letter I received yesterday, together with the present you sent me,

upon which I put a very great value, and for which I most heartily thank you.

I have written to you and Kingsburgh at some length by Donald Macleod, who left Edinburgh upon Friday last, the 23d instant. But as this will come soonest to hand, I chuse to repeat some things.

It has been suggested to me by a very judicious person that it would be advisable in Kingsburgh to deliver up a certain original letter into some sure hand for the preservation of it But this must be altogether left to the judgment and discretion of Kingsburgh himself. However, at anyrate, I earnestly desire to have an exact copy of the letter, and I hereby engage that [Sidenote: _fol._ 474.] it shall be as great a secret as at this moment.

I am exceedingly desirous to have the brave and the honest Armadale's account from his own mouth,[210] which I hope he will chearfully give. Let it be as exact and circumstantial as possible. Is it possible to procure Boisdales account in his own words? for I wish much to have that too. You see I am very greedy, and indeed no wonder; for these things would be of inexpressible use in future ages.

[210] See ff. 265, 321.

If you think of being soon in this country (as you seem to suggest in your letter), then you may bring along with you all the several accounts you can possibly collect, and remember to favour me with the happiness of the first visit. But if you resolve not to be soon here, then be so good as to embrace the first sure opportunity that comes in your way and transmit to me all that you have gathered together among good friends.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 475.]

I make an offer of my best wishes to the worthy family of Raaza, to Kingsburgh and his lady, and to Armadale and his concerns.

That all happiness may ever attend you and Mrs. Macleod is the hearty and earnest prayer of, My Dear Sir, Your most affectionate friend and very humble servant,

ROBERT FORBES.

_Citadel of Leith, October 28th, 1747._

_P.S._--Every letter from you or any of the honest worthies in Sky or Raaza will be a real cordial to me. My Lady Bruce is very glad to hear of your welfare and kindly remembers you and Mrs. MacLeod, Kingsburgh, and Mrs. MacDonald, etc.--In haste, adieu.

_2d P.S._--Since writing the above, I have this day received by post your kind letter (with one inclosed to James MacDonald) of September 23d; but where they have been all this time by the way I cannot conceive. Pray, my dear friend, allow my commissions to engage a great share of your attention, and let me have every thing [Sidenote: _fol._ 476.] that is well vouched in as exact and full a manner as possible.

I have no other news worth mentioning, but that the brave General Keith is now a Field-Marshal in the King of Prussia's service, which makes some folks stare like stuck pigs and to entertain great fears.

Have you ever found the bottle among the heath?[211] for you forget to mention it to me.

[211] See f. 238.

Inclosed I send you a print where you view the HIGHLAND LADDIE (Lewie Ca) graciously receiving the Butcher, begging mercy on his knees. I know it will be a most acceptable present to you, and will serve to give some entertainment to your friends.--Once more adieu.

R. F.

COPY of the Letter mentioned in the beginning of the preceding 2d P.S.

[Sidenote: 23 Sept. 1747]

_Rasay, September 23, 1747._

[Sidenote: _fol._ 477.] REVEREND SIR,--I promist to acquaint you whenever I got home, which was a very merry meeting with my friends, wife, sisters and all. I was like a man that wou'd dy and wou'd come in life again.

You give me memorandum abut Kingsborrow's letter, which I cannot get as yet; however, it is very true.[212] John M'Kinnon came home, who I did not see as yet. When I will I'll get his history, and will send it to you. I hope you'll be so good as to send me all the news that is worth. I did not hear a word since I last [saw] you as yet. Make my compliments to the worthy Lady Bruce and all the family where you are not forgeted. Derect for me to Malcome M'Leod of Brea in Rasay Island, [Sidenote: _fol._ 478.] Sky.--I'm, Reverend Sir, your most humble servant,

MAL. MACLEOD.

[212] See ff. 263-265.

* * * * *

_N.B._--The original of the above is to be found among my papers.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

BY a Lady, extempore, upon the ribband which the Prince wore about his head when obliged to disguise himself in a female dress under the name of Betty Burk.

Most honoured ribband, of all else take place, Of greens and blues, and all their tawdry race. Thou wast the laurel the fair temples bound Of Royal Charles, for greatness so renown'd. Thee I'll reserve, as Heav'n reserves his crown, Till his rebellious foes be overthrown. Then in thy place a diadem shall shine His by his virtues, as by right divine.

NARRATIVE of a Conversation betwixt Captain JOHN HAY and me, ROBERT FORBES.

[Sidenote: 7 Nov. 1747]

_Leith, Saturday, November 7th, 1747._

[Sidenote: _fol._ 479.] I dined in the house of Mrs. Seaman at the foot of the Kirkgate, with John Hay, captain of the Custom-House yacht at Air, when the conversation turned much upon the dangers and distresses the Prince behoved to undergoe in his skulking and wandering from place to place after the battle of Culloden.

Captain Hay asked if it was not one of the name of MacLeod that went to Stornoway in the Lewis upon the business of engaging a ship, with a design to take off the Prince and the few that were then with him? I told him it was Donald MacLeod, an old man of sixty-eight years of age, and who had been along with the Prince for nine or ten weeks after the battle of Culloden. 'That project,' said the Captain, 'happened to miscarry by being discovered, and I have reason to think that the discovery was owing to an information given by a Presbyterian minister.' Upon this I gave the Captain an account of this affair (to the best of my remembrance) as I [Sidenote: _fol._ 480.] had got it from the mouth of Donald MacLeod, viz., that a Presbyterian preacher in one of the Uists had writ a letter to a friend in the Harris, who then writ a letter to a Presbyterian preacher in the Lewis, upon which the people of the Lewis conveened at Stornoway to the number of some hundreds, etc.[213]

[213] See f. 288.

To this the Captain replied that he had good reason to assure me that that indeed was the matter of fact. 'For,' added he, 'as I was cruizing along with the rest at that time I had an opportunity of knowing how the different informations came about.'

I told him I was exceedingly glad to have his account of the matter to support and confirm Donald Macleod's own representation of it, because that Donald had been reproached by severals for having got drunk;[214] and in his cups for having discovered to some one acquaintance or other the real design for which he had hired the ship, and this acquaintance was said to have blown the whole project. Captain Hay said he did not believe one word of all that, but that the true state [Sidenote: _fol._ 481.] of the case was above represented, and that the Prince would have been on board with his few attendants that very night when the discovery was made, had he not met with that unexpected disappointment.

[214] See ff. 134, 184.

Captain Hay asked if I could inform him of the day when the Prince set out from the Isle of Sky to the mainland.[215] I told him it was July 5th, and likewise remarked to him what difficulty I had with Captain Malcolm MacLeod to adjust this matter of a precise date.[216] 'Surely then,' said the Captain, 'we behoved to be very near the Prince in his crossing the ferry to the mainland.' I told him I did not doubt that at all, and then I gave him an account (as exactly as I could) of that narrative given me by Mrs. MacDonald of Kingsburgh, and afterwards confirmed to me by Malcolm MacLeod himself,[217] anent the Prince's desiring Malcolm MacLeod to have no fear, for that the wind would soon change, and make the ships of war, [Sidenote: _fol._ 482.] then in view upon the coast of Sky, steer a direct contrary course, so that it would not be in their power to come near him at that time. At this Captain Hay, with an asseveration, assured the company that that was literally true; for that when they were sailing along the coast of Sky with a pretty brisk gale, all of a sudden the wind changed upon them and forced them to sail a direct contrary course. He said he remembered nothing better.

[215] See f. 267.

[216] See ff. 247, 262.

[217] See ff. 215, 242.

Here I remarked that some would be ready to attribute this in the Prince to the second sight or some such uncommon supernatural cause; but that for my own part I believed there were some who could tell a little time before that the wind would blow from this or the other point of the compass, being in the use of making observations in that way. Captain Hay replied that sailors and others who dealt in observations of that kind could exactly enough tell from the [Sidenote: _fol._ 483.] motion of a cloud, or the like, when the wind would veer about to this or the other quarter; and from what had been said he remarked that the Prince behoved to have skill in that way. I then told the company that Malcolm MacLeod had said that he never knew a man in all his life that had such a firm and steady trust in the providence of God as the Prince was remarkably blessed with.[218]

[218] See f. 216.

The conversation happening to turn upon the subject of Rorie MacKenzie's death, it was said that it was certain enough that Rorie MacKenzie had been taken by a party of Cumberland's army for the Prince, and that he had been actually butchered by them; but as to the particular circumstance of the butchery, that was an affair not so easily to be discovered. Here I told the company that particular story given me by Kingsburgh anent the officer's talking to him at Fort Augustus [Sidenote: _fol._ 484.] about the young Pretender's head.[219] Upon this Captain Hay said that in visiting his friends lately in the south country he had discovered a story well worth the remarking, and the more so because it had come from the Duke of Cumberland's own mouth. The Captain informed the company that he had met with a gentleman in the south who told him that when the Duke of Cumberland was on his way from the north to Berwick he had gone to that town to wait upon him, that accordingly he paid his court to him, and after he had done so, he asked his highness if he had entirely finished the whole affair, and left the country in peace. The Duke answered he had done so. Then the gentleman asked what was become of the Pretender's oldest son? The Duke replied that he had taken care to leave such orders behind him that the Pretender's [Sidenote: _fol._ 485.] eldest son would never be more heard of. Captain Hay said that as he had this particular narrative from the gentleman's own mouth, it deserved the more credit, for he could depend upon the truth of it; but he did not chuse to name the gentleman.

[219] See f. 146.

Captain Hay was pleased to tell the company that when General Campbell came to the Laird of Clanranald's house in search of the Prince (so the Captain named him during the whole conversation) Lady Clanranald happened not to be at home, but that she came home pretty soon after. The General told the lady that he was to dine with her, and then began to interrogate her where she had been? Lady Clanranald answered that she had been visiting a sick child at some distance.[220] The General asking the name of the child, the lady made no stop in giving a name, and said likewise that the child was much better than formerly it had been; and she conversed all along with the General in a very easy, unconcerned way. [Sidenote: _fol._ 486.] Here the Captain observed that the visiting of the sick child was only a mere pretence the better to cover the real business the lady had been employed about, for afterwards it was discovered that Lady Clanranald at that time had actually been with the Prince.

[220] See f. 527.

I could not fail remarking to Captain Hay that Lady Clanranald's acquitting herself so exactly and wisely in the Prince's preservation was something very singular, and the more extraordinary that (as I had been informed) she happens frequently not to be so well in her health, and therefore (one would be apt to imagine) quite unfit to manage a point of so much delicacy and danger. The Captain answered that Lady Clanranald's conduct in that affair, all things considered, was very extraordinary indeed.

After giving several very remarkable instances of the miseries and dangers the Prince had been exposed to in his wanderings, I begged leave to ask at Captain Hay what notions he [Sidenote: _fol._ 487.] would entertain of those folks in and about Edinburgh (people of no mean sense and discretion in the common affairs of life) who when certain accounts had come of the Prince's arrival in France were pleased to say: 'O these Jacobites are strange bodies, who attribute the preservation of their Prince to the providence of God alone, when Providence could have no hand in it at all, seeing the Duke of Cumberland and his army were not willing to take him, but, on the contrary, avoided the laying hands on him when they might have done it.' At this Captain Hay held up his hands and declared his amazement that any such expression could ever proceed out of the mouth of any person whatsomever, and asked seriously if there were any persons that could have the impudence to talk so? I assured him there were such persons as had actually used the above expressions, or words to the same purpose, and that they could [Sidenote: _fol._ 488.] be named. He said he was indeed surprised to hear the thing, considering the strict searches that had been made for the person of the Prince, and the many narrow escapes he had made. And, moreover, that it was well known in the army that when any officers happened to bring prisoners into the camp in the north, and after the report being made at the headquarters, the Duke of Cumberland used to be in a very bad humour, and to express himself in these words: 'These officers don't know their duty.'

The whole conversation went easily on, and lasted till between four and five o'clock at night.

There were present who witnessed the above conversation, Richard Seaman, baxter in Leith, John Hay, piriwig maker in Edinburgh, Mrs. Bettie Seaman and Mrs. Ellie Kendal. Mrs. Seaman herself went from the company pretty soon after dinner to look after her business, so that she witnessed but a small part of the conversation. John Hay, piriwig maker, [Sidenote: _fol._ 489.] declared his being very much pleased with being present at such a long and so particular a conversation upon the dangers and distresses of the Prince, and at the narrating some of the more moving and interesting parts he was so much affected that he shed tears. He frankly owned that he had never heard so much of the matter in all the several companies he had formerly resorted to where this extraordinary and affecting history happened to be the subject of conversation.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

JOURNAL of the Prince's imbarkation and arrival, etc.,[221] taken from the month of ÆNEAS MACDONALD (a banker in Paris, and brother of Kinlochmoidart) when he was in a messenger's custody in London, by Dr. BURTON of York, who was taken up, upon suspicion, the 30th of November 1745, and confined till the 11th of March following in York Castle, and was from thence removed to a messenger's house in London, in whose custody he remained till March 25th, 1747, being in all sixteen months wanting only five days.[222]

[221] This Journal is printed in the _Jacobite Memoirs_ (pp. 1-27) with some omissions, in combination with another by Duncan Cameron, f. 346, _ante_.

[222] Dr. Burton and Bishop Forbes were both enthusiastic Jacobites, and an account of their meeting follows (f. 519). Later, a considerable correspondence passed between them, most of which the latter embodied in this manuscript.

[Sidenote: 1745. June.]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 490.] After the Prince had settled everything for his subsequent undertaking, the gentlemen who were to accompany him on his voyage took different routs to Nantz, the place appointed to meet at, thereby the better to conceal their design. During their residence there they lodged in different parts of the town, and if they accidentally met in the street or elsewhere they took not the least notice of each other, nor seemed to be any [Sidenote: _fol._ 491.] way acquainted, if there was any person near enough to observe them. During this time, and whilst everything was preparing to set sail, the Prince went to a seat of the Duke of Bouillon and took some days' diversion in hunting, fishing, and shooting, amusements he always delighted in, being at first obliged to it on account of his health. By this means he became inured to toil and labour, which enabled him to undergo the great fatigues and hardships he was afterwards exposed unto.

From this place he went to a seat of the Duke of Fitz-James, seemingly upon the same errand, and thence at a proper time went in disguise directly on board the ship lying in the Loire, being the river which goes immediately from Nantz to the sea. [Sidenote: _fol._ 492.] Here he found eight gentlemen[223] above hinted at ready to accompany and assist him in his expedition. They were the Marquis of Tullibardine, alias Duke of Athol, Sir John MacDonald (a French officer), Mr. Æneas MacDonald (a banker in Paris), Mr. Strickland, Mr. Buchanan, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. O'Sullivan, and Mr. Kelly. To these I may add a ninth, viz., Mr. Anthony Welch, the owner of the ship which carried the Prince. He (this last) staid on the coast of Scotland about three weeks, and did the Prince considerable service.

[223] The Prince in his Manifesto from the Abbey of Holyrood-house calls them _seven only_. Perhaps Mr. Buchanan (as I have heard suggested by several persons) was reckoned amongst the Prince's domesticks.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Here it will not be amiss to give some short account of the above-mentioned attendants.

The Duke of Athol was made prisoner in Scotland, having surrendred himself (as was given out by our lying newspapers) to Mr. Buchanan of Drumakill, a Justice of Peace. But the real matter of fact is that Drumakill, in his own house, basely betrayed the Duke when he thought himself safe under the protection of Drumakill's roof, having got assurances to that purpose. To confirm the truth of this, Drumakill is so much [Sidenote: _fol._ 493.] despised for this breach of all the laws of hospitality and honour that the gentlemen in the neighbourhood and in all places of Scotland where Drumakill is known will not be seen in his company, nor will they converse with him. From Drumakill's house the Duke of Athol was carried to the Castle of Dumbarton, the latter end of April 1746, whence he was removed to Edinburgh, where he remained till the 13th of May, and then was put on board the _Eltham_ man-of-war in Leith Road, and conveyed to the Tower of London, June 21st, where he died on the 9th of July, and was there buried July the 11th, 1746.

Sir John MacDonald, a French officer, surrendred himself prisoner of war at Inverness upon the day of Culloden battle. He was suffered to go out upon his parole amongst other French officers at Penrith. He is a man of no extraordinary head as a councillor.

Mr. Æneas MacDonald, a banker in Paris, surrendred himself to General Campbell upon terms which, however, were not [Sidenote: _fol._ 494.] performed. He was committed to Dumbarton Castle, whence he was conducted to Edinburgh Castle under a strong guard the latter end of August 1746; and the week after, in the same manner, was conveyed to the Duke of Newcastle's office at Whitehall, London, and immediately committed into the custody of a messenger. One day when he was concerting a jaunt to Windsor with Miss Flora MacDonald, he was by order taken out of the messenger's hands and committed to Newgate, and thence to new prison in Southwark. All the time the Prince was in Paris he lodged at Mr. Æneas MacDonald's house.

Mr. Strickland died at Carlisle when it was possessed by the Prince's army.

Mr. Buchanan, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. O'Sullivan, and Mr. Kelly made their escape into France.

The first of these, Mr. Buchanan, upon the intended invasion at Dunkirk in 1743 was sent into England, and upon his return, in attempting to get to Calais or Dunkirk, was taken prisoner. [Sidenote: _fol._ 495.] He made a plausible story, and going by a feigned name, pretending great loyalty, etc., he artfully imposed upon one Captain Aires, who was then going into Flanders with some orders from the government, a person who has signalized himself very much upon a late occasion, though not in his profession as a soldier, yet as an evidence at St. Margaret's Hill in Southwark, etc. etc. etc. This very man, perceiving Mr. Buchanan understood French, and knew several of the French officers, proposed making use of him as a spy in Flanders, which Mr. Buchanan readily embraced, as it gave him a safe conveyance out of British dominions. Accordingly he was conducted to Ostend by Captain Aires, who was greatly surprized and no less chagrin'd to find his fellow-traveller so well known there, and to be the very man he had particular orders to find out, if possible, and to secure him, at the time when Mr. Buchanan had the address to deceive him. After this discovery Aires [Sidenote: _fol._ 496.] never offered to make any farther use of Mr. Buchanan, neither could he detain him there. Mr. Buchanan was many years assistant to Mr. Æneas MacDonald at Paris.

The second of these, Sir Thomas Sheridan, was tutor to the young hero, whom he attended through most of his travels. His master had a real and, I may say, filial affection for him, which indeed was mutual, no man having his pupil's interest more at heart than Sir Thomas. He got safe to France. From that he went to Rome, where he waited upon his pupil's father, who reprimanded him for persuading his son to undertake such an expedition without better grounds. This reproof so far affected Sir Thomas that he fell ill and died of grief.

The third of these, Mr. O'Sullivan, an Irishman, is a remarkable man, of whom the world has been greatly deceived, whether we look upon him as a soldier, a councillor, or for honesty and integrity.

The fourth and last of these is the same Mr. Kelly who was so many years confined in the Tower upon a suspicion of having [Sidenote: _fol._ 497.] had a hand in the famous plot of Dr. Atterbury, bishop of Rochester. Mr. Kelly's chief employment was to go betwixt his young master in Scotland and the French ministry, with some of whom he was very intimate.

[Sidenote: 22 June.]

On Saturday the 22d of June 1745, the gentlemen (of whom the above short account is given) being all incog. to the crew, set sail out of the river Loire for Bellisle on board a vessel of 110 tons, called _La Doutelle_, carrying 16 guns, and commanded by Captain Durbe; having first sent expresses from Nantz to the young gentleman's father at Rome, to the king of France, and the king of Spain, acquainting them with the expedition, and desiring the two last to send armes, ammunition, and money to Scotland, which request was in part complied with.

[Sidenote: 23 June.]

On the 23d, being next day, they anchored at Bellisle, where they continued till the 4th of July waiting for the _Elizabeth_, their convoy, a French ship of war of 64 guns and about 500 men, commanded by Captain D'oe or D'eau. [Sidenote: _fol._ 498.] During the stay at this island, the Prince took great delight in fishing. The better to conceal himself, he never would be shaved from his leaving Nantz to his arrival in Scotland.

[Sidenote: 5 July.]

Next morning, being the 5th of July, both ships set sail with a fair wind, which continued so till the 7th, when it blew a brisk gale; but the next day was a dead calm. On the 9th, being in the latitude of 47 degrees 57 minutes north, and west from the meridian of the Lizard 39 leagues, they descryed a sail to windward, which proved to be a British man of war of 58 guns called the _Lyon_, Captain Brett, commander, which immediately bore down upon them. About three o'clock in the afternoon they found what she was, and prepared to engage her, having both of them hoisted French colours and shortened sail. By 4 o'clock they were within two miles of each other, and at 5 the engagement began.

[Sidenote: 9 July.]

Upon the Frenchmen's first discovering a sail, a council of war was held by the commander, etc., of the _Elizabeth_ on board the _Doutelle_, along with the passengers and her officers, wherein it was agreed, if no more sail appeared, that the [Sidenote: _fol._ 499.] _Elizabeth_ should engage her, but should reserve her fire till she was so near the _Lion_ as to stand the chance of all her guns having effect, and then to give her a whole broadside; and if the _Lion_ did not sink, to close in with her and board her directly, while the _Doutelle_ should attack and assist her in that, not being able to engage so heavy mettle as the _Lion_ would carry, but with her small arms would be of great use at close fighting. Accordingly, both ships were prepared to engage as agreed upon.

The _Lion_, being to windward, bore down upon the _Elizabeth_, and began the engagement at some distance. The _Elizabeth_ followed the directions of the council of war, and received the _Lion's_ shot several times in hopes of putting the plan laid down into execution. But finding the _Lion_ not only had the advantage of the wind, but that the British sailors worked her better than the Frenchmen did the _Elizabeth_, Captain D'oe [Sidenote: _fol._ 500.] then found he could not accomplish his designs, and therefore engaged at a distance; but still tried to get as close to the _Lion_ as possible.

The _Elizabeth_, being thus disappointed of attempting to board the _Lion_, rendred all the assistance intended her by the _Doutelle_ of no effect, she being too small a vessel to contend with the _Lion's_ greatest guns; and therefore, when her commander, Captain Durbe, found he could not assist the _Elizabeth_, he drew off to a greater distance to avoid being sunk till a more convenient opportunity might offer. This gave those on board the _Doutelle_ both time and leisure to observe the management and behaviour of both ships.

They fought with equal bravery for several hours, but the British sailors showed their superior skill and dexterity, which were highly praised by all on board the _Doutelle_, as well French as Scotch men; for, though the _Elizabeth_ had more men, yet they could not work her so well, nor fire so often as the _Lion_ did.

The engagement continued thus till after 9 o'clock, when [Sidenote: _fol._ 501.] the _Lion_ began to abate of her fire, and, as far as she could, to make a running fight, discharging only now and then a gun. Then the advantage turned to the _Elizabeth's_ side, her rigging not being so much damaged as the _Lion's_, though she had more men killed; and she now approached nearer and nearer the _Lion_, who, finding she could not escape, fired a gun and immediately struck. The _Elizabeth_, not going instantly up to board her, but rather slacking her pace, encouraged the _Lion_ to set up her colours again. The reason of this behaviour of the _Elizabeth_ was owing to the death of both Captain D'oe and his brother, who were killed by the last shot from the _Lion_. This accident, when least expected, and there being but one lieutenant left to command the _Elizabeth_, obliged him to drop sail and to wait for the _Doutelle_, who, finding what had happened to the _Lion_, was making all the sail she could to [Sidenote: _fol._ 502.] come up to the _Elizabeth_, which was soon accomplished, and a council of war was held immediately upon what should be done. It was herein agreed that, as it was ten o'clock, and would be some time before they could get up to the _Lion_, who was making all the haste she could to reach England, they might be in danger of falling in with some other English man of war, and be obliged to engage in the bad condition the ship was in, and then must inevitably be either taken or sunk; and, moreover, would be so much farther from the French coast that, were they to spy a sail, they would not have time to get into any harbour to avoid being taken. Therefore, it was thought proper to desist from pursuing the _Lion_, she being by this time out of sight. It was then asked if the _Elizabeth_ was in a condition to proceed in her intended voyage, when her new commander answered in the negative; for, as he could not refit her at sea for another engagement, it would not therefore be safe to hazard their being sunk or taken, more especially as so many British men of war and [Sidenote: _fol._ 503.] privateers were cruizing at sea, and as he had near 200 men killed and wounded. They then determined to return to Brest. Some of the passengers of the _Doutelle_ endeavoured to prevail upon the Prince to return also till another convoy could be prepared, or the same could be refitted. To this he would not consent, but resolved to proceed on his voyage.

The _Elizabeth_, though a French man of war, was sent out as convoy to the _Doutelle_ by one Mr. Walter Rutlets, an Irishman, and a merchant at Dunkirk.

As it may seem odd that a subject could send out a man of war as a convoy without the king's knowledge where she was going, it is incumbent upon me to explain the nature of such an undertaking. I must therefore remark that when any of the French king's men of war are in harbour and fit for use, but not going upon any immediate business of the king's own, any of his subjects may upon proper application have her, and send her out on a cruize for the time granted, he (the [Sidenote: _fol._ 504.] subject) paying the men's wages during that time. By this means the King of France annoys his enemies without being at the expence of the men, and his ships thereby are kept pretty constantly employed, instead of lying in harbours, and their officers having no other employment than entertaining the ladies on shore.

[Sidenote: 9 July.]

[Sidenote: 23 July.]

But to return. After the engagement above mentioned, the _Doutelle_ proceeded on her voyage soon after the council of war was ended. But before she set sail for Scotland, all her lights were put out, except that for the compass, which still was so close confined that not the least ray could emit. This caution was observed every night through the whole voyage till their landing in Erisca. On July 11th she was chased, and made a clear ship to engage; but trusting more to their speed than to their military power, they made all the sail they could and escaped all pursuers. The 15th and 16th they had a rough sea and tempestuous weather. Then they [Sidenote: _fol._ 505.] had fine weather till about midnight on the 20th, which was very stormy. The 21st being very mild, they sounded and found ground at 108 fathom. On the 22d they made a small island called Bernera, being the southernmost of the western isles of Scotland, near the latitude of 57. On the 23d they arrived at the island of Erisca, belonging to Clanranald, which lies betwixt the isles of Barra and South Uist or Ouist, having been eighteen days at sea from July 5th.

They were scarce arrived when they spied two sail which they apprehended to be ships of war, and therefore got all their money, arms, and ammunition on shore as fast as they could. All went ashore except the Marquis of Tullibardine, who was laid up in the gout and could not stir. Their fears, however, were soon dissipated by finding the ships proved only merchantmen.

