did. There is no doubt that you are to do your duty; but, if

you depend upon your duties, you make a Saviour of them, and deny the righteousness of our Lord Jesus Christ. You may go in an easy, decent, and polite way of religion, and obtain a reputation in the sight of men; but you are odious in the sight of God, and incarnate devils within." (Sermon on the Necessity of the Righteousness of Christ.)[266]

[266] This sermon was on the parable of the Pharisee and Publican, but is altogether different from that, on the same text, in Whitefield's collected works.

"O ye Pharisees, what fruits do ye bring forth? Why, you are moral, polite creatures. You do your endeavours, and Jesus is to make up the rest. You esteem yourselves fine, rational, and polite beings, and think it is too unfashionable to pray. It is not polite enough. Perhaps you have read some prayers, but knew not how to pray from your hearts. No, by no means! That was being righteous over-much! But if once, my brethren, you were sensible of your being lost, damned creatures, and see hell gaping ready to receive you, then, O then, you would cry earnestly unto the Lord to receive you, to open the door of mercy unto you. Your tones would then be changed. You would no more flatter yourselves with your abilities and good wishes. No: you would see how unable you were to save yourselves; that there is no fitness, no free-will in you: no fitness but for eternal damnation; and no free-will but that of doing evil. Ye Pharisees, who are going about to establish your own righteousness; who are too polite to follow the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity and truth; who are all for a little show, a little outside work; who lead moral, civil, decent lives, Christ will not know you at the great day, but will say unto you, 'Depart from me, ye workers of iniquity, unto that place of torment, prepared for the devil and his angels.' Good God! and must these discreet, polite creatures, who never did any one harm, but led such civil, decent lives, must they suffer the vengeance of eternal fire? Cannot their righteous souls be saved? Where then must the sinner and the ungodly appear?" (Sermon on Christ the only Rest for the Weary.)

_Warnings._--"O the folly and madness of this sensual world! O consider this, you who think it no crime to swear, whore, drink, or scoff and jeer at the people of God,--consider how your voices will then be changed, and how you will howl and lament at your own madness and folly. He, who is now your merciful Saviour, will then be your inexorable Judge. Now He is easy to be entreated; then all your tears and prayers will be in vain. Your wealth and grandeur will stand you in no stead. You can carry nothing of these into the other world. What horror and astonishment will then possess your souls! Then all your lies and oaths, your scoffs and jeers at the people of God, all your filthy and unclean thoughts and actions, will be brought at once to your remembrance, and at once be charged upon your guilty souls." (Sermon on a New Heart, the best New-Year's Gift.)

"Alas! our great men had much rather spend their money in a play-house, at a ball, an assembly, or a masquerade, than in relieving a poor distressed servant of Jesus Christ. They had rather spend their estates on their hawks and hounds, on their whores, and on their earthly, sensual, and devilish pleasures, than in comforting, nourishing, or relieving one of their distressed fellow-creatures. But what difference is there between the king on the throne and the beggar on the dunghill, when God demands their breath? There is no difference in the grave. There will be none at the day of judgment. You will not be excused because you have had a great estate, and a fine house, and have lived in all the pleasures that earth could afford you. You will be judged not according to the largeness of your estate, but according to the use you have made of it." (Sermon on the great Duty of Charity recommended.)

"Sinners! how fearful soever you may be of appearing before this tribunal, you will be obliged to do it. Then you will call for the rocks and mountains to fall upon you, to hide you from the face of the Lord God. Then you will see Him whom your sins have pierced. Then you will be called to answer for your revilings and mockings against the people of God. Then it will plainly appear who are the enthusiasts, and who the madmen. Then we shall see who have been fools, and who were the fitter for Bedlam." (Sermon on the Serpent's beguiling Eve.)

"Oh! brethren, it is a certain, but an awful truth, that your souls will be thinking and immortal beings, even in spite of themselves. They may indeed torment, but they cannot destroy themselves. They can no more suspend their power of thought and perception, than a mirror its property of reflecting rays that fall upon its surface. Do you suspect the contrary? Make the trial immediately. Command your minds to cease from thinking but for one quarter of an hour. Can you succeed in that attempt? Or rather, does not thought press in with a more sensible violence on that resistance; just as an anxious desire to sleep makes us so much the more wakeful? Thus will thought follow you beyond the grave. Thus will it, as an unwelcome guest, force itself upon you, when it can serve only to perplex and distress you. It will for ever upbraid you, that notwithstanding the kind expostulations of God and man, notwithstanding the keen remonstrances of conscience, and the pleadings of the blood of Christ, you have gone on in your folly, till heaven is lost, and damnation incurred; and all for what? for a shadow and a dream!" (Sermon on the Care of the Soul urged as the One Thing Needful.)

_Entreaties._--"You all, my brethren, must be born again. You must feel yourselves lost and undone in yourselves, or there is no salvation for you in the Lord Jesus Christ. Men may be angry with me for telling you these things, and may come and carry me to prison, or to death; but my inward satisfaction at having been made instrumental of bringing any poor sinners home to Jesus Christ, I esteem more than a balance for all that I can suffer: If this is to be vile, I beg of God I may be yet more vile. If this is to be mad, I pray God I may be yet more mad, in my Master's cause. Let His own will be done in me, with me, by me, and upon me, so I may not be brought as a witness against you in the great day. As this is my last time of speaking to you, in this place, I would invite you the more earnestly to come to the Lord Jesus Christ. O do not lay the blame of your perishing upon our doctrine. Do not lay the fault upon us; for the Lord now sends His servants to call and invite you to Him; and if you still refuse both Him and us, what must I say? I must appear in judgment against you; and, oh! what shall I say? The very thought, methinks, chills my blood." (Sermon on the Necessity of the Righteousness of Christ.)

"I come to you, not with the enticing words of man's wisdom, but with plainness of speech. Perhaps many may slight me for this way of preaching; but I am not willing to go without you to Christ. It is a love for your better part that constrains me. O that I had ten thousand lives to give away, that I might win you to Christ! Had I the tongue of an angel, that I might speak so loud that the whole world could hear me, I would bid the Christian world preach a common salvation, a common Saviour, unto all who lay hold on Him by faith. Are you seeking where to wash? I tell you not to go to the river Jordan, but to the blood of Christ. You need not fear to go. Though He has given His grace to thousands, He has still enough. Come, ye publicans; come, ye harlots; come to Jesus Christ. O do not let me go without my errand. Do not force me to say, 'Who has believed my report?' I cannot bear the thought of it. I must lift up my voice, like a trumpet, begging you to lay down your arms, and to return home, that your loving Father may dress you in His spotless robe. Come and see whether Christ will make ample recompence for all, for more than all this world can give. Consider, if you do not, your damnation is from yourselves. Must I weep over you, as our Saviour did over Jerusalem? I beseech you, by all that is good and dear to you, do not cast away your souls for ever. O mind, in this your day, the things that belong to your peace, before they are for ever hidden from your eyes. Could I speak with the tongues of men or angels, with all the rhetoric possible, I could never tell the worth of Christ. He is a good Master; indeed He is. I wish all that hear me this day would lay hold on Him, by faith, and take Him on His own terms. Do not be angry with me for my love. How glad would I be to bring some of you to God! Come! He calls you by His ministers. Bring your sins with you, that He may make you saints. He will sanctify all who believe on Him." (Sermon on Watching, the peculiar Duty of a Christian.)

"Come, come unto Him. If your souls were not immortal, and you in danger of losing them, I would not thus speak unto you; but the love of your souls constrains me to speak. Methinks, this would constrain me to speak unto you for ever. Come, all ye drunkards, swearers, Sabbath-breakers, adulterers, fornicators! Come, all ye scoffers, harlots, thieves, and murderers; and Jesus Christ will save you. He will give you rest, if you are weary of your sins." (Sermon on Christ the only Rest for the Weary.)

"O fly, fly unto the Lord Jesus Christ. I invite you all to accept of Him. I offer Jesus Christ to the greatest profligate on earth. Surely, there are none can say, I preach damnation now. They cannot say I am sending you to hell now. No, my brethren, I preach salvation to all of you, who will come and accept the Lord Jesus Christ. Oh! I know not how to leave you, without some hopes of your coming to Him." (Sermon on Polite and Fashionable Diversions.)

"The devil shews men the bait, but hides the hook. He promises great wages; but his wages are really death here, and eternal damnation hereafter. If you want to know more what wages the devil gives his servants, you need not stir from the place where you now are. Look yonder,[267] and there you will see how he pays them. He seeks your souls to destroy them; but, my brethren, fear him not. Though he is your enemy, he is a chained one. He can go no farther than he is permitted. He could not hurt a herd of swine, till he had leave of Jesus Christ." (Sermon on the Danger of Man resulting from Sin.)

[267] Pointing, on Kennington Common, to the gallows, where three men were hanging in chains.

These are long extracts, at the end of an inconveniently long chapter; but, it must be borne in mind, that, the fame of Whitefield chiefly rests on his character as a preacher; and that there are only thirty-five of his published sermons which belong to dates subsequent to the year 1739; and that even more than half of these were taken from his lips, in shorthand, and printed without his revision or consent.

It is scarcely necessary to enlarge upon the foregoing extracts. The reader can form his own opinions of Whitefield's oratory, courage, tenderness, earnestness, and fidelity. He can also judge of the young preacher's imprudence, perhaps rudeness, in using language so violent concerning the clergy of the Established Church. One fact, however, must be noted. These sermons, as _originally published_, contain scarcely any allusion whatever to Calvinian tenets. Whitefield, no doubt, became a Calvinist; but this change in his theology did not occur, until he was about to embark, the second time, for Georgia. Indeed, though, in the seventeen sermons which remain unnoticed, and which were written and revised by Whitefield himself, there are passages embodying the doctrines of election and final perseverance; also passages on imputed righteousness and sinless perfection, propounding views not in harmony with those of his friend Wesley; yet such passages, comparatively speaking, are few in number, and are totally exempt from bitterness. It is also right to add, that, Whitefield's Calvinism never interfered with his warmhearted declarations concerning the _universality_ of redeeming love, and the willingness of Christ to save _all_ who come to Him. Doubtless there was some degree of inconsistency in this; but it only shews that the man's heart was larger than his creed.

Excepting two or three, there is nothing in the remaining seventeen sermons just mentioned which requires further notice. They are, however, in most respects, his ablest and his best. There is less incoherency of thought and language. There is an entire absence of attacks on the clergy of the Church of England. The style is more polished; the sentences more finished. There is more biblical and anecdotal illustration. And there is a greater depth of religious feeling and experience.

