Chapter 50

such a way as to form a veritable abatis of timber.

In one place I saw a very unique and effective form of defense. A fence surrounded the house. To gain access to the latter it was necessary to ascend a notched pole about 2 meters high and then to pass along two horizontal bamboo poles about 10 meters long. Numerous deadly bamboo caltrops bristled out of the ground underneath the precarious bamboo bridge that led to a platform whence the house could be reached only by climbing the usual notched pole. Whosoever ventured to cross this perilous bridge, would certainly meet death from one source or another, either from the hurtling shower of arrows from above or from the bristling caltrops below.

THE ORIGIN OF WAR

Fighting arises from one or more of the following causes: Vendettas, sexual infringements, debts, and sometimes from a system of private seizure, by which the property or life of an innocent third party is taken. The Manóbo expresses the same thing in a simpler way by saying that war has its origin in two things, namely "debt (blood debt included) and deceit." It has been said that glory and the capture of slaves are the springs of war in Manóboland, but this, in my opinion, is not true. Nor will I concede that war is undertaken for merely religious reasons. It is my belief, verified by numerous observations made during several years of intimate dealing with Manóbos throughout eastern Mindanáo, that fighting or killing takes place in order to redress a wrong or to collect a debt, whether it be of blood or of anything else. It is true that many who have no grievance, take part merely for the sport, the spoil, and the glory of it, but in no case that I know of was there wanting on the part of those who inaugurated the war a real and reasonable motive. I have heard of cases of unjust warfare but my informants were enemies of the parties against whom they complained and most probably were calumniating them.

VENDETTAS

Vendettas, which exist in many more enlightened countries of the world, are the most common cause of war, or it would be better to say, of the continuance of war.

There is no doubt, in my mind, but that the whole eastern quarter of Mindanáo would flame out into interclan warfare, were it not for the efficient form of government now established there. I can bear witness to this fact, as I was cognizant of various raids that took place from 1905 to 1907 and of the fact that they were much less frequent from the close of 1907 till my departure from the Agúsan Valley in 1910.

As in other countries, so in Manóboland, not only is the vendetta regarded as legitimate but it is considered the duty of every relative of the slain to seek revenge for his death. Living in a state of absolute independence from the restraints of outside government, as they had been up to the beginning of the Christian conquest in 1877, the Manóbos, according to their own accounts, passed a very unquiet existence. On account of blood feuds, most of them lived in tree houses built in lofty inaccessible places, as I have been repeatedly told by old men. I have been assured that if ever the Americans leave the valley, old blood scores will be settled, even should it be necessary "to do without salt."[2]

[2] The enjoyment of salt seems to be, in the Manóbo's estimation, one of the greatest blessings, if not the greatest, that he has derived from civilization. Yet he would be willing to forego the use of it, if it were possible for him to take revenge upon the slayers of his relatives.

The vendetta system was so prevalent during my first travels in eastern Mindanáo that on one occasion a Manóbo of the Tágo River inquired of me whether there were any living relatives of a certain Manóbo of the upper Argáwan who had killed his grandfather. Upon learning that there were, he forthwith besought me to accompany him in a raid against the relatives of his grandfather's murderers.

Another instance will show the persistency with which the idea of revenge is entertained. I noticed in a house on the Wá-wa River a strong rattan vine strung taut from a rafter to one of the floor joists. My host, the owner of the house, waxed over-merry in his cups and was descanting on his valiant feats in the pre-American days. He suddenly jumped up and twanged the rattan, intimating that he might yet be able to take revenge on a certain enemy of his but that if he were unable to do it, his son after him would strive to fulfill his teaching and that in any case vengeance would be had before the vine rotted. Anyone familiar with the rattan knows its durability, when protected from the influences of the sun and rain.

This practice of stretching a green rattan in some part of the house and of vowing vengeance "till it rot" is not uncommon, and is an indication of the deep, eternal desire for vengeance so characteristic of the Manóbos.

Another practice, also indicative of the vendetta system, is the bequeathing from father to son[3] of the duty of seeking revenge. I have never been present at the ceremony but have heard over and over again that so-and-so received the inheritance and must endeavor to carry out the dying behest of his father or other relative. One man, who had received this "teaching," on being questioned as to whether he would like to make peace with his enemy, seemed shocked and vehemently protested, saying, "It can't be done, it can't be done, it is tabooed;" he then went on to upbraid me soundly for the suggestion.