The very first night they landed happened to prove [Sidenote: _fol._ 506.] violently stormy and wet, and they were obliged to lodge in one of the little country houses wherein there were already many others that were weatherbound.

Here they were all refreshed as well as the place could afford, and they had some beds, but not sufficient for the whole company, on which account the Prince, being less fatigued than the others, insisted upon such to go to bed as most wanted it. Particularly he took care of Sir Thomas Sheridan, and went to examine his bed and to see that the sheets were well aired. The landlord, observing him to search the bed so narrowly, and at the same time hearing him declare he would sit up all night, called out to him and said that it was so good a bed, and the sheets were so good, that a prince need not be ashamed to lie in them.

The Prince, not being accustomed to such fires in the middle of the room, and there being no other chimney than a [Sidenote: _fol._ 507.] hole in the roof, was almost choaked, and was obliged to go often to the door for fresh air. This at last made the landlord, Angus MacDonald, call out, 'What a plague is the matter with that fellow, that he can neither sit nor stand still, and neither keep within nor without doors?'

From Eriska some of the company sent to Roger MacNeil, Esquire of Barra, as relations, being come thither, and who would be glad to see him: but he happened to be from home. At the same time they sent out several other messengers upon the same errand to several gentlemen in different parts, particularly to Alexander MacDonald of Boisdale, esquire, who went to them the next day.[224] But when he found upon what errand they were come to Scotland, he did all he could to prevail upon them to return to France without making any attempt to [Sidenote: _fol._ 508.] proceed. His advice being in vain, he then went to several persons to caution them from being drawn into either any rising or promises so to do. By this means he prevented some hundreds of people from joining them, for which he had a letter of thanks from Lord London and others for the great services he had done the present government.

[224] See ff. 256, 302, 353.

From this place Mr. Æneas MacDonald, the banker, took boat and went to his brother of Kinlochmoidart, being at the distance of about forty miles. Kinlochmoidart accompanied the banker back to Eriska. Amongst those who went on board the _Doutelle_ at Eriska, and there laid the plan of the operations and contrived the scheme, were the foresaid Donald MacDonald of Kinlochmoidart, esquire, and Ronald MacDonald of Clanronald, junior, esquire, who commanded that clan.[225]

[225] The contents of the above paragraph happened in Lochnannuagh.--(F.)

[Sidenote: 24 July]

Kinlochmoidart was made a colonel and aid-de-camp to the Prince, and was to have been made a baronet and peer of [Sidenote: _fol._ 509.] Scotland. He was an exceeding cool-headed man, fit for either cabinet or field. He was frequently employed in going from one friend of the cause to another. Upon one of these expeditions he was either going or had been when both he and his servant were taken by some country people, and sent to the Castle of Edinburgh, whence he was removed to Carlisle, and was there put to death upon Saturday, October 18th, the festival of St. Luke the Evangelist, 1746. The place where he was made prisoner is called Lesmahagoe, and he was committed to Edinburgh Castle on the 12th of November 1745.

Having dismissed several messengers to their respective friends on the continent of Scotland, they set sail about the 26th of [Sidenote: 26 July] July 1745, and coasting about the isles between Sky and Mull, and landing some of their passengers, proceeded to Lochshiel in [Sidenote: _fol._ 510.] Lochabar.[226] Of this the government was informed, as we find by a paragraph in the Gazette of Saturday, August 17th, 1745, from Edinburgh, dated on the 11th of the same month.

[226] See ff. 355, 640, for precise day, etc.

Here it will not be amiss to give a short account of the vile and dishonourable method used for seizing the Duke of Perth, who was actually in the hands of the Highland officers, Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre and Mr. Campbell of Inveraa, at his own house of Drummond Castle, but he had the good fortune to make his escape from them. The manner of both was as follows:--

A warrant being out to take the Duke of Perth, it was given to the above officers to put it in execution. They, not daring to attempt it openly without a large force, the sight of which would give a sufficient alarm for him to escape, they therefore thought of the following scandalous method. As they were often hospitably entertained at his table, they sent him word [Sidenote: _fol._ 511.] that they were to dine with him at such a time. He sent them word back that he should be proud to see them. The time appointed being come (July 26th, 1745), they went as usual, and according to the Duke's generous temper were entertained at dinner. One of his footmen having spied some men in arms coming towards the house, called the Duke to the door of the room and told him what he had seen, begging his Grace in the meantime to take care of himself. This the servant did more than once; but the Duke always smiled and would not suspect any gentlemen to be guilty of any such dirty action. After dinner, the officers having drunk a little while, and the time being come when they had appointed the soldiers to surround the house at a little distance, were pleased to inform his Grace of their errand, pulling out their orders for that [Sidenote: _fol._ 512.] purpose. The Duke commanded his temper very well, and seeming not to be much displeased, told them he would step into the closet, which was in the room where they were sitting, and get himself ready. To this they agreed, as they thought he could not go out of the room. He went into the closet and (gently locking the door) slipt down a pair of backstairs, which came to the closet, and got into the wood joining his gardens with much difficulty. In making his way through the wood (which was surrounded), he got all his legs much scratched and wounded with the briars and thorns; and he behoved sometimes to crawl on his hands and feet to keep himself from being seen by the sentinels at their different posts. The officers waited some time, and the Duke not returning, they went to the closet door, which, being locked, they called some of the servants, who told them their master was gone away on horseback in a great hurry. After the Duke got out of the wood [Sidenote: _fol._ 513.] he lay squat for some time in a dry ditch till the party should be gone. The officers and their command, on their return to Crieff, the place where they quartered, passed so near the ditch that the Duke heard all that they spoke. When the party were all out of sight the Duke rose up to look about him, and spying a countryman with a little horse, he desired to have the use of the horse, which the countryman readily complied with. The horse had neither saddle nor bridle, but only a branks (or halter) about its head. However, in this pickle did the Duke ride to the house of Mr. Murray of Abercairny. From that he went to the house of Mr. Drummond of Logie. At night, when all were in bed, Logie Drummond, entertaining fears he could not really account for, got out of bed, and going to the Duke's bed chamber, awaked him and begged him to be gone speedily to some other place; for that he was afraid of his not [Sidenote: _fol._ 514.] being safe to stay all night. Logie would not leave him till he saw him out of the house, and the Duke was not well gone when a party came (in dead of night), and searched the house very narrowly for the Duke. It is worth remarking here that when Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre was made a prisoner on Gladesmuirfield, the Duke of Perth came up to him, and asking how he did, spoke these words to him very pleasantly, 'Sir Petie, I am to dine with you to-day.'

But to return. At Lochshiel in Lochabar they unloaded their ship, the chief of whose cargo consisted of brandy (a liquor absolutely necessary in the Highlands), a thousand stand of arms, a proportionable quantity of ammunition, and some provisions.[227]

[227] See f. 640.

[Sidenote: 3 Aug.]

About the 3d or 4th of August they had cleared the ship. The next day it was known that the Prince was arrived, and young Clanranald sent a guard to attend him.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 515.]

During this time all the messengers were very successful, and several of the Prince's friends began to be in motion, and gathered their respective vassals in order to be ready to attend at the setting up of the standard.

While these were busy raising men, etc., others were as much employed in procuring a sufficient quantity of oatmeal, which, being scarce, cost seventeen shillings sterling per boll. In about the space of three weeks, having laid up a large quantity of oatmeal, and having a sufficient quantity of brandy (two of the most grateful things that could be given to a Highlander), the Prince thought it high time to begin to try his fortune.

[Sidenote: 11 Aug.]

[Sidenote: 19 Aug.]

About the 11th of August the Prince sailed to Kinlochmoidart, about 25 miles farther, where he stayed till the 17th. As he went from hence he was joined by about 150 men. On the 18th he crossed Lochshiel and lay at Glensiarich,[228] and from thence on the 19th they proceeded to Glenfinnan at the head of the loch in Clanranald's country, and there set up his [Sidenote: _fol._ 516.] standard, on which there was no motto at all, and was immediately joined by Lochiel, Keppoch, and others, with 1400 men in all. Young Clanranald had joined him before.

[228] See f. 640.

Here a considerable number of both gentlemen and ladies met to see the ceremony; among the rest was the famous Miss Jeanie Cameron[229] (as she is commonly though very improperly called, for she is a widow nearer 50 than 40 years of age). She is a genteel, well-look'd, handsome woman, with a pair of pretty eyes, and hair as black as jet. She is of a very sprightly genius, and is very agreeable in conversation. She was so far from accompanying the Prince's army that she went off with the rest of the spectators as soon as the army marched. Neither did she ever follow the camp, nor was ever with the Prince, but in public when he had his Court at Edinburgh.

[229] At the end of a pamphlet, called 'The Life of Dr. Archibald Cameron, brother to Donald Cameron of Lochiel,' etc. [London, 1753, p. 32], there is given as an Appendix a notice and portrait of 'Miss Jenny Cameron, in a military habit.' She is there said to be the daughter of Hugh Cameron of Glandessary, and to have joined the Prince when he set up his standard with 200 well-armed followers, whom she personally led in action at Prestonpans, Falkirk, and Culloden. Mr. Robert Chambers, in his _History of the Rebellion_, 7th edition, pp. 251, 252, footnotes, gives all the additional information about this lady which seems to be known.

Here it must be remarked that Mr. Anthony Welch, the owner of the _Doutelle_, an eminent merchant of Nantz, after [Sidenote: _fol._ 517.] having landed his passengers and cargo as above mentioned, (towards which expence the Prince gave him £2000 sterling, and knighted him, making him a present of a gold-hilted sword, which cost eighty louis d'ores, and was bought for the Prince against the intended Dunkirk expedition in 1743), this merchant, I say, after landing his passengers, went a privateering, having a letter of mark, and was of signal service to the Highland army by taking six or seven prizes, the chief of which were loaded with meal. The biggest of these he ransomed for £60 sterling, and also the others in proportion, on condition the owners would carry their lading and sell it to the Prince, etc., but if they did not bring certificates of that then the ransom was to be three times as much. This Mr. Welch chiefly trades to Martinico. He has 24 merchantmen and privateers, one of which took ---- man-of-war in ---- [Sidenote: _fol._ 518.] and sold it to the King of France for 15,000 livres.

[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]

Upon the 20th of August the Prince proceeded on his march towards Castle Blair in Athol. On the 23d he was joined by about 500, on the 26th by 50, on the 28th by 100, on the 29th by 150 at Garviemore.

When they were at Corierag, hoping to fight Cope, they had been also joined by Ardshiel, commanding the Stewarts of Appin, Glenco, Glengary, and some others. The author of ASCANIUS[230] makes the Prince avoid fighting Cope, but it was quite otherwise.

[230] A pamphlet history of the Prince's escape, printed in 1746, and not all facts.

[Sidenote: 30 Aug.]

August 30th they arrived at Dalnacardoch in the mountain of Dirmochter, and on the 31st at Blair Castle, which Duke James quitted a few days before upon receiving a letter from his brother, Duke William, alias Marquis of Tullibardine. On the last of August Old MacGregor, alias Graham of Glengyle, had seized, by surprize, forty men of General Campbell's regiment who were mending the Duke of Argyle's roads.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 519.]

In this route Lochgary, Dr. Cameron, and O'Sullivan were sent to Ruthven in Badenoch to take the Barracks. Neither side had any canon. The Highland party endeavoured to set fire to the door, but the soldiers fired through holes in the door, killed one man and mortally wounded two more; and then the party retired. All this time O'Sullivan hid himself in a barn. This garrison consisted of 12 men, commanded by Serjeant Molloy. About this time a new raised company belonging to Lord Loudon deserted and joined the Prince's army.[231]

[231] See f. 642.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1747. 19 Nov^r.]

_N.B._--Upon Thursday, November 19th, 1747, I visited Dr. John Burton [physician] of York, at his lodgings in Edinburgh, where I had the favour of the original draught in the doctor's own hand-writ, from which I made out the above transcript. The Doctor had come into Scotland purposely to make enquiry about matters relating to the Prince's affairs. The above is [Sidenote: _fol._ 520.] much more to be depended upon than that taken from Duncan Cameron, because Mr. Æneas MacDonald[232] is a gentleman who got a liberal education, and was one of the Prince's council, and therefore had an opportunity of knowing things distinctly; whereas Duncan Cameron, being only a servant, could know things but imperfectly and at second-hand. Meantime it is worth observing that the journal taken from Duncan Cameron and others is the fullest and exactest of the two as to the marching of the Prince's army down the country to Edinburgh, which Dr. Burton acknowledged.

[232] See f. 346.

Upon the foresaid day I also received from Dr. Burton in his own hand-writ the two following short narratives.

I. The Laird of MacKinnon, after ferrying the Prince over from the Isle of Sky to the continent, took leave of him, and then set out upon his return home. The Prince left Knoidart and went to Glenbiasdale, being about ten miles, where he stayed two or three nights, till he heard of the arrival of [Sidenote: _fol._ 521.] Captain Scott with 500 men, and General Campbell with 400 more, who having received notice whereabouts the Prince was, were endeavouring to surround him; they and their men being then within three miles of him on all sides. But notwithstanding all the efforts of his enemies, who had all the reason imaginable to expect to get their prey, yet he, by God's providence, slipt them all once more in the night, and travelled 25 Scotch miles in a few hours over rough mountains into Lochaber. The better to deceive his pursuers, he got two or three different men to personate him and to take different routes, by which stratagem, in all probability, he extricated himself out of the then dangers, and once more preserved his life and liberty.

The above taken by Dr. Burton from the mouth of Donald MacDonald of Garryfleugh, prisoner in London in the same messenger's house with Clanronald, Boisdale, etc.

[Sidenote: 20 Sept.]

II. The vessel which carried the Prince over from Scotland [Sidenote: _fol._ 522.] was the _Bellona_ of St. Malo's, a Nantz privateer of 32 carriage and 12 swivel guns and 340 men. She was afterwards taken on the 2d of February 1746-7 by three men-of-war only, the _Eagle_, the _Edinburgh_, and the _Nottingham_. The Prince, after seeing such of his friends as were present first on board, embarked and set sail immediately for France (September 20th, 1746),[233] where he landed safely at Roscort, near three leagues west of Morlaise, on the 29th of the same month, having had a very good voyage. The ship was commanded by one Colonel Warren, and had another privateer along with her.[234]

[233] See ff. 640, 1476.

[234] See the _Scots Magazine_ for September 1746, the first column of p. 445, and second column of p. 492.--(F.)

[Sidenote: 23 Nov.]

Upon Monday, November 23d, 1747, Dr. Burton favoured me with a visit, when he was pleased to tell me that some time in the month of September 1746, he took the freedom to ask at [Sidenote: _fol._ 523.] Mr. Æneas MacDonald his opinion of Mr. John Murray of Broughton, particularly whether or not he entertained any fears about his turning evidence, as the common talk in London gave it out? Mr. MacDonald's answer was that he believed Mr. Murray of Broughton to be so honest between man and man, that in private life he would not be guilty of a dirty or dishonest action; but then, he said, he knew him to be such a coward, and to be possessed with such a fear for death, that (for his own part) he was much afraid Mr. Murray might be brought the length of doing any thing to save a wretched life!

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Journal taken from the mouth of MISS FLORA MACDONALD by DR. BURTON of York, when in Edinburgh.[235]

[235] Printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 412-423.

[Sidenote: 1746. June.]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 524.] Miss MacDonald had gone from Sky to Milton in South Uist[236] in order to visit her brother-german, who had about that time taken up house. She had not been long there till Captain O'Neil (by some lucky accident or other) had become acquainted with her.[237] When the Prince was surrounded with difficulties on all hands, and knew not well what to do for his future safety, Captain O'Neil brought Miss MacDonald to the place where the Prince was, and there they concerted the plan. At that time Miss returned to Milton. After Miss MacDonald had (with some difficulty)[238] agreed to undertake the dangerous enterprize, she set out for Clanranald's house, Saturday, June 21st, and at one of the fords was taken prisoner by a party of militia, she not having a passport. She demanded to whom they belonged? And finding by the answer that her step-father was then commander, she refused to give any answers till she should see their captain. So she and her servant, Neil MacKeehan, were prisoners all that night.

[236] See f. 200.

[237] See ff. 186-7.

[238] See f. 192.

[Sidenote: 22 June.]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 525.]

Her stepfather, coming next day, being Sunday, she told him what she was about, upon which he granted a passport for herself, a man-servant (Neil MacKechan), and another woman Bettie Burk, a good spinster, and whom he recommended as such in a letter to his wife at Armadale in Sky, as she had much lint to spin.[239] If her stepfather (Hugh MacDonald of Armadale) had not granted Miss a passport, she could not have undertook her journey and voyage. Armadale set his stepdaughter at liberty, who immediately made the best of her way to Clanranald's house and acquainted the Lady Clanranald with the scheme, who supplied the Prince with apparel sufficient for his disguise, viz. a flower'd linen gown, a white apron, etc., and sent some provisions along with him.[240]

[239] See ff. 187, 193, 304.

[240] See ff. 152, 210-218, 594.

During Miss MacDonald's stay at Clanranald's house, which was till the Friday, June 27th, O'Neil went several times betwixt [Sidenote: _fol._ 526.] the Prince and Miss, in which interval another scheme was proposed, that the Prince should go under the care of a gentleman to the northward,[241] but that failing them, they behoved to have recourse to that agreed upon before; and accordingly Lady Clanranald, one Mrs. MacDonald, O'Neil, Miss Flora MacDonald, and her servant, Neil MacKechan, went to the place where the Prince was, being about eight Scotch miles.[242] He was then in a very little house or hut, assisting in the roasting of his dinner, which consisted of the heart, liver, kidneys, etc., of a bullock or sheep, upon a wooden spit. O'Neil introduced his young preserver and the company, and she sat on the Prince's right hand and Lady Clanranald on his left. Here they all dined very heartily.

[241] See ff. 188, 589.

[242] See f. 149.

[Sidenote: 28 June.]

Next morning, June 28th, they heard of General Campbell's arrival at Benbecula, and soon after a man came in a great hurry to Lady Clanranald and acquainted her that Captain Ferguson with an advanced party of Campbell's men was at her [Sidenote: _fol._ 527.] house, and that Ferguson had lain in her bed the night before. This obliged her to go home immediately, which accordingly she did, after taking leave of the Prince. She was strictly examined by Ferguson where she had been? She replied she had been visiting a child which had been sick, but was now better again.[243] Both the General and Ferguson asked many other questions, such as where the child lived, how far it was from thence? etc., but they could make nothing out of the lady fit for their purpose.

[243] See f. 485.

O'Neil would gladly have staid with the Prince and shared in his distresses and dangers, but Miss could by no means be prevailed upon to agree to that proposal.[244]

[244] See ff. 193, 687.

When all were gone who were not to accompany the Prince in his voyage to the Isle of Sky, Miss MacDonald desired him to dress himself in his new attire, which was soon done, and at a proper time they removed their quarters and went near the water with their boat afloat, nigh at hand for readiness to embark [Sidenote: _fol._ 528.] in case of an alarm from the shore. Here they arrived, very wet and wearied, and made a fire upon a rock to keep them somewhat warm till night.[245] They were soon greatly alarmed by seeing four wherries full of armed men making towards shore, which made them extinguish their fire quickly, and to conceal themselves amongst the heath.

[245] See f. 137.

About two or three days after O'Neil parted from the Prince, a French cutter, having 120 men on board, appeared and sailed towards the Isle of South Uist, intending to carry off the Prince.[246] O'Sullivan went immediately on board, while O'Neil made haste to find out the Prince before he might have left the island. But finding that the Prince had left the island about two days before, immediately he returned to the place where he had left the cutter. But unhappy for him, he found that the timorous Sullivan, having a fair wind, and not having [Sidenote: _fol._ 529.] courage to stay till O'Neil's return, being resolved to take care of Number One, obliged the captain to set sail directly, lest he should be taken and should lose his precious life. O'Neil returned in the compass of three hours after Sullivan had set sail, and was taken prisoner soon after and brought into England, after having been prisoner for some time in the Castle of Edinburgh[247], to which place he had been brought from a ship of war; for he had been in a state of confinement at sea for some time. An English officer, having intelligence of the above cutter, immediately dispatched two wherries after her with thirty men in each, but neither of them could come up with her.

[246] See f. 191.

[247] See f. 189.

At eight o'clock, June 28th, Saturday, 1746, the Prince, Miss Flora MacDonald, Neil MacKechan, etc., set sail in a very clear evening from Benbecula to the Isle of Sky.[248] It is worth [Sidenote: _fol._ 530.] observing here that Benbecula is commonly reckoned a part of South Uist, they being divided from one another by the sea only at high water, which then makes a short ferry betwixt the two; but at low water people walk over upon the sand from the one to the other.

[248] See f. 1518.

They had not rowed from the shore above a league till the sea became rough, and at last tempestuous, and to entertain the company the Prince sung several songs and seemed to be in good spirits.

In the passage Miss MacDonald fell asleep, and then the Prince carefully guarded her, lest in the darkness any of the men should chance to step upon her. She awaked in a surprize with some little bustle in the boat, and wondered what was the matter, etc.[249]

[249] See f. 195.

[Sidenote: 29 June]

Next morning, Sunday, June 29th, the boatmen knew not where they were, having no compass and the wind varying several times, it being then again calm.[250] However, at last they made to the point of Waternish, in the west corner of Sky, where they thought to have landed, but found the place [Sidenote: _fol._ 531.] possessed by a body of forces who had three boats or yawls near the shore. One on board one of the boats fired at them to make them bring-to; but they rowed away as fast as they could, being all the chance they had to escape, because there were several ships of war within sight. They got into a creek, or rather clift of a rock, and there remained some short time to rest the men, who had been all night at work, and to get their dinners of what provisions they had along with them. As soon as they could they set forwards again, because as the militia could not bring them to, they had sent up to alarm a little town not far off. It was very lucky for them that it was a calm then, for otherwise they must inevitably have perished or have been taken.[251]

[250] See ff. 138, 205, 598.

[251] See f. 138.

From hence they rowed on and landed at Kilbride, in Troternish, in the Isle of Sky, about twelve miles north from the above-mentioned point. There were also several parties of [Sidenote: _fol._ 532.] militia in the neighbourhood of Kilbride. Miss left the Prince in the boat and went with her servant, Neil MacKechan, to Mougstot, Sir Alexander MacDonald's house, and desired one of the servants to let Lady Margaret MacDonald know she was come to see her ladyship in her way to her mother's house. Lady Margaret knew her errand well enough by one Mrs MacDonald, who had gone a little before to apprize her of it.[252]

[252] See ff. 727, 738.

As Mr. Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh was accidentally there, Lady Margaret desired him to conduct the Prince to his house; for it is to be remarked that Lady Margaret did not see the Prince in any shape. Kingsburgh sent a boy down to the boat with instructions whither to conduct the Prince [Sidenote: _fol._ 533.] about a mile, and he (Kingsburgh) would be there ready to conduct him.[253] Then Kingsburgh took some wine, etc., to refresh the Prince with, and set forwards for the place of rendezvous, leaving Miss MacDonald with Lady Margaret at Mougstot, where the commanding officer of the parties in search of the Prince was, and who asked Miss whence she came, whither she was going, what news? etc., all which Miss answered as she thought most proper, and so as to prevent any discovery of what she had been engaged in.[254]

[253] Here is a mistake; for Mr MacDonald of Kingsburgh declared to me more than once [see f. 145], that he sought for the Prince some time to no purpose, and had almost despaired to find him, when at last the accidental running of a flock of sheep proved the occasion of finding him out. [See f. 736.]

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[254] See f. 138.

Lady Margaret pressed Miss very much in presence of the officer to stay, telling her that she had promised to make some stay the first time she should happen to come there. But Miss desired to be excused at that time, because she wanted to see her mother, and to be at home in these troublesome times. Lady Margaret at last let her go, and she and Mrs MacDonald [Sidenote: _fol._ 534.] above mentioned set forwards with Neil MacKechan and said Mrs MacDonald's maid and her man-servant. They overtook the Prince and Kingsburgh. Mrs. MacDonald was very desirous to see the Prince's countenance; but as he went along he always turned away his face from Mrs MacDonald to the opposite side whenever he perceived her endeavouring to stare him in the countenance. But yet she got several opportunities of seeing his face, though in disguise, which the maid could not help taking notice of, and said she had never seen such an impudent-looked woman, and durst say she was either an Irish woman or else a man in a woman's dress. Miss MacDonald replied she was an Irish woman, for she had seen her before. The maid also took notice of the Prince's awkward way of managing the petticoats, and what long strides he took in walking along, etc.,[255] which obliged Miss MacDonald to desire Mrs. MacDonald (they being both on horseback), to step a [Sidenote: _fol._ 535.] little faster and leave those on foot, because, as there were many parties of militia in the great roads, it was necessary for the Prince to cross the country, and it was not proper to let Mrs. MacDonald's man or maid servant see it. So on they went, and the Prince and Kingsburgh went over the hills and travelled south-south-east till they arrived at Kingsburgh's house, which was about twelve o'clock at night, and they were very wet. But Miss MacDonald, who had parted with her companions and her man-servant on the road, arrived some short time before the Prince.[256]

[255] See ff. 143, 206.

[256] See f. 146.

[Sidenote: 30 June.]

Here the Prince got his most material refreshment, and was very much fatigued.[257] Yet he was very merry till the company parted to go to rest. Morning being come and pretty far advanced, Miss MacDonald was in pain about the Prince's lying so long in bed lest he should be overtaken by his enemies, and therefore she entreated Kingsburgh to go and call him up, [Sidenote: _fol._ 536.] which with much ado he was prevailed upon to comply with, he being desirous that the Prince should take as long rest as he could, not knowing when he could meet with the like again. Accordingly Kingsburgh went into the Prince's bed-chamber and found him in so profound a sleep that he could not think of awakening him, and so retired softly out of the room.[258] But at last the day began to be far advanced, and Miss MacDonald was very uneasy, everything being prepared for the journey agreed upon. Though the Prince was determined (from the observations and persuasion of Kingsburgh)[259] to cast off his disguise, yet it was necessary he should leave the house in the female dress he came in, which would, if enquiry happened to be made, prevent the servants telling the particular dress he had put on when he stript himself of the gown, petticoats, etc., and therefore in Kingsburgh's house Miss put on his cap for him.

[257] See f. 209.

[258] See f. 213.

[259] See f. 143.

