CHAPTER XXIX

THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910

THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT

The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.[1] It was thence propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that lies south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the Libagánon and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the Manóbos of the upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be true (and the probability is that it is so), then this great movement affected one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part occupied by Moros[2] and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some Bisáyas who, moved by the extent and intensity of the movement on the upper Agsúan[sic], became adherents.

[1] The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum River, which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.

[2] I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor of Davao, that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It is then not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated in it likewise.

Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.

Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious revival, but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of the one who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The following is his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by unimpeachable evidence.

REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL

One Meskínan,[3] a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken sick with what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his relatives. On the third day, however, he recovered and went in search of his fugitive people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but he allayed the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his return was not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a beneficent spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine which he showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of his marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until it reached the Mawab River,[4] but in so altered a form that it not only attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that he had actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could impart himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the Mansáka group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to relatives of his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he described to me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way to Mawab. The following is substantially his account.

[3] Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo of the Libagánon River.

[4] A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf of Davao.

Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.[5] In the intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves from destruction.

[5] My informant interpreted this as meaning non-Christianized people. This reference to dark-colored dress is not clear.

My informant said that the following orders were issued by Meskínan:

(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they would devour their owners.

(2) No more crops were to be planted.

(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each settlement.

(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest[6] who must have received his power from Meskínan himself, and several assistants[7] who were to help to propagate the news and to perform the prescribed services in distant "churches."

[6] Called _pun-ó-an_.

[7] _Tai-tái-an_, that is, "bridges," meaning probably that these emissaries were to be the bridge over which the religious doctrines would pass in spreading from settlement to settlement.

(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing sacred dances in his honor, and _forwarding offerings to him_.

My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement went over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden; that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings. The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling over[8] of the world would take place within one moon, and that the orders of Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once, for otherwise, when the day of destruction arrived, all would be irretrievably lost; husband would be separated from wife, and mother from child; pigs and chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could catch, and all would live a life of darkness and despair. But those who had complied with instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the moment of the fall of the world, would become golden and they would fly around in the air with never a care for material wants, _the men on their shields, and the women on their combs_.

[8] _Kíliñg_.

A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a "_Magbabáya_"[9] or spirit upon my informant and upon several others who were to act as his assistants and emissaries.

[9] As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to explain this term.

The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly to erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.

SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT

Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the end of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.

My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on the Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the other behests of the Magbabáya.

All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of the world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was not long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house in Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point to which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant, the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and the Simúlau Rivers.

This great religious movement was known as "Túñgud."[10]

[10] I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of this word, nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, who pretended to know its meaning.

ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES

When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing, and I had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from Libagánon and to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their assistants. I was handicapped by my inability to follow the language used in the sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them interpreted to me. With this exception the following statements as to the character of the movement are first hand.

The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of food. No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's injunction, so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the Mandáya country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding my arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the _camote_ crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost me three days' wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round sum of money to procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The scarcity or utter lack of food was further made evident by the fact that on several occasions I had to leave settlements because I was unable to get food.

When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but especially during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the rumbling of thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon, and similar things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful tones, of the mystic word "túñgud" and would send them off in a hurry to the religious house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied to the visiting Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, but as he was leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words "_túñgud, túñgud_," broke from the lips of one of the most influential men in the town.

Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of its profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all feuds and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of Manóbos in general and their social institution of revenge in particular, one can readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount influence exerted by the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and others more or less conversant with Manóbo ways and character were amazed at the wonderful effect which this religious movement exerted on these peoples, one and all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to settlement, from enemy to enemy, traveled priests, assistants, everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom or never visited Compostela, might be found performing their religious services there. Some of them even went so far as to penetrate into the almost inaccessible haunts of the upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the hereditary and truculent enemies of Compostela whom even the Catholic missionaries could never convert. Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon region went fearlessly over to the Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts and returned unscathed. Many a time in Compostela and other places I heard it remarked concerning a particular individual that, were it not for the order of the Magbabáya of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and to forego revenge, he would be killed.