[3] It is called _ka-tud-li-án_.

In some cases, the task of revenge is turned over to a third party, who has no personal interest in the feud. As explained to me, such a person is in a better position to attack the enemy than one whose duty it is. In case he succeeds in getting revenge, no blame, I was assured, is attached to him, as he is regarded in the light of a paid warrior or mercenary. Such an institution as this of the vendetta together with the system of private seizure render life in Manóboland very hazardous, and serve to explain the extreme caution and forbearance exhibited by one Manóbo toward another in the most trivial concerns of life.

PRIVATE SEIZURE[4]

[4] _Tau-a-gán_.

The practice of private seizure is a very peculiar one, according to our way of thinking, yet it is universal among the tribes of eastern Mindanáo. As long as it is confined to material things, it is not ordinarily a cause for war, but when practiced on a human being, it frequently results in retaliation in kind.

The practice consists in seizing the property of a third, frequently a neutral, party, as a "call" on the debtor. For example, A owes B a slave and for one reason or another has been unable or unwilling to pay his debt. B has exhibited a sufficient amount of patience, while at the same time he has used every means to bring pressure to bear upon A. Finally, despairing of collecting in an amicable way, and, most probably, suspecting that his debtor is playing with him, he seizes a relative or a slave or a pig of C as a "call" to A. C thus pays A's debt and then takes measures to collect from him, the understanding being that B is to take all responsibility for the consequences.

This system seldom gives rise to a blood feud except when blood has been shed. Thus in the above instance, had B killed C, as a summons to A, a feud would almost infallibly have followed. Yet C's relatives might have been willing to accept a money compensation from B, and might have come to an agreement whereby they would jointly operate against A in order to avenge the death of C.

I witnessed a case in which the seizure of a pig was the origin of a bloody feud that had not ended at the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan. As the individuals involved in the case are still living their names will be represented by letters.

A had been fined P15 because his wife had made the statement that B had knowledge of a secret or magic[5] poison. C who was a relative of A and already owed B to the amount of P15, with the consent of all parties concerned, assumed the responsibility of paying A's debt, thereby putting himself in debt to B to the amount of one slave (at P30). Now some of C's relatives had certain little claims against some of B's relatives and thought it a good opportunity to collect their own dues and to diminish their kinsman's debt by presenting their claims for payment. B refused to pay on the ground that his kinsfolk and not himself were responsible for the settlement of said claims, whereupon C refused to deliver his slave till the payment to his relatives was forthcoming.

[5] _Ko-me-tán_.

The matter thus lingered for several months until B, who owed a slave to another party, and was pressed for payment thought it time to force matters, and, in company with three relatives, seized A's sow as a "call" on C.

The result of this was that after a few weeks B's wife and another woman were speared to death in a _camote_ patch, and in revenge B took the lives of two of C's party. I made every possible effort to have the matter adjudicated in an informal way but neither party seemed to be anxious to come to terms.

Owing to this system of private seizure, a party of warriors returning from an unsuccessful raid are considered dangerous, and settlements on their trail put themselves in a state of watchfulness,[6] for when returning without having secured a victim the party might be incited to make a seizure in order to avoid thereby the derision of their enemies.

[6] _Lá-ma_.

DEBTS AND SEXUAL INFRINGEMENTS

Long-continued failure to pay a debt is very frequently the remote cause of war. This is easy to understand if we consider the sacredness with which debts are regarded in Manóboland. An excessive delay in meeting obligations gives rise to hot and hasty words on the part of the creditor; the debtor takes umbrage and retorts, a quarrel with bolos ensues, thereby giving rise to a feud that, under favorable conditions, may continue for generations with its fierce mutual reprisals. A feature that serves to increase the number of these financial bickerings is the fact that questions of indebtedness are almost invariably discussed while drinking is going on and as a result, according to an immemorial rule the world over, the creditor frequently indulges in personalities.

Sexual infringements are a cause of war. Only one case passed under my personal notice but instances of olden days were related to me. There is no doubt in my mind as to the result of a serious sexual misdemeanor; it is death by the lance or the bolo for the offender without much parleying, if one may give credence to the universal outspoken Manóbo opinion on the subject.

