Part 8
King WILLIAM the Victor when hee drew towards the end of his dayes, commended the Kingdome of _England_ to his second sonne _William_: with many blessings, with many admonitions, with many prayers for the prosperous successe of his succession. And because the presence of the next successour is of greatest moment to establish affaires, the King a little before his passage to death, dispatched him into _England_, with letters vnder his owne Seale to _Lanfranck_ then Archbishop of _Canterbury_: a man highly esteemed in forraine Countreys, but with the Cleargie and vulgare people of the Realme, his authoritie was absolute. In these letters the King expressed great affection and care towards his sonne _William_; commending him with many kind words, for his sufficiencies, for diuers vertues; especially for that hee did alwayes stand firmely by him, alwayes declare himselfe both a faithfull Subiect and dutifull sonne. It was also coniectured by some, that the King was guided in this choise, no lesse by his iudgement, then by his affection: for that he esteemed the fierce disposition of his sonne _William_ more fit to gouerne a people not well setled in subiection, then the flexible and milde nature of his eldest sonne _Robert_. So _William_ taking his last leaue of his father, who was then taking his last leaue of this world, iourneyed towards _England_; and in short time arriued at the port called _Whitesand_, where he receiued the first report of his fathers death. Hereupon with all speed hee posted to _Lanfranck_, deliuered his fathers letters, and foorthwith was declared King, vpon the 9. day of September, in the yere 1087. and vpon the first of October next ensuing was by the same _Lanfranck_, with al ceremonies and solemnities perteining to that action, crowned at _Westminster_.
_Robert_, either by negligence and want of foresight, or by the perpetuall malice of his destinie, or happily not without his fathers contriuance, was absent in _Germanie_, whilest his yonger brother _William_ did thus possesse himselfe, both of the Kingdome of his father, and of his treasure. Otherwise he wanted neither pretence, nor purpose, nor fauour of friends to haue empeached his brothers proceedings. For it was then doubted by many, and since hath bene by many debated; whether in any case, vpon any cause or consideration whatsoeuer, a King hath power to disinherite his eldest sonne, and to appoint another to succeed in his estate.
That a King may aduance any of his sonnes to bee his successour, without respect of prioritie in birth, there seemeth to want neither warrant of example, nor weight of authoritie. _Dauid_[29] a man greatly prooued and approoued by God, did preferre _Solomon_[30] to succeede him, before his eldest sonne _Adonia_. And in like sort _Rehoboam_ the sonne of _Solomon_, appointed the yongest of all his sonnes to succeed him in the Kingdome.[31] So some Lawyers affirme, That a King may determine in his life, which of his sonnes shall reigne after him.
But this must be vnderstood, either when a State is newly raised to the title of a kingdome, or else when by Conquest, Vsurpation, or some other meanes of change, the gouernment thereof is newly transferred from one stemme to another: For then because there is no certaine Law or Custome of succession in force, the right seemeth to depend vpon the disposition of the Prince. And yet euen in this case, the eldest or neerest cannot be excluded without iust cause. For so when _Iacob_[32] depriued his eldest sonne _Reuben_ of his priuiledge of birth, he expressed the cause, For that he had defiled his fathers bed; which fact of his _Hierome_ applieth to the case in question. So when _Ptolemie_[33] the first King of _Egypt_ commended the State to his yongest sonne, he yeelded a reason for that which he did. So _Henrie_ the fourth Emperour, crowned _Henrie_ his yonger sonne King, reiecting _Conrade_ his eldest sonne, for that hee had borne armes against him, and ioyned in league with his open enemies.
But when by expresse Lawe or long grounded Custome the Succession of a State is established to the eldest sonne, the best approoued interpreters of the Canon and Ciuill law doe conclude,[34] that the father hath no power to inuert or peruert that course of order. For parents may debarre their children of that which proceedeth from themselues, of that which dependeth vpon their appointment; but of that which is due by nature,[35] by the immutable law of the State, the parents can haue no power to dispose. When by a fundamentall Lawe or Custome of State, Succession is annexed to the dignity of a Crowne, according to prioritie in birth, it followeth, that so soone as the first borne commeth into light, the right of succession is fixed in him;[36] not in hope onely, but also in habite; whereof neither the father nor any other can dispossesse him.