So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the natural law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved themselves for it.

THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT

NEW ORDER OF DEITIES

In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from a future life of darkness and desolation.

After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself to such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They were said, after being thus endowed, to have a _Magbabáya_, in much the same way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by others.

OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER

The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries for escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition were:

(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings[11] in each settlement.

[11] _Ka-má-lig_.

(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.

(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants.

That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement. From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant points in an incredibly short time.

As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be "Túñgud, túñgud."[12] In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation might bring about the consummation that they feared so much.

[12] Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible, _ta-gá-an_.

In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:

(1) A small alcove[13] in one corner, frequently provided with a door, sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained.

[13] Called _sin-á-buñg_.

(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a supply of drink.

(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of four logs set upon the floor.

(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.

(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation is unprecedented.

(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the deities.

RELIGIOUS RITES

Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.

The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. The high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had taken advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to spread the new religion.

Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a distinct whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest went on: "When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by several low whistling sounds which the priest interpreted to mean "early this morning." The dialogue was continued in a similar strain for several minutes, the responses always being in the form of low prolonged whistling or low sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as it seemed to me, from the building, though to others the sound appeared to come from the opposite direction or from the sky, so they said. I questioned the priest and he pointed his hand in a diametrically opposite direction to that from which the sounds appeared to me to come.

When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole settlement assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from Libagánon, which was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to overthrow the world for three months more in order to give the settlements that had not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so and thereby to save themselves. The high priest went on to tell the listeners how the Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld and had taken up his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had been engaged in weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, upon the completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having convinced the audience of the necessity of making known these particulars to neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of Meskínan, he announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of lances be donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his narration, which was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by the assembled people that he perform the _túñgud_ services, whereupon he and his assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, the tenor of the chants being, according to the interpretation given to me, the latest doings and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.

The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.[14] The use of this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was intended to remind the congregation that faithful male followers would be saved by means of their shields when the world toppled over.

[14] It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither so graceful nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster and there are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.

The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit came upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never saw a more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his eyes, his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched, and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his feet and left him resting against the wall.

As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, "_túñgud, túñgud, tagáan_." This chant, as well as the subsequent ones, was taken up by several of the assistants successively and, according to the interpretation furnished me, dealt with the wondrous doings of Meskínan in the underworld and described in detail the end of the world as announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the priests, including the local ones, danced and fell under the influence of their deities, but not with such vehemence as the high priest whose spirit was declared to be "very big."

An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,[15] the emblem of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed to have been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had conferred a _Magbabáya_. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved it over the heads of the congregation and finally over or near any object that he desired. This was an intimation that such object became consecrated and thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon. A refusal to surrender it was tantamount to perdition when the end should come. Such was the doctrine universally preached and as uniformly believed and practiced.

[15] _Mo-sá_.

Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to dance, but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, but always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit and which were unintelligible to my interpreters.

After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up our positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. Those whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them under or near the table.

The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.

The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side, the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted, they said, by their respective deities.

The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, "_túñgud, túñgud, tagáan_," with loud coughs at the end. These words were taken up by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. Many of them, especially the small girls, fell into paroxysms of trembling. Many of the men and adult women divested themselves of their property, such as necklaces, bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the sacrificial table. Others promised to make an offering as soon as they could procure one.

THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE FRAUD

I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers, who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a great religious deception.

I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan, whose real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the report that he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such an occurrence is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even that at the beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time went on and the reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became greater, abuses crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela the whole system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of wheedling innocent believers out of their valuables.

The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his "Historia de Mindanáo," and a similar movement about the year 1877, as is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús.

Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was carried out.

THE SACRED TRAFFIC

Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum, and was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan. Hence there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and his body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either "down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the sea" or winging his way "on a shield through the starry region." It is easy to understand how difficult it would be to secure an interview with him under these circumstances.