INCEPTION OF WAR

DECLARATION OF WAR

No heralds go forth to announce to the enemy the coming conflict. On the contrary, the greatest secrecy is maintained. If the grievance is a sudden and serious one, such as the death of a clansman, a set of ambushers may be dispatched at the earliest moment that the omens are found favorable. Or it may be decided to attack the settlement of the enemy in full force. If the latter decision is reached, a party is sent out to reconnoiter the place of attack. All information possible is obtained from neighbors of the enemy, and, if the reconnaissance shows conditions favorable for an attack, the march is begun in due form. Should the reconnoitering party, however, report unfavorably, the attack is put off until, after weeks, months, or years of patient, but close, vigilance and inquiry, a favorable opportunity presents itself.

Sometimes a bolder warrior chief who has a personal grievance may send a war message in the shape of a fighting-bolo,[7] or of a lance with an abusive challenge, but this is rare, as far as I have been able to ascertain. It is common, however, for the more famed war chiefs to keep their personal enemies on the _qui-vive_, by periodic threats. "I will begin my march 10 nights from now," "I will reap his rice," "I will eat his heart and liver," "He won't be able to sow rice for four years," "I need his wife to plant my _camotes_"--are samples of the messages that reach a clansman and keep him and his family on some mountain pinnacle for many a long year till such time as the threat is carried out and the posts of his house, all wreathed with secondary growth, tell the grim tale of revenge. I have seen such posts scattered over the face of eastern Mindanáo--a memory of the dead.

[7] _Li-kúd-lí-kud_.

TIME FOR WAR

The usual time for war is either on the occasion of death in the family or at the time of the harvest season. The former is selected both to soften, by the joy of victory, the sorrow felt for the loss of a dear relative, and to check the jubilation that the enemy would naturally feel and frequently express on such an occasion. The latter is chosen for the purpose of destroying the enemy's rice crop or at least of making it difficult for him to harvest it.

War is undertaken at other times also. Thus a sudden and grievous provocation would cause an expedition to start just as soon as the necessary number of warriors could be assembled, and a favorable combination of omens obtained.

It often happens, I have been told over and over again, that when an attack proves unsuccessful, those who repelled the attack set out at once to surprise their enemies by a shower of arrows while the latter are returning to their homes, or, if possible, reach the settlement before them and massacre the defenseless women and children.

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR

The remote preparations for war consist in locating the house of the enemy and in getting all information, even the minutest, as to the trails, position of traps and bamboo spears. All this must be done through a third party, preferably someone who has a grievance to satisfy, and may require months or even years, for the Manóbo is a cautious fighter and will take no unnecessary risks. During all this time the aggrieved party is enlisting, in a quiet, diplomatic way, the good will of as many as he can trust. If he has no recognized warrior chief on his side he must by all means secure the services of at least one, even though it should be necessary to offer him a material compensation and in divers other ways gain his good will and cooperation.

The immediate preparations consist in sending out a few of the nearest male relatives several days or even a week before the intended attack to reconnoiter the settlement of the enemy. On the return of this party word is sent to those who have agreed to join the expedition and a day and place are appointed for meeting. A pig and a supply of rice are procured and on the appointed day the relatives and friends of the leader assemble at the trysting place, which was, in nearly every instance that I witnessed or heard of, a house somewhat remote from the settlement.

With a warrior chief for officiant certain religious rites[8] are performed. The pig is partaken of in the usual style and, if the omens are favorable, all is ready. But should the omens portend evil, the expedition is put off to a more auspicious occasion. In one instance that passed under my personal observation the departure of the warriors was postponed for several days by reason of inauspicious omens. I have heard of some cases in which the war party returned after several days' march in order to await more reassuring signs of success.

[8] See Pt. IV, Ch. XXVI.

No particular demonstrations of sorrow are manifested by the women when the war party sets out. Revenge is of more importance than love. Moreover, it is seldom that the casualties on the side of the aggressors amount to more than one, so that no fear is entertained and all are sanguine as to the outcome, for have not the omens been consulted and have they not portended so many deaths and so many captives?