And therefore when _Prusias_[37] intended to depriue his eldest sonne _Nicomedes_ of his prerogatiue of birth, and to preferre his yonger sonnes, which he had by another wife, in succession before him, he could not assure it by any meanes, but by determining the death of _Nicomedes_; which _Nicomedes_ to preuent, dispoiled his father both of kingdom and of life. _Ptolemie_ the first King of _Egypt_[38] of that name, who after the death of _Alexander_ the great possessed himselfe of _Egypt_, & part of _Arabia_, and of _Affrick_, left his kingdom to the yongest of his sons: but afterward when _Ptolemie_, surnamed _Phiscon_,[39] vpon the importunity of his wife _Cleopatra_, attempted the like, the kingdome being then setled in succession, the people opposed, & reuersed his order after his death. So _Pepine_[40] after hee had made seisure of the kingdome of _France_, & ordered all things which he thought necessary for the suerty therof, disposed the succession therein by his Testament; leauing the Realme of _Noion_ to his sonne _Charles_, and to _Carloman_ his other sonne the Realme of _Soissons_. The like was done by some other of the first Kings of his race. But since that time the custome hath been strongly stablished, that the kingdome passeth entirely to the eldest sonne, and possessions are assigned to the rest vnder the name of _Appanage_. And therefore the _French_[41] writers affirme, that the eldest sonne of _France_ cannot be depriued of succession, vpon any cause of ingratitude against his parents; and that if the King should institute his eldest sonne,[42] yet cannot hee take the kingdome by force of his fathers guift, but onely by the immutable law of the Realme. Yea, _Girard_ writeth of _Charles_ the simple, that hee was King of _France_[43] before hee was borne. And in this regard the _Glossographer_[44] vpon the Decrees noteth, that the sonne of a King may bee called King during the life of his father, as wanting nothing but administration. And the same also doth _Seruius_ note out of _Virgil_, where hee saith of _Ascanius_: _regemq; requirunt_, his father _Aeneas_ being then aliue.
Now then, for that the right of Succession to the Crowne of _England_ was not at that time so surely setled as it hath been since; but had waued in long vncertainetie: First, in the _Heptarchie_ of the _Saxons_ and _English_, afterward betweene the _English_ and the _Danes_, and was then newly possessed by the _Normane_, and that chiefly by the sword: For that also _Robert_ the Kings eldest sonne gaue iust cause of offence, by bearing armes against his father; it may seeme that the King might lawfully direct the succession to his second sonne. And yet, because as _Herodotus_[45] saith, _It is a generall custome amongst all men, that the first in birth is next in succession_; because as _Baldus_[46] affirmeth, _Semper fuit, & semper erit, &c. Alwayes it hath been, and alwayes it shall bee, that the first borne succeedeth in a kingdome_; because as S. _Hierome_[47] writeth, _A kingdome is due vnto the first borne_; and as S. _Chrysostome_[48] saith, _The first borne is to bee esteemed more honourable then the rest_; whereupon diuers Lawyers obserue, that the word _Senior_[49] is often times taken for a Lord. Lastly, because this precedencie both in honour, and in right seemeth to be the Law of all nations, deriued from the Law of Nature, and expresly either instituted or approoued by the voice of God: First, where he said to _Cain_[50] of his yonger brother _Abel_; _His desires shall be subiect to thee, and thou shalt haue dominion ouer him_: Secondly,[51] where he forbiddeth the father to disinherite the first sonne of his double portion, because by right of birth it is due vnto him: Lastly, where hee maketh choice of the first borne to be sanctified and consecrated to himselfe;[52] it hath almost neuer happened that this order hath been broken, that the neerest haue bene excluded from Succession in State, but it hath been followed with tragicall euents.