Excellent, however, as _these_ sermons are, they necessarily fail to convey a full idea of Whitefield's marvellous preaching power. His words could be printed, but not his intonations, action, tears, smiles, solemnity, and pathos. Whitefield was born an orator. His oratory was the gift of his Creator. He could not be natural without using it. To have laid it aside would have been affectation. His oratory, however, is a thing not to be seen in his published sermons, but to be imagined. There was eloquence in his very attitudes, in the accents of his voice, in his gestures, in the features of his face, and in the motions of his hands. These things could not be printed. To say nothing of his almost unequalled voice, his versatility was wonderful. At will, he could be a Boanerges, or a Barnabas. One moment, he would thunder on Mount Sinai; the next, would whisper mercy on Mount Calvary. At all times, he was inexpressibly earnest, and his hearers felt he believed the truths he uttered. A writer, in the _New York Observer_, eloquently observes:--

"We read Whitefield's printed sermons, and they disappoint us. Of all men in the world, he was the last who should have published his sermons. So much did he owe to physical temperament, to the volume and varied intonations of his voice, to the irrepressible fires of a soul all alive to the grand and overpowering visions of divine truth, to a sort of inspiration kindled by the sight of thousands whose eyes were ready to weep and whose hearts were ready to break the moment his clarion voice rang out on their expectant ears--so much did he owe to these circumstances, that his eloquence cannot be appreciated by any account of it which can be given verbally, or be delineated on paper. Vain is it, therefore, to look into his printed sermons to find his power. His power as a pulpit orator, also, cannot be separated from his pious emotions, nor from his religious views. Had he embraced a theory of religion less emotional, more after the pattern of rationalists or ritualists, his eloquence would have been lost to the world. Never would his soul have taken fire, nor his lips glowed with the burning coal of enthusiastic passion. But he believed in man's ruin by sin, in the certain interminable woe that awaited the impenitent; in the mercy of God through Jesus Christ, and the free offer of salvation through faith in the cross. Such were his views, and, under these convictions, he looked upon his audiences. He saw but one hope set before them, and with his whole soul moved and melted by the love of Christ on the one hand, and the love of souls on the other, he pressed every hearer, with all the energy of a dying man speaking to dying men, to accept the great salvation. Nor do we think that the pulpit can reach its appropriate power, nor for any length of time retain it, unless these grand cardinal doctrines of grace are the inspiring themes."

These remarks are as just as they are eloquent; but it is now time to follow Whitefield in his transatlantic wanderings.

_SECOND VISIT TO AMERICA._

AUGUST 1739 TO MARCH 1741.

Marvellous were the scenes which Whitefield had witnessed during the last few months. If ministerial success were a proof that the man thus honoured ought to remain where he is, Whitefield ought to have remained in England. He had, however, formally accepted the distant living of Savannah. The Trustees of Georgia had cheerfully acceded to all his wishes. He had collected considerable sums of money for the erection of his contemplated Orphanage. He had promised the people of Savannah that he would return to them. People on both sides the Atlantic expected this. On the other hand, and despite the ribald persecutions to which he had been subjected, he had strong inducements to stay at home. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, during the last half-year, had been converted by his ministry, and needed pastoral attention. The crowds that flocked to hear him had not at all diminished, but were as great as ever. Multitudes wished to keep him. To fill his place was extremely difficult, perhaps impossible. But solemn promises had been made; and, in accordance with these, public, as well as private, arrangements had taken place; all rendering a return to Georgia an imperative necessity. No doubt, Whitefield was anxious that the great work, which had been begun in London and elsewhere, should be conserved, and be carried on; and he seems to have requested Charles Wesley to act as his successor. At all events, Charles wrote as follows:--

_"August 10, 1739._

DEAR GEORGE,--I forgot to mention the most material occurrence at Plaistow; namely, that a clergyman was there convinced of sin. He stood under me, and appeared, throughout my discourse, under the strongest perturbation of mind. In our return, we were much delighted with an old spiritual Quaker, who is clear in justification by faith only. At Marylebone, a footman was convinced of more than sin; and now waits with confidence for all the power of faith. Friend Keen seems to have experience, and is right in the foundation.

"I cannot preach out on the week-days, for the expense of coach; nor accept of dear Mr. Seward's offer; to which I should be less backward, would he take my advice. But while he is so lavish of his Lord's goods, I cannot consent that this ruin should, in any degree, _seem_ to be under my hand.

"I am continually tempted to leave off preaching, and hide myself like J. Hutchins. I should then be freer from temptation, and at leisure to attend to my own improvement. God continues to work _by_ me, but not _in_ me, that I can perceive. Do not reckon upon me, my brother, in the work God is doing: for I cannot expect He should long employ one who is ever longing and murmuring to be discharged. I rejoice in your success, and pray for its increase a thousand-fold."[268]

[268] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 159.

Four days after the date of this letter, Whitefield embarked for America. His party consisted of seventeen persons, including Mr. Seward and himself.[269] One of these was Joseph Periam, whom Whitefield had rescued from a madhouse. Another was Mr. Gladman, a captain, whose ship, during Whitefield's first visit to America, had been thrown upon a sandbank, near the Gulf of Florida, where he and his crew had to exist, as they best could, for thirty days, when they launched a raft; and, after floating about a hundred and forty leagues, came to Tybee Island, near Savannah. Whitefield shewed the captain kindness. They returned to England in the same ship. The man was converted. Many situations were offered him; but he declined them all, gave himself to the work of God, and was now one of Whitefield's companions to Georgia.

[269] See "An Account of Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia. By George Whitefield. 1741." Only eleven, however, had their expenses paid out of the public subscriptions. Whitefield and Seward paid the passage-money for themselves and four others.

The voyage was of eleven weeks' continuance; but was not marked by any notable occurrence. Whitefield had public prayers twice a day. On Sundays, he preached and administered the sacrament. Sometimes, he and his friends held a love-feast; and, on several occasions, he allowed a Quaker to preach in his cabin. Often he suffered deep depression, and was profoundly humbled by revelations of his sinfulness in the sight of God. A large portion of his time was spent in writing letters, so that, when he landed, he had more than sixty ready for the post.

One of these, now for the first time published, was addressed to Mr. Blackwell, the Lombard Street banker:--[270]

"ON BOARD THE 'ELIZABETH,' GOING TO THE DOWNS,

"_August 16, 1739._

"DEAR MR. BLACKWELL,--I must write you, though so lately parted from you. I know the temptations which surround you. If I love you, I must watch over your soul. Perhaps, ere now, your father is launched into eternity. Yet a little while, you and I must follow. Oh, let us live the life of the righteous, that our future state may be like his. Nothing but a living faith in Jesus Christ can support us in a dying hour. What would the self-righteous Pharisees of this generation give for this pearl of inestimable price when God takes away their souls? Oh, my dear friend, it is worth being laughed at. It is worth ten thousand worlds. You will not think much then of renouncing one world for it. You have put your hand to the plough: I know you will scorn to look back. Your carnal relatives will do their utmost to make you ashamed of the cross of Christ; but be not ashamed of it, for it is the power of God unto salvation. Neither be ashamed of His disciples, though men of low degree, and accounted fools for His sake. No, rather choose to suffer affliction with His people; for, if we suffer, we shall also reign with Him. Oh, let your delight be with the saints that are in the earth, and with them that excel in virtue. You are blessed with many such. I beseech you, by the mercies of God in Christ Jesus our Lord, forsake not the assembling of yourselves together. And, as in my presence, so in my absence, see that you work out your salvation with fear and trembling. Let Jesus Christ be the Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end of all your thoughts, words, and actions. Suffer Him to work His whole will in, by, and upon you. And fail not writing to, and praying for,

"Ever, ever yours, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[270] Kindly furnished by Mr. George Stampe, of Grimsby.

Extracts from a few other letters, written during the voyage to America, may be useful. The first was addressed to Charles Wesley:--

"HONOURED AND DEAR SIR,--God has been pleased to send us a comfortable passage. The Orphan House accounts come right within £10.

I have great assurances given me that it will be a Pietas Georgiensis, equally remarkable with the Pietas Hallensis. I shall continue in Georgia above six months. If Mr. Hutchins would come to supply my place, I would keep the parsonage of Savannah. Otherwise, I will resign all but the Orphan House. I have read Guise and Doddridge on the Evangelists, and written to both. The former I think excellent; the latter, ingenious, elaborate, but too superficial. Neal's 'Lives of the Puritans' have been of use. I think they held the truth as it is in Jesus. The Quakers have set us an example of patient, resolute suffering, as the best means to weary our enemies. I want the Lives of Luther and Calvin, to get some short account of the history of the Reformation. At my return, I trust I shall speak boldly, as I ought to speak. The account of my infant years was written by the will of God. Pray, let it be published, without any material diminution or addition. He who hideth his sins shall not prosper. My Letter to the Religious Societies I give to the schools at Bristol. The Lord prosper the work of your hands upon you! I have written to the Bishop of Gloucester, and have delivered my soul, by meekly telling him of his faults. I long to hear how affairs go on in England. Are you yet the Lord's prisoner? If they make any laws whatsoever, I trust notwithstanding I shall preach with all boldness. Oh, dear sir, pray publicly, as well as in private, for your unworthy, loving servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[271]

[271] _Arminian Magazine_, 1778, p. 179.

To other friends, Whitefield wrote:--

"Our ship is now going to the Downs. God strengthens me mightily in the inner man. The sermon I have sent you is one of my extempore sermons. My brother, the captain, has been with me this last week. If he leaves off disputing, and will come to Christ as a poor lost sinner, he will do well. The Bishop of London has lately written against me. I trust God has assisted me in writing an answer. It is now (August 14) in the press. All the self-righteous are up in arms. My Master makes me more than a conqueror through His love. Mr. Ingham has about forty Societies in Yorkshire. Both the Mr. Wesleys go on well. Go where you will, religion (either for or against it) is the talk. Probably a suffering time will come. You will not be ashamed of me, though I should be a prisoner. Soon after this reaches Georgia, I hope to see you. My stay will be as short as possible at Philadelphia. I must not delay coming to my dear, though poor, charge. I expect to find Savannah almost desolate;[272] but our extremity is God's opportunity. I believe it will lift up its drooping head."

[272] This letter was evidently written to some one at Savannah; probably the clergyman. The reference is to the war then raging in Georgia between Spain and England.

"I thank God for His goodness to brother Howell Harris. The storm is diverted for a while, but I expect it to break upon my head one time or another. God has, for a while, prepared me a place of refuge in the ship from whence I write this. I have almost forgotten that I was in the world. My family on board is quite settled, and we live and love like Christians. I am now reading the 'Book of Martyrs.' They make me blush to think how little I suffer for Christ's sake. They warm my heart, and make me think the time long till I am called to resist even unto blood. But I fear the treachery of this heart of mine."