The band glides off silently and stealthily into the forest. A war chief, if one has been willing to join the expedition, usually leads, accompanied, it is believed, by his invisible war deities. A little ahead, just the distance of a whisper, the Manóbos say, strides Mandayáñgan, the giant and the hero of the old, old days. All ears are alert for the turtledove's cry, and when its prophetic voice is heard, every arm is up and points with closed fist in the direction of it. But it is only its direction with regard to the leader that is considered. If this is unfavorable, the march is discontinued till the next day, but, if favorable, the party proceeds, selecting, as much as possible, tortuous and seldom trodden trails.

The following are some of the taboos that must be observed by the party while en route.

(1) They may speak to no one met on the trail.

(2) Nothing once taken in the hand may be thrown away until night or until arriving at the enemies' settlement. Thus a piece of a branch caught in the hand and broken off accidentally must be retained.

(3) They may eat nothing that is found on the trail. Thus killing game is prohibited. I heard of one man who had been wounded in an ambush arranged by the enemy on the trail. He assured me that his ill luck was due to his having taken a fish dropped by a fish eagle.[9]

[9] _Man-dá-git_.

(4) The food taken on the trail must be placed upon one shield, preferably that of the leader, and thence distributed to the members of the party.

(5) The wives of the warriors are forbidden to indulge in unnecessary shouting and noise, and to remain within the house as far as possible till the return of their husbands.

(6) No cooking may be done on the trail till the settlement of the enemy is reached. This does not mean that food may not be cooked in a house along the trail. On the contrary, I was assured that on a long trip it is customary to call at the house of some friendly person and to make a sacrifice, at the same time taking further observations from the intestines of the victim. I was an eyewitness of this proceeding on one occasion and did not fail to observe also with what relish the war party replenished the inner man.

Besides taboos, there are a number of evil omens that must be guarded against. Thus, if a snake were to cross the path, or any insect such as a bee or a scorpion were to bite or sting one of the party, the return of the whole number would be necessary unless they were too far advanced already. In the latter case other omens must be consulted, and, when it is felt that these new omens have neutralized the effect of the previous ones, the march may be continued. Owing to the observance and reobservance of omens it is obvious that great delays are occasioned and at times the expedition is stopped. On the one that I accompanied in 1907, the turtledove gave a cry, the direction of which was considered to portend neither good nor evil, and the leader expressed his opinion at the time that the object of the expedition would not be attained. He was overruled, however, by the consensus of opinion of his companions, and the march was resumed. Notwithstanding the fact that ensuing signs all proved favorable, yet as I observed very clearly, the first omen had depressed the spirits of the party. When my efforts to settle the dispute without a fight failed, and an open attack was decided upon, there seemed to be no morale in the party, and the attack was abandoned without any special reason. This instance will serve to show the uncompromising faith of the Manóbo in omens, especially in that of the turtledove.

There is one omen of a peculiar nature that is of singular importance while on the warpath. On such a journey red pepper and ginger are consumed in considerable quantities for the purpose, it is said, of increasing one's courage. Naturally, no matter how accustomed one may have become to these spices, he always feels their piquancy to a certain extent, so that the warrior who fails to become aware of a sharp biting taste, regards this as an ill omen and, though he accompanies his fellows to the scene of combat, takes no part in the attack.

It is usual, as was said before, to stop over at a friendly house nearest to that of the enemy and to send forward a few of the band to make another reconnaissance but, if no house is available, a stop is made anywhere. A reason for this is that they may arrive near the settlement at nightfall or during the night.

When the party arrives within a few miles of the actual ascent to the mountain where the enemy's house is situated, a halt is again made in a concealed position and a few of the more experienced warriors advance at dusk on the trail to the house. If the enemy has been in a state of constant vigilance, this undertaking is one of extreme difficulty. The house is on the top of a lofty hill and frequently access can not be had to it except by passing through a series of swamps. In addition one must climb up precipitous ascents, and break through a network of felled trees and such other obstacles as the reader can readily imagine for himself. There is, moreover, the danger from spring traps set both for man and animal, and from sharp bamboo slivers placed all around the house and on the trails. Thus a fair idea can be obtained of the difficulties that are encountered by those who, in the silence and darkness of the night, inform themselves of all that is necessary for a successful attack. After going around the house and unspringing traps and removing sufficient of the bamboo slivers to afford a safe passage, the scouts return to the camp and a whispered consultation takes place. Positions are assigned to each man and a general plan of attack is made. Then, groping along in the gloom of the night, with never a sound but that of their own stumbling steps, they put themselves in position around the settlement and await with bated[sic] breath the break of day.