As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that Meskínan could take anyone under his special protection--in other words, that he could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum and Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of those who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who received this spiritual influence were expected to give a consideration[6] for the gift, or _Magbabáya_, as it was called. As time went on this usage developed into the custom of paying the equivalent of a slave (P30) for every _Magbabáya_ received from the representatives of Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only for the original bestowal of these spirits but also in case of their flight and return, for they were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen several young fellows start off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to redeem their runaway spirits. It may be noted here that the flight of a spirit was ascribed to some act on the part of its possessor that provoked its displeasure. Thus one young fellow assured me that his _Magbabáya_ had fled because of his failure to abstain from eating rice.

[6] Called _á-lo_. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form of the Spanish word _regalo_, which means gift, and which is a word of frequent use among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in contact.

I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other chattels, with which to purchase a _Magbabáya_. I saw them return, too, happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse off in a worldly way.

But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of _Magbabáya_ alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed to proceed from Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were also religious shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion I made a present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My astonishment may be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up into handkerchiefs which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River for the equivalent of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they had been made and consecrated by the great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon, and that they were of the utmost efficacy in case of sickness, and above all on the day of dissolution. I asked my friend, the high priest, why he dared to perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow tribesmen. He said that the Mawab and Tágum people had fooled him out of all his possessions and that he was taking this means to get back the equivalent.

A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the value of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to him by Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was present in the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was whittling out similar ones.

During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.

RELIGIOUS TOURS

In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively and with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to visit other settlements.

To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.

As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active, popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.

They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest reports about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with the ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; how he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to pull up the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After convincing their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the necessity for renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, prophesy, shake their sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, receive a harvest of donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the sacred booty in their possession.

An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.

3 old English muzzle-loaders.

100 ornamental silver breastplates.

300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.

60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.

9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of the tour).

30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.

I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 pesos, an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or 5 of the most costly maids in his tribe.

The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to me is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my arrival I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle his debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured me that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for a trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.

THE WHISTLING SCHEME

The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was carried on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the spirit of the movement to call upon one's _Magbabáya_ for an answer except at nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the _Magbabáya_ of the priest or priests present first intimated his desire to speak.

The method of audible communication between the priest and his familiar deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary voice, "_Magbabáya_." If the deity was present, and had not gone off on some errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by a long, low whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult the deity about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the world was nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or whether a boar hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number of whistles, intelligible to the priest only, and long or short according to the amount of information supposed to be conveyed.

That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the matter personally and found that the whistling was done either by the priest himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I first heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound proceeded and descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the priest, squeezed into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the purpose of disguising the direction of the sound.

Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my companion, the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured me not to reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be killed.

On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps proceeding from the supposed _Magbabáya_ in answer. The priest interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10 minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has," "Túñgud, Túñgud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it is often difficult to determine the direction whence a sound comes, the people would sometimes dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, for example, that he was above the house, while another maintained that he was below it. Of course such matters were referred to the priest, who always knew the exact location of the imaginary god.

Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used their little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one case the use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great admiration for the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. "Oh, what a melodious voice," one would say, while another would respond, "Yes; it is like a tiny flute."

Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the priest a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite knowledge concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to consult his deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make a suitable offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the name of the individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not respond at the first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed me, he had gone on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation in order to afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say what means he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of the spirit, but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, when the fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been extinguished, there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those present said, from the _camote_ clearing. "Ah! he is here," they all said. The priest then accosted the deity in this manner: "Why dids't thou delay, Magbabáya?" and then went on to find out the name of the stealer of my scissors. The supposed deity, however, would not reveal the actual name lest I should quarrel with the individual--a proceeding that would be in violation of a current taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that it was a female that was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the supposed divinity erred on this point, so as a matter of policy I claimed the restitution of what I had paid the priest for the consultation.

PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY

Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a _Magbabáya_, and observance of the restriction was rigid apparently. The priests and their wives slept in the religious building, but did not cohabit, the men sleeping in one place and the women in another. But, as I was told by one high priest before my departure that he had observed the injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to think that the same was true of all the other priests.

Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from all food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours ate and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to abstain, as such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of hospitality, which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his host. The customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest maintained that his deity required from him total abstinence while he was in his own settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence was required of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or from drink, and he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, was only a pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a priest who maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for three whole days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the mosquito-bar. Of course I was fined for my curiosity.

The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and the substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such common peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious fanaticism and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the principal points of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the world in disgust and decreed its downfall. The great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon had gone down to the pillars of the world and was prepared to shake the earth to its very foundations until it toppled over. He and the spirits with whom he communicated were powerful deities, able and disposed to rescue their worshipers not only in the awful moment of dissolution when the earth would become a vast charnel house full of darkness and desolation, but also in all the concerns of life up to the very end.

These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They could resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the future, impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the moment of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry, and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid when even the mighty _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon would at times demand a lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others out of their temporal goods.

THE END OF THE MOVEMENT

The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another, the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at least 50,000 people.

It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons, Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things continued until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the fraud.

At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country was getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples already settled in towns, probably there would have been much bloodshed.

SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS

In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" I find similar movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father Pastells of May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date and writer of which I am unable to cite. The general features were the same, that is, the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in another a child, with body all golden, who announced the destruction of the world. Crops were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be killed, and all were to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. The object of these frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the upper Agúsan peoples impossible.

On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me that in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by the Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that when the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the authors of it and killed many.

I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father Urios,[17] dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one Manáitai, a Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían River, was told by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the Manóbos of Patrocinio back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the whole clan was to meet in one house and for the space of one moon they were to unite in prayers and shouts, at the end of which time all would be transported, body and soul, into the sky.

[17] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533, 1891.

The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from everything except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of Sindatúan complied with directions in every particular, even to the burning of candles; but as there was no immediate prospect of a celestial assent, the belief was abandoned and the parties concerned returned to their original creed and observances.

From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.

APPENDIX

HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANÓBOS OF EASTERN MINDANÁO

EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875

From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in the obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently, was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded the Agúsan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless, relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines nor relished its rigorous precepts.

1521

Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes[1] who states that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.[2] A later governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which stands to this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.

[1] Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.

[2] It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of Magellan with such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first mass.

1565-1574

A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II[3] some time after the arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered to explore the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán. Upon arrival in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros trading at the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike character. In another letter of Mirandola,[4] dated 1574, we find Butuán spoken of as a district with much gold.

[3] E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 34: 202, 1906.

[4] Ibid., 3: 233.

1591

In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and Robertson from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was an _encomienda_[5] and that tributes were collected as early as 1591.

[5] An _encomienda_ was a royal allotment or grant of land, including the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the purpose of government.

1596

In Chirino's[6] relation it is set forth that in 1596 the Jesuits, Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary labors in the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no means tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." Christianity, however, made surprising advances, so great that the principal chief of the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives, and protected the missionaries in every way possible.[7] Religious fervor is said to have reached such a height that the people publicly flagellated themselves until the blood flowed.

[6] Ibid., 12: 315.

[7] Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here that Ledesma in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans were accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the natives of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted by Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, both friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.

Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,[8] "a people untamed and ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring peoples."[9]

[8] Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the Higagáons or Banuáons of the present day.

[9] Ibid., 44: 60.

There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as we find that a fort was constructed in Línao[10] some time after 1596. The headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father Francisco Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the blacks[11] visited him and gave him hopes of their conversion."[12]

[10] Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of Veruéla. It and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its former site is now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters from the upper to the middle Agúsan.

[11] We should bear in mind that Spanish historians frequently referred to the mountain people as _little blacks_ (Negrillos), otherwise we might be led to believe that the ancestors of the present people living in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao were Negritos.

[12] Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.

Morga in his Sucesos[13] speaks of Butuán as being peaceable. He makes mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the civet cats.

[13] Ibid., 15.

1597

In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray Andres de San Nicolas,[14] we learn that missionaries had penetrated the district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had been unable to withstand the hostility of the mountain people.