"Since my retirement from the world, I have seen more and more how full I am of corruption. Nothing could possibly support my soul under the many agonies which oppress me, but a consideration of the freeness, eternity, and unchangeableness of God's love to me, the chief of sinners. In about a twelvemonth, probably, I shall return again to my native country. Satan, no doubt, will endeavour to stir up all his forces against me. By the help of my God, I will once more come forth with my sling and my stone. I shall wait with impatience to hear how the work goes on in my absence. I trust God, by this time (Nov. 10), has sent more labourers into His harvest. I verily believe the right hand of the Lord will bring mighty things to pass. O how do I long to see bigotry and party-zeal taken away, and all the Lord's servants more knit together!"

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--When with you last, I thought you spoke too favourably of horse-races and such things. But what diversion ought a Christian or a clergyman to know, or speak of, but that of doing good? Many who are right in their principles, are worse than I could wish in their practice. O for a revival of true and undefiled religion in all sects whatsoever! I long to see a catholic spirit overspread the world. May God vouchsafe to make me an instrument in promoting it! Methinks, I care not what I do or suffer, so that I may see my Lord's kingdom come with power."

The following is taken from a letter to the Erskines and their confederates in Scotland:--

"Though I know none of you in person, yet, from the time I heard of your faith and love towards our dear Lord Jesus, I have been acquainted with you in spirit, and have constantly mentioned you in my poor prayers. I find the good pleasure of the Lord prospers in your hands; and I pray God to increase you more and more. Scotland, like England, has been so much settled upon its lees for some time, that I fear our late days may properly be called the midnight of the Church. I cannot but think a winnowing time will come after this ingathering of souls. O that we may suffer only as Christians, and then the Spirit of Christ and of glory will rest upon us. In patience possess your souls. I will leave my cause to God. The eternal God will be your perpetual refuge. He who employs will protect. As your day is, so shall your strength be."[273]

[273] To shew the malignant feeling of the public press against Whitefield, and the falsehoods used to injure him, the following is extracted from _Read's Weekly Journal_, of October 20, 1739:--"Edinburgh, October 9. It is said that the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, whose savoury Journals used to be quoted with applause by our Scot seceders, has of late addressed himself to one of these champions, in a letter which contains his opinions of their principles; and, in the strongest terms, condemns them as the authors of a detestable schism, endeavours to persuade them to return to their duty, and to leave off their divisive courses. This letter has given great offence; and Mr. Whitefield, from being a reformer, a saint, and a shining light, is degenerated, in their discourses, into one whose heart is corrupted, who will not lift up a testimony against the corruptions of the Church: in short, as one (oh horrid!) who will not rebel against an authority which he swore to maintain."

Other friends were addressed as follows:--

"The innumerable temptations, that attend a popular life, sometimes make me think it would be best for me to withdraw. But then, I consider that He who delivered Daniel out of the den of lions, and the three children out of the fiery furnace, is able and willing to deliver me also out of the fiery furnace of popularity and applause, and from the fury of those, who, for preaching Christ and Him crucified, are my inveterate enemies. In His strength, therefore, and at His command, when His providence shall call, I will venture out again. As yet, my trials have been nothing. Hereafter, a winnowing time may come; and then we shall see who is on the Lord's side, and who dare to confess Christ before men."

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--The Christian world is in a deep sleep. Nothing but a loud voice can awaken them out of it. It would rejoice me to hear of your success in the Lord. In about a twelvemonth, I purpose to return to England. I long to die unto myself, and to be alive unto God. Methinks, I would always be upon the wing; but, alas! I have a body of sin, which, at times, makes me cry out, 'Who shall deliver me?' I thank God, our Lord Jesus Christ will deliver. But I never expect entire freedom till I bow down my head, and give up the ghost. Every fresh employ, I find, brings with it fresh temptations. God always humbles before He exalts me. Sometimes I speak and write freely, at other times I am comparatively barren; one while on the mount, another while overshadowed with a cloud; but, blessed be God! at all times, at peace with Him, and assured that my sins are forgiven. I want to leap my seventy years. I long to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. But I must be made perfect by sufferings. I expect no other preferment."

In a letter to Mr. Hutchins, one of the Oxford Methodists, Whitefield wrote:--

"And how does my dear Mr. Hutchins? Is he yet commenced a field-preacher? I am persuaded my dear friend is under the guidance of God's Spirit, and, therefore, am convinced he will be directed for the best. Ere now, I trust, he has been upon many a mount, stretching out his hands, and inviting all that are weary and heavy-laden to come to Jesus Christ. In about a twelvemonth, I think of returning to England. I should rejoice if you would come and supply my place at Savannah. If not, I must resign the parsonage, and take upon me only the care of the orphans. I intend bringing up two or three, who are with me, for the ministry: more, no doubt, will shortly be added to their number. If you could come and teach them the languages, for an hour or two in the day, we could serve both the Orphan House and Parsonage together. Great things I trust will come out of Georgia."

"I know so much of the corruption of my heart, that, were God to leave me to myself but one moment, I should with oaths and curses deny my Master. As for my final perseverance, I bless God, I have not the least doubt thereof. The gifts and callings of God are without repentance. Whom He loves, I am persuaded, He loves to the end. But then, I fear lest, being puffed up with abundance of success, I should provoke the Lord to let me fall into some heinous sin, and thereby give His adversaries reason to rejoice. A public life is attended with innumerable snares; and a sense of my unworthiness and unfitness so weighs me down, that I have often thought it would be best for me to retire. But I know these are all suggestions of the enemy. Why should I distrust Omnipotence? Having had a legion of devils cast out of my heart by the power of Christ, why should I not tell what He hath done for my soul, for the encouragement of others? By the help of God, I will speak. The more Satan bids me hold my peace, the more earnestly will I proclaim to believing saints, that Jesus will have mercy on them. Oh! had I a thousand lives, my dear Lord Jesus should have them all."

The following seems to have been written to certain students at Oxford:--

"Look round, look round, my brethren, and, in imitation of your common Lord, weep over the desolations of the University wherein you live. Alas! how is that once faithful city become a harlot! Have pity upon her, ye that are friends; and, whatever treatment you may meet with from an ungrateful world, endeavour to rescue some of her sons out of that blindness, ignorance, bigotry, and formality, into which she is unhappily fallen. Arise, ye sons of the prophets. Shine forth, ye who are appointed to be the lights of the world. The rulers of this world will endeavour to put you under bushels; but, if your light is of God's kindling, all the devils in hell shall not be able to extinguish it. How will you be apt to teach hereafter, unless you begin to teach now? All God's people will wish you God speed. I am sure I do with all my heart."

The next extract is from a letter addressed to the students of a Dissenting college--perhaps Dr. Doddridge's:--

"As God has been pleased to bless my ministry to your souls, I think it my duty to watch over you for good. I heartily pray that you may be burning and shining lights in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation. Though you are not of the Church of England, yet, if you are persuaded in your own minds of the truth of the way wherein you walk, I leave it. Whether _Conformists_ or _Nonconformists_, our main concern should be, to be assured that we are called and taught of God; for none but such are fit to minister in holy things. It rejoiced me much to see such dawnings of grace in your souls; only I thought most of you were bowed down too much with a servile fear of man: but, as the love of the Creator increases, the fear of the creature will decrease. Unless your hearts are free from worldly hopes and worldly fears, you will never speak boldly, as you ought to speak. The good old Puritans, I believe, never preached better than when in danger of being taken to prison as soon as they had finished their sermons; and, I am persuaded, unless you go forth with the same temper, you will never preach with the same demonstration of the Spirit, and of power. Study your hearts as well as books. Ask yourselves, again and again, whether you would preach for Christ, if you were sure to lay down your lives for so doing. But enough of this. I love to hope well of you all."

The following was addressed to Howell Harris, and shews that Whitefield was now a Calvinist. While Harris was preaching at Pontypool, in the month of June, an officious official came and read the Riot Act, though there was not the least likelihood of a riot taking place. Harris asked him if he was accustomed to read the Act at "cock-matches"? This increased the man's anger, and Harris was arrested, carried before a magistrate, and committed for trial, at Monmouth Assizes, in August following. Having procured bail for his appearance, he surrendered himself at the proper time; but no evidence whatever was produced against him, and, of course, he was dismissed.

"I congratulate you on your success at Monmouth. God has yet further work for you to do, ere you are called before rulers and governors, for His name's sake. In about a twelvemonth, I hope to make a second use of your field-pulpits. Our principles agree, as face answers to face in the water. Since I saw you, God has been pleased to enlighten me more in that comfortable doctrine of _election_, etc. At my return, I hope to be more explicit than I have been. God forbid, my dear brother, that we should shun to declare the whole counsel of God!"

The next extract also expresses the same sentiments:--

"What was there in you, and in me, that should move God to choose us before others? Was there any fitness foreseen in us, except a fitness for damnation? I believe not. No, God chose us from eternity; He called us in time; and, I am persuaded, will keep us from falling finally, till time shall be no more. Consider the gospel in this view, and it appears a consistent scheme."

In a letter to Hervey, Whitefield wrote:--

"The many happy hours I spent with you at Oxon, and the benefit I have received from your instructions and example, are yet fresh upon my memory. I long to have my dear friend come forth and preach the truth as it is in Jesus. Not a righteousness or inward holiness of our own, whereby we may make ourselves meet, but the righteousness of another, even the Lord our righteousness; upon the imputation and apprehending of which by faith, we shall be made meet, by His Holy Spirit, to live with, and to enjoy God. Let me advise dear Mr. Hervey to lay aside all prejudice, and to read and pray over St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans and Galatians; and then let him tell me what he thinks of this doctrine. Most of your old friends are now happily enlightened. God sets His seal to such preaching in an extraordinary manner, and, I am persuaded, the gates of hell shall never be able to prevail against it. O that dear Mr. Hervey would also join with us! O that the Lord would open his eyes to behold aright this part of the mystery of godliness! How would it rejoice my heart! how would it comfort his own soul! I have written to dear Mr. Orchard,[274] as well as to you, out of the simplicity of my heart."

[274] Paul Orchard, Esq., of Stoke Abbey, Devonshire, one of Hervey's kindest friends. The extract immediately preceding this is from the letter to Mr. Orchard.

The following refers to the painful mental exercises through which Whitefield passed during his voyage to America:--

"The Searcher of all hearts alone knows what agonies of soul I have undergone since my retirement from the world. The remembrance of my past sins has overwhelmed me, and caused tears to be my meat day and night. Indeed, I have mourned as one mourneth for a firstborn; but I looked to Him whom I have pierced. I was enabled to see the freeness and riches of His grace, the infiniteness and eternity of His love; and my soul received comfort. O the excellency of the doctrine of election, and of the saints' final perseverance, to those who are sealed by the Spirit of promise! I am persuaded, till a man comes to believe and feel these important truths, he cannot come out of himself; but, when convinced of these, and assured of the application of them to his own heart, he then walks by faith indeed, not in himself, but in the Son of God, who died and gave Himself for him."