Yea, albeit the eldest sonne be vnfit to beare rule, albeit hee be vnable to gouerne either others or himselfe; as if hee be in a high degree furious, or foolish, or otherwise defectiue in body or in minde, (vnlesse he degenerate from humane condition) yet can he not therefore be excluded from succession:[53] because it is due vnto him, not in respect of abilitie, but by reason of his prioritie of birth. As for the kingdom, it shall better be preserued by the gouernment of a Protector (as in diuers like causes it is both vsual and fit) then by receiuing another Prince:[54] as well for other respects, as for that by cutting off continuance in the Royall descent, by interrupting the setled order of gouernment, by making a breach in so high a point of State, opportunitie is opened both for domesticall disturbances, and for inuasions from abroad: whereupon greater inconueniences do vsually ensue, then did euer fall by insufficiencie of a Prince. For if these pretenses may be allowed for good, what aspiring Subiect, what encroaching enemy, finding themselues furnished with meanes, will not be ready to rise into ambitious hopes? _Gabriel_ the yonger brother of the house of _Saluse_, kept his eldest brother in prison, vsurped his estate, giuing foorth to the people that he was mad. And seldome hath any vsurpation happened, but vpon pretence of insufficiencie in gouernment. Assuredly, if these principall points of Principalitie be not punctually obserued, the ioynts of a State are loosened, the foundation is shaken, the gates are opened for all disorders, to rise vp, to rush in, to prosper, to preuaile.
Hereupon _Medon_[55] the eldest sonne of _Codrus_, albeit he was lame and otherwise defectiue, was by sentence of the Oracle of _Apollo_ preferred to succeed his father in the kingdome of _Athens_, before _Neleus_ his yonger brother. So when _Alexandrides_[56] King of _Sparta_ left two sonnes, _Cleomenes_ the eldest, distracted in wits, and _Doricus_ the yongest, both able and enclined to all actions of honour; the _Spartans_ acknowledged _Cleomenes_ for their King. _Agisilaus_ the famous King of _Sparta_ was also lame, as _Plutarch_[57] and _Prob. Aemilius_ do report; _Orosius_ saith, that the _Spartans_ did rather choose to haue their King halt, then their Kingdome. And therefore when _Lisander_[58] moued them to decree, that the worthiest and not alwayes the next in blood of the line of _Hercules_ should reigne, he found no man to second his aduise. _Aristobulus_[59] and _Hircanus_ after a long and cruel contention for the Kingdome of _Iewrie_, committed their controuersie to the arbitrement of _Pompey_: _Hircanus_ alledged, that hee was the eldest brother; _Aristobulus_ obiected, that _Hircanus_ was insufficient to gouerne: but _Pompey_ gaue iudgement for _Hircanus_. The like iudgement did _Annibal_[60] giue for the kingdome of that Countrey which is now called _Sauoy_; restoring _Brancus_[61] to his State, from which he had bene expelled by his yonger brother. And although _Phirrus_[62] did appoint that sonne to succeed, whose sword had the best edge; yet was the eldest acknowledged, who bare the least reputation for valour.
_Ladislaus_[63] King of _Hungarie_ left by his brother _Geysa_ two Nephewes; _Colomannus_ the eldest, who was lame, bunch-backed, crab-faced, blunt-sighted, bleare-eyed, a dwarfe, a stammerer, and (which is more) a Priest; and _Almus_ the yongest, a man of comely presence, and furnished with many princely vertues: In regard of these natural prerogatiues _Ladislaus_ appointed _Almus_ to succeed; but in regard of the prerogatiue in blood, the _Hungarians_ receiued _Colomannus_ for their King. _Barbatius_[64] writeth, that _Galeace_ Duke of _Milane_ did oft times expresse his griefe, for that he could not preferre in succession _Philip Maria_ his yongest sonne, before _Iohn_ his eldest; for that he seemed the most sufficient to vndertake the manage of the State. _Girard_[65] affirmeth that it hath bene the custome of the _French_, to honour their Kings whatsoeuer they are; whether wise or foolish, valiant or weake; esteeming the name of King to be sacred by whomsoeuer it be borne. And therefore they obeyed not only _Charles_ the simple, but _Charles_ the sixt also; who reigned many yeres in plaine distraction of his mind. It was an ancient custome in _Scotland_, that the most sufficient of the blood of _Fergusus_[66] was receiued for King; but such warres, murthers, and other mischiefes did thereupon ensue, that a law was made vnder _Kenet_ the third, and afterwards confirmed by _Millcolumbus_, that the nighest in blood should alwayes succeede. And accordingly the Scots refused not for their King _Iohn_ the eldest sonne of _Robert_ the second, albeit he was borne out of marriage, and did halt, and was both in wit and in courage dull.
