent in 1723, and which he retained after his dismissal from the Lieutenancy of Police in January, 1724. See p. 46.]

[Footnote 218: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 246.]

[Footnote 219: Ibid., I. p. 260.]

[Footnote 220: Ibid., I. p. 262.]

[Footnote 221: Ibid., I. p. 263.]

[Footnote 222: Ibid., I. p. 262.]

[Footnote 223: Ste. Beuve, "Causeries du lundi," XII. and XIV.]

[Footnote 224: Journal (Rathery), I. pp. 240-41.]

[Footnote 225: Ibid., I. p. 260.]

[Footnote 226: At this time Portugal, completely dominated by English influence, was a thorn in the side of the Bourbon powers. _Cf._ "Considérations," p. 89 (1764) and p. 78 (1784).]

[Footnote 227: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 264.]

[Footnote 228: See pp. 43, 72. _Cf._ also Journal (Rathery), I. p. 208, where he speaks of himself as the poorest man in the Council. We know that in preparing for this embassy, d'Argenson spent considerable sums (_cf._ Journal, Rathery, IV. p. 81), and that the primary cause of his delay in setting out was the refusal of Fleury to indemnify him. See Journal (Rathery), I. p. 310: see also Journal (édit. Jannet), IV. p. 348.]

[Footnote 229: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 268.]

[Footnote 230: Ibid., I. p. 284.]

[Footnote 231: Ibid., I. p. 291.]

[Footnote 232: Ibid., I. p. 301.]

[Footnote 233: _Cf._ p. 79. "We should be happy----."]

[Footnote 234: Journal (Rathery), II. p. 35.]

[Footnote 235: Ibid., II. p. 73.]

[Footnote 236: Ibid., II. p. 107. March 10, 1739.]

[Footnote 237: Journal (Rathery), II. p. 185. 1 July, 1739. It was on this very day that d'Argenson received an order from Amelot, the Foreign Minister, to dismiss the train which he had engaged for the Portuguese embassy; and it is evident that his forbearance breaks down at last.]

[Footnote 238: Ibid., II. p. 142.]

[Footnote 239: The Journal at this period is one long and often luminous survey of the events of the time. In Appendix C. reference is given to the more important passages under the several departments to which they refer.]

[Footnote 240: For a brief and intelligible account of the Court opposition to Fleury, see De Tocqueville, "Histoire Philosophique du règne de Louis XV.," I. pp. 416-20.]

[Footnote 241: See p. 74.]

[Footnote 242: At the Collège Louis-le-Grand: see pp. 24, 25. We may gather from a letter from d'Argenson to Voltaire (June 20, 1739. Nisard) that some of Voltaire's school squibs had found a refuge among the papers of his "camarade."]

[Footnote 243: On Voltaire's connection with this circle, see d'Argenson, "Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montagne," I. p. 187 (1785).]

[Footnote 244: May, 1726. (Morley, "Voltaire," p. 44.)]

[Footnote 245: The baroness de la Fontaine-Martel. See Journal (Rathery), I. p. 147, and Voltaire's "Correspondance," _passim_.]

[Footnote 246: A person called Desfontaines, not unknown at that date.]

[Footnote 247: For particulars of d'Argenson's share in the incident, see Voltaire, "Oeuvres" (Édition Garnier XXXV.). Letters of 7th and 24th March, 16th April, 2nd May, 4th and 21st June. D'Argenson's letters of 7th February (Garnier), 20th June, and 7th July (Charles Nisard, "Mémoires et Correspondance"). See also letters of Madame du Châtelet of about the same date.]

[Footnote 248: D'Argenson's letter of 20th June. This letter appears in none of the editions of Voltaire. It was published, with another of 7th July, by Charles Nisard ("Mémoires et Correspondance inédits 1726-1816."), and was found by him among the papers of Suard.]