The next extract is from a letter to the father of Joseph Periam, whose incarceration in a madhouse has been already mentioned:--

"Though unknown to you in person, yet, as you were pleased to think me worthy of the care of your dear son, I think it my duty to acquaint you of his welfare. I bless God that he came with me. He is diligent and pious, and, I trust, will be a comfort to you in your declining years. His mind seems settled and composed; and, by reading and following the Bible, he is a partaker of that peace which the world cannot give. His dear and honoured father is much upon his heart. How would it rejoice him to hear that you also were become a Christian indeed! Be not offended, dear sir, at my expressing myself thus. Christianity is more than a name and a bare outward profession. Morality of itself will never carry us to heaven. No, Jesus Christ is the way, the truth, and the life. There is no being happy without a lively faith in Him, wrought in the heart by the blessed Spirit of God. This faith transforms the whole man, delivers him from the tyranny of his passions, and makes him entirely a new creature. This is the reason why it is foolishness to the world. Your son's case, in this respect, was not singular. As soon as ever we commence Christians, we commence fools for Christ's sake. Every truly religious man must be deemed a madman."[275]

[275] It may be added here, that, in a foot-note in the edition of his Journals published in 1756, Whitefield states: "Joseph Periam married one of the Orphan-house mistresses. After a few years, both died; and I have now two of their sons in the Orphan House, who are very promising boys."

In the month of June, 1739, in a letter to a friend, Wesley made use of the memorable declaration, which has been quoted times without number, "I look upon all the world as my parish." In the following extract, Whitefield employs the same expression, thus shewing that it was not peculiar to Wesley, but common among the Oxford Methodists:--

"The whole world is now my parish. Wheresoever my Master calls me, I am ready to go and preach His everlasting gospel. My only grief is that I cannot do more for Christ. I ought to love and do much, having had so much forgiven. Oh pray, dear sir, that I may never be weary in well-doing."

In the following paragraph Whitefield shews his intention in reference to the parish of Savannah:--

"I intend resigning the parsonage of Savannah. The Orphan House I can take care of, supposing I should be kept at a distance. Besides, when I have resigned the parish, I shall be more at liberty to make a tour round America, if God should ever call me to such a work. However, I determine nothing; I wait on the Lord. I am persuaded He will shew me what is His will. How earnestly do I desire to be dissolved, that I may be with Christ! Sometimes, my weak body gives me hopes that I shall not be long in the flesh; but then, the strength that is communicated to me, and the consideration that I have but just begun my testimony, fill me with fears, lest I should live to be grey-headed. But I endeavour to resign myself wholly to God. If He preserves me from falling into sin, and from dishonouring His holy name, let Him do what seemeth Him good with me."

These extracts are "odds and ends;" but they are useful, as unfolding Whitefield's character and principles, his opinions and intentions, the state of his mind and heart, after his wondrous services in England, and during his voyage to America. Another letter, or rather pastoral epistle, written at this period, demands a more lengthened notice. It was published soon afterwards, with the following title: "A Letter from the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, to the Religious Societies lately set on foot in several parts of England and Wales. Wrote on board the _Elizabeth_, Captain Stevenson, during the voyage to Philadelphia, 1739. Edinburgh: printed for James Beugo, Bookseller, in Dumferling, 1740."[276] (26 pp.) Whitefield had been closely associated with these Societies in London, Bristol, and elsewhere; he highly approved of them; and it was natural to expect that he would take a profound interest in their continued existence and prosperity. The reader must be content with short extracts from this long epistle.

[276] The same letter, in the same year, was printed in London, "by W. Strahan, and sold at Mr. James Hutton's," (8vo. 28 pp.,) with the additional statement on the title-page, that it was "published for the benefit of the school lately erected among the colliers in Kingswood, near Bristol." This edition had also the following characteristic motto prefixed, taken from the works of St. Hilary:--

"One thing I forewarn you of--beware of Antichrist; for it is evil to be taken, as you are, with the love of stone walls; it is evil to have a veneration for the church of God, as you have, in houses and edifices; it is evil to cry, as you do, Peace, peace, under these: for is there any doubt to be made, whether Antichrist will fix his seat in these? To me, mountains, and forests, and fens, and prisons, and pits, are the safer places; for in these it was that the prophets--either waiting for, or being actually overwhelmed with, the Spirit of God--prophesied, or spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost."

_Legality of the Religious Societies._--"If you fear God, and truly honour the king, and are of the number of those who are quiet in the land, no reason can be urged against your Societies. In this respect, a private prelate has no more authority than a private presbyter. If it be lawful for more than five to meet in a private vestry, it is equally lawful for more than five to meet in a private house; as is the practice of some of the Societies, who are under the government of those called the Twelve Stewards. If it be enquired of you, 'By what authority you sometimes pray without a premeditated form of words?' you may enquire, 'By what authority any one reads the Church Forms, who is not commissioned so to do, and that in any place but in the church, where only they are appointed to be read, and only by one so commissioned?' If they reply, 'You have Dr. Woodward's Form;' you may answer them with this question, 'What difference is there, in respect to others, between a person's reading a form, which few who hear it know beforehand, and a person's praying extempore, as the Holy Spirit gives him utterance?' If they laugh at the mention of 'praying by the Spirit,' I hope you know better. Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty wherewith Christ has made you free; and be not afraid to make innovations in the Church, which does not confine its members to forms, except within the walls of the church, nor even there altogether."

_Admission of new members._--"You ought to be _very cautious_ whom you admit into fellowship with you. Examine them again and again, not barely whether they receive the sacrament, and go to church, but whether they be in the faith. Set them upon proving their own selves; and by no means receive them into your brotherhood, unless they can produce sufficient evidences of their having tasted the good word of life, and felt the powers of the world to come. Some may object that this is not a very good way to increase and multiply you as to number; but it is the best, the only way, to establish and increase a communion of true saints. Such a Society, consisting of a few solid Christians, is far preferable to one that is filled with a multitude of such as do not bring forth fruit unto holiness, but have only the fig-leaves of an outward profession. Formal hypocrites will do any Society more harm than good."

_Object of their meetings._--"The end of your meeting is not that you may think yourselves more holy than your neighbours, much less to form a sect or party, or to promote a schism or sedition in the Church or State. No: such thoughts, I trust, are far from you; for they are earthly, sensual, devilish. The only end which I hope you all propose by your assembling yourselves together, is the renewing of your depraved natures, and promoting the hidden life of Jesus Christ in your souls."

_Doctrine._--"I think it my bounden duty to exhort you to contend earnestly for the doctrine of _justification by faith only_, because so many blind guides are lately gone out into the world. It is much to be feared that many of our present preachers are no better than doctrinal papists. One of the most reputed orthodox prelates in the kingdom, in a late pastoral letter, advises his clergy, 'so to explain the doctrine of justification in the sight of God by faith only, as to make good works a necessary condition.' Such advice from a Roman cardinal would be no more than we might expect; but, coming from a bishop of the Church of England, is surprising, and much to be lamented. God forbid that you should so learn Christ! No, my brethren, in the great mystery of man's redemption by Jesus Christ, boasting is entirely excluded. We must not expect to be saved, or in any way to recommend ourselves to God, by any or all the works of righteousness which we have done, or shall, or can do. The Lord Christ is our righteousness, our whole righteousness--imputed to us, instead of our own. 'We are accounted righteous before God, only for the merits of our Lord Jesus Christ, by faith,' saith the eleventh article of our Church. Observe, my brethren, justified _by_ or _through_ faith, and not _for_ faith; for faith is only a means or instrument whereby the whole righteousness of Jesus Christ is applied to the sinner's soul. Whosoever thus believes may be assured that his pardon is sealed in heaven, notwithstanding he has lived in an open breach of God's commandments all his lifetime before. This faith, however, will not be dead, idle, or inactive; for it is not a faith of the head, or a bare assent to things credible as credible; the devils thus believe and tremble; but it is a faith of the heart, a living principle of new life, infused into the soul by the Spirit of God, applying that inwardly, which was wrought for him outwardly by the obedience and death of Jesus Christ, and continually exciting the possessor of it to shew it forth by his works; not as necessary conditions, but as proofs of his justification in the sight of God; and as so many tokens of his gratitude and love for what God has done for his soul."

_Christian fellowship._--"Content not yourselves with reading, singing, and praying together; but set some time apart to confess your faults, and to communicate your experience one to another. For want of this, (which I take to be one chief design of private meetings), most of the old Societies in London, I fear, are sunk into a dead formality, and have only a name to live. They meet on a Sabbath evening, read a chapter, and sing a psalm; but seldom, if ever, acquaint each other with the operations of God's Spirit upon their souls; notwithstanding this was the great end of those who first began these Societies. Hence it is, that, they have only the form of godliness left amongst them, and continue utter strangers to the state of one another's hearts. My brethren, let not your coming together be thus altogether in vain, but plainly and freely tell one another what God has done for your souls. To this end, you would do well, as others have done, to form yourselves into little companies of four or five each, and meet once a week to tell each other what is in your hearts; that you may then also pray for, and comfort each other, as need shall require. None but those who have experienced it, can tell the unspeakable advantages of such a union and communion of souls. I know not a better means in the world to keep hypocrisy out from amongst you. Pharisees and unbelievers will pray, read, and sing psalms; but none, save an Israelite indeed, will endure to have his heart searched out."

Counsels like these are always in season. Whitefield never instituted class-meetings, in the same sense as his friend Wesley did; but he strenuously urged the use of that Christian fellowship, which was the chief object of such meetings when they were first commenced. The reader will do well, in this age of ritualistic formality, to ponder some of the points in Whitefield's "Letter to the Religious Societies of England, in 1739."

Enough has been written to shew the views and feelings with which Whitefield returned to America, in 1739. He, William Seward, and another friend, landed at Lewis Town, about a hundred and fifty miles from Philadelphia, on October 30. He writes:--

"God is the great householder of the whole world, and I look upon all persons as so many parts of His great family. As there is here the same sun, so there is here the same God--in America as in England. I would have all places alike to me, so I am where God would have me to be; but I hope I shall never account myself at home till I arrive at my heavenly Father's house above. I trust my heart is there already. Oh, when shall I shake off this earthly tabernacle! It sadly confines my soul. Lord, help me patiently to tarry till my blessed change comes!"

Next day the young evangelist, by request, preached "to a serious and attentive congregation;" and, at five in the afternoon, he and his two friends set out for Philadelphia, the place to which the ship, they had left, was bound. After a ride of twenty-seven miles through the woods, they came, at ten o'clock at night, to what was called a tavern. The host and hostess made them a cake of unleavened bread, and set before them a few eggs and a little cider, and they went to bed rejoicing.