THE ATTACK

TIME AND METHODS OF ATTACK

The break of day is selected as the hour for the attack because sleep is then thought to be soundest and the drowsiness and sluggishness following the awakening to be greater. Moreover, at that time there is sufficient light to enable the attacking party to see their opponents whether they fight or flee.

The number of combatants depends entirely on the strength and position of the enemy. As a rule as many as possible are enlisted for an expedition where the enemy has numerical strength and a strong position. In the expedition which I accompanied in 1907, the party numbered some 60. I have heard of war parties that numbered 150.

When the house or houses of the enemy are low, the aggressors steal up noiselessly and, breaking out into the dismal war cry,[10] drive their lances through the floor or through the sides of the house, if it is low enough. They then retire and by listening and questioning ascertain whether any of the inmates still survive. If any remain alive they are to surrender.

[10] _Pa-nad-jáu-an_.

When, however, the settlement is a large one, consisting of one or more high houses, the matter is a more difficult one. The aggressors advance to the house and if the floor is out of reach of their lances one or more of the bolder ones may quietly climb up the posts and after dispatching one or more of the inmates with a few thrusts hurriedly slide down to the ground. Then the war cry is called out to increase the consternation that has begun to reign in the house. If the enemy is known to have a large stock of arrows the aggressors retire and allow them to expend part of their supply.

No unnecessary risks are taken in fighting. When the male portion of the enemy are considered capable of making a stand, the house is not approached but a battle of arrows takes place, the aggressors advancing to entice the enemy to shoot, while their bowmen, usually only a few in number, reply. During all this time there is a bandying of hot words, threats, and imprecations on both sides. "I'll have your hair," "I'll eat your liver," "I'll sacrifice your son," "Your wife will get my water," are a few of the expressions that are used. The drum and gong in the house may be beaten all this time as a signal of distress to call such relatives or friends as may live within hearing distance. The priestesses of the attacked party may go through a regular sacrifice if there is a chicken or a pig in the house, beseeching their deities to protect them in this the hour of danger.

When the arrows of the enemy are thought to be expended, the attacking party try by means of a burning arrow to fire the roof. Should this succeed, the inmates are doomed, for when they escape from the house the enemy close in upon them, and kill with lances or bolos, men and women, whether married or single. As a rule, only the children are spared.

Should the roof, however, fail to catch fire another means of attack is employed. Putting their shields upon their heads in a formation much like the old Roman testudo, they advance to the house in bodies of four or six and begin to hack down the posts. But here again they may be foiled, for it has happened that the inmates of the house were provided with a supply of big stones, or had a little boiling water on hand, and made their opponents retire out of fear of the arrows that would be sure to follow when the stones had broken the arrangement of their shields. Moreover, the ordinary Manóbo, who has lived in expectation of an attack sooner or later, has his house set on a number of posts varying from 12 to 20. No little time would be required to cut these and the aggressors would be in danger of receiving wounds and thereby bringing the attack to an end, _for it is the invariable practice for the party to retire after one of its members has been wounded or slain_. The reason for this custom I am unable to state. There occurred on the Argáwan in 1907 an instance which I verified, and in the various accounts of Manóbo fighting that I received all over the Agúsan Valley, there were numerous instances of the observance of this custom.

In besieging the house, which may not be captured for several days, either firewood, food, or water may give out quickly, and the besieged succumb to hunger, or to thirst. In their last extremity they make a dash for liberty, especially during the night, and, though many of them fall victims, not a few frequently save themselves.

Sometimes, I was told, the besieged rush forward and meet death fighting. Again the men are said to kill their wives and children with their own hands, and then to go forth to meet the enemy. Father Urios, S. J., makes mention of a case of this kind.

As to the number of slain, and of captives, it depends on the size of the settlement. In an instance which I verified on the Húlip River, upper Agúsan, some 190 souls perished in one attack. Though this number seems large, yet it goes to show that on occasions raids are made on a somewhat larger scale than might be expected.