[Footnote 249: March 24, 1739. In a letter to d'Argenson of January 26, 1740, Voltaire speaks of those views upon history of which he afterwards became the apostle. (_Cf._ Morley, "Voltaire," p. 298). "Another idea of mine. We have only had the history of kings, and that of the nation has not been written. It would seem that for fourteen hundred years we have had nothing in Gaul but kings, ministers, and generals; our manners, laws, customs, ideas, are they then nothing?"

This letter closes with the post-script: "Pardon; there was a great figure in optics on the other leaf; I have torn it off."]

[Footnote 250: May 8, 1739. Édition Garnier XXXV. pp. 272-3. The idea of d'Argenson as Frederick's first minister occurs not unfrequently in future letters.]

[Footnote 251: Ibid., 289-292.]

[Footnote 252: July 28, 1739. For further details see letters of 8th May, 21st June, and 28th July, and d'Argenson, 7th July.]

[Footnote 253: For references to the Portuguese embassy, see letters of 16th April, 28th July, and 17th August; and d'Argenson, 20th June (Nisard).]

[Footnote 254: See Note 420.]

[Footnote 255: Voltaire, 16th April, 1739. It may be presumed that d'Argenson was unable to keep his satisfaction to himself; for Voltaire writes to his business agent in Paris, asking him to call upon d'Argenson and thank him for the care he had taken of the letters, as a gentle suggestion that he should take more of it in future. See Voltaire to Moussinot, 30th May, 1740 (Édit. Garnier, XXXV. p. 440).]

[Footnote 256: Journal (Rathery) III. p. 105.]

[Footnote 257: Journal (Rathery), III. p. 247.]

[Footnote 258: Ibid., IV. p. 96.]

[Footnote 259: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse, Impératrice" (for 1745), and "Maurice de Saxe et le Marquis d'Argenson" (for 1746): Zevort, "Le Marquis d'Argenson et le Ministère des affaires étrangères, 1744-47."]

[Footnote 260: "Considérations sur le gouvernement de la France," d'Argenson's famous treatise upon French politics, which is examined in Chapter VI.]

[Footnote 261: "But in stirring the fire we must be careful not to set it in a blaze. This nation (the English) is awakened promptly and powerfully by the pressure of necessity; all parties unite: and in spite of the public debt, the wealth in private hands is a fund of great resources" (p. 325). After recommending preparation for a great maritime war, he proceeds, "If we succeed, the flourishing English colonies will dwindle to nothing" (p. 326, "Considérations," edit. 1764-5).]

[Footnote 262: "Autre Traité des Principaux Interêts de la France avec ses voisins à l'occasion du projet d'un tribunal Européen par M. l'Abbé de St. Pierre, Novembre, 1737." See the four manuscripts, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. This superscription does not appear in the printed editions.]

[Footnote 263: Journal (Rathery), III. p. 259.]

[Footnote 264: Zevort, p. 5.]

[Footnote 265: See Appendix C.]

[Footnote 266: M. de Broglie speaks of d'Argenson as having been "among the severest censors of Fleury, whom he reproached bitterly for having compromised the fair name of France by repudiating his engagements as to the Austrian succession" ("Marie Thérèse," I. p. 207).

The passages (Journal, Rathery, III. pp. 296, 299, 328) upon which this statement is possibly based cannot mean, as the historian would seem to imply, that d'Argenson was in favour of those engagements and opposed to their repudiation. He is merely exclaiming against Fleury because, by his iniquitous acceptance of those engagements, he had been driven to the further iniquity of violating them. D'Argenson, like everybody else, had thought the Pragmatic Sanction preposterous, and no one was more astounded than he at the calm which followed the death of Charles VI. Here is one passage which is chosen from a score:

"Quelle conduite! Tout ne demanderait qu'à aller, animer et fortifier le plus faible, rompre la glace, diviser le grand morceau des États Autrichiens; voilà à quoi nous n'arriverons point, et quelle occasion perdue!" (Journal, Rathery, III. p. 230).