The day following, they rode fifty miles, and "came to a more convenient inn." Whitefield says, "Our Lord comforted us as we came on our way; and our hearts burned within us whilst we talked to one another in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs."

On the third day, they reached Philadelphia, where the _Elizabeth_, with what Whitefield calls his "family," had arrived in safety.

Pennsylvania, of which Philadelphia was the capital, was an English settlement about two hundred and fifty miles in length, and nearly the same in breadth.[277] As is well known, this large extent of territory had been granted to William Penn, the Quaker, about sixty years previous to Whitefield's visit. In 1682, Penn began to found his important colony. The soil, in general, was extremely fertile. Game of all kinds was amazingly plentiful. Deer, hares, turkeys, pheasants, partridges, wild ducks, wild geese, swans, and pigeons, were innumerable. In the immense forests, were bears, panthers, wild cats, and wolves; while, in the low grounds, were found minks, musk rats, and opossums. The woods consisted of the oak, the ash, the beech, the chestnut, the cedar, the walnut, the cypress, the hickory, the sassafras, and the pine,--all of which, in many instances, were gracefully festooned with vines. Fruits, including apples, cherries, pears, peaches, plums, and melons, grew in rich abundance. Penn's colony originally consisted chiefly of English Quakers, who, in consequence of their refusing to pay tithes and church dues, had frequently found themselves the inmates of English prisons. These, together with a few Dutch and Swedish settlers already on the ground, began to transform this glorious wilderness into a cultivated land. The Indians--the original proprietors--were treated with justice and kindness. Religious and civil freedom was made the basis of government. All persons professing to believe in one God were freely tolerated; and all who professed to believe in Jesus Christ, of whatever denomination, were eligible for government posts and offices. The result was, emigrants and refugees, of all persuasions, flocked to Pennsylvania, to put themselves under the protection of its founder's laws; lands were cultivated; towns were built; and when Penn died, about twenty years before Whitefield's first visit, the colony was, in every sense, free and flourishing.

[277] "European Settlements in America." Sixth edition, 1777.

In 1739, the population of Pennsylvania was probably not more than from fifty to a hundred thousand,[278] and consisted of Quakers, Episcopalians, Calvinists, Lutherans, Independents, Baptists, Presbyterians, and "Dumplers, a sort of German sect, who wore long beards and a habit resembling that of Friars." As might be expected, governmental power was chiefly in the hands of Quakers, and, with rare exceptions, it was humanely exercised.

[278] Twenty-two years afterwards, it was about 250,000, half of whom were Germans, Swedes, or Dutch. ("European Settlements." Sixth edition. 1777.)

Philadelphia, the chief town of the colony, stood upon a neck of land, immediately at the confluence of the rivers Delaware and Schuylkill. It was planned in an oblong form, and designed to extend two miles, from river to river There were to be eight parallel streets, all two miles in length, to be intersected by sixteen others, each in length a mile, and all of them broad, spacious, and even; with proper spaces left for the public buildings, churches, and market places. In the centre was a square of ten acres. The two principal streets were each one hundred feet wide; and most of the houses had a small garden and orchard attached to them. When William Penn began his work in 1682, Philadelphia consisted of three or four insignificant cottages. "Conies were yet undisturbed in their hereditary burrows; the deer fearlessly bounded past blazed trees, unconscious of foreboded streets; and the stranger that wandered from the river bank was lost in the thickets of an interminable forest. Two years afterwards, the place contained about six hundred houses, and the schoolmaster and the printing-press had begun their work."[279] In 1761, the population of Philadelphia was about 13,000.[280]

[279] Bancroft's "History of the United States."

[280] "European Settlements."

The state of religion, in Pennsylvania, was lamentable. The Rev. Samuel Blair, a Presbyterian minister, living at the time, observes:--

"There were some sincerely religious people, and a considerable number pretty exact in the observance of the external forms of religion; but with this, the most part seemed to rest contented, and to satisfy their consciences with a dead formality. A lamentable ignorance of the main essentials of true practical religion, and the doctrines relating thereto, generally prevailed. The nature and necessity of the new birth were but little known or thought of. The necessity of a conviction of sin and misery, in order to a saving closure with Christ, was hardly known at all. It was thought that, if there was any need of a heart-distressing sight of the soul's danger, it was only needful for the grosser sort of sinners; and for any others to be thus deeply exercised, was generally looked upon to be a great evil and temptation. There was scarcely any suspicion of the danger of depending upon self-righteousness, and not upon the righteousness of Christ alone, for salvation. The necessity of being first in Christ by a vital union, and in a justified state, before our religious services can be well-pleasing and acceptable to God, was very little understood. The common notion seemed to be, that, if people were aiming to be in the way of duty as well as they could, there was no reason to be much afraid. According to these principles, people generally were careless at heart, and stupidly indifferent about the great concerns of eternity. It was sad to see with what a careless behaviour the public ordinances were attended, and how people were given to worldly discourse on the Lord's-day. In public companies, a vain and frothy lightness was apparent in the deportment of many professors. Religion, as it were, lay a-dying, and ready to expire its last breath of life in this part of the visible church."[281]

[281] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 150.

It is hoped that this brief account of Pennsylvania will not be thought irrelevant. It was here that Whitefield began his itinerant career in England's transatlantic colonies. During the four months he had spent in Georgia, in 1738, his ministry had been earnest, but regular. Now, in Pennsylvania, he became what he had been, for seven months in England, not a fixed star, but a flaming comet, his course eccentric, and calculated to alarm episcopal, presbyterian, and other kinds of precisians in the English settlements, quite as much as the same sort of methodical religionists had been alarmed in England. In both countries his action was unpremeditated. On his return to England, at the end of 1738, he had not the least idea of becoming an open-air and itinerant evangelist. He came to be ordained a priest, and to collect subscriptions for his contemplated Orphan House. In like manner, when he returned to America in 1739, he had no conception that the next fourteen months would be occupied as they were. He was intentionally returning to Savannah, there, for about a year, to fulfil the duties of his office as a regular appointed minister of the Church of England, and also, in such a capacity, to provide a home for the orphans of his parish. Instead of this, however, most of his time, as will soon be seen, was spent, not in Georgia, but in itinerating in the other English settlements. This was exceedingly irregular; but, looking at results, who will say that it was wrong? When he arrived at Philadelphia, he did not intend it; but, unquestionably, his Master did. The churches in the English colonies needed a religious impulse quite as much as the churches of the mother-country. Under God, the young evangelist and his fellows had moved and agitated England; and now he was employed, by a Providence which cannot err, and greatly to his own surprise, in moving and agitating America. Let us follow him.

After riding, during the day, sixty miles, through woods and forests and partially cultivated lands, he arrived at Philadelphia, at eleven o'clock at night, on Friday, November 2, 1739. Where he slept, we are not informed; perhaps, nowhere; for most likely, at such an hour, the sober-minded Philadelphians had all retired to rest. Next morning, he "went on board the _Elizabeth_ to see his family;" he visited the officials of the town; he held Christian communion "with some gracious souls;" and he "hired a house at a very cheap rate, and was quite settled in it before night."

Sunday, Nov. 4. He "read prayers and assisted at the communion in the morning; dined with one of the churchwardens, and preached to a large congregation in the afternoon; went in the evening to a Quakers' meeting, and heartily wished they would talk of an outward as well as inward Christ."

Monday, Nov. 5. He "read prayers and preached to a large auditory; dined with the other churchwarden; was visited in the afternoon by the Presbyterian minister; went afterwards to see the Baptist minister; and spent part of the evening most agreeably with two loving Quakers."

Tuesday, Nov. 6. He "read prayers and preached; went to the funeral of a Quaker's child, and, as none of the Quakers spoke, he gave a word of exhortation; was visited in the evening by the Presbyterian and Baptist ministers; and admitted some women to prayers with his family."

Wednesday, Nov. 7. He "read prayers and preached in the church; and gave a word of exhortation to more than a room full of people at his own hired house."

Thursday, Nov. 8. He "read prayers and preached to a more numerous congregation than he had seen yet; dined with an honest, open-hearted, true Israelitish Quaker; and preached, in the evening, from the Court-house stairs, to about six thousand people."

Friday, Nov. 9. He "read prayers and preached as usual in the morning; was visited in a kind manner by the minister of the parish; and preached again at six in the evening, from the Court-house stairs, to, he believed, nearly eight thousand hearers. Even in London, he never observed a more profound silence. The night was clear, but not cold; and lights were in most of the windows round about."

Saturday, Nov. 10. "About eleven, he read prayers and preached in the church; then dined with the minister of the parish; at his return home, was much comforted by the coming of Mr. Tennent, an old grey-headed disciple and soldier of Jesus Christ; about three, went to the prison, and preached on the trembling jailor; returned home with the Swedish minister and Mr. Tennent; conversed with them of the things of God; and, in the evening, preached, to as large a congregation as there was the night before, from the Court-house stairs." He adds: "I continued my discourse above an hour, and, when I had finished, the people seemed so unwilling to go, that I began to pray afresh, and I hope the Lord sent them home not without a blessing. After preaching, my house was filled with people who came to join in psalms and family prayer. Many wept most bitterly whilst I was praying. Their hearts seemed to be loaded with a sense of sin, the only preparative for the visitation of Jesus Christ. Blessed be the Lord for sending me hither! Lord, give me humility, and make me truly thankful! Amen, Lord Jesus!"

Thus did Whitefield begin his memorable ministry in Pennsylvania.

Mr. Tennent has just been mentioned, and, as he and his family will hereafter be often introduced to the reader's notice, a brief account of him and them seems requisite.

The Rev. William Tennent, senior, was from Ireland, and was an ordained minister of the Established Church of that country. He was chaplain to an Irish nobleman; but, being conscientiously scrupulous about conforming to the terms imposed on the clergy, he was deprived of his living; and, in 1718, migrated to Pennsylvania, with his wife, four sons, and a daughter.[282] He applied to be received as a member of the Presbyterian Synod of Philadelphia. That body required him to state in writing the reasons of his dissent from the Episcopal communion. One of the most prominent of his reasons was, that the Church of Ireland connived "at Arminian doctrines." His case was considered; his credentials were satisfactory; he was admitted a member of the Synod, and settled at Neshaminy, twenty miles north of Philadelphia.[283] There, about the year 1720, he erected a school, long known as the "Log College," where some of the most distinguished ministers of that period received their education. Among these were his four sons, and Messrs. Rowland, Campbell, Lawrence, Beatty, Robinson, and Samuel Blair. He died in 1743. He is described as "a man of great integrity, simplicity, industry, and piety;" and to him the American churches were much indebted.

[282] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1807, p. 249.