[14] Ibid., 21.

1622

In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the conquest, for it is related[15] that he traveled 50 leagues up the river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and frequent difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery being the two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian doctrines. The results, however, were successful, for he is said to have converted 3,000 souls, and to have founded three _conventos_[16] one of which was in the village of Línao.[17] At this period Butuán is said to have had 1,500 Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600 souls.

[15] Ibid., 21: 221.

[16] A convento is a building erected for the accommodation of the spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.

[17] Ibid., 21: 221.

1629

In 1629[18] there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of the Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the people of Butuán to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has ever been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by every means in their power.

[18] Ibid., 35: 65.

1648

The arrival of the Dutch in Manila[19] in 1648 incited the natives to sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don Diego Faxardo, helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa Teresa[20] sets forth some of the results of the rebellion among the Manóbos.

[19] Ibid., 36: 126.

[20] Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by Blair and Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).

He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of Butuán in the Province of Karága.[21] "They had kinky hair, oblique eyes, a treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by the hunt.[22] They had no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them. Their clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of their bodies, and they slept wherever night overtook them. They were pagans, and in their manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike and waged an incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa describes how Dábao, a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity and undoubtedly the original of the legendary giant that still lives in Manóbo tradition, stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many Spaniards in Línao.[23]

[21] The Province of Karága at this time extended from Dapítan on the northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.

[22] The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead us to think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The only trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is observed among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, and northeastern contiguous to Butuán.

[23] Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg of a soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is added by the application of the term _Negrillos_ (little Negroes) to Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no tradition as to the former employment of them exists.

The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and other churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed by the capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments were full of slaves." "The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of fidelity, suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been lost."[24] In 1651 peace was restored by the return of the innumerable slaves captured by the Spanish forces.

[24] Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.

1661-1672

Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their evangelical labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant opposition of the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis describes the natives as being "robust and very numerous." He says that in time of peace they were tractable, docile, and reasonable, had regular villages, lived in human society, were superior to the surrounding mountain people, and were easily converted. He claims that there were 4,000 converts living between Butuán and Línao. The people to whom he refers are most probably the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the present day, because, as we shall see later on, the Christianized Manóbo towns of the present day did not exist before 1877.

Father Combes[25] is the authority for the statement that Butuán was the origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan." The following is the extract:

[25] Ibid., 40: 126.

But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which, although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given kings and nobility to these nations.[26]

[26] San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, 40: 312) says: "They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood and nobility of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even confessed that he was a Butuán." It is surprising to note the dialectical similarity between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in the Agúsan Valley. Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect, are common to these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly there was intercourse between the two peoples.

Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San Antonio[27] in 1744 says that "Some of the Manóbos in the mountains of Karága (who are heathen and without number, although some are Christians, a people civilized and well inclined to work, who have fixed habitations and excellent houses) pay tribute."

[27] Ibid., 40: 298,

We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries obtained wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was unable to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up to that time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of Butuán. My authority seems to believe that there were two classes of people around Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls Manóbos--"tractable, docile, and quite reasonable," living in villages in human society in a very well ordered civilization--and the other, an inferior people leading a brutish life. It is reasonable to suppose that the people whom San Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the ancestors of the present Bisáyas of Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who have traditions as to the pagan condition of their ancestors.

Concepcion[28] gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in Mindanáo. "Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the little military post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped." The tradition of the fight between the Moros and the people of Línao still exists among the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is still preserved in Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball from a Moro _lantaka_ (small cannon). It is believed that this unseemly accident aroused the anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly turned the tide of battle against the Moros. The only tradition regarding this invasion that I found extant among the Manóbos is the legend of the tailed men, and of their own flight.

[28] Ibid., 48: 163.

FROM 1875 TO 1910 1800-1877

For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the Manóbos until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in 1768 and returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in 1875. The material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of selected letters[29] from the missionaries in the field to their provincial and higher superiors. Though containing little ethnological data of a detailed character, they afford in their ensemble, a vivid picture of the work of the missionaries in reducing the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to civilization and outward Christianity. Dates of the formation of the various town and _rancherias_[30] are furnished; with the names of the chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of Mindanáo.