For what if he who is debarred for disabilitie shall afterward haue a sonne free from all defects?[67] It is without question that the right of the Kingdome should deuolue vnto him: for that the calamitie of parents doeth not preiudice their children, especially in their naturall rights, which they may claime from the person of former ancestors. But what if another be in possession of the Kingdome?[68] will he readily giue place to this right? will he readily abandon that honour, for which men will not spare, to climbe ouer all difficulties, to vndergoe all dangers; to put their goods, their liues, their soules in aduenture? If a man be once mounted into the chaire of Maiestie, it standeth not, I will not say with his dignitie, but with his safetie, to betake himselfe to a priuate State; as well for the eternall iealousie wherein he shall be held, as for the enuie which shall be borne against him vpon many of his actions: So as what some few would not doe for ambition, the same they must doe to preserue themselues. Hereupon it will follow, that the possession of the Kingdome being in one, and the right in another; disunions, factions, warres may easily ensue.
It is inconuenient (I grant) to be vnder a King who is defectiue in body or in mind; but it is a greater inconuenience, by disturbing a setled forme of gouernment, to open an entrance for all disorders; wherein ambition and insolencie (two riotous humours) may range at large. For as euill is generally of that nature, that it cannot stand, but by supportance of another euill; and so multiplieth in it selfe, vntill it doth ruine with the proper weight: so mindes hauing once exceeded the strict bounds of obedience, cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another, vntil they haue inuolued the whole State in confusion.
Bvt now to returne to the person and gouernment of this King _William_. He was a man of meane stature, thicke and square bodied, his belly swelling somewhat round; his face was red, his haire deepely yealow, by reason whereof he was called _Rufus_; his forehead foure square like a window, his eyes spotted and not one like the other; his speech vnpleasant and not easily vttered, especially when he was mooued with anger. He was of great abilitie in body, as well for naturall strength, as for hardinesse to endure all ordinary extremities both of trauaile and of want. In Armes he was both expert and aduenturous; full of inward brauerie and fiercenesse; neuer dismayed, alwayes forward, and for the most part fortunate; in counsaile sudden, in performance a man; not doubting to vndertake any thing which inuincible valour durst promise to atchieue. Hee had bene bred with the sword; alwayes in action, alwayes on the fauourable hand of Fortune: so as, albeit he was but yong, yet was he in experience well grounded; for inuention subtill, in counsaile quicke, in execution resolute; wise to foresee a danger, and expedite to auoid it. In a word, the generall reputation of his valour and celeritie, made him esteemed one of the best Chiefetaines in his time.
His behauiour was variable and inconstant; earnest in euery present passion, and for the most part accompanying the disposition of his mind, with outward demonstrations. Of nature he was rough, haughtie, obstinate, inuincible, which was much enlarged both by his soueraigntie and youth: so singular in his owne conceit, that he did interprete it to his dishonour, that the world should deeme, that he did not gouerne by his owne iudgement. In publicke he composed his countenance to a stately terrour; his face sowerly swelling, his eyes truculent, his voyce violent and fierce, scarce thinking himselfe Maiesticall in the glasse of his vnderstanding, but when he flashed feare from his presence. And yet in priuate he was so affable and pleasant, that he approched neere the degree of leuitie: much giuen to scoffing, and passing ouer many of his euill actions with a ieast. In all the other carriages of his life, he maintained no stable and constant course; but declared himselfe for euery present, as well in vertue as in vice, strong, violent, extreeme.