As each one of the attacking party strikes down the victim that falls in his way he notifies his companions of the fact by a fierce yell, calling out at the same time the name of his victim. This is to avoid disputes later and to secure the credit for the killing. Though the killing of a woman does not entitle the warrior to any special title, yet it adds one to his glory list and is supposed to make him more apt to fall into the favor of a war deity. It is said that in the confusion of the flight many women meet their end but that a good many remain in the houses and yield themselves to the mercy of their captors. Some of these, especially the younger ones, are bound with rattan, if they offer resistance and dragged to the settlement of their captors.

As soon as it is ascertained that there is no one left to offer resistance the warriors adorn their lances with leaves of _palma brava_ or such other palm fronds as may be found in the vicinity.

Many warrior chiefs, especially of the Debabáon[11] group, have described the fight to me and all agree that it is generally of short duration. This might be expected from the number of precautions taken to insure success. According to all reports a strongly entrenched enemy is seldom attacked, unless it is ascertained that a goodly portion of the male members are absent.

[11] Babáo is the district between the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers.

As a resume of the method of attack, based on what I learned during my sojourn among the Manóbos, I may say that there are no general nor partial encounters. The house or the settlement is surrounded stealthily just before day, the warriors being spread out at intervals in bands of three or four around the settlement and protected if possible by trees. The leader, who is nearly always a warrior chief, takes up his position with some trusty warriors at the place of closest approach to the house, or at some other strategic point. The arrowmen, who number only a few, are stationed near him. They work at a disadvantage for they have to shoot upward while their opponents in the houses can discharge their arrows downward.

From these positions the attacking party make every effort to cause a panic among the inmates of the house either by chopping down the posts which support the house or by firing the roof. If either purpose is accomplished the besieged rush forth only to meet the point of the lance or the edge of the bolo.

There are no preconcerted movements, no combinations with centers, wings, and reserves. The chief has little or no influence with his followers during the fight, though on account of his personal prowess he is looked up to as a pillar of strength and would, no doubt, if given the opportunity, or if the abuse and banter were extreme, engage in a hand-to-hand encounter. Numerous cases of this kind are on record.

No women nor priests take part in the attack. There are no orators to inspire the warriors to deeds of valor. In lieu of oratory, the warriors on each side engage in the most ferocious abuse imaginable. Challenge after challenge is yelled out defiantly by the besiegers. In the expedition which I joined in 1907, the attacking party incessantly defied their enemies to come down, while the latter in return challenged the besiegers to approach. Neither party seemed willing to take the risk so the arrowmen plied their arrows, the priestesses in the houses continued their invocations, and everybody howled challenges and imprecations at everybody else.

EVENTS FOLLOWING THE BATTLE

CELEBRATION OF THE VICTORY

After the fight is over the warrior chiefs perform a ceremony of which I have been able to learn but few details. They are said to become possessed by their tutelary war spirits. They dance and jump around the lifeless body of their chief enemy.[12] After performing their dance they open the breast of the enemy and remove the heart and liver, and place their charm collars[13] in the opening. When the heart and liver have been cooked, they consume them. But as several war chiefs have assured me, it is not they that partake of the flesh, but their protecting deities. Be that as it may, lemon[14] whenever obtainable, is mixed with the gory viands. Some warriors informed me that their deities preferred the heart and liver raw.

[12] Their tongues are said to loll out of their mouths "one palm-length." This may seem somewhat exaggerated but I can throw no further light on the matter.

[13] _Ta-li-hán_.

[14] _Sú-ái_. It is interesting to note the frequency of the use of lemons or limes in religious proceedings.

It is perfectly legitimate to despoil the enemy's house and to bear away such few valuables as may be found. The house, or houses, are then burnt, and the victors, leaving the slain where they fell, hasten back with their captives to cheer the fond ones at home.[15]

[15] I have heard it said that the bodies of the slain are doubled up and put into holes in the ground in an upright position. As far as I know this is an exceptional proceeding.

It is said that, as a rule, the aggressors are victorious, for rarely do they attack an enemy that is too strongly entrenched. They prefer to wait, even for years, till an occasion favorable in time, place, and circumstances, presents itself. It is only under special provocation, such as continual attacks by their enemy, that they attack him while he is in a strong position and then more with a view to destroying his crops than with the hope of securing a victim.