The day was far advanced before he set out, and when he [Sidenote: _fol._ 537.] arrived at a wood side (as the affair had been concerted), not far from Kingsburgh, he changed his apparel once more and put on the Highland dress Kingsburgh had furnished him with.[260] Then Kingsburgh sent a guide with him to Portree, thro' all byways, while Miss MacDonald went thither on horseback by another road, thereby the better to gain intelligence and at the same time to prevent a discovery. They were very wet, it having rained very much. Here he only dried his clothes, took some little refreshment, and staid about two hours.

[260] See ff. 143, 228.

[Sidenote: 1 July]

Hither Kingsburgh had sent to prepare a boat, and to have it ready to convey the Prince to the place where he wanted to be at, not allowing the people about Portree in the meantime to know anything about the person's being the Prince whom they were to receive and to take care of. Young MacLeod of [Sidenote: _fol._ 538.] Raaza came with Malcolm MacLeod to conduct the Prince over to the Island of Raaza. The Prince was very uneasy he had not a MacDonald to conduct him still. He left Portree on Tuesday, the 1st of July, and landed that very same day at a place called Glam in Raaza.[261]

[261] See f. 214, 228.

[Sidenote: July]

Miss MacDonald took leave of the Prince at Portree, and from thence went to her mother, after a fatiguing journey cross the country. She never told her mother, or indeed anybody else, what she had done.[262] About eight or ten days after, she received a message from one of her own name, Donald MacDonald of Castleton in Sky, who lived about four miles from Slate or Armadale, to come to his house, an officer of an Independent Company (one MacLeod of Taliskar) having desired him so to do. She, a little suspicious of what might happen, thought proper to consult some of her friends[263] what she should do in the matter. They unanimously agreed she ought not to go, at least till next day; but go she [Sidenote: _fol._ 539.] would. Then she was instructed what to say upon an examination; and accordingly, when that happened, she said she had seen a great lusty woman, who came to the boatside as she was going on board and begged to have a passage, saying she was a soldier's wife. Her request was granted, and when she landed in Sky, she went away, thanking Miss for her favour. Miss added withal that she knew nothing of what became of her afterwards.

[262] See f. 200.

[263] Particularly Donald Roy MacDonald. See f. 768.

Miss set forwards, as she proposed, to her friend's house, whither she had been desired to come, and on the road she met her father (Armadale) returning home; and soon after she was taken by an officer and a party of soldiers, who were going to her mother's house in pursuit of her.[264] They carried her on board a ship, and would not suffer her to return home to take leave of her friends. She was carried on board [Sidenote: _fol._ 540.] the _Furnace_, commanded by Captain John Ferguson, a sloop of war, where General Campbell happened then to be, who ordered Miss MacDonald to be used with the utmost respect.

[264] See f. 201.

About three weeks afterwards, Miss, in cruizing about, being near her stepfather's house, the General permitted her to go ashore and take leave of her friends, but under a guard of two officers and a party of soldiers, with strict orders that she was not to speak anything in Erse, or anything at all but in the presence and in the hearing of the officers. And therefore she stayed only about two hours, and then returned again to the ship.[265]

[265] See ff. 201, 202.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1747. 23 Nov.]

_N.B._--The above I transcribed from Dr Burton's own hand-writ. Happening to mention several questions that were fit to be proposed to Miss MacDonald, the Doctor desired me to give him them in writing, for that he would endeavour to procure direct answers to them. Accordingly, I gave them to him in writing, and he performed what he had promised. [Sidenote: _fol._ 541.] Here follows an exact copy of the questions and their answers.

QUESTION 1ST.--Ask particularly at Miss MacDonald by what lucky accident it came about that she and Captain O'Neil had a meeting at first to concert measures? Whether or not it was by direction of her stepfather, Armadale, or of any other person? For as O'Neil was an entire stranger in the country this is a material question, and must remain a mystery till Miss clears it up.

ANSWER.--When the Prince and his few men were skulking in the Long Isle, O'Neil used to scour about frequently by himself to try what he could learn, and this led him to be several times at Milton before he made the proposal to Miss MacDonald, as they were then skulking thereabouts. O'Neil, by being free and easy with Miss and her brother, came soon to learn their history, and that their mother lived in Sky, etc.

2.--Ask particularly if Armadale had any private meeting (in person) with the Prince while skulking. For it is certain that General Campbell complained that Armadale was the person who had misled him when searching for the Young Pretender in the Long Isle.[266]

[266] See f. 458.

ANSWER.--When the Prince first landed upon the continent of Scotland, Armadale, happening to be on the continent, was walking upon the shore just as the Prince and his friends were [Sidenote: _fol._ 542.] sailing towards it. Armadale, spying a sail making towards the very spot upon which he was walking, stopt till he should learn what the ship was, and from whence she had come. When the Prince stept ashore, Armadale was the first man that took him by the hand and kissed it, for he was introduced to the Prince by those that were along with him. The Prince and Armadale conversed some time together. Soon after this Armadale returned to the Isle of Sky, and never saw the Prince again, either before or in the time of his skulking.[267]

[267] See f. 304.

3.--It is said that Armadale writ a letter, which he sent by Miss MacDonald to her mother, recommending the Irish girl, Bettie Burk, as a good servant, and giving an account of her good qualifications as such. It were to be wished that Miss could recollect the contents of said letter as exactly as possible, in order to give a narrative of the same.

ANSWER.--The substance of the writing which Armadale sent to his wife, was as is already mentioned in Miss MacDonald's own journal.[268]

[268] See f. 525.

4.--Ask what particular songs he chaunted in crossing from the Long Isle to Sky? if she can give the names of them?

ANSWER.--He sung 'The King shall enjoy his own again,' [Sidenote: _fol._ 543.] and 'The twenty-ninth of May,' etc.

5.--Ask whether or not Lady Clanronald furnished the Prince and Miss MacDonald with some bottles full of milk as part of their provisions on board the boat in the passage to Sky? And whether or not the Prince did put the bottle to his head, and drink in common with those on board?

ANSWER.--Lady Clanronald did furnish them with some bottles of milk, and the Prince (in the passage) putting the bottle to his head, drank in common with those on board _Jock-fellow-like_. Lady Clanronald had but one half-bottle of wine (there being so many demands upon her, particularly from parties of the military) which she likewise caused to be put on board the boat. The Prince in the passage would not allow any person to share in this small allowance of wine, but kept it altogether for Miss MacDonald's use, lest she should faint with the cold and other inconveniences of a night passage.

6.--To the proceeding questions Dr. Burton was pleased to [Sidenote: _fol._ 544.] add one of his own, which is what length of time there happened to be betwixt the Prince's leaving Kingsburgh's house and Captain Ferguson's coming thither to search for him?

ANSWER.--About six or seven days; so that the Prince behoved by that time to be actually upon the continent.

* * * * *

_N.B._--Miss Flora MacDonald was upon the 28th of November 1746 put on board the _Royal Sovereign_ lying at the Nore, and upon the 6th of December following, was removed to London and put into the custody of Mr. Dick, a messenger, in whose hands were likewise Dr. Burton, Æneas MacDonald, Malcolm MacLeod, Clanronald, senior, Boisdale, etc. But Lady Clanronald was not allowed to be in the same messenger's house with her husband.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

_TOWNLY'S[269] GHOST, Etc._[270]

[269] Francis Townly, Esquire, of an honourable family in Lancashire, was Colonel of the Manchester regiment, and one of the nine English gentlemen that suffered first upon Kennington Common, July 30th, 1746. [See _Scots Magazine_ for July, pp. 326-330.]

[270] The verses are printed with some variations in 'Manchester Collectanea, Chetham Society,' vol. lxviii. p. 235.

When Sol in shades of night was lost, [Sidenote: _fol._ 545.] And all was fast asleep, In glided murder'd Townly's ghost And stood at William's feet.

Awake, infernal wretch, he cried, And view this mangled shade, That in thy perjur'd faith relied And basely was betray'd.[271]

Embrew'd in bliss, embath'd in ease, Tho' now thou seem'st to lie, My injur'd form shall gall thy peace, And make thee wish to die.

Fancy no more in pleasing dreams Shall frisk before thy sight, But horrid thoughts and dismal screams Attend thee all the night.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 546.]

Think on the hellish acts thou 'st done, The thousands thou 'st betray'd; Nero himself would blush to own The slaughter thou hast made.

Nor infants' cries, nor parents' tears Could stay thy bloody hand, Nor could the ravisht virgins' fears Appease thy dire command.

But, ah! what pangs are set apart In hell, thou 'lt quickly see, Where ev'n the damn'd themselves will start To view a friend like thee.

In haste, affrighted, Willie rose And trembling stood and pale; Then to his cruel sire he goes And tells the dreadful tale.

Chear up, my dear, my darling son (The bold Usurper said), And ne'er repent what thou hast done, Nor be at all afraid.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 547.] If we in Scotland's throne can dwell And reign securely here,[272] Your uncle, Satan's king in hell And he'll secure us there.

[271] Alluding to the capitulation at Carlisle.

[272] England.

Copy of several remarkable NARRATIVES taken from the mouth of Dr. ARCHIBALD CAMERON'S lady,[273] by Dr. JOHN BURTON, when in Edinburgh.

[273] See f. 374.

[Sidenote: 1746. July.]

The Prince in going into the hut where the thieves[274] were (being forced to do it), having been eight and forty hours without any sustenance, was discovered by one of them who knew him well.[275] This trusty fellow, knowing the Prince's condition, [Sidenote: _fol._ 548.] and at the same time, not daring to tell his companions who their new guest was, had the presence of mind to call out, 'Ha, Dougal MacCullony, I am glad to see thee.' By this the Prince found that he was known to this man, and that the man behoved to be a friend by the expression he had now used. The Prince took the hint and humoured the joke so well that he owned the name given him, and accordingly sat down and ate very heartily of some boyled beef and pottage. The man who knew the Prince found (after talking privately with the Prince) that it was necessary to inform his companions who their new guest was. Upon knowing of this they rejoiced greatly and made it their study how to serve him in the best manner they could, two of them being always employed by turns to keep sentry or a good look-out, and to bring in provisions, which they did in plenty. In short they behaved with the utmost fidelity and respect to him while amongst them.

[274] Meaning here I suppose the Glenmoriston men [see f. 172], for these men (as I have often heard) were such infamous thieves and noted lifters of cattle, in a word, such remarkable banditti by profession, that the country people who knew them would not drink with them. And yet they proved most faithful and trusty friends to the Prince in his greatest dangers and distresses. These very men (consider and wonder!) that could at any time risque both body and soul for less than the value of a single shilling, were found proof of _thirty thousand pounds sterling_, and generously despised the tempting bait, whilst others (gentlemen by birth, improved by a proper education) greedily sought after it. This is a most surprising instance of fidelity and heroic virtue!--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[275] See f. 1451.

When the Prince and, I think, Cameron of Glenbean or Glenpain [Sidenote: _fol._ 549.] were travelling together, one day the latter after going about three miles,[276] missed his purse,[277] wherein he had forty guineas and would needs go back for it. But the Prince was not at all for his returning upon any account. However, Glenbean was positive not to want the purse, and therefore he desired the Prince to wait behind a hill near the place where they then were till he should come to him again. The Prince was obliged to comply, and Glenpean had not gone far before a party of soldiers appeared and marched the very road they should have gone had not Glenbean left his purse; by which means the Prince must inevitably have been taken. The Prince lay snug and watched the road the soldiers went, waiting Glenpane's return. Glenbean found his purse and returned with joy, the Prince at that time having no money, which was the chief reason that made Glenpean so positive on returning [Sidenote: _fol._ 550.] to seek for the purse. The Prince told him what he had seen, on which they took a different route, heartily thanking Providence for so lucky and so seasonable an accident.

[276] See ff. 172, 620.

[277] See this point corrected afterwards, f. 820.

The Prince, not many days after his return from Sky to the continent, sent one to Glenbean[278] (I think) desiring Glenbean to meet him at such a place. But before the messenger and Glenbean came to him he was obliged to remove from the place appointed upon seeing some soldiers approaching towards it. Glenpane and the guide coming to the place and not finding the Prince, parted and went different roads in order (if possible) to find him out. After the Prince had left the place appointed for the meeting, it became so very misty or foggy that a person could not see a yard before him. During the continuance of this fog Glenbean walking up a vale accidentally met with the Prince, being so near as to rub upon one another before the one could discern the other. The Prince in a bold manner asked the other who he was, the Prince being ready for a defence provided it had been an enemy. [Sidenote: _fol._ 551.] The answer being given, the Prince said, You are the man I sent for, and I am such an one. Soon after this, another guide being got (for they never heard any more of the former guide, who parted from Glenbean when both of them were endeavouring to find out the Prince), they set out for the place whither the Prince was a-going; and the fog still remaining as thick as before, the Prince happened to fall, and was going headlong down a precipice of above twenty fathoms deep, when the guide most happily catched hold of his foot. But the Prince's weight brought him down also, and both of them must inevitably have had their brains knock'd out had it not been for Glenbean's seizing fast hold of the guide who still kept fast hold of the Prince though in so much danger himself. By the help of Glenbean and some shrubs growing on the side of the precipice they recovered themselves and were both preserved.

[278] See ff. 569, 608.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 552.]

As soon as the besiegers of Fortwilliam left the place, a party of Caroline Scott's men from within the fort went to the house of Cameron of Gleneavis and plundered it, and stript his lady of all her cloaths, one petticoat only excepted, taking the very shirt off her and looking upon it as a favour to allow her to untie her own petticoats. They stript one of Dr. Cameron's daughters, a girl that was staying with her aunt at Gleneavis. They stript Gleneavis's only son, a boy about seven years of age, who having gold loops and gold buttons on his cloaths, the soldiers were so greedy of them though half worn that one of them took out his knife and cut them all off. In his hurry cutting off the button upon the child's shoulder, he cut with so great force that he wounded the side of the boy's neck. The mother seeing the blood immediately swooned away, imagining the villain had cut the boy's throat. But [Sidenote: _fol._ 553.] when she came to herself she examined the wound and found it of no great consequence.

This lady with her own and two of her brother's children was forced to go and live in a cave of a rock, where she stayed six months, making the best shift she could for provisions to herself and the poor helpless children. Captain Scott sent her a message, pretending that what was done was without his knowledge or consent, and that if she would go to Fort William she should have such things as belonged to her. She consulted her brother Lochiel, who advised her to go. She went accordingly. The captain gave her her shoe-buckles, her buttons for her shirt-sleeves, which in the hurry of taking the soldiers had broke, and a cloak that had been taken from Dr. Cameron's little daughter.

* * * * *

[_N.B._--Gleneavis was never out, and only during the siege of Fort William, some of the besiegers took up their quarters at his house].

[Sidenote: _fol._ 554.]

Notwithstanding, Scott pretended he knew nothing of the soldiers' actions, yet he never punished any one of them for what had been done. He wrote to the Duke of Cumberland an account of what he or his men had done, who sent for answer that he greatly approved of what had been done. This letter from the Duke of Cumberland (amongst many others) was taken when the post-boy was seized by some of the Highlanders, and I believe it may be got.

The soldiers, or rather some of the independent companies, being out upon the plundering affair, met with a poor old woman, who instead of a cap had a piece of linen cloath about her head. One of the soldiers rather than have no prey at all, took off the piece of cloath; and one of the officers (a Campbell) seeing a head of gray hairs likely to make a good wig, had it instantly cut off. Upon this the poor woman begged to have her piece of linen cloth again to prevent her catching [Sidenote: _fol._ 555.] cold, but in lieu of that the officer gave her a kick in the breech and bad her begone for an old bitch. She went to General Campbell to make her complaint; but he said as the officer was not under his command he could not relieve her, but that had it been any of his officers or men he would have made them restore what was taken. In the present situation he said he could not assist her. This the old woman told to Dr. Cameron's lady verbatim.

After plundering every place and destroying all the meal, etc., and driving away all the cattle, etc., they destroyed all ferry boats or removed them, and would neither suffer the people to go out for provisions nor suffer any provisions to be brought to them.

The Prince kept a regular journal.

The Duke of Cumberland gave orders in writing sealed up [Sidenote: _fol._ 556.] and not to be opened till they should happen to catch the Pretender, and if they should miss him, to return the orders unopened.

A captain asked Kingsburgh at Fort Augustus about knowing the young Pretender's head.[279] The person so killed cried out as he fell, 'You have murdered your Prince,' which so far deceived them that the Duke of Cumberland went up directly for London in full persuasion the thing was done.

[279] See f. 146.

The two gentlemen who came over with letters in cyphers to the French ambassador sent to find out Lochiel.[280] A third was taken and hanged immediately by the military, they pretending that he had once been a spy in Flanders, but he was really an officer in the French army. There were about forty volunteers on board the same ship with the said gentlemen. They knew nothing of the battle of Culloden till their arrival in Scotland. The Prince in disguise took a letter to them (as [Sidenote: _fol._ 557.] from the Prince) desiring they would deliver up their letters to the bearer, whom they might trust, for the Prince was afraid they might be spies, and as he could talk French well he chose rather to go himself under a borrowed name than to send any person to them. When he came to them they delivered to him all the letters, which, being in cyphers, he could not make anything of. They were left by their own vessel, and so Lochiel took care of them till the vessel came for the Prince. When again they saw the Prince and knew him to be such they were greatly ashamed that they had used him like a common man, in which shape he had formerly appeared to them.[281]

[280] See ff. 173, 175, 628, 635.

[281] See ff. 173-176.

Colonel Warren went over to France on purpose to fetch a vessel for carrying off the Prince and such as should be with him.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 558.]

The Prince and Lochiel were obliged to remove their quarters when Monroe of Culcairn[282] was killed, because they apprehended there would be a much narrower scrutiny upon that account.

[282] One day when I was conversing with John Cameron (in Edinburgh), uncle of Mr. John Cameron, Presbyterian preacher and late chaplain at Fort William, I asked him if he could inform me who the person was that had shot Culcairn out of the wood. He answered he had good reason to assure me that the father (an old man) of that Cameron whom Captain Grant had basely murder'd near the same spot was the person, and that his aim was against the said Captain Grant. But as he and Culcairn were walking together the latter had the chance to receive the bullet and to fall for his companion.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

As the military had destroyed all the provisions in the country, the poor old women used to follow where they had seen the soldiers marched in order to get the bowels and the green hides of the cattle which had been killed. These they used to cut and to boil them upon a fire. The soldiers finding this out used frequently to leave a party concealed, who, when the poor women were regaling themselves about the fire, as above, used to shoot them for diversion and for wagers, etc.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 559.]

Captain Ferguson, having one of Lochiel's brothers as a prisoner, would not allow him a bed to lie on, nor anything else but ropes and cables. He fell ill and was so bad that in his then situation it was thought he could not recover. Complaint was made to Lord Albemarle, who sent a physician to see him and make his report of him. He returned and said if Mr. Cameron was not brought ashore or was better assisted he must die soon by neglect and ill-usage. Accordingly, Lord Albemarle sent a party for him with an order to Ferguson to deliver up Mr. Cameron. But Ferguson said he was his prisoner and he would not deliver him up to any person without an express order from the Duke of Newcastle, or the Lords of the [Sidenote: _fol._ 560.] Admiralty. On this refusal Mr. Cameron's friends sent a bed and bed cloaths with some other necessaries, with intent to put them on board. But Ferguson swore if they offered to put them on board he would sink them and their boat directly. The captain soon afterwards sailed, and, when in the Thames, poor Mr. Cameron died.

* * * * *

_N.B._--The preceding Remarkable Narratives, etc., I transcribed from Dr. Burton's own hand writ.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Copy of a LETTER (of a very singular nature) to ARTHUR LORD BALMERINO.[283]

[283] See f. 58.

_August 15, 1746._

[Sidenote: 15 Aug. 1746]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 561.] MY LORD,--The name subscrib'd to this letter may probably surprize your lordship as one altogether unknown. However, be it sufficient that it comes from one who (though he had not the honour of knowing you before you were in the unhappy circumstances in which you now are) has nevertheless esteem enough for your lordship, founded on the greatness of your behaviour in these circumstances, as to bear no inconsiderable a part in every misfortune that may happen to you. But as in a very short time I can be no longer serviceable to yourself, I must be obliged to transfer my regard to that only person whom you will regret to leave, I mean your wife; and that Lady Balmerino may be at any time ascertained as to the person [Sidenote: _fol._ 562.] who would, in regard to your lordship, do all he could to abate her concern by all the marks of friendship which he can possibly shew, I have inclos'd this little paper as a tally which will never be in any other hand than in that of the author of this letter. If your lordship has any particular instructions you may leave them seal'd up for me and to be left directed for me at the bar of the British Coffee House over against the Musegate near Charing Cross, and they shall be punctually observ'd.

I have nothing further to add but to desire that your lordship would signify by some means or other that you receiv'd this letter, and then to wish you, as I do from the bottom of my soul, an easy passage out of this world and eternal happiness in that which is to come. And I remain your Lordship's most affectionate friend.

(_Sic subscribitur_) MATTHEW JOHNSON.

* * * * *

Addressed thus upon one of the corners below the wafers without any impression,

_To the Rt. Honble. the Lord Balmerino_.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1747 10 Dec.]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 563.] _N.B._--Upon Thursday, December 10th, 1747, from the hand of my Lady Balmerino I received the original letter from which I made the preceeding transcript wherein I have carefully observed the spelling and pointing of the original, which was an old coarse hand. The bit of paper inclosed in the letter was the half of a square piece of paper which had been torn from one of the corners to the opposite one. Upon asking some questions about the letter, my Lady Balmerino was pleased to give me the following history of it. Her ladyship said that the letter was delivered to my Lord upon the Friday (the date of the letter) before my lord's execution, and that his lordship made a return to it wherein he acknowledged the receipt of such a missive. A gentleman called for and received the return at the bar of the British Coffee House, etc. Soon after my Lord's death a gentleman called at my Lady [Sidenote: _fol._ 564.] Balmerino's lodgings desiring to know if her ladyship lodged in that house, and having received information that she lodged there, he said that was all he wanted to know and went off directly. After my lady went to live in Mr. John Walkingshaw's house the same gentleman (as is supposed) came and enquired if Lady Balmerino lodged there. Mrs. Walkingshaw happened to be the person that answered the call, took the gentleman into a separate room and told him that my Lady Balmerino lodged there, and that her ladyship being then in the house he might see her if he pleased. To which the gentleman answered that all he wanted to know was if my Lady Balmerino lodged in that house; and was then making to go off when Mrs. Walkingshaw informed him that Mr. Walkingshaw was at home and begged him to stay a little and talk with him. But the gentleman refused to see Mr. Walkingshaw. However, Mrs. Walkingshaw pressed the gentleman so much that at last he agreed to see Mr. Walkingshaw. In the course of the short conversation (for the gentleman went soon off) the letter [Sidenote: _fol._ 565.] happened to be talk'd of, and the gentleman said he was not the author of the letter, but that he was only employed about that matter. Mr. Walkingshaw then told the gentleman how much my Lady Balmerino would be indebted to such private persons as would be pleased to take notice of her in her present distressed condition; for that her ladyship was positively resolved not to accept of the smallest assistance or favour from the Court, if she should starve for want of bread. To this the gentleman made no reply at all, but immediately took leave of Mr. Walkingshaw. When Mr. Walkingshaw returned to the room where he had left some company who had been dining with him he told my Lady Balmerino and others present what had passed betwixt the gentleman and himself, and withal remarked that the gentleman looked very like one that used to be much about Prince Frederick's Court. But he could not [Sidenote: _fol._ 566.] affirm any thing positively about the gentleman at all.

Neither my Lady Balmerino nor any person concerned in her has ever heard any more of this matter. Although Mr. Walkingshaw has been at pains to make all the enquiry he could, it has never yet been in his power to make any further discovery about this affair. My Lady Balmerino is determined to preserve the letter and the piece of paper that was inclosed, and if anything cast up relative to the contents of the letter, her ladyship has been pleased to promise to inform me about it.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

My father was at the taking of one of three the 3 parties of the Campbells in Athole, namely the party at the Kirkton of Strowan. Mr. James Stewart, late of Urrard, was one of Lord Loudoun's officers who refused to deliver his sword after the rest had surrendered; and the late Mr. Alexander Stewart, minister of Blair-Athole, was along with the Campbells.

Mr. James Stewart of Cluns was the Captain of the Prince's party who apprehended those at the Kirkton of Strowan in Athole.

D. MACKINTOSH.[284]

[284] This paper is not in Mr. Forbes's own hand, and it appears as if the subscriber had been obtained to write it in and sign it.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 567.] Upon Tuesday, December 22nd, 1747, I waited upon Dr. Archibald Cameron's Lady at her lodgings in Edinburgh when she was pleased to favour me with two papers, exact copies of which are as follows:--

COPY of the ORDERS given by COLONEL JOHN CAMPBELL to CAPTAIN CAMPBELL of Knockbowie of the Argyleshire Militia, and which was taken from the original order found amongst Knockbowie's papers and baggage, which were seized when the greatest part of his men were made prisoners at Rannoch by Lord George Murray.

_Nairn House, the 20th February 1746._

Orders for Captain Campbell of Knockbowie. You are to march directly hence with your own company, Carsaig's, Raschelly's, and Ardmenish's to the following parts, where you are to dispose of the men as follows:--

Men At Blairfetty, 60 At Kenichan, where you are to be yourself, 100 [Sidenote: _fol._ 568.] At Glendulichan and Cochivile, 60 ---- In all 220 ----

[Sidenote: 20 Feb.]

It is the Duke of Cumberland's orders you take post according to the above list.

You are to have the command of the several companies above mentioned.

Such of the rebels as may be found in arms you are to take prisoners, and if any of them make resistance you are to attack them, provided their numbers do not exceed yours. And it is his royal highness's orders that you give them no quarters.

You are to seize upon all kind of provisions that belongs to the rebels or may be designed for their use.

You are to make your report three times a week to the commanding officer at Castle Menzies or Blair of Athol.

(_Signed_) JOHN CAMPBELL.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: _fol._ 569.] There is one material circumstance omitted in the Journal given by Mr. John Cameron, and which ought to come in after these words,[285] '_so close to their tents as to hear every word they spoke_.' The material circumstance omitted is as follows:--

[Sidenote: July.]