In the beginning of his reigne he was esteemed a most accomplished Prince; and seemed not so much of power to bridle himselfe from vice, as naturally disposed to abhorre it. Afterwards, either with variation of times, or yeelding to the pleasures which prosperity vseth to ingender euen in moderate minds, or perhaps his nature beginning to disclose that which hee had cunningly concealed before, corruptions crept vp, and he waued vncertainely betweene vertue and vice. Lastly, being imboldned by euill teachers, and by continuance both of prosperitie and rule, he is said to haue made his height a priuiledge of loosenesse, and to haue abandoned himselfe to all licentious demeanour; wherein he seemed little to regard God, and nothing man.
Assuredly, there is no greater enemie to great men, then too great prosperitie in their affaires; which taketh from them all iudgement and rule of themselues; which maketh them ful of libertie, and bould to doe euill. And yet I cannot conceiue that this King was so bould, so carelesse, so shamelesse in vices, as many writers doe report. It is certaine that hee doubted of some points of Religion, at that time without any great contradiction professed; and namely, of praying to Saints, worshipping of Reliques, & such like. It is certain also, that out of policie in State, he endeuoured to abate the tumorous greatnes of the Clergie at that time; as well in riches, as in authority and power with the people: and that he attributed not so much to the Sea of _Rome_, as diuers Kings before him had done. Insomuch as he restrained his subiects from going to _Rome_, and withheld the annuall paiment of _Peter_ pence, and was oftentimes heard to giue foorth, that _they follow not the trace of S. Peter, they greedily gape after gifts and rewards, they retein not his power, whose pietie they do not imitate_. These were causes sufficient for the writers of his time (who were for the most part Clergie-men) to enlarge his vices beyond the trueth, to surmise many vices vntruely, to wrest his true vertues to be vices.
And this I doe the rather coniecture, for that I doe not find his particular actions of like nature, with the generall imputation which is cast vpon him; for that also I finde the chiefe of these generall imputations to bee these:[69] _That he was grieuous to the Church, of no deuotion to God, preferring respect of temporall state before the rules of the Gospel_. Verely, it is hard to doe that which will beare a cleere beauty in the eyes of all men; and if our actions haue not the fauour of time, and the opinion of those men who doe estimate and report them, they are much dimmed with disgrace.[70] Out of all doubt he was a magnanimous Prince, mercifull and liberall, and in martiall affaires most expert, diligent and prosperous; wise to contriue his best aduantage, and most couragious to atchieue it. But two things chiefly obscured his glory; one, the incomparable greatnesse of his father, to whom he did immediatly succeede; the other was the prowesse of those men, against whom he did contend in armes; especially of _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_, and of _Robert_ Duke of _Normandie_. To these I may adde, that hee died in the principall strength and flourish of his age, before his iudgement had full command ouer his courage.
Many doe attribute his excellent beginnings to _Lanfranck_ Archb. of _Canterburie_: who during the time of his life, partly by authoritie, and partly by aduise, supported the vnstable yeeres and disposition of the King: which after the death of _Lanfranck_ returned by degrees to their proper sway. But I do rather attribute many of his first vertues to the troubles which happened in the very entrance of his reigne; which partly by employment, and partly by feare, held his inclination in some restraint. For _Odo_ Bishop of _Baion_ and Earle of _Kent_, the Kings vncle by the mothers side, had drawen the greatest part of all the Prelates and Nobilitie that were _Normans_, into a dangerous confederacie against the King; to deiect him from his State, and to aduance _Robert_ his elder brother for their King.
The secret cause of this conspiracie was partly vpon a generall discontentment, at the great, though worthy estimation and authoritie (a most capitall offence in the eye of enuie) of _Lanfrank_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_; by means whereof many of the conspirators liued in farre meaner reputation, then their ambitious minds could easily breake: but chiefly it was vpon a more particular grudge, which _Odo_ did beare against the same _Lanfranck_; because by his perswasion, _Odo_ had been committed to prison by King _William_ the elder. For when the King complained to _Lanfranck_ of the intolerable both auarice and ambition of his brother _Odo_, the Archbishop gaue aduise, that hee should bee restrained of his libertie. And when the King doubted, how he being a Bishop, might be committed to prison, without impeaching the priuiledges of the Church; indeede answered _Lanfranck_, you may not imprison the Bishop of _Baion_, but you may doe what you please with the Earle of _Kent_.