When at last the ice was broken by Frederick, and there is talk of an offensive alliance between France and Prussia, it is true that d'Argenson recoils; but he is careful to make the reason clear: for he dreads the effect of a war of ambition on the prosperity of the French provinces (Ibid., III. pp. 305, 310). Yet no sooner does the war resume the aspect of a triumphal march than all his old enthusiasm for the dismemberment of the Hapsburg dominion revives (Ibid., III. pp. 342, 344, 409, &c.).

For the whole episode see passages indicated in Appendix C.

D'Argenson's real quarrel with Fleury was (1) that he had subscribed to the Pragmatic Sanction at all; (2) not that he had repudiated it, but that he had neglected to provide himself with a decent excuse for doing so (Ibid., III. pp. 296, 328, &c.).]

[Footnote 267: See pp. 74, 75.]

[Footnote 268: Voltaire, "Correspondance," May 2, 1739, and March 30, 1740 (Garnier, XXXV.).]

[Footnote 269: In speaking of St. Pierre, Journal (Rathery), I. p. 102.]

[Footnote 270: See letter to Fagel, Secretary to the States-General, from Paris, February 25, 1743 ("Lettres et négociations de M. de Van Hoey," pp. 204-10. London, 1745).]

[Footnote 271: Journal (Rathery), III. pp. 105-9.]

[Footnote 272: Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS. 6113, fol. 186.]

[Footnote 273: Zevort, p. 131.]

[Footnote 274: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery), IV. pp. 253, 254.]

[Footnote 275: Zevort, p. 133.]

[Footnote 276: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery), IV. p. 257.]

[Footnote 277: Ibid., IV. pp. 248-56.]

[Footnote 278: Ibid., IV. p. 249.]

[Footnote 279: Ibid., IV. p. 250.]

[Footnote 280: Ibid., IV. p. 247.]

[Footnote 281: M. de Broglie represents ("Marie Thérèse," I. pp. 202-4) that d'Argenson's policy involved the abandonment of the allies of France. The grounds for the contention are not quite clear. It would be equally true of Frederick's own recent proposal for an immediate peace (Zevort, p. 131). France at this time actually held sufficient territory to satisfy her allies upon the terms proposed by Frederick ("Mémoires du Ministère," Rathery, IV. p. 258); and she had only to defend it, as d'Argenson said, with foresight and success, to weary her enemies and force upon Maria Theresa conditions of peace which would be acceptable to her allies as well as to herself.

The occurrence of such suggestions is easily explained. M. de Broglie makes no secret of his strong approval of the campaign in Flanders, and of his strong antipathy to Frederick II. In both respects, though in the case of the Flemish campaign he would appear to have no suspicion of it, he is at absolute variance with the French Foreign Minister; and he is consequently constrained to regard him in a spirit which does not conduce to critical appreciation. In the view of the writer, his account of d'Argenson's share in the events of 1745 cannot be taken as even approximately just.

Upon the merits of the rival policies it is not our business to decide. It is sufficient to show that d'Argenson's plans were sound and statesmanlike, and that successive disasters were entailed by the failure of the Government to support him.]

[Footnote 282: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery, IV. pp. 257, 258)]

[Footnote 283: Zevort, pp. 135, 136.]

[Footnote 284: Ibid., p. 135.]

[Footnote 285: Ibid., Appendix, p. 349.]

[Footnote 286: Ibid., Appendix, p. 348.]

[Footnote 287: Ibid., Appendix, p. 349.]

[Footnote 288: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 128.]

[Footnote 289: Ibid., I. p. 129.]

[Footnote 290: Zevort, p. 136.]

[Footnote 291: Ibid., p. 137.]

[Footnote 292: Ibid., Appendix, p. 350.]

[Footnote 293: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 131.]

[Footnote 294: But three lines appearing in a despatch drafted by him (January 31, 1745. Zevort, Appendix, p. 352) are sufficient to prove what might have been suspected:

"En effet n'en aurions-nous tant fait en faveur de la liberté germanique que pour la revoir tombée dans son ancien esclavage."