When the Prince sent for Donald Cameron of Glenpean, the said Donald went along with the messenger to the place the Prince had appointed, and according to the Prince's orders took along with him all the provisions he had, which was no more than two or three handfulls of oatmeal and about a pound of butter. And when the messenger had conducted the said Donald Cameron to the place appointed for meeting the Prince, by some accident or other the Prince had left that place and they missed him. Upon which they were very uneasy and resolved [Sidenote: _fol._ 570.] to go different ways to see to find him out. And there happening a great fog or mist to come on at that time they wandered a considerable while in the hill. At last the said Donald Cameron by mere accident met the Prince, who being in great want of provisions, the said Donald gave him the oatmeal and butter he had, of which he ate very heartily, and which subsisted the Prince and other three persons who were with him for four days. As the lines of the regular troops were then all formed with a design to surround the Prince, he advised with the said Donald Cameron if there was any possibility of getting through the lines and in what manner. Upon this the said Donald replied that it was a most hazardous attempt and next to an impossibility, as the sentries were all placed so close that they were each of them within speech of the other. But the Prince being determined to penetrate through the [Sidenote: _fol._ 571.] lines at all hazards, having nothing else left for his escape, the said Donald told him that there was one pass with a hollow to go down over a very high rock, which was exceedingly hazardous, but was the only place he could advise the Prince to attempt. Upon this they went to the said precipice, being then dark night, and Donald Cameron went first over the pass and the Prince followed. But as he was coming down the hill to the top of the rock where the pass was, his foot slipped, and the hill being so steep he tumbled to the very top of the rock and would certainly have fallen one hundred fathoms perpendicular over the rock had not he catched hold of a tree on the very top of the rock with one of his legs, after his body passed the same and which he kept hold of betwixt his leg and his thigh till the next person that was following catched hold of [Sidenote: _fol._ 572.] him by the breast and held him till the said Donald Cameron returned back and came to them and recovered both. At last they got over this so dangerous pass, by which they pass'd the first line of the troops, and different nights after this they passed the other four lines of the troops creeping on their hands and feet betwixt the sentries.

[285] See f. 172.

* * * * *

The above account was taken from the said Donald Cameron his own mouth, so it can be depended upon.

After this follows the rest of Mr. John Cameron's journal, the next words being these, 'When they came to Glenmoriston they got six stout,' etc.[286]

[286] See f. 172.

* * * * *

_N.B._--The proceeding narrative appears to be the same with that account which Dr. Cameron's lady gave to Dr. Burton from the best of her remembrance.[287]

[287] See f. 550.

[Sidenote: 22 Dec.]

At the same time (December 22nd) I received from Dr. Cameron's lady a copy of Mr. John Cameron's journal,[288] and as the copy I had made my transcript from happened to be very [Sidenote: _fol._ 573.] unexact and confused, so I was not a little desirous to compare my transcript with that copy which I received from Mrs. Cameron; and upon comparing them together I found them to be one and the same, there being no other difference betwixt them than what ordinarily proceeds from the carelessness and inaccuracy of transcribers. Even the copy I had from Mrs. Cameron was none of the correctest as to orthography.

[288] See f. 155.

In the course of our conversation Mrs. Cameron said it was a very remarkable thing that the Prince landed (in his course from the island Eriska) in Lochnannua, at Boradale in the country of Arisaig[289] and in the parish of Ardnamurchin, and that at the very same spot he went on board the eight-oar'd boat after the battle of Culloden, to sail for the isles, that he was thereafter coming from the Isle of Sky, and likewise that at the very same spot he imbarked for France upon September 20th, 1746, when he was forced to leave Scotland and to seek [Sidenote: _fol._ 574.] for safety in foreign parts.[290]

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[289] Or rather Moidart, Lochnannua being the boundary betwixt Arisaig and Moidart. See f. 640.

[290] See ff. 180, 281, 352, 355, 522.

Copy of the Petition of George, Lord Rutherford, etc.[291]

[291] This was George Durie of Grange, who claimed the title of Lord Rutherford as grand-nephew of the first Lord. His claim was disputed by a gentleman of the Rutherford family, and to determine the dispute the Lords' Committee of Privileges ordered both to lodge their proofs, and in end disallowed both claims.

To the King's Most Excellent Majesty the Humble Petition of George, Lord Rutherford.

SHEWETH,--That your petitioner has always been firmly attached to your Majesty's royal person and government, and in testimony thereof was the first man in Britain (for what he knows) that discovered to the ministry in the end of April last that the horrid and wicked rebellion was intended. And as a further proof of his fidelity and loyalty did upon the fifth of June last cause apprehend Sir Hector MacLean and George Blair of Castlehill, by three o'clock in the morning, being informed they were to set out by five o'clock for the [Sidenote: _fol._ 575.] Highlands of Scotland in order to raise all the clans they could influence to rise in an open rebellion against your Majesty in favour of a popish pretender.

That your Majesty's petitioner hath been the butt of the malice of the Jacobites ever since, and was obliged to fly his own house for fear of his life, they having sent a hundred and fifty men three different times to his house, who carried off a great part of his fine armory, cows, and cattle, because they could not apprehend himself and horses, with which he made his escape.

Therefore your petitioner himself hopes your Majestie will not only be graciously pleased to order the arrears of his pension to be paid him, but as a further testimony of your royal favour, to create him a peer of Great Britain, and the more especially as he has the honour to be a remote relation to your Majesty, his grandmother, [Sidenote: _fol._ 576.] the Earl of Teviot's mother, having been niece to King James the Second of Scotland.

And your Majesty's petitioner (as in duty bound) shall ever pray for, etc.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 28 Dec.]

[Sidenote: 29 Dec.]

Upon Monday afternoon, December 28th, 1747, Captain Alexander MacDonald, brother german of Æneas or Angus MacDonald of Dalely in Moidart, of the family of Clanranald, and full cousin-german to Miss Flora Macdonald, visited me in my own room and favoured me with a Journal of several sheets in his own handwriting, and in the handwriting of young Clanranald, and in the handwriting of MacDonald of Glenaladale, the Journal having been drawn up in the presence, and by the mutual assistance of all the three. By appointment the said Captain Alexander MacDonald returned [Sidenote: _fol._ 577.] to me next day about nine o'clock in the morning and stayed with me till near six o'clock at night, in which time I went through the whole Journal with him at great leisure, not only the better to prevent my making any mistakes in transcribing of it, but likewise to have his observations upon some parts to render them more plain and intelligible to those who are strangers, either to the subject matter or to the Highlands of Scotland, and to have his additions to other parts, for he had told me there were some few omissions of lesser matters. The whole Journal (from beginning to end) is written in a very legible and distinct letter and the words are well spelled. At the same time the said Captain MacDonald gave me his animadversions upon some parts of other Journals which I read to him, as will appear hereafter.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: _fol._ 578.]

[Now begins the Journal in Captain Alexander MacDonald's hand writing.[292]]

[292] It seems to have been from this Journal that the 'Account of the Young Pretender's Escape,' in the _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 537-562 is taken. But here it is much fuller.

[Sidenote: 1746 16 April]

After the battle of Culloden (which was fought upon the 16th April 1746) his royal highness, attended only by one Colonel O'Sullivan, Captain Allan MacDonald (a clergyman of the Church of Rome)[293], Mr. Alexander MacLeod (one of the Prince's own _aid de camps_), and one Ned Burk, came that night late to Frazer of Gortleg's house in Stratherick,[294] where my Lord Lovat himself stayed at that time. He took some refreshment there and a couple of hours rest, but went off before daylight and tooke his route by Fort Augustus and through Glengary. And though his royal highness was vastly needful of some recreation there after such fatigue, the disconveniences of both time and place did not allow any better accommodations than a piece of a broiled trout he received [Sidenote: _fol._ 579.] there from some well-wisher for his supper at MacDonalds of Droynachan.

[293] See ff. 281, 328.

[294] Some difference in this page, etc., from the account of Ned Burk, an eye-witness of the route.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 18 April]

Upon Friday's morning, being the 18th, he set off, and held through Lochharkaig, where he stayed that night with Donald Cameron of Glenpean, married to MacDonald of Auchtrichatan's daughter.

[Sidenote: 19 April]

Upon Saturday's morning, being the 19th, he came to Oban in Kinlochmors, a corner of Clanranald's estate, and for their further security contented themselves that night for their lodgment with a small sheal house near a wood.

[Sidenote: 20 April]

Early upon the 20th his royal highness got up and went straight to Arisaig to a town called Glenbiastill, where the Prince got a sute of new Highland cloaths from Angus MacDonald of Boradale's spouse, the better to disguise him and to make him pass for one of the country. At Glenbiastill the few gentlemen (that happened to come home from that unlucky battle of Culloden) of Clanranald's men assembled about the Prince, in order to consult and lay their schemes for [Sidenote: _fol._ 580.] his present and future safety, being convinced that the enemy would probably soon be about them if not resisted. His royal highness stayed at Glenbiastill for four nights,[295] and upon the 24th then instant his royal highness concurred in their opinions that he should leave the mainland and go to the Isles.

[295] See f. 329.

[Sidenote: 24 April]

Upon the said 24th day, as young Clanranald was absent at the beginning of their consultation, he finds great fault with his royal highness's resolution of leaving the continent so abruptly, but that he should tarry for some time to see what might cast up; and that he would immediately cause four small bothies to be built at competent distances in different woods where he might with all imaginable security skulk for some time, and that he himself (young Clanranald) and some other chosen men would take a trip to the Isles to look out for a ship for his transportation, if seen requisite. But then his royal highness was so far overswayed by Colonel O'Sullivan, etc., that he would by no means stay. Upon this young Clanranald [Sidenote: _fol._ 581.] immediately prepares a boat and shippage (Donald MacLeod of Gualtergill in Sky being appointed pilot and steersman)[296] and got all things in the best order the place and time could admit of. And consequently about the 24th then current,[297] being Thursday, they set sail for Uist. The wind blew pretty reev (_i.e._ smart or strong) from south-east, that in weathering the point of Arisaig the bowsprit broke in pieces.[298] It was a most terrible dark night, attended with a violent tempest and some flashes of lightning, and wanting a compass they could not be sure how they steered their course. But at daybreak they providentially found themselves within few leagues of their wished for harbour, and landed at Rossinish in Benbecula[299], [Sidenote: _fol._ 582.] where the eight-oar'd boat did not stave to pieces for (to put this matter beyond all doubt) the eight-oar'd boat was lately brought back again from the Island Skalpay or Glass to the owner upon the continent, Angus MacDonald of Boradale.[300]

[296] See f. 281.

[297] Donald MacLeod in his own account fixes precisely upon April 26th with which Ned Burk's account agrees pretty exactly. See ff. 273, 281, 316, 329. Captain O'Neille in his account, attested by his own subscription, makes the Prince arrive in Knoidart only upon the 28th. See f. 675. But in the copy I formerly took of O'Neille's Journal the Prince came to Knoidart the 26th. See f. 183.

[298] Donald MacLeod mentions nothing of this at all. See f. 283.

[299] The forementioned Captain Alexander MacDonald (well skilled in the Earse) assured me these words should be spelled as above.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[300] See ff. 270, 284, 287, 343.

[Sidenote: 25 April]

About 8 o'clock in the morning they arrived upon the 25th of April. They refreshed themselves there for three days and were visited by the old Laird of Clanranald. Upon Monday, April 28th, early, they set sail for the Lews, ilk one of them getting borrowed names, his royal highness being called young Mr. Sinclair, the son, and O'Sullivan, old Mr. Sinclair, the father,[301] and Captain Allan MacDonald (the clergyman as forementioned) being named Mr. Graham, but the crew retaining their old designations. But it is to be observed that previous to the parting with old Clanranald it was thought advisable to advertise the whole company they should give out among the Lews people that his royal highness, Colonel O'Sullivan, Captain Allan MacDonald, and O'Neille were the captain, mate, boatswain, etc., of a merchant ship shipwreckt at the Isle of Tiry, and being straitned how to get home to their native country, the Orkneys, came to Uist, where Clanranald's brother, [Sidenote: _fol._ 583.] MacDonald of Boystil, advised them distrest gentlemen to embrace the company of his men to the Lews, who were bound for the town of Stornway there, in order to hire a competent vessel to carry some meal from the Orkneys to supply the country. And then, if they should succeed in procuring the said ship, Mr. MacLeod of Gualtergill would land them at their own home in the Orkneys still under the borrowed names above mentioned.

[301] See ff. 133, 286.

So, after planning their voyage in this order, they set sail for the Lews as aforesaid upon Monday the 28th, about 6 in the morning, the wind blowing boisterously from the South-west, and they landed, Tuesday's morning the 29th, about seven o'clock, at the Isle of Skalpay, and went to the house of Donald MacEan Oig, _alias_ Campbell, tenant, married to a gentlewoman of the name of MacDonald, a rigid loyalist. They took their repose that night at Skalpay whereof they had great need.

[Sidenote: 30 April]

[Sidenote: May]

Upon Wednesday morning, being the 30th of April, they sent off Donald MacLeod and four Uist people to bespeak a [Sidenote: _fol._ 584.] ship at Stornway in order to concert their meal bargain from the Orkneys, etc. Mr. MacLeod went thereabout with the greatest expedition and fidelity, though in the meantime his conduct thereanent did prove unlucky,[302] for after hiring a sufficient brigg of forty tuns carriage for £100 sterling freight, and settled all things for sailing off, the master of the ship would by no means undertake the voyage cheap or dear. Which turn of affairs so far disordered the whole scheme that they were now more straitned than ever in their lifetime; for it seems they scented something about the Prince. However, Mr. MacLeod tried as his last effort to buy the ship, and engaged to give £300 for it. 'Tis probable the captain of the vessel, being tempted by this unexpected offer and his own poverty, was induced to dispose of the vessel, though he could scarcely want it (the ship). But through avarice he exacted £500, which Donald MacLeod's necessity obliged him to promise. But then the exorbitancy of the sum, together with the unlikelihood of Mr. MacLeod's ability to be master thereof, suggested [Sidenote: _fol._ 585.] to the seller it was in favour and behoof of the Prince, which he formerly suspected. The bargain was made, but immediately he so far resiled therefrom as to deny he would go himself alongst with them, but would allow the mate and crew to go; but when these were brought present, they likewise refused unless the captain would go also. With this the whole project was blasted at once, and not only so, but the carrying the affair on thus far did involve them no greater difficulties and dangers than though they had never broached it; for all kind of people then began to be of such itching ears and sharpsighted that his royal highness's being at the Lews began to blaze abroad. Donald MacLeod, conceiving the imminency and fatal consequence, without loss of time goes back to his royal highness at Kildun's house at Arynish and apprized him of the whole story.[303] Upon this they took the alarm and go streight to the yawl they left formerly at Loch Seaforth. As they were launching it out Captain MacDonald (the Popish Clergyman)[304] [Sidenote: _fol._ 586.] asked some of the country people that followed them to the shore in order to be gazing at them, if there was any amongst them that would accept of a reasonable præmium for piloting them to Loch Fraon, an harbour in the shire of Ross, upon the coast of Seaforth's country, but there was none that would answer. However the meaning of this question was to suggest they were bound for that country whereas they were to take a quite contrary course.

[302] See this affair cleared up, ff. 289, 479.

[303] See ff. 288, 330.

[304] This is a mistake, for he was left at Scalpay and returned to South Uist. ff. 287, 343.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 5 May]

They made off late, about six o'clock upon the 5th of May, those upon the shore noticing their course, but the darkness of the night favoured them to disappear, and the wind blowing contrary for their purpose (though favourable for the place given out to the Lews folks) obliged them to skulk that night under the covert of a hollow creek in a small Island,[305] at the very foot of the loch called Loch Shelg, where they were necessitated by a contrary storm to lurk for three nights, having both the comfort and mortification of seeing some Lews vessel passing by pretty near them, bound for Loch Fraon in pursuit of his royal highness.

[305] Probably Erwin, f. 291.

[Sidenote: 8 May]

[Sidenote: 9 May]

Upon Thursday 8th May the wind chopt about to the north and they were that night on sea. They landed Friday's morning [Sidenote: _fol._ 587.] at Rairnish, near Rossinish in Benbecula, belonging to Clanranald. They went from Rairnish to Rossinish, where old Clanranald and his lady came to pay them their respects with all the accommodations the place could afford. It was consulted there whether his royal highness could venture to spend his short time at old Clanranald's house or not.[306] But, being voted by a plurality in the negative, it was determined the Forrest house in Glen Coridale should be repaired for his use, a remote private place, yet centrical, both to maintain a free communication betwixt him and his Uist friends and by its advantageous situation facilitating his ready access either to take sea or hill, in case alarmed upon the coming of an enemy, by the advertisement of their out spies who were planted on all arts of them. For there was still a boat and skippage in [Sidenote: _fol._ 588.] readiness for his reception in case obliged to take sea, as also good guides to conduct him through the mountains.

[306] Captain Alexander MacDonald, Ned Burke, and Miss Flora MacDonald agree in telling me that the name of Clanronald's house in Benbecula is Ballinnagallioch, _i.e._ the Carl's house, about five miles from Rossinish, which is a kind of a harbour. I told the said Captain Alexander MacDonald that I had asked at several Highlanders about the derivation and meaning of the word Benbecula, but I could never meet with any one that could give me an answer. I then begged him to satisfie me as to that. He answered that he looked upon Benbecula as a corruption of the original, which in Erse was Beinnmhaol (as to the true just spelling) but Beinviol (as to the vulgar way of spelling), _i.e._ a hummle or bare hill, there being such a hill in the island of Benbecula.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 10 May]

About the 10th of May 1746, his royal highness with his small retinue and as little grandeur, repaired to his famous palace of Coridale (the house in the forest) in South Uist, attended constantly by Captain Allan MacDonald (Popish clergyman),[307] Colonel O'Sullivan, Mr. O'Neill, the two Rorie's, and Alexander and John MacDonalds, all formerly his royal highness's officers in Clanranald's regiment, with a dozen of other sturdy clever fellows that served as guard, and running several incident errands back and forward. These were all the people that stuck constantly to his royal highness at Coridale.[308]

[307] This gentleman, no doubt, has joined the Prince upon his returning again to South Uist.--R. F.

[308] At this time 'tis to be presumed from what follows that Donald MacLeod was upon his errand on the continent, f. 301.--F.

[Sidenote: 10 June]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 589.] In the Forrest house the Prince (when resting himself) used to sit on a fail-sunk, _i.e._ an earthen seat, having some fog and plaids under him, and would step into a by-chamber, which served as a pantry, and (when he stood in need of it) put the bottle of brandy or whiskie to his head and take his dram without any ceremony. Upon the 10th day of June MacDonald of Boystil,[309] Hugh MacDonald of Bailshair in North Uist, of the family of Slate, James and Lauchlan MacDonalds, brothers of the often mentioned Captain Alexander MacDonald, and Ranald MacDonald of Torulum of Clanranald's family, visited the Prince in his Forrest palace,[310] to pay him the compliments of the day. Their drink was only cold brandy out of a clean shell without any mixture at all, and the Prince stood it out better than any one of them in drinking the health of the day. The foresaid Hugh MacDonald of Bailshair is that gentleman whom Miss MacDonald pitched upon as the Prince's guardian[311] for his greater safety, but who refused the important trust from [Sidenote: _fol._ 590.] fear of the great dangers attending it.

[309] As to Boystil's seeing the Prince at Coridale and being merry with him, see f. 462.

[310] The Prince had different kinds of palaces, f. 300.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[311] Referred to at ff. 188 and 526, but his name now given.

The island of South Uist is reckoned the only country best for game in all Scotland, where all species of wild fowls are in great plenty besides deer, etc.[312] His royal highness was pretty oft at his diversion through the mountain, papping down perhaps dozens in a day of muircocks and hens, with which this place abounds; for he is most dextrous at shooting all kinds of fowl upon wing, scarce ever making a miss.

[312] See ff. 307, 333.

His magnanimous spirit bore all crosses and adversities with the greatest Christian resignation and manly courage.

[Sidenote: June]

Now his royal highness's greatest danger was an invasion from Clanronald's continent where then the throng of all his pursuers encamped. And as the enemy were persuaded he once came to their rough countries of Clanronald's, viz., Moidart, etc., it was natural for them to guess he would pass to the outmost recess of his isles as being environ'd by the sea and consequently a faster refuge. The old laird of Clanronald being pretty oft in his company, the prudent, old, reverend sage [Sidenote: _fol._ 591.] did now and then apprehend the dreadful danger that aye impended his royal highness's constant abode in an isle, and did (with others) signifie the same to him. But he would not be dissuaded from continuing in South Uist till farther account. Upon this old Clanranald thought it advisable to go to the continent to dive into the doings there, and in case of any apparent danger to advertise his royal highness; all which he did. The people of Uist would have prest him more than they did to leave the island, were it not they feared he might think it was more for their own safety than for the delivery of him they would be so importunate.

About the latter end of June Captain Ferguson landed at Barra with some hundreds of red-coats. Three hundred of the MacLeods of Sky likewise at the same time arrived at Benbecula, all in quest of his royal highness. General Campbell with a squadron had gone about to St. Gilda, the remotest of all the western Isles, the Laird of MacLeod proprietor, and [Sidenote: _fol._ 592.] from thence was to come to Uist. Besides all this the channel between Uist, Skie, and Canna was all full of ships and scooners, so that at once his royal highness and his few adherents were to be attacked from all quarters environed by sea and land.

It was now full time to concert measures for the evading this prominent danger; upon which they sent off Lieutenant John MacDonald (nephew to Captain Alexander MacDonald frequently mentioned) to the south end of the country to reconnoitre Captain Ferguson's motions, and sent Lieutenant Rory MacDonald (brother of the said John MacDonald) to the north end to observe and bring message of the route of the MacLeods; and appointed that both these messengers should tryst them at Lochboystil, a centrical place for making use of any future resolution. The gentlemen came back at the appointed time and place, and told that these two parties were to march forward from both the ends of the Isle in search of the Prince till they would meet in the midst of the country.

The Almighty only knows, and the Divine dispenser of human providence allennarly knows, what inexpressible perplexity [Sidenote: _fol._ 593.] of mind and anguish of soul and body his royal highness and his small retinue laboured under when taking it into their serious consideration that they were now encompassed by no less than three or four thousand bloody hounds, by sea and land, thirsting for the captivity and noble blood of their Prince, the apparent heir of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and that none of the many thousands that should be in readiness to relieve him at the expence of their lives were then about him either to protect or advise him, but only one O'Sullivan, one O'Neille, and twelve MacDonalds, and that very handfull to be disposed on different posts for fear of being suspected for such a number. However, Providence directed them to the top of a hill called Beinchillkoinnich in South Uist, from whose eminence they might have an ample prospect. They here formed themselves into a committee to consult for the most expeditious methods to leave Uist (though late) and it [Sidenote: _fol._ 594.] was here they pitched upon the stratagem of getting Miss MacDonald;[313] and then they severed till they came to the shealling called Alisary within a mile to Milntoun, where Flora MacDonald lived as housekeeper to her brother, young Milntoun. At first the young woman was surprized, but then when spoke to sincerely did condescend to go with his royal highness through the vast world if it should contribute in the least to his safety. She goes off to Benbecula where the lady Clanranald was desired to have suitable cloaths for Bettie Burk who was engaged in the station of a servant with Flora MacDonald to go with her to the Isle of Sky.

[313] See f. 524.

[Sidenote: 28 June]

[Sidenote: 26 June]

The Lady Clanranald upon the advertisement of this noble stratagem provides all necessaries for getting Mrs. Burk cled suitable to her new servile station, and after getting all things in due order that were proper for Mrs. Burk and her mistress, they both go off to Lochuiskava in Benbecula, where his royal highness, Lieutenant John MacDonald, Rory and Alexander MacDonalds, ensigns, Little Rory MacDonald (John's brother) [Sidenote: _fol._ 595.] and some other Uist hands met them with a small shallop of a boat of about nine cubits, wright measure, in full readiness to take sea. It was about St. Peter's feast, the 28th of June.[314] The Lady Clanranald begged of his royal highness to try on his new female apparel, and after mutually passing some jocose drollery concerning the sute of cloaths, and the lady shedding some tears for the occasion, the said lady dresses up his royal highness in his new habit.[315] It was on purpose provided coarse as it was to be brooked by a gentlewoman's servant. The gown was of caligo, a light coloured quilted petticoat, a mantle of dun camlet made after the Irish fashion with a cap to cover his royal highness whole head and face, with a suitable head-dress, shoes, stockings, etc. So that about 8 o'clock in the evening of Thursday, June 26th, his royal highness, etc. moved towards the boat, where he took leave of the Lady Clanranald most kindly.

[314] See f. 529.

[315] See ff. 218, 525.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 596.]

It is to be observed that some days before this Donald MacLeod, as also Captain Allan MacDonald and Colonel Sullivan parted from his royal highness at the side of Lochboystil. Sullivan dropt several tears and loudly roar'd when parting with his master. Then all the company was dismist that could not speak Erse but O'Neille, and O'Neille himself two days ere they went off to Skie.

His royal highness at parting with the Lady Clanranald thanks her for her great trouble about him. They[316] go to sea about 8 o'clock at night, and as they had but a small breeze in their sail they made but a very little progress; so that about one o'clock afternoon next day they were inclosed with a prodigious thick fog which made them think it dangerous to continue rowing for fear they might err in their course and perhaps unawares approach the coast of Skie, which they were informed was all hemmed with guards of the enemy to prevent [Sidenote: _fol._ 597.] his royal highness's landing, and being safe. So it was thought proper to drop in the oars till the mist dissipated; and soon afterwards the fog disperst by a feeble caver (_i.e._ a breeze) of north-easterly wind against them. They mistook the point of Snod for the point of Watternish; but as they were obliged to row close to the shore for a shelter from the wind that blew sidling, they descry pretty near them, about a musket-shot, a number of men under arms, and to the number of fifty armed men sallying out of a formall guard-house, all rushing to the shore, crying vehemently to land upon their peril. Upon this they only changed their course a little further from the shore and did not much pull their oars better than before for fear of suspicion.

[316] In this account the honest and trusty Neil MacKechan is altogether neglected. See ff. 149, 529, 533.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 29 June]

Lieutenant John MacDonald (nephew of Captain Alexander MacDonald) sat at the helm, and the other four MacDonalds wrought most strenuously at the oars, pulling them most industriously but without the least disorder or hurry. But as the guard saw no appearance of their obeying orders they let fly a thick volley at them, which made more noise than harm. [Sidenote: _fol._ 598.] His royal highness rubs up their courage not to fear the villains. The people replied they maintain'd no fear upon their own account if Providence should rescue his royal highness. He repeats no fear of him. Indeed the people were apt to believe all he could say, God aye working on patent passages for their safety from time to time. But having seen three[317] boats on the shore, they were mighty apprehensive they would pursue them. However, they wrought the boat to the utmost of their endeavours, doubled the tedious point of Watternish, and by this they left all MacLeod's country behind them. And though Sir Alexander MacDonald did not join his royal highness they were sure to meet with greater favour among the worst of his men than among the cold MacLeods. Besides that, MacDonald of Kingsburgh was trysted[318] to meet his royal [Sidenote: _fol._ 599.] highness upon the shore of Modhstot, Sir Alexander's habitation. They landed upon the 29th of June, Sunday, at Modhstot Bay, where Kingsburgh met them exactly as soon as they footed Skie. He directs Miss MacDonald and Mrs. Burk[319] to his own house; Clanranald's people that brought his royal highness from Uist were desired by himself to turn home.