THE CAPTURE OF SLAVES

The capture of slaves is one of the important features of the expedition. A slave becomes the property of the captor, although a certain number are very frequently given in payment to the warrior chief or chiefs who were engaged to help the raiding party. This number depends on a previous agreement. The age of the captive decides whether he or she will be taken into captivity or slain on the spot. As a rule, all but children under the age of puberty are despatched[sic] there and then as they are liable to escape sooner or later if taken captive. However, I was assured by several warrior chiefs that the better looking unmarried girls are not killed, but are kept to be married, or to be retailed in marriage, thereby bringing a handsome remuneration to the owner. It must not be supposed by the reader that this implies anything inconsistent with sexual morality, for these female slaves are treated with as much delicacy as if they were the captor's daughters. To the numerous inquiries that I made on this point, there was only one reply--that sexual intercourse with them was foul and would make the offender _ga-bá-an_.[16] A warrior who would be guilty of violating this taboo would never, it is thought, attain the rank of warrior chief. Should anyone of the warriors desire to marry his captive he must go through a purificatory[17] process, the details of which I am unable to furnish.

[16] I have never yet been able to grasp the significance of this word. It is used by Bisáyas in the form _hi-ga-bá'-an_, which has apparently a very similar meaning.

[17] _Hú-gad_.

The above taboo goes even further. Not only is the person of the living female captives to be respected but also that of the dead, in so far as it-is considered improper to remove from their persons any object such as bracelets or hair. Men's bodies, however, are rifled of everything, even their hair, and are then unmercifully hacked and hewn.

THE RETURN OF THE WARRIORS

If the war party is unsuccessful, they return hastily and cautiously. It frequently happens that the enemy take a short cut, being better acquainted with the geography of the region, and lay an ambush at a suitable point. For this reason a close watch is kept on the return home; a few warriors take the lead, and where a beaten trail is followed, a few keep guard on each side at a distance of several yards, to avoid falling into an ambush. When the party arrive at their settlement each repairs to his own house. A thousand and one reasons are assigned for failure, but never is it attributed to a falseness of the omens--anything but that. Should the band, however, have been victorious, or have brought about the death of the chief enemy at least, no words can describe their joy and jubilation. The woods reecho with their wild screams and the weird ululations of the battle cry. Each one provides himself with a bamboo trumpet and makes the forest resound with its deep boom. The captives that offer any resistance, are dragged along, or even killed, if they become too troublesome. Upon nearing a friendly settlement the din is redoubled and the whole settlement turns out to welcome the victors. But when their home settlement is reached the scene is indescribable. I witnessed an occasion of this kind. Before the party came into sight the bamboo trumpets could be heard, first faintly and then increasing in strength. As soon as the expectant women and the few men who had remained in the village had satisfied themselves that their relatives and friends were returning, drums and gongs were beaten in answer. The young men and boys rushed out and crossing the river on their rafts or in their boats dashed into the forest to meet the conquerors. Even the women became hilarious and gave vent to loud cries. For a few minutes before the appearance of the party the war cry could be heard and when they came into view on the other side of the river the din was indescribable. The gong and drum were brought down to the bank and the war tattoo was beaten. The clanging of the gong, the rolling of the drum, the booming of the trumpets, the ululation of the war cry, and the lusty yells and shrieks of joy, welcome, and inquiry produced a pandemonium that baffles description. Before the victors crossed the river they all took a bath,[18] not for sanitary but for ceremonial reasons. The bath is thought to have a purificatory effect in that it removes the evil influence[19] of death.

[18] This is an invariable custom, I was told.

[19] _Bá-ho_, literally foul smell.

When the victors had crossed the river they removed the palm fronds[20] with which they had adorned their lances and put them on the necks and heads of their wives and friends. Later on a banquet was prepared and the reader is left to conceive for himself the revels that followed. It is said that not infrequently at this time some of the captives are given to the unsuccessful warriors for immediate slaughter. That this has occurred I have absolutely no reason to doubt, and every reason to believe. I have heard many describe among themselves how it was done, and what joy it gave them to be able to take revenge upon one of their hereditary enemies.

[20] Called _Ma-yún-hau_. It is said that these are frequently stained with the blood of the slain.