Only one hand could have written the word "esclavage."]

[Footnote 295: "Where we should look for the breadth of view and the decision of the statesman, we find but the emotion of a doctrinaire who has attained to office full of confidence in his theories, and who finds himself suddenly thrown into a confused medley of practical complications which he had not even suspected; it is the bewilderment of a solitary who issues from obscurity and is blinded by the unexpected play of light" (De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 208).

Upon this we remark that the above is based upon "the first instructions which he sends after the unforeseen event of Munich;" that that event destroyed a great system, and created what Frederick described as "a terrible crisis"; and that it was just because d'Argenson realised, with a statesman's breadth of view, the appalling consequences either at home or abroad, that he hesitated to take his choice of disasters. When grave issues are so nicely balanced, precipitation is a sign, not of strength, but of weakness.

Frederick, it is true, did not hesitate; and M. de Broglie aptly supplies the reason. A man does not hesitate about the next move when he has no alternative but to throw up the game (De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 219, &c., _cf._ Zevort, pp. 137, 138).]

[Footnote 296: On the evidence of a certain note, M. de Broglie suggests ("Marie Thérèse," I. p. 213) that d'Argenson was by no means at one with the Council, and that he accepted with reluctance a policy which was forced upon him.

The note may be read with equanimity, for it only marks the reappearance of an ideal regret, to be met with occasionally in d'Argenson's Journal--a regret for the policy of merely indirect interference which he sometimes mentions in connection with "un habile homme tel que M. Chauvelin." His true feeling with regard to the crisis is conveyed by some important words in the note immediately preceding:

"Il en arrivera ce qui pourra, bien, j'espère; _mais pour la paix et un armistice dans le statu quo, il n'y faut plus penser_" (De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse." I. p. 211).

It is admitted that d'Argenson was not the prime mover in the policy of the Council; he looked upon that policy as little short of desperate; but he accepted it as a choice between two evil alternatives; and, as we shall find, he did everything mortal man could do to make it a success.]

[Footnote 297: Zevort, Appendix, p. 351.]

[Footnote 298: Ibid., pp. 138, 139.]

[Footnote 299: Valori, "Mémoires," I. p. 207. "Il me semble que le parti que le roi de Pologne avait à prendre pour sa gloire, sa grandeur, son interêt et celui de sa maison, était en premier lieu de se prêter aux desseins que les rois de France et de Prusse avaient de l'élever à la dignité impériale," &c.]

[Footnote 300: Zevort, p. 140.]

[Footnote 301: That this was d'Argenson's real attitude is suggested by a multitude of minute hints to be found in nearly all the available documents. It is the only attitude consistent with his known opinions and with his subsequent conduct.]

[Footnote 302: Zevort, p. 139.]

[Footnote 303: Ibid, p. 140.]

[Footnote 304: Had Frederick imagined for a moment that Valori's mission had the slightest prospect of success, his action as regards both France and Saxony might have changed in a very startling fashion. Every principle of policy would have engaged him to withstand the elevation of Augustus to the Empire.]

[Footnote 305: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 228.]

[Footnote 306: M. de Broglie is perhaps a little premature in describing this as "the beginning of the old game" ("Marie Thérèse," I. pp. 219, 220). Frederick, with the knowledge and concurrence of the French Government (Zevort, p. 142), was already in communication with England; he had not yet heard the intentions of France; he could have no assurance that she meant to prosecute the war; and thinking his position perilous, he took immediate steps to extricate himself with as little loss as possible. Allowing time for the courier to travel from Munich to Berlin, it is clear that these instructions were despatched within a couple of days after the news of the Emperor's death first reached him. Certainly it was a scuttling policy; and there is no reason to suppose it would have been pursued had the war policy of France been loyally supported.]

[Footnote 307: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 280.]

[Footnote 308: Zevort, pp. 137, 138.]