[317] See f. 530.

[318] This is an error, for there was no tryst in the case at all, nor could there be any such thing. It was all a matter of chance, or rather a wise, unexpected appointment of Heaven, without any foresight or contrivance of man. This is plain and undeniable from Kingsburgh's own words and the words of Miss Flora MacDonald. See ff. 145, 210, 533.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[319] Kingsburgh himself went along with the Prince, leaving Miss MacDonald, etc. who overtook them by the way. See ff. 145, 533.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 30 June]

His royal highness lodged that night at Kingsburgh. From Kingsburgh he went to Portree,[320] where Captain Malcolm MacLeod received him and conducted him to the Island of Raisa, and from thence back again to Skie, where he delivered him over into the hands of the old Laird of MacKinnon, who without loss of time provided him in a boat. The old Laird and four of his men, viz., John MacRory VicLauchlan, Calum M^cEan Yairs, etc., ferryed his royal highness over from Skie to a place called Buarblach in Glengary's lands. He was but two or three nights upon the MacKinnon's lands. Here it is [Sidenote: _fol._ 600.] to be observed, though he happened to be landed upon Glengarie's lands, that he would by no means go to Knoydart, which was very near him, nor to Lochabar, but chused to strike directly to Clanranald's[321] continent to a place called Cross in Morror, from whence he was received and conveyed by Angus MacDonald of Boradale,[322] the first house he entred in the Highlands at his first landing upon the continent.

[320] See f. 228.

[321] It appears the Prince had a particular affection for the MacDonalds in his wanderings. See ff. 214, 538.

[322] See f. 281.

Veir mi niosh a chorrahimain yuit fein, gos a faidh mi tuillad Gaosid.

_i.e._ I leave you the Thrawcrook till I get more hair.[323]

[323] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of Captain Alexander MacDonald, and then immediately began the handwriting of young Clanranald.

[Sidenote: 10 July]

The night before the 10th of July,[324] his royal highness set sail from MacKinnon's country, accompanied by old MacKinnon,[325] and another gentleman of MacKinnon's name (viz., John MacKinnon, a captain in his royal highness's service before), with the crew, and landed by daybreak next morning, being the eleventh, at a bay in Glengary's Morror, where he stayed all that day and the following night. There are two Morors, the [Sidenote: _fol._ 601.] one belonging to Glengary and the other to Clanranald.

[324] This is a wrong date. See the true state of the case in ff. 247, 262, 1218, 1224.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[325] See ff. 244-247, 1664, 1831.

[Sidenote: 12 July]

[Sidenote: 13 July]

[Sidenote: 15 July]

Early in the morning upon the 12th, MacKinnon parting with him, he (the Prince) sailed into Loch-Naives,[326] when, as he was turning at a point he was met by some of the Slate militia, who put the ordinary questions. From whence they came? Where they were bound? And they undauntedly answering suitable to the time, the militia let them pass without taking further notice. His royal highness pursued farther into the loch, and how soon he got out of sight of them, he landed, and travelling the remainder of the day and the following night through hills and woods, he arrived upon the thirteenth of July in that part of Clanranald's estate called Moror, where being received by the Laird of Moror (MacDonald, of the family of Clanranald, and lieutenant-colonel of the Clanranald regiment) in a small hut, where he lived for the time, his own houses being burned by the enemy sometime before, and having refreshed himself there that night and the next day as well as these troublesome times could afford, he set out the night [Sidenote: _fol._ 602.] betwixt the 14th and 15th, accompanied by Captain MacKinnon and a guide, and arrived before day at Boradale,[327] the place of his first landing, and was there received by Angus MacDonald of that place, who, having his houses burnt and effects destroyed by the troops under General Campbell's command, was obliged to remove with his royal highness to a hut in a neighbouring wood, where he refreshed him the best way he could for three days.

[326] See ff. 1219-1226, 1831.

[327] Four times at this place, see f. 573.--R.F.

[Sidenote: 18 July]

Upon the 18th of July his royal highness wrote a private letter (by John MacDonald, junior, son of the foresaid Angus MacDonald of Boradale, and a lieutenant formerly in Clanranald's regiment) to Alexander MacDonald of Glenaladale, major to Clanranald in his royal highness's service, and who was well known to his royal highness before, commanding his attendance at the foresaid place to concert measures for his royal highness's safety.

Angus MacDonald of Boradale had two sons of the name of John, viz., John, senior, and John, junior, the former of whom was killed at Culloden battle.[328]

[328] See f. 280.

Immediately after sending off the above-mentioned express [Sidenote: _fol._ 603.] his royal highness got an account of MacKinnon's being taken, which made it, he judged proper, for his royal highness to remove, upon the 18th, four miles to the eastward to an inaccessible cave (known to very few of the country people), accompanied by the said Angus MacDonald of Boradale and his son (Ranald, formerly lieutenant to Clanranald's own company), where he was to stay till Glenaladale should join him.

[Sidenote: 20 July]

On the 20th of July at night, Glenaladale met with the foresaid Angus Macdonald at the place they had formerly agreed upon, from whence he was conducted to his royal highness. On the 21st, Angus MacDonald got a letter from a son-in-law of his own, acquainting that it was whispered about the country that his royal highness was with them, and representing how dangerous it was for them to stay any longer there, and making an offer of a place he had prepared, where they might be more secure for some time. Accordingly Ranald MacDonald [Sidenote: _fol._ 604.] was sent to reconnoitre the place.

[Sidenote: 22 July]

[Sidenote: July]

Upon the 22nd of July, Lieutenant John MacDonald being sent to view the sea-coast and to learn something of the enemy's motions, he returned with the news of their seeing a small boat, something like one of the enemy's tenders, which allarmed that side of the coast. Upon which his royal highness judged it proper to remove from his grotto (without waiting the return of the quartermaster he sent the day before to take up his lodgings) in order to repair to the place prepared for him in the Glen of Moror. His royal highness, being accompanied by Major MacDonald of Glenaladale, Angus MacDonald of Boradale, and his son, John, junior, when they came to a place called Corrybeinicabir, they were met by Angus MacDonald's son-in-law, who, as above mentioned, had a place prepared for them in the Glen of Moror,[329] and who informed that young Clanranald was within a few miles of them, who had come to where he then was, in order to conduct his royal [Sidenote: _fol._ 605.] highness to a safe place he had prepared for him: but his royal highness and his small party having gone on too far towards their designed quarters, and it being late to go where Clanranald was or to send for him that night, they went on, supposing they would have time enough next day to send for Clanranald. Accordingly they pursued their journey to the Glen of Moror, and sent Angus MacDonald to provide some necessaries. Upon his royal highness's arrival at his quarters,[330] an information was brought that General Campbell, with six men-of-war, well furnished with troops, had anchored at Loch Naives (the place where his royal highness landed from Skie in Glengary's country), whereupon two men were sent off by Loch Moror to Loch Naives to observe General Campbell's motions. But before they had time to return, Angus MacDonald came back upon the 23rd early, without waiting for the necessaries [Sidenote: _fol._ 606.] he went for, and brought intelligence that Captain Scott had come to the lower part of Arisaig from Glengary's Moror.

[329] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of young Clanranald, and then began the handwriting of Glenaladale.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[330] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of Glenaladale, and then began again the handwriting of young Clanranald.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: July]

His royal highness and the small company that was with him, finding upon this information that Clanranald's country was surrounded on all sides by the troops, and that in all probability there could be no further security for his person in that country, it was resolved that his royal highness should leave it with the utmost dispatch, especially since it was impossible to join young Clanranald,[331] the enemy being already between them and the place where he was. Accordingly he sets out, accompanied only by Major MacDonald of Glenaladale and his brother (Lieutenant John MacDonald), and the other Lieutenant John MacDonald, junior, Boradale's son, being obliged to part with Angus MacDonald of Boradale, and his son-in-law (Angus MacEachine), surgeon formerly to Glengary's regiment, that they might the more easily pass undiscovered by the guards placed on their way,[332] and by twelve o'clock they came to the [Sidenote: _fol._ 607.] top of a hill in the outmost bounds of Arisaig called Scoorvuy, where having taken some refreshment it was thought proper to send Lieutenant John MacDonald (Glenaladale's brother) to Glenfinin, the outmost bounds of Clanranald's country, and Major MacDonald of Glenaladale's property, as well for intelligence as to bring two men Glenaladale kept still on guard there, and appointed them to meet him about ten o'clock at night on the top of a hill, above Lochharkaig in Lochiel's country, called Scoorwick Corrichan.

[331] See f. 1837.

[332] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of young Clanranald, and then began the handwriting of Glenaladale.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Lieutenant MacDonald being sent off, his royal highness set out, and by two o'clock came to the top of a neighbouring hill called Fruighvein, where, observing some cattle in motion, his royal highness and the other Lieutenant MacDonald stood back, and Major MacDonald of Glenaladale went to examine what that might mean; who upon examination found this to be some of his own tenants removing with their cattle from the troops, who by this time, to the number of five or seven hundred, [Sidenote: _fol._ 608.] had come to the head of Lochharkaig, in order to inclose his royal highness in Clanranald's country, while the search was going on very narrowly within it. This being the route they were resolved to hold, pretty much disconcerted their measures. Major MacDonald of Glenaladale bringing back word to his royal highness of what he had heard, they resolved to alter their course, and accordingly the Major sent off one of his own tenants express to Glenfinnan about a mile off, to call back Lieutenant MacDonald and the guard if he had found them, and sent another of his tenants to an adjacent hill for one Donald Cameron of Glenpean,[333] where he had removed with his effects upon the approach of the troops, in order to learn from the said Donald Cameron the situation of the forces that were at Fort Augustus, and if he would undertake to guide his royal highness by their guards, if possible.

[333] See ff. 172, 569.

[Sidenote: 23 July]

[Sidenote: 24 July]

While his royal highness and Major MacDonald of Glenaladale, with Lieutenant MacDonald (Boradale's son), waited the return of both the expresses, one of the Major's tenant's wives, regreting the condition she saw him in, and willing to refresh him the best she could (she suspecting nothing of his [Sidenote: _fol._ 609.] royal highness being in company with him), milked some of her cattle, and brought the fresh milk to them. Upon observing the woman coming up to them, the Prince covered his head with a handkerchief and passed for one of the Major's servants that had got an ache in his head. Notwithstanding the refreshment was very seasonable, the day being excessively hot, they could very well have dispensed with the good woman's compliment. However, the Major thanked her and used some policy to dismiss her, having first taken care to have some of the milk reserved for his royal highness, which he drank with pleasure. Soon after the express sent to Glenfinnan returned, but could find neither Lieutenant MacDonald (Glenaladale's brother), nor the two men, they having run express with intelligence to where they expected to have found the Major. The said express brought word that a hundred of the Argyleshire militia had come to the very foot of the hill where his [Sidenote: _fol._ 610.] royal highness stayed; whereupon it was thought proper to tarry no longer there; and, as there was no time to wait for Donald Cameron, their expected guide, trusting in the great Guide that directs all, his royal highness, full of courage and confidence, set out about sun-setting with his small retinue, and travelled pretty hard till about eleven o'clock at night, when, passing thro' a hollow between two hills, they observed a man coming down one of the hills. Upon which his royal highness and Lieutenant MacDonald (Boradale's son), stept aside, and Major MacDonald of Glenaladale[334] went to the man to examine whether he might be a friend or a foe, and as Providence would have it, found him to be their intended guide, Donald Cameron, whom after some short conversation he conducted to his royal highness. Donald Cameron gave a relation so far as he knew of the situation of the forces, and undertook to guide them by the guards. Upon this they [Sidenote: _fol._ 611.] pursued their way through roads almost impassable even in day light, and travelling all night they came at four o'clock in the morning upon the 24th of July to the top of a hill in the Brae of Lochharkaig, called Mamnynleallum, from whence they could (without the help of a prospective glass) discern their enemy's camp, being not above a mile distant. But being informed by the guide that that hill was searched the day before by the troops, they supposed there would not be a second search that day, and therefore they resolved to pass the day there; and choosing the fastest place in the hill they took a little rest. After two hours sleep the Major, Lieutenant MacDonald, and the guide got up to keep sentry, and by ten o'clock of the day they observed a man at a distance, and as the guide (Donald Cameron) being in his own country, and very near his own place of residence, knew the inhabitants best, he was sent to converse with that man, and upon examination [Sidenote: _fol._ 612.] found him to be Lieutenant MacDonald, Glenaladale's brother, who not meeting his royal highness at the place appointed and getting no intelligence of the enemy's being so near till he himself came within sight of their camp, he turned apprehensive of what might happen to be the case, and regretting his misfortune in parting with his royal highness, went on wherever Providence directed him, which (most happily) brought him directly to the place where the Prince was, who was well pleased to find the lieutenant safe, as the whole company had given him over for lost.

[334] As this narrative, proceeds from Glenaladale himself, so it deserves more credit than that in f. 550, for Mrs. Cameron narrated the matter only from the best of her remembrance, and that too from report that had passed from hand to hand.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 25 July]

His royal highness continued in the top of the said hill all that day, and about nine o'clock at night set out with his retinue to the northward, and by one o'clock in the morning of July 25th, came to a place called Corrinangaull on the confines betwixt that part of Glengary's country called Knoydart, and that part of Lochiel's country called Lochharkaig, where the guide expected some Lochharkaig people to have fled with their [Sidenote: _fol._ 613.] effects, whom he had confidence in, and which was very much desired, as they had entirely run out of provisions, excepting a very small quantity of oatmeal, and as small a remainder of butter, which they could not dress or prepare in any shape, as they travelled continually (for the most part) in view of the enemy if in day light;[335] their camps being (in a direct line pitched from the head of the Lochiel in Lochiel's country to the head of Loch Uirn, dividing Knoydart of that part of MacLeod's country called Glenealg), within half a mile's distance of one another, their sentries being placed within call of one another, and patrols going about every quarter of an hour to keep their sentries alert, that so his royal highness might be surely catched should he attempt to pass through them.

[335] See f. 1450.

[Sidenote: 26 July]

Being pinched in provisions as above, his royal highness stood back with the two lieutenants, while Major MacDonald of Glenaladale and the guide (Donald Cameron of Glenpean) went [Sidenote: _fol._ 614.] to some shealing huts where they expected to meet some people. But finding none, they chused a fast place in the face of a hill at the head of Lochqhuaigh, to which fastness they came about two o'clock in the morning, having only about a mile in walking to it. After taking an hour's rest there, the guide and Lieutenant MacDonald (Glenaladale's brother) were sent off to the hill above them to furnish some provisions if possible, the Major and his cousin, the other lieutenant (Boradale's son), standing sentries, while his royal highness took some rest. When the sun shined they observed distinctly a camp pitched at the head of Lochqhuaig, and though they did not like the prospect they waited the return of their provisors, who came back to them about 3 o'clock, having got only two small cheeses, that would not be a morsel to the piece of them; and brought intelligence that about one hundred of the red-coats were marching up the other side of the hill his royal highness [Sidenote: _fol._ 615.] lodged in, in order to destroy and carry off such of the poor inhabitants as had fled to the hill for shelter. Notwithstanding this alarm (the search for his royal highness being general and very narrow all around), they stayed in the same place till about eight o'clock at night, when, setting out, his royal highness travelled stoutly till it became dark, and climbing a steep hill called Drimachosi to the top,[336] they observed the fires of a camp directly in their front, which they could scarcely shun, at Glenqhosy. However, being resolved to pass at any rate, they came so near without being observed as to hear them talk distinctly; and ascending the next hill, no sooner was his royal highness at the top than he and his small party spied the fires of another camp at the very foot where they were to descend. But turning a little westward they passed between two of their guards betwixt one and two o'clock in the morning of July [Sidenote: _fol._ 616.] 26th. After travelling two miles, as they judged, beyond them, they came, betwixt two and three o'clock in the morning, to a place on the Glenealg side of the head of Lochuirn called Corriscorridill,[337] where having chosen a fast place they took such refreshment as the exigency of the time afforded them, his royal highness covering a slice of cheese with oatmeal, which, though but dry fare, he ate very comfortably, and drank of the cold stream along with it.

[336] See ff. 1448, 1474.

[337] See f. 1450.

[Sidenote: 27 July]

His royal highness passed the whole day in the above place till about eight o'clock at night, and the guide (Donald Cameron), knowing the road no further in the course the Prince intended to hold, he expected to find some people thereabouts he could trust. Glenaladale and the guide accordingly went about in order to find them; but no sooner did they get out of their fasthold than they found they had lodged all day within a canon-shot of two small camps, and spied a company of red-coats getting in some muttons to a cot and chusing out some [Sidenote: _fol._ 617.] for slaughter. Upon which they brought[338] back word to his royal highness of what they had seen. Upon this his royal highness set out, and by three o'clock in the morning of July 27th they came to Glensheil in Seaforth's country. As they had run out entirely of their last supply of provisions, the Major and Lieutenant John MacDonald (Boradale's son) were sent off as well to furnish some as to provide a guide to conduct them to Pollieu in Seaforth's country, where his royal highness had heard some French vessels to have been; and coming to the place where the inhabitants were, the Major bought some provisions, and made application to one of the inhabitants for a guide, which he undertook to provide. In the meantime that the Major was talking about the guide, a Glengary man appears coming towards them who that morning had been chased by the troops (they having killed his father the day [Sidenote: _fol._ 618.] before) from Glengary to Glensheil. Upon seeing this man the Major knew him, who upon conversing with him found him to have formerly served in his royal highness's army, and conceiving him to be a trusty fellow, resolved to make use of him[339] as a reserve in case they should be disappointed of the intended guide, and would be thereby obliged to alter their course, though at the same time Glenaladale did not disclose his mind to the Glengary man.

[338] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of Glenaladale, and then began the handwriting of Captain Alexander MacDonald, which continued to the end of the Journal.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[339] Who could have thought that the troops would have furnished the Prince with a guide to make him escape their own clutches at the very nick of time when they were hunting after him like a partridge in the mountains? For their chasing the Glengary man proved the means of bringing him to the place where Glenaladale was. An instance of Providence most adorably conspicuous that made these very men who were eagerly panting after his blood, become (quite opposite to their intention) the principal instruments of the Prince's preservation.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

The Major after furnishing what provisions he could get, returned to where his royal highness was, and taking some refreshments, they went to the face of an adjacent hill to take some rest and sleeping, till about four or five o'clock in the afternoon, when they got up and dismist their old faithful guide, Donald Cameron.[340] Soon after whose departure, the Major, upon seeing the Glengary man passing by on his way to his country, slipt out of his den and brought him to a byplace, till he would be sure about his intended guide, and returning to his royal highness consulted with him what should be done [Sidenote: _fol._ 619.] in regard of the Glengary men, and the Prince approved of keeping by him till their fate with regard to their other guide should be known. About seven o'clock at night, the man who undertook to furnish the guide was seen coming to the place which had been appointed for meeting at betwixt him and the Major, who immediately stept out to the place appointed, and after some conversation he found that the only French ship that had been there was gone off, and that no guide could be procured. The Major finding it needless to proceed further towards Poolieu made the man believe that he intended to return again to his own country and so dismist him.

[340] See f. 1451.

Immediately Glenaladale returned to the Prince and told him what had passed; whereupon it was resolved to change their course, and accordingly the Glengary man was introduced to his royal highness, and most chearfully undertook to guide [Sidenote: _fol._ 620.] him. And, preparing to pursue their journey, they set out late at night, and going on about a quarter of a mile, they stopt a little, which was occasioned by the Major's clapping his hand to his side and missing his purse,[341] wherein he had another purse of gold he had got the charge of from his royal highness in order to defray his charges, and which he had forgot when they had been preparing for their journey. Upon this Glenaladale and Lieutenant MacDonald (Boradale's son) returned, and coming to the place found his purse, but opening it miss'd the inner purse in which the gold he had got from the Prince was contain'd. In the midst of his surprize he reflected it might have been taken away by a little boy sent by their landlord, Gilchrist MacCrath, with a compliment of milk, as the landlord supposed to the Major, who had not allowed him to know anything about the Prince at all. He was the more confirmed in this opinion, as they had left the boy at the place where the [Sidenote: _fol._ 621.] purse was forgot. Accordingly the Major and Lieutenant MacDonald went all the way to MacCrath's house, which was more than a mile off, and calling for him represented to him the inconveniency of the accident that had happened, and intreated him to oblige the boy to restore the purse, which he did to a trifle. They returned by a different road from what they had gone before, and came to the Prince, who was in great pain for them, fearing they might have been intercepted by an officer and two private men that pass'd under arms by the place where his royal highness was in their absence; which made him reflect how much the hand of Providence guided him in all his ways,[342] and particularly in this late lucky accident of losing the purse, which stopt them in their progress: whereas if they had pursued their journey they would inevitably have fallen in with these persons, in which case any thinking person may [Sidenote: _fol._ 622.] easily judge how fatal the consequence of such a meeting might have proved. The Prince likewise used to think much upon the happy undesigned event of his enemies, chasing a guide to him for no less than thirty miles whom Providence led in his way to conduct him safe out of their hands.

[341] This is the same narrative with what is contain'd f. 549 of this volume, and serves to correct a mistake there as to the person who lost the purse: for 'tis plain that Glenaladale has been the man.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[342] See f. 550.

[Sidenote: 28 July]

Having once more got together, his royal highness and his small retinue set out, and travelling all the remainder of the night came early in the morning of July 28th to a hill-side above Strathchluaine, and, chusing a fast place, took some rest till towards three o'clock afternoon, when they set out, and travelling by a hill-side about a mile from the place they rested in, they heard the firing of small arms in the hill above them, which they judged to be some of the troops chasing people that had fled with their effects. They steered their course northward, and mounting up a high hill betwixt the Braes of Glenmoriston and Strathglass came late at night to the very top of [Sidenote: _fol._ 623.] it, and being very dark they were obliged to lodge there all night, the only shelter his royal highness could have being an open cave where he could neither lean nor sleep, being wet to the skin with the heavy rain that had fallen the day before; and having no fuel to make a fire, the only method he had of warming himself was smoking a pipe.

[Sidenote: 29 July]

About three o'clock in the morning of July 29th the Lieutenant (Glenaladale's brother) and the guide (the providential Glengary man) were sent in quest of some trusty people they intended to find out in order to conduct his royal highness to Pollieu,[343] and were appointed to return to the top of a neighbouring hill where his royal highness and the remainder of his retinue were to meet them. Accordingly about five o'clock in the morning his royal highness set out, [Sidenote: _fol._ 624.] and by seven came to the top of that hill, where meeting with the guide on his return he told he had found out his intended trustees,[344] who had given him directions to the Major (they knowing nothing at all of his royal highness, only suspecting that a young man they were told was in company might be young Clanranald) to repair into a cave in the Brae of Glenmoriston in a place called Coiraghoth, where they promised to come at an appointed hour with a refreshment. Accordingly his royal highness set out, and by the time appointed came to the place and meeting with these few friends (who upon sight[345] knew his royal highness, having formerly served in his army) they conducted him to the grotto where he was refreshed with such chear as the exigency of the time afforded; and making a bed for him, his royal highness was lulled asleep with the sweet murmurs of the finest purling stream that could be, running [Sidenote: _fol._ 625.] by his bedside, within the grotto, in which romantic habitation[346] his royal highness pass'd three days, at the end of which he was so well refreshed[347] that he thought himself able to encounter any hardships.

[343] See ff. 1451, 1661, 1664.

[344] The faithful Glenmoriston men. See f. 172.

[345] Perhaps the circumstance of 'Ha! Dougal MacCullony' etc., mentioned by Mrs. Cameron is not literally true. But I have often heard that these men used to call the Prince by the name Dougal the better to conceal him. See f. 1451.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[346] Here begins vol. iv. of Bishop Forbes's Manuscript Collection. It is entitled:

'THE LYON IN MOURNING,' or a collection (as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the affairs, but more particularly, the dangers and distresses of.... Vol. 4th. 1748.

_Extera gens nostra passim dominatur in orbe_, SCOTORUM PRINCEPS _vix, ubi degat, habet!_

On the inside of the back board there is one piece of wood, an inch long by about 3/8 broad and 1/8 thick (and there has been another piece, but now it is not) and underneath is written:--

The above are pieces of that identical eight-oar'd boat, on board of which Donald Macleod, etc., set out from Boradale on the continent with the Prince (after the battle of Culloden) for Benbecula in the Long Isle. The above pieces were sent to me from Major MacDonald of Glenaladale to the care of Captain Alexander MacDonald in Edinburgh, brother-german to Dalely. The said Alexander MacDonald delivered the above pieces to me on Wednesday evening, December 28th, 1748, he having come under a promise upon our first acquaintance to procure me a bit of the eight-oar'd boat. See vol. 2, ff. 270, 284, vol. 3, ff. 581, 582. Vol. 4, ff. 677, 678.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[347] It is very remarkable that the Prince made little rest serve him at any time, and that he was almost indefatigable in walking and in undergoing hardship. [See ff. 238, 244, 291.]--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 2 Aug.]

[Sidenote: 6 Aug.]

[Sidenote: 7 Aug.]

Having time in that space to provide some necessaries and to gather intelligence about the enemy's motions, they removed, on the 2d of August, into a place within two miles of them, called Coirmheadhain,[348] where they took up their habitation in a grotto no less romantic than the former. After taking some refreshment, they placed their sentries and made up a bed for his royal highness in a closet shaped out by nature, and seemingly designed by her for the reception of his royal highness. He rested comfortably all night. In this place he resided four days; but, being informed that one Campbell (factor to Seaforth in Kintale, and captain at that time of a company of militia) had gathered a throng herdship of cattle and pitched his camp within four miles of them, it was then resolved his royal highness [Sidenote: _fol._ 626.] should remove his quarters. Accordingly, upon the 6th of August, he set out to the northward, and, by break of day upon the 7th, came in upon the Brae of the Chisholm's country, called Strathglass, having left one of their party behind in the Brae of Glenmoriston to wait Campbell's motions.[349] That friend came up to them that night (August 7th) and brought word that they needed not be afraid for that night. Upon this his royal highness repaired to a neighbouring sheally hut, when they prepared a fire, and, taking some refreshment, they made up a bed for his royal highness, which consisted of a long divot or fail (that was found lying in the hut) of six or seven foot long; and, laying it flat upon the floor, the grass side uppermost, with a pillow of the same kind, his royal highness slept on the earthen bed all night. They remained in this place two days, and in that time the prince sent an express to Pollieu[350] to know the certainty about some French vessels being there.