[29] These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed consecutively in Manila from 1876 to 1902 and probably later.

[30] A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of Christianized people.

1877

In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were directed to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove[31] in 1877 writes that he reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in Talakógon, which is at present one of the few municipalities in the sub-Province of Butuán. He notes the extent of the slave trade between Manóbos and Bisáyas, and that he made a preliminary trip to the upper Agúsan and to the upper Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan and organized the church among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been annexed to Talakógon. In the meantime Urios and others rounded up the stragglers of Butuán, Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.

[31] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.

1879

In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of which _rancherias_ of _conquistas_[32] or Christianized Manóbos are still in existence.

[32] _Conquista_ is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It is of universal use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently Christianized member of a non-Christian tribe.

In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement of Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of Talakógon in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part from the Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the ignorance of the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers Sulibáo and Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.

The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo converts, respectively.

Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized 1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of the town was changed five times.

La Concepcion,[33] near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, and Tortosa were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of people that he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were half-Negrito. The present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual glance will convince one of their Negrito derivation.

[33] This rancheria is not in existence.

During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the present day.

1881-1883

From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition of all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much so that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them. Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment. Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns, were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the _conquistas_ of Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by the missionaries to reach the pagans. These _conquistas_ were prevailed upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, and soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the missionaries, especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the enmity of the pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, sometimes _nolens volens_. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans and the results that would follow as a consequence, the _conquistas_ preferred to flee and join the pagans, or at least to maintain a neutral attitude.

1883

The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return of some 5,000 _conquistas_ to their original manner of life, for at this period the total number of converts in the valley was 11,000.[34] The upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the Simúlao district, 2,000.

[34] Ibid., 5: 71.

On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of the Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately. Baóbo, "the river of _bagáni_,"[35] continued to keep Patrocinio, Búai, and Gracia on the alert.

[35] A _bagáni_ is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or Manóbo warrior who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who gives evidence of being under the influence of war deities.

Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in existence at the present day.

The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo, Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.

1884

In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district. Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.

1885

On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined to the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a town of that name.

Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and baptized 217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his way over to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.

There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)[36] moved to Gandia. Not long afterwards Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of Compostela having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, however, they were re-formed.

[36] I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name on the middle Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it consisted entirely of Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans such as are stated by my authority to have been the people of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan.

1886

In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On the lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near Maínit.

In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the Ihawán River.

It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in 42 towns.[37]

[37] Ibid., 11, appendix.

1887

In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in Jativa, owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, and Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San Isidro was abandoned this same year.

1887-1888

On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of armed troops.

1889

In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of Tortosa abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated among the Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix visited the Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 converts. In the same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on the Tágo River.

1890

In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the people of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so favorably on the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was founded farther up on the same river. This town is no longer in existence, but a small _rancheria_ called Tilyérpan was founded in 1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on the Bahaían River were founded the same year, but, on the other hand, an outbreak of fever led to the abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the Ihawán. Many Mamánua and Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The conversion of these is attributed to the fighting that had previously taken place in Las Navas and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the Óhut was founded this same year.

1891

The year 1891 does not show any further special development except the foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang River.

In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25 families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed through the same experience, though not so many times.

1893

In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished on the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River, was founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe is the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in 1908, I think.

On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and more Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the number of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.

In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.

1894

In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River. At the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old town site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.

During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the Mánat, was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela. Another town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona, between Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the Agsábo, a branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San Isidro was re-formed.

1900-1905

I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from 1894 to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in 1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From 1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted themselves to the culture of _abaká_ and to the production of its fiber. On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo there occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a condition of alarm.

On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro Province to station troops at Compostela.[38]

[38] Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the following _rancherias_ in existence:

On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San Luis, Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement), Patrocinio, Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona, Gandia, Pilar, Compostela, and Taga-únud.