AMBUSHES AND OTHER METHODS OF WARFARE

Ambush[21] is a legitimate method of warfare, according to Manóbo customs. It consists in locating one's self with one or more companions at a place which the enemy is expected to pass. A favorite place for the ambush is on the trail between the enemy's house and his rice or _camote_ field, but a spot on a river bank or at any suitable point may be selected. Great precautions are taken by putting up screens of leaves to prevent the enemy from discovering the ambush. This is always made on the right hand[22] and very frequently there is a supply of sticks and stones in readiness. The position on the right hand is chosen because it gives those in wait an opportunity to deal a blow on the weaker side of the enemy, all of whom carry the shield in the left hand.

[21] _Báñg-an_.

[22] Right hand refers to the right hand of the party to be attacked.

It is customary to take an ear or the right forearm of one slain in ambush as a proof of his death if the conditions of the ambush require such a proof. An instance occurred during my first visit to the upper Agúsan in 1907. Three Mañgguáñgans were ambushed by a mixed group of Manóbos and Debabáons, and the above-mentioned parts of their bodies were taken by the victors to their clans as a proof of the killing.

After a rupture between two parties, one or both of them go into a state which is expressed by the word _láma_. This signifies that one or both of them abandons his homestead and transfers himself and the members of his household (usually a few brothers-in-law with their families) to some place difficult of access. If the house can be built on a bluff, or a hill that is approachable from only one or two sides, so much the better. On such a site a house[23] is built varying from 5 meters to 8 meters in height, sometimes, though rarely nowadays, being built upon a tree trunk. The felled timber at the edge of the forest is left unburned. Bamboo or _palma brava_ caltrops are placed in the encircling forest. In addition to these, spring traps[24] for human beings may be set out if it is suspected that an attack is imminent. In certain localities I have seen a stockade[25] erected around the house. Sometimes a wall of old bamboo may be built from the ground up to the floor, inclined inward at the bottom at an angle of about 70° to the ground. The ladder is invariably a log with a number of notches in it. Strips of bark or even bamboo shingles may form the roof but as a rule the Manóbo takes his chances with a roof of rattan leaf.

[23] _I-li-hán_.

[24] _Bá-tik_.

[25] _In-á-gud_.

On approaching the house of one who is in state of vigilance, it is not unusual to find certain signs on the trail. Thus a broken earthen pot is frequently hung up, or if the trail leads to the house of a warrior chief, there will be probably the parted bamboo called _binúka_, and a number of saplings slashed down at a certain point on the trail, both of which signs are symbolic of the evil fate that will befall such as dare to enter the guarded region.

No one but a near relative may live within a certain definite distance of a house which is in a state of defense, nor may anyone visit it except by special request. If the inmate has to meet anyone he appoints a trysting place at some spot in the woods and there the visitor, by beating on the butress[sic] of a tree or by any other preconcerted signal, announces his presence. The former may be suspicious and may first circle around to examine the footprints before he ventures to approach.

PEACE[26]

[26] _Dug-kút_.

When the opposing parties have evened up their blood accounts and are wearied of ambushes, surprises, loss of relatives, destruction of crops, and continual fight and flight, they agree to make peace either through a friendly chief, or by a formal peacemaking. The desire to make peace is made known by sending to the enemy a work bolo. If it is accepted, it is a sign that the desire is mutual but if it is returned, arbitration must be brought about through a third party, usually a warrior chief or a _datu_. For this purpose a clear open space, such as a big sandbar, is appointed and a day fixed.

On the appointed day the parties arrive in separate bands and take up their positions facing one another, a line being drawn or a long piece of rattan being placed on the ground beyond which no member of either party may pass. Matters are then discussed in the presence of such _datus_ or persons of influence as may have been selected for that purpose and after balancing up blood and other debts, the leaders agree to make the payments at an appointed time and thereby put an end to the feud. As an evidence of their sincerity, they part between them a piece of green rattan.[27] Then beeswax[28] is burned. This is a kind of oath which serves to bind them to their contracts.[29]

[27] I have been informed of a very interesting custom said to be observed by the Banuáon group in settling their troubles. It was said that peace is made by hand-to-hand fights in which single pairs of opponents fight until the _datus_ who act as umpires award the victory to one or the other. This is called _din-a-tú-an_.

[28] _Tó-tuñg_.

[29] I never witnessed a peacemaking and I never had a chance to assist at one of the referred combats of the Banuáon people, mentioned above.