[348] See f. 1664.

[349] See f. 1665.

[350] The Prince used to insist upon it that the French would still send him succours. This I heard from severals. See ff. 175, 214.--F.

[Sidenote: 9 Aug.]

[Sidenote: 10 Aug.]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 627.] Early in the morning of August 9th, his royal highness set out to the northward so far on his way to Pollieu in case of any encouragement[351] from that quarter, and, travelling a muir road unfrequented, came that night into another sheally hut, about the distance of five or six miles from where they had set out. There they remained all night, and set out about two o'clock in the morning of August 10th, and came about twelve o'clock into a place called Glencanna, where, passing the remainder of the day in a wood, they repaired late at night to a neighbouring village, where they stayed only the dead of night.

[351] See the preceding note.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 11 Aug.]

About two o'clock in the morning of August 11th, they set out and climbed a hill on the northmost side of Glencanna,[352] where they pass'd the day and sent off two of their party to furnish a fresh supply of provisions. At night they repaired into a neighbouring sheally hut, where they remained two days, [Sidenote: _fol._ 628.] expecting the return of the express sent off to Pollieu, who accordingly came to them and brought back word that the only French ship that had come there had sailed off again, and that a couple of gentlemen who had come on board of her had actually landed and were making the best of their way for Lochiel's country in search of the Prince.[353] He, becoming anxious to know if they had dispatches for him, resolved to return towards the place from whence he had come in order to meet with them.

[352] See f. 1665.

[353] See ff. 173-176, 356.

[Sidenote: 13 Aug.]

August 13th, at night, they set out cross the water of Canna back again, and boldly by young Chisholm's house, came by two o'clock in the morning to a place called Fassanacoill in Strathglass; and, consulting what was best and fittest to be done, it was resolved (before his royal highness should venture any further) to send some spies to the Braes of Glengary and Lochiel's country, in order to get sure information [Sidenote: _fol._ 629.] whether or not the search for him in these bounds was all over, and if the troops had gone into their camp at Fort Augustus, which being done, his royal highness remained there for three days in a very fast wood, the inhabitants dreaming nothing of his being so near them.

[Sidenote: 17 Aug.]

They waited the return of the spies, who brought notice that the forces had returned to their camp. Whereupon his royal highness set out by six o'clock in the morning of August 17th, travelled through an unfrequented road, and came by ten o'clock to the Braes of Glenmoriston, and, passing the day on the top of a hill, they set out at night, and had not travelled above a mile when they learned that a strong party had been detached to the Braes of Glengary in quest of the Prince. Upon this it was resolved to proceed no further on their journey untill the motion of the enemy should be farther known; and then they repaired into a neighbouring sheally [Sidenote: _fol._ 630.] hut, where they passed the remainder of the night.

[Sidenote: 18 Aug.]

Upon August 18th, in the morning, three expresses were sent off--two to Lochiel's country, Lochharkaig, who were to seek out Cluns Cameron,[354] and to tell him from Major MacDonald of Glenaladale that he wanted to meet with him in a convenient place; and the third express was to return at the Brae of Glengary and to bring back word if the party they were informed of the night before had returned to their camp or not; that so, if the road should happen to be clear, his royal highness might be pursuing his journey, even while the meeting betwixt the Major and Cluns Cameron was a concerting.

[354] See f. 173.

[Sidenote: 19 Aug.]

Accordingly the expresses were sent off, and, upon the 19th, the one that was to return brought word that the road was clear. Whereupon the Prince and his small party, being then ten in number, set out under the advantage of a foggy afternoon, [Sidenote: _fol._ 631.] and, passing through Glenmoriston and Glenlyne, came late at night to the Brae of Glengary. In their way to the water of Gary, the rain came on so heavy that the water swell'd to a great height. Two of the company went first to try if they could wade the water, and they found it passable, even though it came up to their very middle. Whereupon, his royal highness and the rest of his party entering the water, they forded it safely, and, travelling about a mile from the water of Gary, the night being very dark, they were obliged to pass it on the side of a hill, without any cover, though it rained excessively.

[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]

In the morning of August 20th the Prince set out, the rain still continuing very heavy, and, travelling six miles cross hills and muirs, came about ten o'clock to the Brae of a place called Achnasaul,[355] where the other expresses had been appointed to meet them. There they pass'd the day in a most inconvenient [Sidenote: _fol._ 632.] habitation, it raining as heavy within as without it. Towards the afternoon they began to despair about their expresses, and, being entirely run out of provisions of any kind and being quite strangers to the situation of Lochiel's country for the present, they began to concert what should be done, when, in the midst of their concert, the expresses came to them and brought word to the Major that Cameron of Cluns could not wait upon him that night, but had directed him to lodge all night in a certain wood within two miles of them, where he would come to them next morning. Accordingly, two of their number were detailed to take a view of their intended habitation, who, coming to the place, found it to be very fast.

[355] It is omitted in this Journal that Auchinsaul himself was with the Prince. See f. 173.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

And here it must be observed that that wonderful providence which always prevented his royal highness's difficulties seemed in a particular instance remarkable here. He and his faithful few, as has been observed above, running entirely out of all manner of subsistence and being at a loss to know which [Sidenote: _fol._ 633.] way to be provided, they were immediately supplied by the small detachment, they having shot the finest deer (a large hart) that could be, at the very place where the Prince intended to pass the night.

The two returning with their approbation of the place to his royal highness, he (after permitting Major MacDonald of Glenaladale to acquaint D. MacDonald of Lochgary of their arrival at that place, and to send for him) set out for the intended quarters with his party, and coming to the place, they were most deliciously feasted with their late purchase. Lochgary joined them that night, after which they took their rest.

[Sidenote: 21 Aug.]

About ten o'clock in the morning of August 21st, Cluns Cameron joined them, and, remaining there till towards the afternoon, Cluns conducted them into a wood at the foot of Lochharkaig, where they lodged all night, etc.

[Sidenote: 22 Aug.]

[Sidenote: _fol._ 634.]

Timeous in the morning of August 22d, an express was sent off to Lochiel[356] to command his attendance. His royal highness stayed in the foresaid place three days, till the return of the express, who brought word that Lochiel, not being recovered of his wounds and being at too great a distance, could not come, but he sent his brother, Dr. Cameron, to make his apology, who came to his royal highness upon August 25th.

[356] The affair of the Prince's sending expresses to Lochiel, and of Lochiel's sending proper persons to seek out the Prince, and at last of their meeting together as they both intended, appears to me not to be so distinctly and accurately narrated in this Journal as in that of Mr. John Cameron [See ff. 173-179]. As I have made some enquiry into this matter, I shall note down all I have discovered about it as exactly as possible. Dr. Archibald Cameron (Lochiel's brother) and Mr. John Cameron (late Presbyterian chaplain at Fort William) were the persons despatched by Lochiel to use all the endeavours they could to find out the Prince, in which they were happily successful. Lochiel was by this time recovered of his wounds [See f. 1479] as is evident from Dr. Stewart Threpland's leaving him and making his way to Edinburgh in the habit and character of a Presbyterian probationer, in the month of July, long before the Prince and Lochiel could meet. The foresaid Mr. John Cameron was the person dispatched by Lochiel (after meeting with the Prince) to Edinburgh in order to hire a vessel to take him and whom he should bring along with him off the east coast. Mr. Cameron (by the assistance of proper friends) succeeded in this negotiation, as is well known to some. But when he returned to inform the Prince of his success, he, with Lochiel, etc., had set out for the place where the French were landed upon the west coast to take off the Prince, etc. So that Mr. Cameron was left to shift for himself. He made his way back to Edinburgh in disguise, and at last got off under a borrowed name in the same coach with Lady Lochiel and her children for London, the lady passing under the name of Mrs. Campbell, for she could have no pass. They all got safely to France. When I happened to be conversing with John Cameron, uncle of the said Mr. Cameron, in Edinburgh [See f. 558], he told me that he himself attended Lochiel in his skulking. I told him it was surprizing to me how any person could find out the Prince when the ship landed in the west, because he was so far down the country in his way southward, and then asked him if he could inform me what miles the Prince might be from the ships when notice came to him. He said that he himself was then on an errand enquiring about some of the distressed gentlemen, but that he was persuaded the Prince was no less than 60 miles from the ships in a direct line over the tops of hills, etc., as by that time he behoved to be in the confines or in the county of Athol. I said no doubt he meant Highland miles. He said he meant so, for that it would be no less than 70 or 80 ordinary miles; and if one was to travell it by the common roads [See f. 1475], it would make no less than 90 or 100. The indemnity did not make John Cameron (the uncle) safe, because he had carried arms abroad in the first Highland regiment, and when the Prince landed had a pension from Chelsea. He got off to Holland, and from thence to France. He said the Prince, when skulking, used to retire some time morning and evening by himself.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 26 Aug.]

August 26th. The Prince set out with his attendants, and travelling about a mile came to a wood opposite to Achnacary called Torramhuilt or Torvauilt. Dr. Cameron and Lochgary having parted with his royal highness about three or four o'clock in the afternoon to avoid suspicion, as did also Cluns Cameron, how soon he had conducted his royal highness into [Sidenote: _fol._ 365.] this last habitation. In this place the Prince remained for eight days, during which time the forementioned French gentlemen were sent for and were brought to the place where his royal highness was, and after staying two or three days with him, were sent to a safe place to be taken due care of till such time as they could get a passage to their own country.

[Sidenote: Sept.]

The Prince seeing himself in a manner out of danger, having got intelligence that all the forces which had been encamped at Fort Augustus were dispersed up and down the kingdom, and that no more was left there but Loudon's regiment; and besides that all the militia were returned home, having delivered back their arms; and supposing that a chance party might come near the place where he was still, he had a safe retreat, south and north as would be thought most convenient; upon all these considerations put together he thought proper to [Sidenote: _fol._ 636.] dismiss Major Macdonald of Glenaladale home to his own country near the coast, there to look out for the arrival of French vessels which his royal highness expected daily for conveying him safely off, and to bring him intelligence upon their arrival, the Prince himself being resolved to remain in the same place (unless he was surprized) to wait that event.

[Sidenote: 3 Sept.]

Accordingly upon September 3d the Major set out, leaving his royal highness attended by Lochgary and Cluns Cameron, and arrived in his own country upon the 5th, where he remained till the 13th, when Captain Sheridan and Lieutenant O'Burn landed from on board two French ships that anchored in Lochnannuagh upon the Arisaig side in order to carry off his royal highness, they coming to the place where Glenaladale then was and expecting to find the Prince with him.

Lochnannuagh is the boundary between Arisaig and Moydart, [Sidenote: _fol._ 637.] so that people can arrive upon either of these places out of that loch.

[Sidenote: 13 Sept.]

Glenaladale set out that very night (September 13th) to acquaint the Prince of the arrival of these ships and to conduct him safely on board. But coming to the place where he expected to have found him, to his great disappointment he could get no person that could give any certain account whereabouts his royal highness might happen to be. The Prince had been obliged to retreat by a party that had come out of Fort Augustus under the command of Culcairn and Captain Grant; and Cluns Cameron, who had been appointed to acquaint the Major where the Prince was to be found in case he should be obliged to retreat, having gone out of the way without leaving any directions for the Major either about his royal highness or [Sidenote: _fol._ 638.] himself, these things put the Major in the utmost pain, considering the many disappointments and inconveniencies this piece of inadvertency in Cluns might be the occasion of. Whilst he was taken up with these melancholy thoughts, a poor woman came accidentally where he was and told him the place where Cluns was to be found. Immediately he set out with all diligence and arrived at a shealling whither Cluns came soon after, with whom he concerted measures for sending an express to his royal highness, who by this time had gone where Lochiel was for the reasons abovementioned, that so he might be speedily informed about the arrival of the ships. When the concert [Sidenote: _fol._ 639.] about sending an express was adjusted, the Major returned with all possible expedition to the ships to inform the gentlemen of the reasons of the delay, and that the Prince would be with them as quickly as possible.

[Sidenote: 28 Sept.]

As soon as his royal highness was informed that the vessels were at Lochnannuagh he set out with all possible diligence for that place, where he arrived about the 28th of September,[357] accompanied by Lochgarry, John Roy Stewart, and Lochiel, and went on board the _Happy_, a privateer of St. Malo's, which set sail instantly upon his royal highness's being on board.

[357] This certainly is a wrong date, for by the best intelligence that can be had the Prince arrived in France on the 29th or 30th of September, having set sail from Scotland on the 20th of said month. [See ff. 522, 1476.]

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Here ends the Journal.

* * * * *

_N.B._--When Captain Alexander Macdonald was in my room (Tuesday, December 29th) I read to him those passages in [Sidenote: _fol._ 640.] Mr. Æneas Macdonald's Journal which relate to the landing and the marching down the country, and upon which he gave me his observations. I took them down in writing from his own mouth, and they are as follows:--

[Sidenote: July 1745]

Vol. 3, page 509, 514. It is an oversight either in Mr. Æneas Macdonald or in Dr. Burton not to have mentioned that the Prince actually landed in Lochnannuagh upon the Arisaig side,[358] and went to Boradale, which was the first roof he was under upon the continent of Scotland, Boradale is in Arisaig. The landing at Lochshiel must be a mistake, as no ship can land there, seeing it is only a fresh water loch. This will be better cleared up in the following paragraph.

[358] I asked particularly at Captain Alexander MacDonald whether the Prince arrived on the Arisaig or Moidart side, and he assured me he landed on Arisaig. This serves to clear up any doubt in Vol. 2, f. 355, and Vol. 3, f. 573.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: Aug.]

Vol. 3, page 515. Before the Prince marched to Glenfinnan he was at Glenaladale where old Glenbuicket joined him and delivered over to him Captain Switenham (an English gentleman), [Sidenote: _fol._ 641.] one of the prisoners taken by Major Macdonell of Tiendrish.[359] The foresaid Captain went to London upon his parole and strictly kept it till the time prefixed was expired. At Glenfinnan the Laird of Moror, of Clanranald's family, came up to the Prince (before the standard was set up) with 150 men who were joined to the fifty men of Clanranald's following, that had been for some time keeping guard upon his royal highness, the Prince himself thinking fifty men sufficient for that purpose, the rest of Clanranald's men having been employed in carrying the baggage and luggage from the head of Lochshiel[360] (up which loch they had been brought in small boats) to the head of the Loch-iel; which service kept the most of Clanranald's men back for four days from joining the main body at Moidh or Moy in Lochabar.

[359] See f. 68.

[360] See f. 356.

Captain Alexander MacDonald was on board the frigate in [Sidenote: _fol._ 642.] Lochnannuagh before the Prince set his foot on the continent, but he acknowledges he did not then know that the Prince was among the passengers, who being in a very plain dress, Captain MacDonald made up to him without any manner of ceremony and conversed with him in a very familiar way, sitting close by the Prince and drinking a glass with him, till one of the name of MacDonald made him such a look that immediately he began to suspect he was using too much freedom with one above his own rank. Upon this he soon withdrew, but still was in the dark as to what particular person the young gentleman he had been conversing with might be.

Vol. 3, page 519. Captain MacDonald declared that he could not help looking upon the affair of O'Sullivan's hiding himself in a barn, etc., as a romance.

At the same time I read in the hearing of Captain Alexander [Sidenote: _fol._ 643.] MacDonald the passages in the Journal of Duncan Cameron, etc., that relate to the landing and the marching down the country. He owned they were very exact, and he made only two short remarks upon them, which are as follows.

Vol. 2, page 356. Captain MacDonald said it was most certain that if Keppoch, Lochiel, and young Clanranald had not joined the Prince, he would have been forced to shift for himself in the best manner he could.

Vol. 2, page 359. A night at Dalquhinnie before marching to Dalnacardoch.

[Sidenote: June]

I then read in the hearing of Captain Alexander MacDonald the conclusion of Captain O'Neille's own subscription, which had been lying by me for some time till I should find leisure to take [Sidenote: _fol._ 644.] an exact transcript of it.[361] In the forementioned conclusion Captain O'Neille complains of one in Benbecula that had betrayed him even after he had entirely confided in him, but he does not name the person. I asked at Captain MacDonald if he could inform me who that person was. He told me he knew the whole affair well, and that he would give it me faithfully and honestly. He said that Ranald MacDonald of Torulum in Benbecula was the man there meant,[362] and that the whole story had taken its rise altogether from a jealousy in Captain O'Neille. Ranald MacDonald happened unluckily to have an outcast with Captain O'Neille, who, though a very clever fellow, was heartily threshed by a MacDonald, they having had a boxing bout together. This unlucky difference made O'Neille strongly believe, when he happened to be seized, that Ranald MacDonald had actually betrayed him, whereas Ranald refused to betray [Sidenote: _fol._ 645.] him when a sum of money was offered him for that purpose. Upon this Ranald MacDonald has given his oath of old Clanranald, who questioned him upon the report of his having betrayed O'Neille, and was very hard upon him for it, swearing that he deserved to be shot through the head if he had done any such dishonourable thing.

[361] See f. 690.

[362] See ff. 589, 923.

As to the story of General Campbell and Campbell of Skipness, Captain MacDonald declared to me he did not in the least doubt the truth of that, for this single reason, because all the Campbells, from the head to the foot of them, had discovered a most avaritious, greedy temper in the matter of pillaging and plundering their native country.

[Sidenote: 29 Dec.]

Captain Alexander MacDonald spoke excellent things of Donald MacLeod of Gualtergill in Sky, and saying that he did not know an honester man or a stauncher loyalist.[363] He told [Sidenote: _fol._ 646.] me that Donald MacLeod's wife is aunt to the present Glenaladale.

Captain MacDonald had all his effects plundered and pillaged. After everything was destroyed or carried off, the party happening to spy a living cat, immediately killed poor harmless puss, and threw it out of the way, lest the poor mother and her children should have eaten the dead cat in their necessity. For Cumberland and his army were exceedingly desirous that the young and old (women and infants not excepted) they did not murder might be starved to death, which was the fate of too many, and their endeavours were fully equal to their desires.

Captain MacDonald and his wife and children wandered through hills and mountains till the act of indemnity appeared, and in the time of their skulking from place to place his poor wife fell with child, which proved to be a daughter, and is still alive. He is a very smart, acute man, remarkably well skilled in [Sidenote: _fol._ 647.] the Erse, for he can both read and write the Irish language in its original character, a piece of knowledge almost quite lost in the Highlands of Scotland, there being exceedingly few that have any skill at all in that way. For the Captain told me that he did not know another person (Old Clanranald only excepted) that knew anything of the first tongue in its original character; but that the natives of Ireland (particularly in the higher parts of the country) do still retain the knowledge of it. Several of the Captain's acquaintances have informed me that he is by far the best Erse poet in all Scotland, and that he has written many songs in the pure Irish.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[363] See ff. 266, 466, 760-776.

Copy of COLONEL KER of Gradyne,[364] his Account.

[364] See f. 669. This narrative is printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 131-144.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 648.] In order to judge of the state of the Prince's affairs at the time of the battle of Culloden, it will not be amiss to look back to the time of his coming to Inverness, where the Earl of Loudon commanded before his highness's coming there.

[Sidenote: 16 Feb.]

[Sidenote: Feb.]

The Earl of Loudon hearing of the Prince's coming, and that he was to quarter that night at Moy[365] (the seat of the Laird of Mackintosh, about seven miles from Inverness), formed a design to surprize him and to carry him off, as he was to have but a few men with him for his guard. The Earl marched from Inverness with most of the garrison, and was within about two miles of Moy, where accidentally five of the Prince's people[366] [Sidenote: _fol._ 649.] going about their own private affairs met with Loudon's advanced guard, and being under night called to them. But the five, finding who they were, called out loudly for Lochiel and the other clans to advance. Lord Loudon's people, not doubting but they were there, took flight and returned to Inverness in great confusion, and left it next day on the Prince's appearing on the rising ground above the town, returning with his men to the shire of Ross, where they continued till the Earl of Cromarty with a party was sent in pursuit of them.[367] Upon his approach they retired towards Tain, where we shall leave them for a while and return to Inverness.

[365] See f. 380.

[366] Ker's account of this affair agrees most exactly with that of Captain Malcolm MacLeod, but the account given by the Captain is much more exact and circumstantial, as may be seen in [see ff. 258-261, 273, 989, 1207, 1256.]

ROBERT FORBES, A. M.

[367] See f. 156.

[Sidenote: 17 Feb.]

[Sidenote: Feb.]

The Prince coming before the place, summoned the castle to surrender, and on being refused a battery was raised; but the canon being but small, had little effect upon it, which obliged [Sidenote: _fol._ 650.] the besiegers to have recourse to a sap, which being brought near the angle of one of the bastions, the castle was surrendered and the garrison made prisoners. This being done, Brigadier Stapleton, with Lochiel's and Keppoch's regiments, Lord John Drummond's (which was not compleat, a great many of them being made prisoners in their passage to Scotland), and the French piquets, were sent to besiege Fort Augustus, which surrendered likewise, and the garrison were made prisoners. After which it was thought proper to leave part of Lord John Drummond's regiment there, and to send Lochiel's and Keppoch's regiments, the French piquets and some of Lord John Drummond's regiment (in all not 300 men) with Brigadier Stapleton to invest Fort William, where we shall leave them and return to the Earl of Cromarty in pursuit of the Earl of Loudon towards Tain, where the said Earl crossed the ferry with his [Sidenote: _fol._ 651.] men and went over to the shire of Sutherland; where we shall again leave him for a while and return to Inverness, from which the most of the Prince's troops that were not employed as above were sent to Speyside, under the command of Lord John Drummond, to guard that river against any surprize from the Duke of Cumberland, who by that time was come with his troop to Aberdeen, and had sent some of Kingston's horse and some of the Argyleshire men to Keith[368] (a small village about six miles from the river Spey), where they were all surprized and made prisoners.

[368] See f. 1138.

As it had been assured that the Duke of Cumberland was to stay at Aberdeen (where he had thrown up some works to prevent a surprize) till all the forces he expected should join him, the Prince on his part took his measures, and in order to secure a retreat in case he had no mind to fight till he should get all his men together, or to march into Perthshire if needful [Sidenote: _fol._ 652.] for the better support of his army, was advised to endeavour the recovery of Blair Castle (which he would not allow to be burnt when he passed that way), which was then possessed by Sir Andrew Agnew with some regular troops under his command, as were most of the principal posts in Athol by the Campbells; whilst the 6000 Hessians and St. George's dragoons lay at Crief and places adjacent. Lord George Murray was ordered to march with the Athol men to Badenoch to join the MacPhersons that lay about Ruthven of Badenoch (from the time the Prince had passed that way) to guard the passes leading to and from Athol and to get intelligence on that side.

[Sidenote: March]

As soon as Lord George had joined the MacPhersons they marched with such expedition into Athol that they surprized a great many of the Campbells at Blairfetty, Keinochin, and other posts possessed by them, and made most of them prisoners.[369] [Sidenote: _fol._ 653.] Sir Andrew Agnew,[370] being alarmed by his out-sentinels, retired into the castle, in which he was shut up for seventeen days, some part of which time it was battered with two pieces of canon,[371] one of three, the other of four pounds, which made but little impression upon the walls, though they ruined the roof.

[369] See ff. 567, 902.

[370] Who pillaged the house of Lude (the widow lady living in it), breaking to pieces all the doors and windows, and the finishing of the rooms and some of the floors.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[371] See f. 907.

During this time the Hessians marched to relieve the castle, and some of the Athol men being advanced as far down as Dunkeld to get intelligence and to guard that with other passes on the river, where were frequent skirmishes between them and the Hessian hussars, and some of St. George's dragoons who had come to reconnoitre some days before the foot came up. But when they were come up, the Athol men were obliged to retire (as they could not be supported at such a distance) to Pitlochrie, near the famous pass of Killicrankie, where, with some others that were sent from Blair, they continued about eight [Sidenote: _fol._ 654.] days (the MacPhersons with some of the Athol men keeping Sir Andrew and his men still shut up in the Castle), always skirmishing with the hussars and dragoons till their foot came up, which obliged the Athol men to retire into the above pass, where they continued that day. But as they were few in number, Lord George called a council of the officers, who were of opinion that the pass was not tenable, since it might be surrounded on all sides by such a vastly superiour number. It was therefore resolved to abandon both it and the Castle, which was accordingly done that night. And having sent the canon away, they marched to Ruthven of Badenoch without the least interruption from the enemy.[372] Here the MacPhersons were left as formerly, and the Athol men were ordered to the Speyside. Lord George went on to Inverness, and upon his arrival there, intelligence being brought that Lord Loudon had repass'd with his troops from Sutherland to Tain, he was ordered to march with some [Sidenote: _fol._ 655.] troops to join the Earl of Cromarty and to give Lord Loudon battle if he would stay for it. But he, hearing of Lord George's march, returned to Sutherland again. Lord George, having given the necessary orders to Lord Cromarty (who continued to command in that country), returned to Inverness, where it was resolved the Duke of Perth should be sent to take upon him the command,[373] and if possible to get as many boats together as would ferry over his men, and to drive Lord Loudon out of Sutherland if he would not stay to fight. The boats were got together, and the Duke of Perth with his men passed over without being perceived and surprized Lord Loudon's people,[374] obliged them to capitulate, and made them prisoners. Lord Loudon and the President of the Session of Scotland made their escape. After which the Duke of Perth seized some ships that lay in the Firth of Tain, on board of which were all the valuable effects that were shipt on board at Inverness before Lord Loudon left it, the military chest excepted, which had [Sidenote: _fol._ 656.] been conveyed on board a frigate which lay in the bay. This done, the Duke of Perth returned to Inverness, leaving the command to the Earl of Cromarty.

[372] See ff. 907, 1267.

[373] These particulars represent the Earl of Cromarty in a very indifferent light. See f. 1259.--F.

[374] It should be _some_ of Lord Loudon's.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: April]

About this time, the _Hazard_ sloop returning from France with money, arms, and ammunition, and several French and Spanish officers on board, was chased on shore by an English man of war in Lord Rae's country,[375] where they landed their cargo, and, apprehending no danger from the country people, they provided themselves with a guide to conduct them and their cargo to the Earl of Cromarty. But as they were on their march they were set upon by Lord Rae's people, who, after a good resistance, made them prisoners and carried off the cargo, which was thought could not have been done without the treachery of the guide, who disappeared before the action began. The news being brought to Inverness, orders were sent to the Earl of Cromarty to send a party into Lord Rae's country to demand satisfaction. But his Lordship, being somewhat [Sidenote: _fol._ 657.] dilatory in executing his orders, Lord Rae's people gathered together with some of Lord Loudon's officers at their head.