[283] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States."

Charles Tennent, one of the four sons, was minister of the Presbyterian Church at Whiteclay Creek.[284]

[284] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1807, p. 249.

John was licensed by the Newcastle Presbytery, and was settled at Freehold, New Jersey, where his labours were greatly blessed. His chapel was usually crowded; religion became the general subject of discourse; the terror of God fell on the inhabitants of the place; and many were converted. John Tennent's ministry was of short duration. He was called to the Freehold congregation in 1730, and died in 1732.[285]

[285] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States."

He was succeeded by his brother William, in 1733. The religious excitement, commenced under the ministry of John, continued, less or more, for about a dozen years. Mr. William Tennent writes: "Those who were brought to the Saviour were all prepared for it by a sharp law-work of conviction, discovering to them their sinfulness both by nature and practice, as well as their liableness to damnation for their original and actual transgressions. They all confessed the justice of God in their eternal perdition; and thus were shut up to the blessed necessity of seeking relief by faith in Christ alone."[286] For forty-four years, Mr. Tennent officiated as pastor of the church at Freehold. He died on the 8th of March, 1777.[287] The old house at Freehold, in which John and William Tennent used to preach, is still standing in its primitive simplicity. The building is forty feet by sixty, and, beneath its middle aisle, are deposited the remains of William Tennent. In one of the walls is a handsome monumental tablet, recording the chief dates of his earthly pilgrimage.[288]

[286] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States."

[287] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1807, p. 292.

[288] Belcher's "Biography of Whitefield," p. 117.

Gilbert Tennent became a licentiate of the Newcastle Presbytery in 1725, and, in 1726, was ordained minister of New Brunswick, in New Jersey. "For eighteen months after his settlement at New Brunswick, Mr. Tennent saw no evidence that any one had been savingly benefited by his labours. He then commenced a serious examination of the members of his church, as to the grounds of their hope, which he found, in many cases, to be but sand. Such he solemnly warned, and urged to seek converting grace. He preached much, at this time, upon original sin, repentance, the nature and necessity of conversion, and endeavoured to alarm the secure by the terrors of the Lord. These efforts were followed by the conviction and conversion of a considerable number of persons."[289] Gilbert Tennent became prominent in his endeavours to reform abuses in the Presbyterian churches, and not infrequently was in conflict with his brethren. As early as 1735, he succeeded in persuading the synod to pass a resolution that due care should be taken to examine candidates both for the ministry and for the Lord's supper, respecting the evidences of the grace of God in them, as well as their other necessary qualifications. In 1740, he read a paper to the New Brunswick Synod, complaining that the preaching of a number of its members was "powerless and unsavoury," "too general," "soft and flattering," and, therefore, "unsuccessful." He also, in the same year, preached and published his famous sermon on the danger of an unconverted ministry, which led to a Presbyterian schism. He described the generality of the ministers of that generation as "letter-learned Pharisees, plastered hypocrites, having the form of godliness, but destitute of its power." He told the people that the reason why they had seen so few cases of conviction or conversion among them was because "the bulk of their spiritual guides were stone blind and stone dead."[290]

[289] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States."

[290] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States."

In 1740, Whitefield persuaded him to act as his successor in Boston, and in the Province of New England generally. Tennent consented, and away he went to his new sphere of labour, with almost rustic simplicity; wearing his hair undressed, and a large great-coat girt with a leathern girdle. His ministry in New Jersey had been greatly blessed; and now, in New England, it was hardly less successful than Whitefield's had been. He seemed "to shake the country, as with an earthquake. Wherever he came, hypocrisy and Pharisaism either fell before him, or gnashed their teeth against him. Cold orthodoxy also started from her downy cushion to imitate or to denounce him; for, like Elijah on Carmel, he made neutrality impossible." In 1743, he established a new church in Philadelphia, consisting of Whitefield's followers, and closed his laborious and eminently successful ministry in the year 1765.[291] For more than forty years, he had enjoyed an unshaken assurance of his interest in redeeming love. As a preacher, he had but few equals. His publications were more than a score in number. At his death, he was succeeded in the congregation at Philadelphia by the Rev. James Sproat, who had been converted by his ministry.

[291] Philip's "Life and Times of Whitefield" and Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States."

These are very imperfect notices of the Tennents; but they will help the reader to understand ensuing extracts from Whitefield's Journals and correspondence.

On Monday, Nov. 12, Whitefield left Philadelphia for the purpose of visiting New York. Four horses were lent to him and to his friends. He writes:--

"About one, we got safe to Burlington, in the Jerseys, twenty miles from Philadelphia. Immediately after dinner, I read prayers and preached in the church, to a mixed but thronged and attentive congregation. About eight in the evening, we reached Trent, another town in the Jerseys, and went to rest in peace and joy.

"Tuesday, Nov. 13. Left Trent at six in the morning, and reached Brunswick, thirty miles distant, at one. Here we were much refreshed with the company of Mr. Gilbert Tennent, an eminent Dissenting minister, about forty years of age, son of that good old man who came to see me on Saturday at Philadelphia. God, I find, has been pleased greatly to own his labours. He and his associates are now the burning and shining lights of this part of America. Several pious souls came to see me at his house, with whom I took sweet counsel. At their request, I read the Church Liturgy and preached in Mr. Tennent's meeting-house; for there is no place set apart for the worship of the Church of England. I was above an hour in my sermon, and I trust I shall hear it was not preached in vain.

"Wednesday, Nov. 14. Set out from Brunswick, in company with Mr. Tennent and my other fellow-travellers; and, as we passed along, we spent our time most agreeably in telling one another what God had done for our souls. About four, we reached New York, where we were most affectionately received by the family of Mr. Noble.[292] I waited upon Mr. V----y, the commissary, but he was not at home. Then I went to the meeting-house to hear Mr. Gilbert Tennent preach, and never before heard such a searching sermon. He convinced me more and more that we can preach the gospel of Christ no further than we have experienced the power of it in our own hearts. Being deeply convicted of sin, by God's Holy Spirit, at his first conversion, Mr. Tennent has learned experimentally to dissect the heart of the natural man. Hypocrites must either soon be converted or enraged at his preaching. He is a son of thunder, and does not fear the faces of men. After sermon, we spent the evening together at Mr. Noble's house. My soul was humbled and melted down with a sense of God's mercies, and I found more and more what a babe and novice I was in the things of God.

[292] It was in compliance with Mr. Noble's request that Whitefield visited New York.

"Thursday, Nov. 15. Waited upon Mr. V----; but he seemed to be full of anger and resentment, and, before I asked him for the use of his pulpit, denied it. He said, they did not want my assistance. I replied, if they preached the gospel, I wished them good luck in the name of the Lord; but, as he had denied me the church without my asking the use of it, I would preach in the fields, for all places were alike to me. I, therefore, preached in the fields, to upwards of two thousand, at three in the afternoon; and expounded, at six in the evening, to a very thronged and attentive audience, in the reverend and worthy Mr. Pemberton's[293] meeting-house. In the field, a few mocked, but, after speaking to them, they grew more serious. At night, the people seemed exceedingly attentive, and I have not felt greater freedom in preaching, and more power in prayer, for a long while.

[293] The Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, who, in 1727, became minister of the Presbyterian Church in New York. In 1754, he was installed minister of the New Brick Church, in Boston. To the end of life, he was one of Whitefield's faithful friends. He died in 1777, aged 72.

"Saturday, Nov. 17. Preached, in the afternoon, at the meeting-house, to a full congregation; and again at night, to a great multitude standing round the doors.

"Sunday, Nov. 18. Preached, this morning at eight o'clock, to a very attentive auditory. Went to the English Church, both morning and evening. At night, a great multitude flocked to hear the word. Some petitioned to have the use of the Town Hall, but it was denied. I thought of expounding out of a window, and to let the people stand in the street; but, at last, with much difficulty, I got into the meeting-house, and, the people being prevailed on to open the windows, numbers could hear, who stood outside. About ten o'clock, I took boat, with my friends, and had a pleasant passage to a place about half-way to Elizabeth Town, where we lay down with joy, and thankfulness for the great goodness the Lord had shewn us."

One who was present at these services in New York, wrote as follows, in Prince's "Christian History":--

"I never saw, in my life, such attentive audiences as Mr. Whitefield's in New York. All he said was demonstration, life, and power. The people's eyes and ears hung upon his lips. They greedily devoured every word. He preached, during four days, twice every day. He is a man of middle stature, of a slender body, of a fair complexion, and of a comely appearance. He is of a sprightly, cheerful temper, and acts and moves with great agility and life. The endowments of his mind are uncommon; his wit is quick and piercing; his imagination lively and florid; and, as far as I can discern, both are under the direction of a solid judgment. He has a most ready memory, and, I think, speaks entirely without notes. He has a clear and musical voice, and a wonderful command of it. He uses much gesture, but with great propriety. Every accent of his voice, every motion of his body _speaks_; and both are natural and unaffected. If his delivery be the product of art, it is certainly the perfection of it, for it is entirely concealed. He has a great mastery of words, but studies much plainness of speech. He spends not his zeal in trifles. He breathes a most catholic spirit; and professes that his whole design is to bring men to Christ; and that, if he can obtain this end, his converts may go to what church, and worship God in what form, they like best."

Such was the commencement of Whitefield's ministry in New York. His own Church would not admit him; and, therefore, he began to preach in Dissenting chapels. This was not pre-designed. Whitefield was a child of Providence; and when that seemed to point out his path, he felt no hesitancy, but, utterly regardless of the frowns and flatteries of men, he did what he deemed to be his duty. There was no dogged obstinacy about him. Perhaps one of his failings was that he was too persuadable; but even such a failing (if such existed) always leaned to the side of virtue. Writing, whilst at New York, to the Rev. Benjamin Colman, D.D., of Boston, who had mentioned him in a letter to Mr. Pemberton, he says:--

"I love to be acquainted with old servants of Jesus Christ. I delight to sit at their feet and receive instruction from them. You said right, reverend sir, when you said 'I was but a young divine.' Indeed, I am a novice in the things of God. I can only say that I desire to know the whole will of God, that I may communicate it to others. Reverend sir, into what a lethargy is the Christian world fallen! Foolish and wise virgins are all slumbering and sleeping. It is high time for all who love the Lord Jesus to lift up their voices like trumpets, and to give warning of the Bridegroom's coming. Many, I hope, are already alarmed.[294] Philadelphia people receive the gospel gladly. Here [at New York] there has been a little opposition, and, therefore, I hope success will be given to the word. Oh, reverend sir, entreat the Lord that I may be kept humble, and dependent upon our dear Lord Jesus. Shortly I expect to suffer for Him. May I not deny Him in that hour!"