On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.

On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.

On the Líbang River, Concordia.

On the Kasilaían River, Basa.

On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los Arcos.

On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and Rosario.

On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.

On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.

On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement), Libertad, Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.

On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.

From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:

Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.

Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.

Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam River.

Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia. Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.

Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.

Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the Híbung River.

Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.

Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the following towns have ceased to exist:

Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.

Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.

San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.

Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.

San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under the impression that it was located near Túbai).

Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.

Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.

Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.

San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.

Patai, between Martires and Borbon.

Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.

Las Navas, on the Híbung.

Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.

Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,

Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.

Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.

Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan

San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).

The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up to 1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000; Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons, 1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns, including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been insignificant.

METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE MANÓBOS

The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the pagans in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. J., to the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.[39] The following extracts are pertinent:

[39] Ibid., 11, appendix.

The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before penetrating the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the various races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and superstitions, of their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their allies, respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a plaza[40] and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of the tribunal and of the private dwellings begins.

[40] A public square.

It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the missionary is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness of the uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous pretexts that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and of returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by planting _camotes_ and other crops which yield quickly.

The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is the next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are presented with the official staff of command in the name of the governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the Gobernadorcillo[41] of the nearest Christian town, for the purpose of bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from the chief of the province.

[41] This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to "mayor" at the present time.

The missionary maintains his power and influence through an inspector, who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older Christians, and through two teachers, preferably a married couple selected from among the best families. These then take up their residence in the new town and begin their teaching.

As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the government.

The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.

It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so speak, for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these people, like all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their barbarous and inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive their drooping and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the town there should be something to attract and to hold them with irresistible charm. In a word, the faith must be preached to them and they must be baptized; a religion and a church are necessary. Until a great part of the inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, until the feast of the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have been solemnly celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the new town. The Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for transforming those savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold wherein they leave their barbarous practices and shape themselves perfectly unto ours.

The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they have gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they are being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their settlements.

THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS

I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the information furnished me by the _conquistas_, both those who are still living under the effective control of the Government and those who have returned to their primitive haunts.

(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the personal equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, must have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am to believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where many of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was told stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them again.

(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the chief means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of _conquistas_ who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, and who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they were telling the truth.

How far such action is due to irresponsible and overzealous officers leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but the impression given me by my informants invariably was that such expeditions were planned by the missionaries for the purpose of forcing Christianity upon the pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of native soldiers and for commercial reasons were interested in the conversion of the mountain people to Christianity, so that it would not be surprising if they took unauthorized measures to effect the Christianization of the pagans.

(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a feeling of obligation.

(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the missionaries of posing as mediators between the Government and the pagans. This, coupled with a previous general knowledge of the conditions of the country, and of the customs and language of the people, and accompanied by a dignified but condescending and genial manner, enabled the missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into the favor of the people they were visiting.

(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples was the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion appeals strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples of eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of this monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement that for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is natural then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed strongly to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he became a very devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that the average Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less, of the Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the debt-ridden, cringing _conquistas_, and his manly, free, independent, vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the _conquista's_ time is consumed in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the other half in paying them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His _abaká_ patch often is mortgaged before the planting is completed. He is an economic serf to an inconsiderate taskmaster.[42]

[42] The special government established in the subprovince of Butuán took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the _conquistas_ by opening trading posts on the lower and middle Agúsan, so that the above observations refer to the period preceding the formation of the special government.

EXPLANATION OF PLATES

PLATE 1. _a_, _b_, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan. Note tattooing. _c_, Forearm of woman in _d_. _d_, Mandáya woman. Compostela. Note shaven eyebrows and personal ornaments.

PLATE 2. _a_, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper Agúsan. _b_, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. _c_, Manóbo woman. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _d_, Mandáya man. Compostela, upper Agúsan.

PLATE 3. _a_, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _b_, Manóbos. Ihawán River, Agúsan Valley. PLATE 4. _a_, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan Valley. _b_, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof, notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.