[375] See f. 1261.

About this time advice was brought to Inverness that the Duke of Cumberland (being joined by all the forces he expected) had begun his march from Aberdeen northwards, and had ordered the ships that attended him with provisions for his army to coast along in sight of him to Inverness. Upon which, orders were dispatched to the Earl of Cromarty to call in all his detachments, and to march with all expedition to join the Prince.[376] He gave his orders accordingly, and went himself with some of his officers to Dunrobin Castle to bid adieu to the Countess of Sutherland, and to thank her for the civilities they had received from her. Whilst they were there amusing themselves, the castle was surrounded by Lord Sutherland's and Lord Rae's people, who, having had intelligence of their being there, [Sidenote: _fol._ 658.] made them all prisoners. Orders were likewise sent at this time to the MacPhersons, and to those that were at Fort Augustus and Fort William, to join the Prince as soon as possible. Those from Fort Augustus and the French piquets joined on Saturday, and Lochiel from Fort William on Sunday.[377] Advice was brought on Monday that the Duke of Cumberland was coming to the Spey, and that Lord John Drummond, with the troops under his command, was retiring. Upon which the Prince ordered the drums to beat and the pipes to play to arms. The men in the town assembled as fast as they could, the canon was ordered to march, and the Prince mounted on horseback and went out at their head to Culloden House, the place of rendezvous; and Lord George Murray was left in the town to bring up those that were quartered in the neighbourhood of Inverness, which made it pretty late before he joined the Prince at Culloden. Orders were likewise sent to Lord John Drummond [Sidenote: _fol._ 659.] to assemble there likewise, which he did the next day, being Tuesday.

[376] See ff. 156, 1261.

[377] On Monday, says Mr. John Cameron [see f. 157].

[Sidenote: 15 April]

Tuesday,[378] being April 15th, the whole army marched up to the muir, about a mile to the eastward of Culloden House, where they were all drawn up in order of battle to wait the Duke of Cumberland's coming. Keppoch's men joined in the field from Fort William, and the whole was reviewed by the Prince, who was very well pleased to see them in such good spirits, tho' they had eaten nothing that day but one single bisket a man, provisions being very scarce, and money too.

[378] The copy from which I transcribed had here the words, viz.: 'Wednesday, being the 16th of April,' which certainly behoved to be an error, as it is well known that the battle of Culloden was fought upon Wednesday, April 16th. See ff. 126, 157, 181, 430, 439.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 16 April]

The Prince (being informed that the Duke of Cumberland had halted that day at Nairn to refresh his men, and that the ships with his provisions were coming into the bay of Inverness that evening) called a council of war, and, after great debates [Sidenote: _fol._ 660.] (although neither the Earl of Cromarty--who by that time was prisoner, tho' not known--nor the MacPhersons, nor a great many of the Frasers, were come up) it was resolved to march and endeavour to surprize the Duke in his camp at Nairn, about twelve miles distant. Accordingly, the march was begun between seven and eight o'clock at night, the first column commanded by Lord George Murray, the second by the Prince. The night being dark occasioned several halts to be made for bringing up the rear. When about half way, Lord George ordered Colonel Ker, one of the Prince's aid-de-camps, to go from front to rear and give orders to the respective officers to order the men to make the attack sword in hand,[379] which was thought better, as it would not alarm the enemy soon, and that their fire-arms would be of use to them afterwards. When he [Sidenote: _fol._ 661.] returned to the front to acquaint Lord George Murray of his having executed his orders, he found they were halted a little to the eastward of Kilravock House, deliberating whether or not they should proceed (having then but four miles to march to Nairn, where the enemy was encamped) or return to Culloden, as they had not an hour at most, or thereabout, to daylight; and if they could not be there before that time the surprize would be rendered impracticable, and the more so as it was not to be doubted that the enemy would be under arms before daylight, as they were to march that morning to give the Prince battle. The Duke of Perth and his brother, Lord John, who had been sent to advise the Prince, returned to Lord George.[380] Lochiel and others, who were in the front, hearing that there was a great interval between the two lines, which would take up most of the time to daylight to join, it was resolved to return to Culloden, which was accordingly done; [Sidenote: _fol._ 662.] which, some say, was contrary to the Prince's inclinations. They marched the shortest way back by the church of Croy, which, though but scarce two miles from the place where the halt was made, yet it was clear daylight before the front arrived there, which makes it clear there was no possibility of surprizing the enemy before daylight, as was designed.

[379] Mr. John Cameron says sword and pistol [f. 157]. But certainly Colonel Ker, who carried the orders from Lord George Murray, must know that point best.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[380] See ff. 158, 441, 1270.

The march was continued to Culloden, from whence a great many, both officers and soldiers, went to Inverness and other places in quest of provisions, which were very much wanted. The Prince, with great difficulty having got some bread and whiskie at Culloden, where, reposing himself a little after having marched all that night on foot, had intelligence brought that the enemy was in sight, whereupon those about Culloden were ordered to arms, and several officers sent to Inverness and places adjacent to bring up what men they could meet with.

Whilst those about Culloden were marching up to the muir [Sidenote: _fol._ 663.] above the house, where they were join'd by about three hundred of the Frasers just then come up, Colonel Ker went out to reconnoitre the enemy. When he returned, he told the Prince and Lord George that their foot were marching up in three columns with their cavalry on their left, so that they could form their line of battle in an instant. The Prince ordered his men to be drawn up in two lines, and the few horse he had in the rear towards the wings, and the canon to be disperst in the front, which were brought up with great difficulty for want of horses.

As there was not time to march to the ground they were on the day before, they were drawn up a mile farther westward, with a stone inclosure on the right of the first line, and the second at a proper distance behind; after having reconnoitred the inclosure, which ran down to the Water of Nairn[381] on the right, so that no body of men could pass without throwing [Sidenote: _fol._ 664.] down the wall. And to guard further against any attempts that might be made on that side, there were two battalions placed facing outwards, which covered the right of the two lines, and to observe the motion of the enemy, if they should make any attempt that way.

[381] In the copy which I made, my transcript from the word here was Ern, which behoved to be a mistake, the water of Ern being in Perthshire. The same mistake was in the said copy a second time--viz., in the fourth line of page 667 in the volume.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

The Duke of Cumberland formed his line at a great distance, and marched in battle-order till he came within canon shot, where he halted and placed his canon in different places, at some distance in his front, which outwinged the Prince's both to the right and left without his cavalry, which were mostly on the left, some few excepted that were sent to cover the right. As soon as the Duke's canon were placed, he began canonading, which was answered by the Prince's, who rode along the lines to encourage his men, and posted himself in the most convenient place (here one of his servants was killed by his side) to see [Sidenote: _fol._ 665.] what pass'd, not doubting but the Duke would begin the attack, as he had both the wind and weather on his back, snow and hail falling very thick at the same time.

Here it is to be observed that neither those that had been with the Earl of Cromarty (he, with his son and some of his officers being only made prisoners, his men having marched on before), nor the MacPhersons, nor between two and three thousand men that had been on the field the day before, were come up. Notwithstanding all these disadvantages, and the Duke's canon playing with great execution,[382] Lord George Murray, who commanded the right,[383] sent Colonel Ker to the Prince to know if he should begin the attack, which the Prince accordingly ordered. As the right was farther advanced than the left, Colonel Ker went to the left and ordered the Duke of Perth, who commanded there, to begin the attack, and rode [Sidenote: _fol._ 666.] along the line till he came to the right, where Lord George was, who attacked at the head of the Athol men (who had the right of the army that day) with all the bravery imaginable, as did indeed the whole line, breaking the Duke's line in several places, and making themselves masters of two pieces of the enemy's canon. Though they were both fronted and flanked by them, they, notwithstanding, marched up under a close firing from right to left to the very points of their bayonets, which they could not see for the smoak till they were upon them.

[382] See ff. 129, 445.

[383] As this proceeds from Colonel Ker himself, who behoved to know this matter best, so it is more to be depended upon than other accounts, which differ from this, and some of which tell it in such a way as to leave an insinuation of some blame upon Lord George Murray, whose bravery can never be called in question. See ff. 129, 160, 182, 328, 446, 675.

At the beginning of the attack the Campbells[384] threw down a great deal of the wall of the inclosure for the dragoons on the Duke's left to pass to the rear of the Prince's army, which they were suffered to do without receiving one shot from the two battalions that were placed to observe their motions. This being observed, and the constant fire kept up by the Duke's foot in the front, put the Prince's people in disorder and [Sidenote: _fol._ 667.] rendered the defeat of his army compleat.

[384] This says very ill for the corps posted to guard the park walls in order to prevent the Prince's army being flanked by the enemy from that quarter.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

The Prince retired in good order with some few of his men, and crossed the Water of Nairn at the ford on the highway between Inverness and Corryburgh, without being pursued by the enemy, where he parted with them, taking only a few of FitzJames's horse and some gentlemen along with him up that river, the rest taking the highway to Ruthven of Badenoch, where they stayed some days expecting an answer to a letter that was sent to the Prince; but it not coming in the time expected, they all separated, every one to do the best he could for himself. Most of the clans had gone from the field of battle towards their respective countries.

The publick has been no ways favourable to Lord George Murray,[385] but if they had been witnesses of his zeal and activity from the time he joined in that affair to the last of it, his exposing his person wherever an occasion offered, and in particular [Sidenote: _fol._ 668.] at the battle of Culloden, where he went on with the first and came not off till the last, they would have done him more justice. And whatever sentiments they have been pleased to say the Prince had of him, they are hardly to be credited, and for this reason; because when, after the battle, Colonel Ker went to acquaint the Prince how affairs were going, his highness enquired particularly about Lord George Murray, and, being told that he had been thrown from his horse in the time of the action, but was no way hurt, the Prince, in presence of all that were there, desired Colonel Ker to find him out and [Sidenote: _fol._ 669.] take particular care of him, which it is to be presumed he would not have done if he had had the least suspicion of what has been laid to _his charge by his enemies_.

[385] Here Colonel Ker vindicates Lord George Murray from villainy, an imputation which no man in his right senses could ever entertain against Lord George, because no villain would have exposed his person so remarkably as he did where danger called upon all occasions. Besides, if Lord George had acted the double and dishonest part, why should he have skulked, and, at last, have gone to foreign parts? But, then, it is worth noticing that Colonel Ker says not a word with respect to the insolence and haughtiness of Lord George's temper, his great misfortune and fault, in which alone he can be justly blamed, and with which he stands charged by the Prince's own words to more than one [see ff. 150, 236, 450, 453]. However, to do Lord George justice, it is affirmed by some who have an opportunity of knowing, that Lord George, before he left Scotland, did declare his surprize to a friend (Murray of Abercairney) how it could enter into the head of any person to charge him with treachery. But at the same time that he acknowledged with concern and regret that he had been too often guilty of contradicting and thwarting the Prince in the measures he proposed. Certainly, tho' both be bad enough, there is a great difference 'twixt villainy and pride.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

* * * * *

_N.B._--The above faithfully taken from a copy transcribed from another copy, which other copy was transcribed from Colonel Ker's own handwriting. As Colonel Ker has an excellent good character, and is acknowledged on all hands to be a gentleman of strict veracity and honour, so his account of things justly merits a place in the esteem of every lover of truth. He was taken prisoner (if I rightly remember) somewhere in the shire of Angus, about the beginning of May 1746 (see _Scots Magazine_ for said year, page 238), and was found guilty, November 6th, 1746 (see _Scots Magazine_ for said year, page 529), and accordingly was condemned upon November 15th of said year (see page 530 of the foresaid magazine). He is under a reprieve, and continues still to be a prisoner in a messenger's house by the interest of the Prussian ambassador, who did much good in that way.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Copy of CAPTAIN O'NEILLE'S Journal, taken from a copy attested by his name subscribed with his own hand.[386]

[386] Printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 348-362.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 670.] Having heard and seen many scandalous libels given out in my name of the conduct and retreat of the Prince since the battle of Culloden, I have thought myself obliged in duty and honour to give an impartial and true account of the same during [the][387] time that I had the honour to be near his person. This I don't pretend in justification of that great Prince, whose inimitable virtues and qualifications as well render him the darling of his friends as the astonishing surprize of his greatest enemies, and whose valour and calm intrepidity in heretofore unheard of dangers will usher down his fame to the latest posterity; but to convince and assure the world that all accounts as yet given, either under any name or otherwise, have [Sidenote: _fol._ 671.] been as spurious[388] as defective and infamously false. I moreover assure this to be the first and only account that I have given or will give, and affirm the contents to be true upon my honour.

[387] Thus the attested copy had it, without the word 'the.'

[388] If this be so, how then came I by the copy in vol. i. p. 181? For I can declare I was master of that copy upon July 14th, 1747, _i.e._ exactly a month and a half before the date of the Captain's letter, along with the attested copy, to the Countess of Dundonald. [See ff. 692-700 _postea_.]

[Sidenote: 1746 15 April]

[Sidenote: 16 April]

April 15th, O.S.--Prince Charles marched his army in three columns from Culloden Muir in hopes to surprize the Duke of Cumberland in his camp at Nairn, ordering at the same time two thousand men to pass the river Nairn and post themselves between Elgin and the camp of the enemy. To deceive the ships that were in Inverness Road he ordered several fires to be made on the mountain where he drew up in battle. At eight at night he began his march, and about two next morning, being the 16th of April, within a mile[389] of the enemy, our van halted. The Prince, who marched in the centre, dispatched an aid-de-camp to know the motive of the halt. Colonel[390] [Sidenote: _fol._ 672.] O'Sullivan (who marched in the van) immediately hasted to the Prince and told him Lord George Murray and some other of the chieftains, as they wanted some of their men, did not think themselves sufficiently strong to attack the enemy, and upon a strong belief the Duke of Cumberland was apprized of their design, refused to advance, maugre the instances he (Colonel O'Sullivan) made use of to engage them to the contrary. Upon this the Prince advanced to the head of the column, where, assembling the chiefs, in the most pathetic and strong terms demonstrated to them the visible and real advantages they had of an enemy who thought themselves secure of any such attempt, and descending his horse,[391] drew his sword, and told them he would lead them to an enemy they had as often defeated as seen. But, deaf to his example and intreaties, the [Sidenote: _fol._ 673.] major part declin'd, which so sensibly shocked the Prince, that, remounting his horse, he told them with the greatest concern[392] he did not so much regret his own loss as their inevitable ruin. He immediately marched back to the former camp at Culloden, where he arrived at five in the morning. At ten he was informed the Duke of Cumberland was in full march towards him. Whereupon the Prince gave the necessary orders for the attack, riding from rank to rank encouraging his troops and exhorting them [with his usual sprightliness][393] to behave as they had done at Prestonpans and Falkirk. Between twelve and one the Prince engag'd the enemy, commanding himself in the centre. The right wing immediately broke the left of the enemy, but their flank being exposed to seven[394] squadrons of horse, who attack'd them while they were in pursuit of the [Sidenote: _fol._ 674.] enemy's foot, was put into so much confusion that it was dispers'd. The Prince gallop'd to the right, and endeavouring to rally them[395] had his horse shot under him.[396] The left followed the example of the right, which drew on an entire deroute in spite of all the Prince could do to animate or rally them. Notwithstanding which he remained upon the field of battle untill there were no more hopes left, and then could scarce be persuaded to retire, ordering the Irish piquets and FitzJames's horse to make a stand and favour the retreat of the Highlanders, which was as gallantly executed. Previous to the battle the Prince had ordered the chieftains that (in case of a defeat) as the Highlanders could not retreat as regular troops, they should assemble their men near Fort Augustus. In consequence of this, immediately after the battle the Prince dispatched me to Inverness to repeat his orders to such of his [Sidenote: _fol._ 675.] troops as were there. That night the Prince retir'd six miles from the field of battle[397] and went next day as far, and in three days more arrived at Fort Augustus, where he remained a whole day in expectation his troops would have join'd him. But seeing no appearance of it, he went to the house of Invergary and ordered me to remain there to direct such as pass'd that way the road he took. I remained there two days and announc'd the Prince's orders to such as I met, but to no effect, every one taking his own road.

[389] Three or four miles, say other accounts, and justly too, as must be confessed by those who know anything of the country about Nairn, where the attack was to have been made. See ff. 158, 448, 661.--F.

[390] This page contains several particulars not so much as mentioned in any of the accounts given by others, as may be seen by making a comparison.--F.

[391] The Prince marched all that night on foot, says Ker of Gradyne, f. 662.--F.

[392] With tears in his eyes, says the other copy, f. 181.--F.

[393] These words are wanting in the foresaid copy. See f. 182.--F.

[394] Nine squadrons, says the foresaid copy, f. 182.--F.

[395] Here in the foresaid copy these following words, 'but to no purpose.' See f. 182.--F.

[396] Not true. See f. 1161.--F.

[397] The foresaid copy says here, 'And next day arrived at Fort Augustus.'--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 28 April]

I then followed the Prince, who was so far from making a precipitate retreat [as has been maliciously reported][398] that he retired by six and six miles and arrived the 28th of April[399] O.S. at Knoidart, where I join'd him next day and gave him an [Sidenote: _fol._ 676.] account of the little or no appearance there was of assembling his troops, upon which he wrote circular letters to all the chiftains, enjoining them, by the obedience they owed him, to join him immediately with such of their clans as they could gather; at the same time representing to them the imminent danger they were in if they neglected it. After remaining some days there in hopes his orders would have been obeyed, and seeing not one person repair to him, the extreme danger his person was in, being within seven miles[400] of Lord Loudon, Sir Alexander MacDonald and the MacLeods, it was proposed to evade it by retreating to one of the islands near the continent. After repeated instances of the like nature he reluctantly assented, leaving Mr. John Hay behind to transmit [Sidenote: _fol._ 677.] him the answers of his letters, with an account of what should pass, and parted for the Isles in an open fishing boat at eight at night, attended by Colonel O'Sullivan and me only.[401] About an hour after we parted a violent hurricane arose, which drove us ninety miles[402] from our designed port; and next day running for shelter into the Island of North Uist,[403] we struck upon a rock and staved to pieces,[404] and with great difficulty saved our lives. At our landing we were in the most melancholy situation, knowing nobody and wanting the common necessaries of life. After much search we found a little hut uninhabited, and took shelter there, and with a great deal of pains made a fire to dry our cloaths. Here the Prince remained two days, [Sidenote: _fol._ 678.] having no other provisions but a few biskets we had saved out of the boat, which were entirely spoiled with the salt water.

[398] These words are not in the other copy, f. 183.--F.

[399] The 26th of April, says the foresaid copy, which day Donald MacLeod fixes upon for their departure from the continent to the Isles. See ff. 273, 281, 316. Ned Burk says much the same. [See p. 329.]--F.

[400] Says Donald MacLeod, 'ten or twelve miles by sea, but a much greater distance by land.' See f. 278.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[401] Honest Donald MacLeod, the pilot, and Allan MacDonald, Clanranald's relation might have had a place here, to say nothing of the poor rowers. See f. 281.--F.

[402] This must be a mistake, tho' it be so in the other copy too, for none of the lochs has so much bounds as to allow of such a drive from an intended harbour. I remember Donald MacLeod called this 'nonsense,' for he makes the whole course but only 96 miles. [See f. 284.]--F.

[403] This should be Benbecula, but I think not so much of his mistaking names, being a stranger. See f. 284.--F.

[404] This is altogether an error, as plainly appears, not only from the words of Donald MacLeod and Ned Burk [see ff. 270, 343], but likewise from a remarkable token given me by Captain Alexander MacDonald, which puts this point beyond all doubt. See f. 581.--F.

[Sidenote: 1 May.]

[Sidenote: 6 May]

As this island belonged to Sir Alexander MacDonald, and not judging ourselves safe, we determined going elsewhere, and by the greatest good fortune, one of our boatmen discovered a boat[405] stranded on the coast, and, having with great difficulty launched it into the water, we imbarked for the Harris. In our passage we unfortunately met with another storm which obliged us to put into an island near Stornoway. Next day the Prince dispatched me[406] for Stornoway to look for a ship, ordering me to imbark on board the first I could get, and to make the most diligent haste after my landing on the Continent to the Court of France, ordering me to give an exact account to [Sidenote: _fol._ 679.] his most Christian Majesty of his disasters and of his resolution never to abandon the country untill he knew the final result of France, and if it was not[407] possible once more to assemble his faithful Highlanders. Unluckily the person that the Prince sent with me[408] getting drunk, told the master of the ship somewhat that induced him to refuse taking me on board, and immediately alarmed the country, which obliged me to return and join the Prince, who upon what I told him resolved for the continent by way of Seaforth's country. But the boatmen absolutely refused to comply, which made us take the road we came. And meeting with three ships of war we were constrained [Sidenote: _fol._ 680.] to put into a desert island where we remained eight days[409] in the greatest misery, having no sustenance but some dried fish that Providence threw in our way in this island. When the ships disappeared we put to sea again, and next morning met with another ship of war just coming out of one of the lochs, who pursued us for near an hour; but the wind rising we made our escape. In the afternoon we arrived at the Island of Benbecula, and one of the boatmen, being acquainted with a herd of the island, led us to his house, where, passing for friends of the boatman, we remained four days, and then the Prince sent the boat to the continent with a Highland gentleman whom he charged with letters to the chiefs, Secretary [Sidenote: _fol._ 681.] Murray and John Hay, requiring an exact account how affairs stood.

[405] One error never fails to prove the foundation of another, if not of many.--F.

[406] This whole affair is represented in quite a different manner by Donald MacLeod, who caused me remark more than once that O'Neille did not accompany him to Stornoway (See ff. 270, 287), and I have heard Ned Burk affirm the same thing.--F.

[407] Here either 'not' should be wanting, or the next word immediately following should be 'impossible' to make sense of the words which were precisely as above in the attested copy, but in the other copy they happen to be right. See f. 184.--F.

[408] One error must be the foundation of another at least. See this whole affair cleared up by Donald MacLeod himself (See f. 289), and that, too, according to the expressions of Captain John Hay upon the head who could have no interest or by-view in what he spoke. See f. 479.--F.

[409] Four days and four nights, says Donald MacLeod, and not in so very great misery as Captain O'Neille represents them to have been in, though indeed their case was bad enough (See ff. 291-297). And Ned Burk's account of this matter agrees with that of Donald MacLeod (See f. 331). One day I read this particular of the desert island to Ned Burk when he used this remarkable expression, 'What deel needs a man mack mair wonders than we had. Faith we had anew o' them.' Words tho' coarse, yet very significant.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Not thinking ourselves secure in the cottage, by the advice of a friend we retired to the mountain of Coradale to wait the return of the gentleman, where we remained two-and-twenty days, when the gentleman returned with a letter from Secretary Murray importing that the clans had almost all delivered up their arms, and, consequently, were no more to be depended on. He likewise acquainted the Prince of two French ships who had arrived at the continent with money and arms, and in which the Duke of Perth, his brother, Sir Thomas Sheridan, and John Hay had imbarked for France.

[Sidenote: June.]

Here we remained some days longer, till the Duke of Cumberland having intelligence that the Prince was concealed in the Long Isle, ordered the militia of the Isle of Sky and the Independent Companies to go in search of him. As soon [Sidenote: _fol._ 682.] as we had notice of their landing we retreated to an island about twelve miles distance, called Ouya, where we remained till we found they had followed us, and then we went for Loch Boisdale, and stayed there eight days, when Captain Carolina Scott landed within a mile of us, which obliged us to separate, the Prince taking me to the mountains, and O'Sullivan remaining with the boatmen. At nightfall we marched towards Benbecula, being informed Scott had ordered the militia to come and join him. At midnight we came to a hut, where by good fortune we met with Miss Flora MacDonald, whom I formerly knew. I quitted the Prince at some distance from the hut, and went with a design to inform myself if the Independent Companies were to pass that way next day, as we had been informed. The young lady answered me--Not--and said that they would not pass till the day after. Then I told her I brought a friend to see her, and she, with some emotion, [Sidenote: _fol._ 683.] asked me if it was the Prince. I answered her it was, and instantly brought him in.[410] We then consulted on the imminent danger the Prince was in, and could think of a no more proper and safe expedient than to propose to Miss Flora to convey him to the Isle of Sky, where her mother lived. This seemed the more feasible, as the young lady's father being captain of an Independent Company would accord her a pass for herself and a servant to go visit her mother. The Prince assented, and immediately propos'd it to the young lady, to which she answered with the greatest respect and loyalty; but declined it, saying Sir Alexander MacDonald was too much her friend to be the instrument of his ruin. I endeavoured to obviate this by assuring her Sir Alexander was not in the country, and that she could with the greatest facility convey the Prince to her mother's, as she lived close by the waterside. I then [Sidenote: _fol._ 684.] remonstrated to her the honour and immortality that would redound to her by such a glorious action, and she at length acquiesc'd, after the Prince had told her the sense he would always retain of so conspicuous a service. She promised to acquaint us next day when things were ripe for execution, and we parted for the mountains of Coradale. Next day at four in the afternoon we received a message from our protectress, telling us ALL WAS WELL. We determined joining her immediately, but the messenger informed us we could not pass either of the fords that separated the island we were in from Benbecula, as they were both guarded. In this dreadful situation a man of the country tendered us his boat, which we readily accepted, and next day landed at Benbecula, and immediately marched for Rossinish, the place of rendezvous, where we arrived at midnight, and instead of our protectress, [Sidenote: _fol._ 685.] found [ourselves within fifty yards of][411] a guard of the enemy. We were constrained to retreat four miles, having eat nothing for thirty hours[412] before. The Prince ordered me to go to the lady and know the reason she did not keep her appointment. She told me she had engaged a cousin of hers in North Uist to receive him in his house, where she was sure he would be more safe than in the Isle of Sky.[413] I immediately dispatched a boy with this news to the Prince, and mentioned him the place of appointment, whither he came. But the gentleman absolutely refused receiving us, alleging for a motive that he was vassal to Sir Alexander MacDonald. In this unexpected exigence, being within a small half mile of a captain and fifty men, we hastened for Rossinish, being apprized the enemy had just [Sidenote: _fol._ 686.] abandoned it. The Prince sent me to acquaint Miss Flora of our disappointment and to intreat her to keep to her promise, as there was no time to lose. She faithfully promised for next day, and I remained with her that night, the Prince remaining at Rossinish attended by a little herd. Next day I accompanied Miss Flora to the rendezvous, where we had not long been when we had an account[414] that General Campbell was just landed with 1500 men.[415] We were now apprehensive that we were betrayed, and instantly got to our boat and put to another place, where we arrived at daybreak. We dispatched to Clanranald's house to learn what news, who brought us word that General Campbell was there with Captain Ferguson, and that he saw Captain Scott's detachment coming to join [Sidenote: _fol._ 687.] them, and that they amounted in all to 2300 men. The Prince intreated the young lady I should accompany him, but she absolutely refused it, having a pass but for one servant. The Prince was so generous as to decline going unless I attended, untill I told him, if he made the least demur, I would instantly go about my business, as I was extremely indifferent what became of me so that his person was safe. [With much difficulty and after many intreaties][416] he at length imbarked, attended only by Miss Flora MacDonald.[417]

[410] In all this Captain O'Neille is exactly right, for I have heard Miss MacDonald declare more than once that the Captain came to her (bringing the Prince along with him) when she happened to be in a shealling belonging to her brother; that the Captain was the contriver of the scheme, and that she herself was very backward to engage in it; and indeed no wonder (whatever some may say), when one seriously considers the important trust, and the many dangers attending it. Something of all this may be gathered from her own Journal. See f. 524.