[294] Dr. Colman, in a letter to Dr. Watts, dated "Boston, January 16, 1740," says, "Mr. Whitefield arrived some months ago at Philadelphia, where, and through the Jerseys and at New York, he preached daily to incredible multitudes with great eloquence and zeal. America is like to do him much honour. He proposes to see Boston, in his return to Europe, about June next; and our town and country stand ready to receive him as an angel of God. Ministers and people, all but his own Church, speak of him with great esteem and love. He seems spirited from on high, in an extraordinary manner, assisted and prospered." (Milner's "Life and Times of Dr. Isaac Watts," p. 652.)

Writing to his mother, Whitefield says:--

"NEW YORK, _November 16, 1739_.

"HONOURED MOTHER,--New friends are raised up every day, whithersoever we go. The people of Philadelphia have used me most courteously, and many, I believe, have been pricked to the heart.... Oh, my honoured mother, my soul is in distress for you. Flee, flee, I beseech you, to Jesus Christ, by faith. Lay hold on Him, and do not let Him go. God has given you convictions. Arise, arise, and never rest till they end in sound conversion. Dare to deny yourself. My honoured mother, I beseech you, by the mercies of God in Christ Jesus, dare to take up your cross, and follow Christ."

These are beautiful exhibitions of humbleness, simplicity, earnestness, and love. Let us follow Whitefield in his return to Philadelphia.

"Monday, Nov. 19, Took boat about five in the morning, and reached Elizabeth Town at seven. Dined with Mr. Dickinson,[295] a worthy Dissenting minister, who had sent a letter of invitation to New York, and offered me the use of his meeting-house. About twelve, I preached in it, according to appointment, to upwards of seven hundred people. God was pleased to open my mouth against both ministers and people, among all denominations, who imprison the truth in unrighteousness.

[295] The Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, for thirty-nine years minister of the first Presbyterian Church in Elizabeth Town, New Jersey, and also first president of New Jersey College. He likewise was a practising physician of considerable reputation. He was much celebrated as a preacher; and his publications were creditable to his head and heart. He died, universally lamented, in 1747, aged 59.

"Tuesday, Nov. 20. Reached New Brunswick about six last night; and preached to-day, at noon, for near two hours, in Mr. Tennent's meeting-house, to a large assembly gathered together from all parts. About three in the afternoon, I preached again; and, at seven, I baptized two children, and preached a third time. Among others who came to hear the word, were several ministers, whom the Lord has been pleased to honour, in making them instruments of bringing many sons to glory.[296]

[296] One of these was the Rev. Theodore James Frelinghuysen, minister of the Reformed Dutch Church at Raritan, New Jersey. He was an able, evangelical, and eminently successful preacher. He died in 1754.

"Wednesday, Nov. 21. Set out early, with about a score in company, for Maidenhead, a little more than twenty miles from New Brunswick, where, at Mr. Tennent's request, I had appointed to preach to-day. At noon, I preached from a waggon to about fifteen hundred persons. Here one Mr. Rowland,[297] another faithful minister of Jesus Christ, gave us the meeting. He has been a preacher about two years, has gone about doing good, and has had many seals to his ministry. Much of the simplicity of Christ was discernible in his behaviour. After sermon, in company with above thirty horse, I went to Trent Town, ten miles from Maidenhead, and preached, in the Court House, in the evening.

[297] Mr. Rowland was a remarkable man. He was a Presbyterian in doctrine and practice, but, on account of some irregularity in his being called to the ministry, the Presbytery refused to recognise him. He, accordingly, began to preach in barns and other unconsecrated places. In the spring of 1739, numbers of persons, in Lawrence, Hopewell, and Amwell, three contiguous towns in New Jersey, were powerfully affected by his preaching, and their convictions of sin were attended with great horror, trembling, and weeping. John Rowland was an irregular revivalist, exceedingly effective and useful. (Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States.")

"Thursday, Nov. 22. Set out for Neshaminy (twenty miles from Trent Town), where old Mr. Tennent lives, and keeps an academy, and where I was to preach to-day, according to appointment. We came thither about twelve, and found above three thousand people gathered together in the meeting-house yard, and Mr. William Tennent preaching to them, because we were beyond the appointed time. When I came up, he stopped, and sung a psalm, and then I began to speak. At first, the people seemed unaffected, but, in the midst of my discourse, the hearers began to be melted down, and cried much. After I had finished, Mr. Gilbert Tennent gave a word of exhortation. At the end of his discourse, we sung a psalm, and then dismissed the people with a blessing. After our exercises were over, we went to old Mr. Tennent, who entertained us like one of the ancient patriarchs. His wife seemed to me like Elizabeth, and he like Zacharias; both, as far as I can find, walk in all the ordinances and commandments of the Lord blameless. We had sweet communion with each other, and spent the evening in concerting measures for promoting our Lord's kingdom. It happens very providentially that Mr. Tennent and his brethren are appointed to be a presbytery by the synod, so that they intend breeding up gracious youths, and sending them out into our Lord's vineyard. The place wherein the young men study now is, in contempt, called _the College_. It is a log-house, about twenty feet long, and nearly as many broad; and, to me, it seemed to resemble the school of the old prophets. From this despised place, seven or eight worthy ministers of Jesus have lately been sent forth; more are almost ready to be sent; and a foundation is now laying for the instruction of many others. The devil will certainly rage against them; but the work, I am persuaded, is of God, and will not come to nought. Carnal ministers oppose them strongly; and, because people, when awakened by Mr. Tennent or his brethren, see through them, and therefore leave their ministry, the poor gentlemen are loaded with contempt, and looked upon as persons who turn the world upside-down.

"Friday, Nov. 23. Parted with dear Mr. Tennent and his worthy fellow-labourers; but promised to remember each other _publicly_ in our prayers. Rode to Abingdon, about ten miles from Neshaminy, and preached to above two thousand people from a porch-window belonging to the meeting-house. It is surprising how such bodies of people, so scattered abroad, can be gathered at so short a warning. At Neshaminy, I believe, there were nearly a thousand horses. The people, however, did not sit upon them to hear the sermon, as in England, but tied them to the hedges; and thereby much disorder was prevented. Though it was cold, the congregation stood very patiently in the open air, and seemed in no hurry to return home after the discourses were ended. As soon as I had finished at Abingdon, I hastened to Philadelphia, where I found my family in good order, and all things carried on according to my desire. Oh, how can I express my thankfulness for this little excursion!"

This was a new kind of life to Whitefield. In England, he had preached, when he was permitted, in churches, and when not permitted, in Moorfields and places similar. Here he was preaching in Presbyterian, or, as he regarded them, Dissenting meeting-houses, or in open spaces surrounded by the grand old forests, through which he and his companions joyously pursued their sylvan journeys. Professedly, he was a Church of England clergyman, but practically a Dissenting minister. Of course, his action was ecclesiastically irregular, but it occasioned him no anxiety or uneasiness. He was preaching the gospel, and that to him was quite enough. When he got back to Philadelphia, he wrote quite a batch of letters, all bearing the same date, November 28; but extracts from two only must suffice.

To the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, he says, perhaps with more lowliness than was decorous:--

"I have been much concerned since I saw you, lest I behaved not with that humility toward you, which is due from a babe to a father in Christ; but you know, reverend sir, how difficult it is to meet with success, and not be puffed up with it. If any such thing was discernible in my conduct, oh pity me, and pray to the Lord to heal my pride. Alas! who can hope to be justified by his works? My preaching, praying, etc., are only _splendida peccata_. The blood of Christ, applied to my soul by a living faith, is the only thing that can render them acceptable."

He was not only in close communion with the Presbyterians of America, but he wrote as follows to the Rev. Ralph Erskine, the Presbyterian Reformer, in Scotland:--

"I bless the Lord, from my soul, for raising you and several other burning and shining lights to appear for Him in this midnight of the Church. My heart has been much warmed by reading some of your sermons, especially that preached before the Associate Presbytery. I long more and more to hear of the rise and progress of your proceedings, and how far you would willingly carry the reformation of the Church of Scotland. My ignorance of the constitution of the Scotch Church is the cause of my writing after this manner. I should be obliged to you, if you would recommend to me some useful books, especially such as open the holy sacrament. I like Boston's 'Fourfold State of Man' exceedingly. Under God, it has been of much service to my soul. I believe I agree with you and him in the essential truths of Christianity. I bless God, His Spirit has convinced me of our eternal election by the Father through the Son; of our free justification through faith in His blood; of our sanctification as the consequence of that; and of our final perseverance and glorification as the result of all. These, I am persuaded, God has joined together; these neither men nor devils shall ever be able to put asunder. My only scruple at present is, 'whether you approve of taking the sword in defence of your religious rights?' One of our English bishops, when I was with him, called you _Cameronians_. They, I think, took up arms, which I think to be contrary to the Spirit of Jesus Christ and His apostles. Some few passages in your sermon before the Presbytery, I thought, were a little suspicious of favouring that principle. I pray God your next may inform me that I am mistaken; for when zeal carries us to such a length, I think it ceases to be zeal according to knowledge. Dearest sir, be not angry at my writing thus freely. I wish you good luck in all your pious undertakings. I pray God to prosper the work of your hands, and to make you a noble instrument in bringing many sons to glory."

There can be no question that Whitefield's intercourse with the Presbyterians of America powerfully affected him.[298] This was not surprising; for, apart from the fact that the clergy of his own Church generally disdained him, these Presbyterian ministers were men of kindred spirits to his own, intensely earnest, and blessed with the highest enjoyments of religion. The following letter addressed to Whitefield will shew "what manner of men they were." As will be seen, it was written immediately after Whitefield's first visit to New York.

[298] It was not without reason, that, thirty-eight years after this, Wesley said: "Mr. Whitefield, by conversing with the Dissenters, chiefly the Presbyterians in New England, contracted strong prejudices against the Established Church." (Wesley's Answer to Rowland Hill's "Imposture Detected," p. 4.)

"NEW BRUNSWICK, _December 1, 1739_.