PLATE 5. _a_, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla, upper Agúsan. _b_, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched pole, numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and bamboo shingles.

PLATE 6. _a_, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. _b_, Manóbo house. Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such houses are now very rare.

PLATE 7. _a_, Armor coat made of _abaká_, with war chief's red jacket inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. _b_, Manóbo _abaká_ skirt, woven in red, white, and black. This is the only lower garment worn by women. It serves at night as a blanket. _c_, White trousers made of _abaká_. Central Agúsan. _d_, Trousers made of blue cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan. _e_, Mandáya _abaká_ skirt. Worn by Manóbos when obtainable. The design is produced by the tie and dye process.

PLATE 8. _a_, _b_, Women's jackets of cotton and _abaká_, embroidered with red, yellow, white, and black cotton yarn. Upper Agúsan. _c_, War chief's red jacket. Insignia of _bagáni_-ship used by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan. _d_, War chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the wearer has killed at least three people. _e_, Hat of sago palm bark. Middle Agúsan. _f_, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and central Cordilleras. _g_, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. _h_, Central Agúsan style. _i_, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of 8° latitude. _j_, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. _k_, Ihawán and Baóbo style. _l_, Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. _m_, Manóbo betel-nut bag. _n_, Betel-nut bag made of Mandáya _abaká_ and cotton cloth.

PLATE 9. _a_, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. _b_, _d_, Bamboo guitars. _c_, Wooden two-stringed guitar. _e_, _f_, _h_, Bamboo flutes. _g_, Bamboo jew's-harp. _i_, Drum with head of deerskin. _j_, _l_, _m_, _n_, Fish traps and fishing line. _k_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_, Rattan baskets. _s_, _t_, Women's incised bamboo combs. _u_, _z_, _cc_, Bead necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. _v_, _y_, Seed and shell necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. _w_, _aa_, _bb_, _dd_, _ee_, Women's incised bamboo combs. _x_, Woman's silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan Manóbos. _ff_, _ll_, _rr_, _Nito_ bracelets, worn by Manóbo men and women. _gg_, _ii_, _kk_, Shell bracelets, worn by Manóbo women. _hh_, _jj_, Beaded girdles made of _nito_ and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. _mm_, _nn_, _oo_, _pp_, Wooden ear disks and pendants. _qq_, Black coral bracelet, bent by heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women. _ss_, _Nito_ armlet, worn by Manóbo men. _tt_, Bear's bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.

PLATE 10. _a_, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. _b-f_, Fishing bows and arrows. The arrows have detachable points. _g_, Mandáya spear used by Manóbos of upper Agúsan. _h_, Central Agúsan spear. _i-k_, Manóbo bow and arrows. _l_, Manóbo shield. Upper Agúsan. _m_, Mandáya shield. _n_, Shield. Central Manóbo. _o-r_, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by Manóbos. Upper Agúsan. _s_, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos. _t-v_, Manóbo bamboo lime tubes. _w_, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos. _x_, _y_, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. _z_, _aa_, Mandáya war bolo and sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.

PLATE 11. _a_, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. _b_, Men of the mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic of the Manóbo war dance.

PLATE 12. _a_, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. Upper Agúsan. _b_, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note superiority of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of house was built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.

PLATE 13. _a_, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on the stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. _b_, c, Sacred posts with offering trays for the _Magbabáya_, used on the upper Agúsan during the great religious movement.

PLATE 14. _a_, _d_, Ceremonial birth canoes. _b_, _c_, Blood oblation trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking the spirits of blood. _e_, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and rice paddle. _f-i_, Sacred images, used to attract Manóbo divinities. _j_, Sacred shield. _k_, _l_, Sacred jars. _m_, _o_, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during religious ceremonies. _n_, _p_, War chief's charms, worn during war raids. They contain magic herbs. _q_, Ceremonial birth offering stand. Middle Agúsan. _r_, Ceremonial ladder for a religious house, ceremonial chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like that shown were used constantly during the great religious movement. Upper Agúsan. _s_, Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.