[411] In the other copy these words are wanting. See f. 187.--F.

[412] In the other copy thirty-four hours.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[413] See ff. 526, 589.

[414] It is truly a matter of much wonder that the Prince should escape the clutches of so many in such narrow bounds, especially when the coast was swarming with ships, sloops, etc.--F.

[415] See ff. 485, 526.

[416] These words are not in the other copy. See f. 189.--F.

[417] The faithful MacKechan might have been named here.--F.

[Sidenote: July.]

Here my hard fate and the Prince's safety, which was my only object, obliged me to share no longer the misfortunes of that illustrious hero, whose grandeur of soul and intrepidity, with a calmness of spirit particular to himself in such dangers, [Sidenote: _fol._ 688.] increased in these moments when the general part of mankind abandon themselves to their fate. I now could only recommend him to God and his good fortune, and made my way amidst the enemy to South Uist, where we had left Colonel O'Sullivan.[418] Next day I joined O'Sullivan, and found (four days after the Prince parted) a French cutter, commanded by one Dumont, and who had on board two captains of the Irish brigade with a number of volunteers. Here Colonel O'Sullivan and I concerted what were the properest measures to be taken. We agreed that he should go on board the cutter, as he was so reduced by the long fatigues that he had undergone in the mountains, as not to be able to walk, and that he should bring the cutter to Loch Seaforth, nigh the Isle of Rasay, where the Prince ordered me to join him by a billet he had sent me the day before by one of the boatmen who had rowed [Sidenote: _fol._ 689.] him to the Isle of Sky. After having seen my friend on board, and after innumerable difficulties, I got a boat and went round the Isle of Sky to the Isle of Rasay, place of rendezvous; but at my landing had intelligence that the Prince was returned to the Isle of Sky, whereupon I hasted to said Isle of Sky again, and there too had the grief to learn that he had departed that island, but for what place nobody could inform me in the least. I then repaired to Loch Nammaddy in North Uist, where by our agreement Colonel O'Sullivan was to come to me in case that in eight days I did not join him at Loch Scaforth; but not meeting my friend there, after a delay of four days I returned to the Island of Benbecula, where I promised [Sidenote: _fol._ 690.] myself greater safety than any where else; but I met with a quite different usage. For the very person[419] in whom I had entirely confided, and under whose care I was, betrayed me to Captain MacNeal (induced thereto by a great sum of money offered for me), who was in that country under the command of Captain Ferguson of the _Furnace-Bomb_. I was taken by this Captain MacNeal in a rock over a loch, where I had skulked for four days, and brought to Captain Ferguson,[420] who used me with all the barbarity of a pirate, stripped me, and had ordered me to be put into a rack and whipped by his hangman, because I would not confess where I thought the Prince was. As I was just going to be whipped, being already stripped, Lieutenant MacCaghan of the Scotch Fusileers, who commanded a party under Captain [Sidenote: _fol._ 691.] Ferguson, very generously opposed this barbarous usage, and coming out with his drawn sword threatened Captain Ferguson that he'd sacrifice himself and his detachment rather than to see an officer used after such an infamous manner.

[418] Captain O'Neille speaks more respectfully, and is more favourable in his accounts of Colonel O'Sullivan than some other hints that are given in this Collection. (See ff. 496, 519, 528.)--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[419] See the person named and the whole affair cleared up in this vol. f. 644.--F.

[420] A man remarkable for his cruelties. See ff. 192, 216, 257, 309, etc. Even in his younger years he was remarkable for a cruel turn of mind among his school-fellows and companions, and therefore he is the fitter tool for William the Cruel. He was born at Old Meldrum in the shire of Aberdeen.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

I can't avoid acquainting the public that four days after I was taken[421] General Campbell sent me word upon his parole of honour that if I had money, or other effects in the country, in sending them to him they should be safe. Upon which (always imagining that the word of honour was as sacredly kept in the English army as 'tis in others) I went with a detachment for my money and gold watch which I had hid in the rock when I perceived the party searching for me, and sent to General Campbell by Captain Skipness Campbell 450 guineas, with my gold watch, broadsword, and pistols, all which he has thought [Sidenote: _fol._ 692.] proper (to be sure consistent with his honour) to keep from me upon diverse applications made to him to that purpose.

[421] See ff. 191, 645.

I hope the public will excuse this long digression, that I have made since my separation from the Prince, the more so that I have only made it to show that I did everything in my power as well to fulfil my duty as to endeavour to deserve the confidence with which the Prince was graciously pleased to honour me.

(_Sic subscribitur_) F. O'NEILLE.

A coppy.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1747 8 Dec.]

_N.B._--After getting notice that Captain Felix O'Neille, after his being removed from the Castle of Edinburgh to some part in England, had transmitted an attested copy of his Journal to one of his friends in Edinburgh, I was at no small pains to find it out. At last I discovered that it was in the hands of the Countess of Dundonald. Upon Tuesday, December 8th, 1747, I did myself the honour of paying my respects to lady Mary Cochran in Edinburgh. I begged to know of her ladyship if [Sidenote: _fol._ 693.] it was true that the Countess had any such Journal and if I could have the favour of seeing it. Lady Mary said it was very true that her mamma had the Journal with O'Neille's own subscription at it, and that it was transmitted to her from O'Neille himself, and that she would endeavour to procure it for me from her mamma and send it down to me as soon as possible. But, then, her ladyship was pleased to observe that the Countess would not allow any copy to be taken of it, as Captain O'Neille had desired that no copy should be given of it, till he should send a letter to the Countess from France, wherein he would give allowance for copies to be taken of it at a proper time. And therefore Lady Mary added that all the favour I could obtain was only the reading of it. To this I answered that I had heard the Journal was made a great secret, and seeing it was so, I did not chuse to have the trust of it; for that if copies should happen to appear from other quarters it might be said that I had taken a copy without any allowance, [Sidenote: _fol._ 694.] and thereby had become the occasion of spreading it. And therefore I would much rather chuse to read it in her ladyship's presence and return it directly into her hands, if her ladyship would take the trouble of procuring me a sight of it while I had the honour of being with her. Lady Mary was so good as to say that though my Lady Dundonald was confined to her apartment with a severe cold, she would step to her and ask a reading of the Journal. Accordingly, in a very short time, Lady Mary returned and gave me the Journal. After reading of it I could not help declaring my surprize that the Journal should be made a matter of so much nicety when I could assure her ladyship that I had been master of a copy of it (the preface and conclusion only excepted) for about six months past, and that several such copies as mine were in Edinburgh and other places of Scotland. Lady Mary said that certainly Captain O'Neille's touching so severely upon General Campbell behoved to be the reason why he made his Journal an affair of such secrecy. To this I answered that the reason [Sidenote: _fol._ 695.] was good so long as Captain O'Neille remained in any part of Scotland or England, because the making such a particular the subject of common conversation might have brought rough enough treatment upon Captain O'Neille. But now that he was safe in France, I could not help looking upon it as a point of justice to make that particular part of the Journal known to the world, that so General Campbell might have an opportunity of vindicating himself, if there was any mistake in the case, and that if the charge was a fact, the truth might be fixed. Then I added that if my Lady Dundonald could be prevailed upon to allow me the use of the attested copy to compare it with my own, and to take transcripts of the preface and conclusion, I would promise to give her ladyship in return for that favour a copy of Ker of Gradyne's account; and withal I said I should not give copies of the preface and conclusion or have any hand in making them common. Lady Mary was so good as to assure me that she would faithfully report _that_ to [Sidenote: _fol._ 696.] my Lady Dundonald, and would employ her interest to procure that favour for me upon the conditions I had mentioned. I then took leave, and said I would do myself the honour of waiting upon her ladyship some day next week.

[Sidenote: 17 Dec.]

Upon Thursday, December 17th, I again made my court to Lady Mary, who had most faithfully performed her promise, and had procured what I so much desired. Upon receiving the attested Journal at Lady Mary's hands, I repeated the conditions and assured her ladyship I would observe them.

I had been promised the use of Ker of Gradyne's account from the right reverend Bishop Keith in the Canongate, who at that time had the only copy of it in Scotland. Lady Mary informed me that the Countess was very much surprized to hear that I should have a copy of O'Neille's Journal, the preface and conclusion excepted, for that her ladyship had firmly believed that there was no such thing in all Scotland as the copy of a single sentence of it. Upon this I informed Lady Mary that Mr. William MacDougal, Wine merchant, [Sidenote: _fol._ 697.] was master of a transcript of O'Neille's attested Journal, which he had got when taking a jaunt with his lady in England for her health sometime in the month of September, from one of the French officers then prisoners upon parole at Berwick, but that Mr. MacDougal had given his promise not to communicate it by giving a copy to any one whatsoever, even though O'Neille had before that time set out for France, the officers that were left behind being much afraid that they themselves might feel the effects of resentment, should the animadversion upon General Campbell be publickly known before they should be exchanged and set free. Upon comparing the attested copy with the one I had formerly transcribed [vol. i. f. 181] I found no other difference betwixt them than what might proceed from a multiplicity of copies and from the unskilfulness and inattention of transcribers. And therefore at first I intended only to remark the differences of the two copies and to take transcripts of the preface and conclusion. But, upon second thoughts, I [Sidenote: _fol._ 698.] judged it more eligible to take an exact and faithful transcript of the whole of the attested copy, that so I might have it all as it had come from the hands of Captain O'Neille, who had sent it to my Lady Dundonald wrapped up in a cover with two seals upon it, and with an address in the following words precisely:--

'To the right honble. the Countess of Dondanold, Edinburgh.'

The remarks I have made[422] still hold good even as to the attested copy: for (to omit other particulars) considering the long time that Captain O'Neille was with the Prince after the battle of Culloden (about ten or eleven weeks), and the great variety of difficulties and dangers they had to struggle with during all that time, certainly the Captain behoved to have much more to say than what he has given an account of in his Journal, had he only been at the trouble of taking time and leisure to recollect himself with that accuracy and exactness [Sidenote: _fol._ 699.] which the importance of the subject justly calls for. In such an uncommon and interesting scene of life the minutest occurrence that has the smallest tendency to illustrate the character of the _suffering hero_ should not be omitted. Let this piece of history be cooly and impartially considered only from April 16th to September 20th, and I dare venture to say one will not find a parallel to it in any history whatsoever. For a prince to be a-skulking five long months exposed to the hardships of hunger and cold, thirst and nakedness, and surrounded on all hands by a numerous army of blood-thirsty men, both by sea and land, eagerly hunting after the price of blood, and yet that they should miss the much coveted aim, is an event of life far surpassing the power of words to paint. In a word, I presume it may be asserted with great truth that the Prince (all circumstances considered) could not have been safe in any other place of the three kingdoms but in the Highlands of Scotland. Let any one compare O'Neille's Journal [Sidenote: _fol._ 700.] with Donald MacLeod's,[423] and I am persuaded he will find the Captain's account of things dull and wanting when put into the balance with that of the old honest Palinurus, whose simple unadorn'd sayings have a peculiar energy and beauty in them.

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[422] See f. 189.

[423] See ff. 277-307.

* * * * *

_Tuesday's forenoon, February 2d, 1748._

[Sidenote: 1748 2 Feb.]

I paid my respects to the Countess of Dundonald and Lady Mary Cochran, when I delivered back to the Countess the attested copy of O'Neille's Journal, and likewise gave to her ladyship the copy I had promised of Gradyne's account. I then asked the Countess if her ladyship remembered at what time she had received the attested copy from O'Neille. Her ladyship was pleased to answer that as she had received a letter along with the Journal from Captain O'Neille, so she could fully satisfy me about that; and going to a cabinet her ladyship fetched O'Neille's letter out of one of the drawers and showed me the date of it, which was as follows: 'Berwick, August 30th, 1747.'

ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

APPENDIX

A.--A Coppy of a LETTER from a Soldier in Cobham's Dragoons sent to his Brother at Cirencester.[424]

[424] See footnote, p. 50, _ante_.

_May 11th, 1746: Stonehive, 80 miles this side Inverness._

To which we marched since that glorious 16th of April which gave liberty to three kingdom. These rapacious villains thought to have destroyed their prisoners, and by their orderly books, had they got the better, we were to have been every soul of us cut off, and not have had one prisoner, and for the Duke he was to have been cut as small as herbs for the pot, thus they and their books declare. But, God be praised, he wou'd not suffer such inhumanity and such barbarous villains to thrive, and I pray God our young hero is preserved to be a second deliverer to church and state; he beeing the darling of mankind, for we had certainly been starved had it not been his care to bring ovens and bakers with him. I say, Down on your knees all England and, after praise to God who gives victory, pray for the young British hero, for had he been at Falkirk these brave Englishmen that are now in their graves had not been lost, his presence doing more than five thousand men; and every man stands an equal chance for his life without partiality; which has not been the case for these six months last past. Your news papers give you a tolerable account, so I shall not, nor can I, give you a better within the compass of a letter. Since the last I sent you we find kill'd amongst the rebels no less than ten colonels, seven majors, fifteen captains, and as to lieutenants and ensigns, a volume of them. I leave you to guess at the number of rank and file that must fall. In short, 'tis mine and every bodie's opinion no history can brag of so singular a victory and so few of our men lost, that we lost but one man; 'tho I fear I shall lose my horse, he having at this moment of writing a ball in his left buttock. 'Twas pritty near Enoch that time, but, thank God, a miss is as good as a mile, as we say in Gloustershire. And now we have the pleasure of a bed and not hard duty; but for six weeks before the battle few of Cobham's heroes (thank God, that is our caracter from the Duke and the general officers, except General Hawley, who does not love us because our regiment spoke truth about Falkirk job), I say for six weeks before I had not my cloaths off once, and had it not been for our dear Bill, we had all been starved, only for the good loaves he order'd for the army, and some provisions that came by shipping. But thank God, I am well and in good quarters for this country, and I hope I shall live to see you once more. I have the vanity to believe Cobham's will be welcome to England now; for the regiment has always been in front upon all occasions where hard and dangerous duty was to be done: from our first setting off to Stonefild where the sneaking dogs stole away in the night, at Clifton-Moor where we dismounted and fought on foot and the Duke thanked us at the head of the regiment and so he has done several times. I shou'd be glad to hear what the caracter of Cobham's is in England. Direct for me at Stonehive or elce-where. 'Tis impossible for me to tell you what hard duty we have done since we have been in the north, but had we done ten times more, 'tis what I shou'd think of with pleasure so as we serve our King and country. We are all hearty that is left of us, and we thank and praise God for our deliverance. We have not lost above one troop and one hundred horses, which I think a miracle. As to what you say about agents, you must think I tried long ago. But, in short, the officers dont care how little cash they have about them in these parts, especialy in war; for every time we thought of a battle the officers' servants had all the regiment's cash, rings, and watches. I sold my watch a little before Falkirk's battle, and the dear lad that bought it was kill'd the first fire, so that he and all he had fell to these inhumane dogs. He was my particular friend. I hope all is now over. We are guarding the coast that Charles may not get off. I pray God I had him in this room, and he the last of the Stuart race; it wou'd be my glory to stab the villain to the heart. Beside it wou'd look well in history for him to fall by the hand of a Bradshaw. I dare say did the rankest Jacobite in England know the misery he has brought on the north of England, he wou'd be sick of the name of Stuart; for I have a shocking story of their villainy, which wou'd make even a papist tremble at the reading of it. My humble service to all friends in general. I pray God I had a flicth of your bacon, but am well, and we have bread and brandy in plenty.--Yours,

ENOCH BRADSHAW.

Scottish History Society.

THE EXECUTIVE.

_President._

THE EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G., K.T., LL.D.

_Chairman of Council._

DAVID MASSON, LL.D., Historiographer Royal for Scotland.

_Council._

J. FERGUSON, Advocate. Right Rev. JOHN DOWDEN, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh. Professor Sir THOMAS GRAINGER STEWART, M.D. J. N. MACPHAIL, Advocate. Rev. A. W. CORNELIUS HALLEN. Sir ARTHUR MITCHELL, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D. Rev. GEO. W. SPROTT, D.D. J. BALFOUR PAUL, Lyon King of Arms. A. H. MILLAR. J. R. FINDLAY. P. HUME BROWN, M.A. G. GREGORY SMITH, M.A.

_Corresponding Members of the Council._

C. H. FIRTH, Oxford; SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, LL.D.; Rev. W. D. MACRAY, Oxford; Rev. Professor A. F. MITCHELL, D.D., St. Andrews.

_Hon. Treasurer._

J. T. CLARK, Keeper of the Advocates' Library.

_Hon. Secretary._

T. G. LAW, Librarian, Signet Library.

RULES

1. The object of the Society is the discovery and printing, under selected editorship, of unpublished documents illustrative of the civil, religious, and social history of Scotland. The Society will also undertake, in exceptional cases, to issue translations of printed works of a similar nature, which have not hitherto been accessible in English.

2. The number of Members of the Society shall be limited to 400.

3. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council, consisting of a Chairman, Treasurer, Secretary, and twelve elected Members, five to make a quorum. Three of the twelve elected Members shall retire annually by ballot, but they shall be eligible for re-election.

4. The Annual Subscription to the Society shall be One Guinea. The publications of the Society shall not be delivered to any Member whose Subscription is in arrear, and no Member shall be permitted to receive more than one copy of the Society's publications.

5. The Society will undertake the issue of its own publications, _i.e._ without the intervention of a publisher or any other paid agent.

6. The Society will issue yearly two octavo volumes of about 320 pages each.

7. An Annual General Meeting of the Society shall be held on the last Tuesday in October.

8. Two stated Meetings of the Council shall be held each year, one on the last Tuesday of May, the other on the Tuesday preceding the day upon which the Annual General Meeting shall be held. The Secretary, on the request of three Members of the Council, shall call a special meeting of the Council.

9. Editors shall receive 20 copies of each volume they edit for the Society.

10. The owners of Manuscripts published by the Society will also be presented with a certain number of copies.

11. The Annual Balance-Sheet, Rules, and List of Members shall be printed.

12. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except at a General Meeting of the Society. A fortnight's notice of any alteration to be proposed shall be given to the Members of the Council.

PUBLICATIONS

OF THE

SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY

_For the year 1886-1887._

1. BISHOP POCOCKE'S TOURS IN SCOTLAND, 1747-1760. Edited by D. W. KEMP.

(Oct. 1887.)

2. DIARY OF AND GENERAL EXPENDITURE BOOK OF WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM OF CRAIGENDS, 1673-1680. Edited by the Rev. JAMES DODDS, D.D.

(Oct. 1887.)

_For the year 1887-1888._

3. PANURGI PHILO-CABALLI SCOTI GRAMEIDOS LIBRI SEX.--THE GRAMEID: an heroic poem descriptive of the Campaign of Viscount Dundee in 1689, by JAMES PHILIP of Almerieclose. Translated and Edited by the Rev. A. D. MURDOCH.

(Oct. 1888.)

4. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part I. 1559-1582. Edited by D. HAY FLEMING.

(Feb. 1889.)

_For the year 1888-1889._

5. DIARY OF THE REV. JOHN MILL, Minister of Dunrossness, Sandwick, and Cunningsburgh, in Shetland, 1740-1803. Edited by GILBERT GOUDIE, F.S.A. Scot.

(June 1889.)

6. NARRATIVE OF MR. JAMES NIMMO, A COVENANTER, 1654-1709. Edited by W. G. SCOTT-MONCRIEFF, Advocate.

(June 1889.)

7. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part II. 1583-1600. Edited by D. HAY FLEMING.

(Aug. 1890.)

_For the year 1889-1890._

8. A LIST OF PERSONS CONCERNED IN THE REBELLION (1745). With a Preface by the EARL OF ROSEBERY and Annotations by the Rev. WALTER MACLEOD.

(Sept. 1890.)

_Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery._

9. GLAMIS PAPERS: The 'BOOK OF RECORD,' a Diary written by PATRICK, FIRST EARL OF STRATHMORE, and other documents relating to Glamis Castle (1684-89). Edited by A. H. MILLAR, F.S.A. Scot.

(Sept. 1890.)

10. JOHN MAJOR'S HISTORY OF GREATER BRITAIN (1521). Translated and Edited by ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE, with a Life of the author by ÆNEAS J. G. MACKAY, Advocate.

(Feb. 1892.)

_For the year 1890-1891._

11. THE RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES, 1646-47. Edited by the Rev. Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and the Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D., with an Introduction by the former.

(May 1892.)

12. COURT-BOOK OF THE BARONY OF URIE, 1604-1747. Edited by the Rev. D. G. BARRON, from a MS. in possession of Mr. R. BARCLAY of Dorking.

(Oct. 1892.)

_For the year 1891-1892._

13. MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF SIR JOHN CLERK OF PENICUIK, Baronet, Baron of the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Union, etc. Extracted by himself from his own Journals, 1676-1755. Edited from the original MS. in Penicuik House by JOHN M. GRAY, F.S.A. Scot.

(Dec. 1892.)

14. DIARY OF COL. THE HON. JOHN ERSKINE OF CARNOCK, 1683-1687. From a MS. in possession of HENRY DAVID ERSKINE, Esq., of Cardross. Edited by the Rev. WALTER MACLEOD.

(Dec. 1893.)

_For the year 1892-1893._

15. MISCELLANY OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, First Volume--

THE LIBRARY OF JAMES VI., 1573-83. DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING CATHOLIC POLICY, 1596-98. LETTERS OF SIR THOMAS HOPE, 1627-46. CIVIL WAR PAPERS, 1645-50. LAUDERDALE CORRESPONDENCE, 1660-77. TURNBULL'S DIARY, 1657-1704. MASTERTON PAPERS, 1660-1719. ACCOMPT OF EXPENSES IN EDINBURGH, 1715. REBELLION PAPERS, 1715 and 1745.

(Dec. 1893.)

16. ACCOUNT BOOK OF SIR JOHN FOULIS OF RAVELSTON (1671-1707). Edited by the Rev. A. W. CORNELIUS HALLEN.

(June 1894.)

_For the year 1893-1894._

17. LETTERS AND PAPERS ILLUSTRATING THE RELATIONS BETWEEN CHARLES II. AND SCOTLAND IN 1650. Edited, with Notes and Introduction, by SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, LL.D., etc.

(July 1894.)

18. SCOTLAND AND THE COMMONWEALTH. LETTERS AND PAPERS RELATING TO THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND, Aug. 1651-Dec. 1653. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by C. H. FIRTH, M.A.

(Oct. 1895.)

_For the year 1894-1895._

19. THE JACOBITE RISING OF 1719. Letter Book of James, Second Duke of Ormonde, Nov. 4, 1718-Sept. 27, 1719. Edited by W. K. DICKSON, Advocate.

(_In progress._)

20, 21. THE LYON IN MOURNING, OR A COLLECTION OF SPEECHES, LETTERS, JOURNALS, ETC., RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS OF PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART, by the Rev. ROBERT FORBES, A.M., Bishop of Ross and Caithness. 1746-1775. Edited from his Manuscript by =Henry Paton=, M.A. Vols. I. and II.

(Oct. 1895.)

_In preparation._

THE LYON IN MOURNING. Vol. III.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESBYTERY RECORDS OF INVERNESS AND DINGWALL FROM 1638 TO 1688. Edited by WILLIAM MACKAY.

RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES (_continued_) for the years 1648-49, 1649-50, 1651-52. Edited by the Rev. Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D.

JOURNAL OF A FOREIGN TOUR IN 1665 AND 1666 BY JOHN LAUDER, LORD FOUNTAINHALL. Edited by DONALD CRAWFORD, Sheriff of Aberdeenshire.

JOURNALS AND PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON, PRINCE CHARLES' SECRETARY. Edited by R. FITZROY BELL, Advocate.

SIR THOMAS CRAIG'S DE UNIONE REGNORUM BRITANNIÆ. Edited, with an English Translation, from the unpublished MS. in the Advocates' Library, by DAVID MASSON, Historiographer Royal.

NOTE-BOOK OR DIARY OF BAILIE DAVID WEDDERBURNE, MERCHANT OF DUNDEE, 1587-1630. Edited by A. H. MILLAR.

A TRANSLATION OF THE STATUTA ECCLESIÆ SCOTICANÆ, 1225-1556, by DAVID PATRICK, LL.D.

DOCUMENTS IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE HAGUE AND ROTTERDAM CONCERNING THE SCOTS BRIGADE IN HOLLAND. Edited by J. FERGUSON, Advocate.

THE DIARY OF ANDREW HAY OF STONE, NEAR BIGGAR, AFTERWARDS OF CRAIGNETHAN CASTLE, 1659-60. Edited by A. G. REID from a manuscript in his possession.

A SELECTION OF THE FORFEITED ESTATES PAPERS PRESERVED IN H.M. GENERAL REGISTER HOUSE AND ELSEWHERE. Edited by A. H. MILLAR.

A TRANSLATION OF THE HISTORIA ABBATUM DE KYNLOS OF FERRERIUS. By ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE.

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE AFFAIRS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC PARTY IN SCOTLAND, from the year of the Armada to the Union of the Crowns. Edited by THOMAS GRAVES LAW.

* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=).

Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.

Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.

The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter is superscripted (example: Rev^d). If two or more letters are superscripted they are enclosed in curly brackets (example: 26^{_to_}).

Page 293: On this page the ---- has been added by the transcriber to indicate blank areas on the original page.

Page 352: The transcriber has supplied the closing round bracket for the phrase "delivered over to him Captain Switenham (an English gentleman)".

End of Project Gutenberg's The Lyon in Mourning, Vol. 1, by Robert Forbes