"VERY REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--I think I never found such a strong and passionate affection to any stranger as to you, when I saw your courage and labour for God at New York. I found a willingness in my heart to die with you, or to die for you. The reason why I spoke so little, for the most part of the time while I was with you, was a shameful sense I had of my ignorance and barrenness, after such a multitude of waterings and sealings as God had given me. Though I am as a brute beast before God, one of the meanest and vilest worms that ever crawled on the creation of God, yet I must say, to His praise, and my own shame, that I have had, in time past, such discoveries of my great Father's dear affection as have overcome me. For months together, my soul has been so ravished with divine objects, that my animal spirits have been wasted, and my sleep much broken. I have been made to loathe my food, because of the superior sweetness I have found in Christ. I could not refrain my soul from a secret longing for reproach, poverty, imprisonment, and death, for a glorious Christ, that, thereby, I might testify a grateful regard to His unspeakably dear and venerable majesty. I could not refrain wishing that every hair of my head was a life, that I might lay it down freely for my Lord Jesus. The fear of bringing any reproach on His religion has many times brought bitter tears from my eyes and heart. Sometimes, when travelling on the road, when I beheld the canopy of heaven, my heart has been suddenly ravished with love to God as my Father; so that I could not forbear crying out, in the pleasing transports of a childlike affection, 'Father! Father!' with a full and sweet assurance that He was my Father, and my God. In the night season, when I awoke, my soul was still with God. The passion of my soul for Christ was so vehement, that my dreams were full of Him. Thus it was for a long tract of time, But, alas! when the great God wisely withdrew His quickening presence, and let Satan loose upon me, O what terrible havoc did he make in my soul! and that, alas! too much with my will. I thought myself a monster in iniquity, and that there was some peculiar brutishness in my heart, that none had but myself. This made me often wish for death to get clear of it. This has often enraged my soul so against sin and myself for it, that I have thought, if it were lawful, I could freely try to pluck my heart out, and tear it in pieces.

"Since you were here, I have been among my people, dealing with them plainly about their souls, in their houses; examining them one by one as to their experiences; telling natural people the danger of their state; exhorting them that were totally secure, to seek convictions, and those that were convinced, to seek Jesus; and reproving pious people for their faults. Blessed be God! I have seen hopeful appearances of concern.

"I am, etc., "GILBERT TENNENT."[299]

[299] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. 3.

To return to Whitefield. In New York, he was not allowed to preach in the Church of England; but his preaching in the Presbyterian meeting-house received the sanction of his Divine Master. A few days after his departure, the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton wrote to him as follows:--

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--You left New York under a deep and universal concern. Many were greatly affected, and I hope abiding impressions are left upon some. Some, who were before very loose and profligate, look back with shame upon their past lives and conversation, and seem resolved upon a thorough reformation. I mention these things to strengthen you in the blessed cause you are engaged in, and to support you in your abundant labours. When I heard so many were concerned for their eternal welfare, I appointed a lecture on Wednesday evening, though it was not the usual season; and, though the warning was short, we had a numerous and attentive audience. In short, I cannot but hope that your coming among us has been the means of awakening some to a serious sense of practical religion, and may be the beginning of a good work in this sinful place. I pray God to take you under His gracious protection, to sustain you under your many trials, and make you gloriously successful in converting sinners from the error of their ways. My wife joins me in affectionate regards to you, Mr. Seward, and your other friends, whom we love in sincerity.

"I am, your affectionate brother and very humble servant, "E. PEMBERTON."

Whitefield returned to Philadelphia on Friday, November 23. On Saturday, November 24, he preached, morning and afternoon, to "a vast concourse of all denominations," in the English Episcopal Church. The next day, a scene occurred within the consecrated building. Whitefield writes:--

"Sunday, Nov. 25. Was somewhat alarmed this morning by one,[300] who, after my sermon, told the congregation in the church, with a loud voice, 'That there was no such term as _imputed righteousness_ in Holy Scripture; that such a doctrine put a stop to all goodness; and that we were to be judged for our good works and obedience, and were commanded _to do and live_.' When he had ended, I denied his first proposition, and brought a text to prove that 'imputed righteousness' was a scriptural expression; but, thinking the church an improper place for disputation, I said no more at that time. In the afternoon, however, I discoursed upon the words, 'The Lord our righteousness,' and shewed how the Lord Jesus was to be _our whole righteousness_. I proved how the contrary doctrine overthrew all divine revelation, and endeavoured to answer objections. I produced the Articles of our Church, and concluded with an exhortation to lay aside reasoning infidelity, and to submit to Jesus Christ, who is the end of the law for _righteousness_, to every one that believeth. The church was thronged within and without; all were wonderfully attentive; and many, as I was informed, were convinced that the Lord Christ was _our righteousness_.

[300] This was "a young gentleman, once a minister of the Church of England, but now secretary to Mr. Penn."

"Monday, Nov. 26. Read prayers and preached twice in the church, to very large and attentive congregations. The word came with great power; and people now apply to me so fast for advice under convictions, and so continually crowd in upon me, that I have not time to write to my English friends.

"Tuesday, Nov. 27. According to appointment, I preached at German Town,[301] seven miles from Philadelphia, from a balcony, to above six thousand people. I spoke nearly two hours. Great numbers continued weeping for a considerable time. A German most kindly entertained me. I think there are not less than fifteen denominations of Christians in German Town, and yet all agree in one thing, that is, to hold Jesus Christ as their head, and to worship Him in spirit and in truth. The Germans are about to translate my Journals into High Dutch. About eight in the evening we reached Philadelphia.

[301] Oldmixon, in his "British Empire in America," published in 1708, says, "_German Town_, a corporation of high and low Dutch. There are above 200 houses in it. Peach trees are planted all along before the doors, which, in the time of bloom, make a beautiful road for a mile together. The town is very pleasant and airy, being wonderfully cleared from trees."

"Wednesday, Nov. 28. Read prayers and preached, as usual, to a thronged congregation. Heard of more who were under convictions. In the morning, notice had been given that I would preach my farewell sermon in the afternoon. But the church, (though as large as most of our London churches,) being not large enough to contain a fourth part of the people, we adjourned to the fields, and I preached for an hour and a half from a balcony, to upwards of ten thousand hearers, very attentive and much affected.

"Blessed be God for such success at New York and Philadelphia. One of the printers has told me he has taken above two hundred subscriptions for printing my Sermons and Journals. Numbers of letters have been sent me from persons under convictions. As I have sown spiritual things, the people were willing I should reap carnal things. They have, therefore, sent me butter, sugar, chocolate, pickles, cheese, and flour, for my poor orphans.

"Thursday, Nov. 29. Had the satisfaction of settling all my family affairs, and gave orders for my family to set sail immediately after my leaving Philadelphia. From seven in the morning, the people thronged round the door, and, when we parted, oh, how bitterly did they weep! Nearly twenty gentlemen accompanied me on horseback out of the town. About seven miles off, another company was waiting to meet us, so that, at last, we were nearly two hundred horse. By three, we reached Chester, and I preached to about five thousand people from a balcony. It being court-day, the justices sent word they would defer their meeting till mine was over; and the minister of the parish, because the church would not contain the people, provided the place from which I spoke. I was told that near a thousand of the congregation came from Philadelphia."

For the present, Whitefield had left Pennsylvania, and was on his way, through Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina, to Georgia. Before attending him, the following must be added respecting his first visit to Philadelphia.

A _printer_ has just been mentioned. There can be no doubt that this was the celebrated Benjamin Franklin.[302] This remarkable man was now in the thirty-third year of his age. Some nineteen years before, he had entered Philadelphia, hungry, tired, and dirty; his pockets filled with shirts and stockings, and the whole of his worldly wealth consisting of a Dutch dollar. He was now an industrious printer; for several years had published "Poor Richard's Almanack;" had filled the office of clerk to the General Assembly; and had recently been appointed postmaster. He was also an alderman and a magistrate, but took no part in the business of the bench, commonly employing himself while sitting there "in contriving magic squares and circles." Of his subsequent career, and of the high honours conferred upon him, it is not necessary here to speak.

[302] In the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, a newspaper published by Franklin, appeared the following notice, November 15, 1739:--

"The Rev. George Whitefield having given me copies of his Journals and Sermons, with leave to print the same, I propose to publish them with all expedition, if I find sufficient encouragement. The Sermons will make two volumes, and the Journals two more, which will be delivered to subscribers at two shillings for each volume, bound. Those, therefore, who are inclined to encourage this work are desired speedily to send in their names to me, that I may take measures accordingly."

Of course, Whitefield attracted the attention of Franklin. The latter writes:--

"In 1739, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield arrived among us. He was, at first, permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refused him[303] their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in the fields. The multitudes, of all sects and denominations, that attended his sermons, were enormous, and it was a matter of speculation to me (who was one of the number) to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admired and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them they were naturally _half beasts and half devils_. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless and indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk through Philadelphia in the evening without hearing psalms sung in different families of every street.

[303] This occurred in the spring of 1740.

"Mr. Whitefield, on leaving us, went preaching all the way through the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had lately been begun; but, instead of its being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed to labour, the only people fitted for such an enterprise, it consisted of families of broken shopkeepers, and other insolvent debtors, and many of indolent habits, taken out of the jails, who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure the hardness of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of these inspired Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they might be supported and educated."[304]

[304] "Memoirs of Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin," vol. i. 4to. London, 1818.

So much from America's great printer, electrician, statesman, and diplomatist, Benjamin Franklin. The reader is now invited to accompany Whitefield through the three colonies of Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina. Whitefield writes:--

"Friday, November 30. Preached at noon, and again at three in the afternoon, at Wilmington. Spent the evening in sweet conversation with Mr. William Tennent, brother to Mr. Gilbert Tennent, a faithful minister of Jesus Christ, and with several Germans, whose hearts God has been pleased to knit to me in a close and intimate union.

"Saturday, December 1. Reached Newcastle by ten in the morning, and preached to about two thousand people from a balcony. Preached, at four o'clock, at Christian Bridge, to about the same number as at Newcastle. Near two hundred horse came on the road with us.

"Sunday, December 2. Returned last night to Newcastle, that I might see my dear family, who came thither in the sloop just after I had left. This morning, went on board, prayed, sung psalms, gave a word of exhortation, and rejoiced much to see all things in such excellent order. My dear friend, Captain Gladman, told me how kind the people of Philadelphia had been to my family after my departure. One brought them butter, another beer, etc., and the collector would not take his perquisite for clearing the sloop. About ten, we came to Christian Bridge again, and by twelve reached Whiteclay Creek, the place appointed for my preaching. The weather was rainy, but upwards of ten thousand people were assembled. There were several hundreds of horses. I preached from a tent, erected for me by order of Mr. William Tennent, whose meeting-house was near the place. I continued in my first discourse an hour and a half, after which we went into a log-house, took a morsel of bread, and warmed ourselves. I preached a second time from the same place. God caused His power to be known in the congregation. Many souls were melted down.[305]

[305] Benjamin Franklin's newspaper, of this date, contains the following:--"On Thursday last, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield left this city" (Philadelphia), "and was accompanied to Chester by about one hundred and fifty horse, and preached there to about seven thousand people. On Friday, he preached twice at Wilmington, to about five thousand; on Saturday, at Newcastle, to about two thousand five hundred; and the same evening, at Christiana Bridge, to about three thousand; on Sunday, at Whiteclay Creek, he preached twice, resting about half an hour between the sermons, to about eight thousand, of whom three thousand, it is computed, came on horseback. It rained most of the time, and yet they stood in the open air."

"Monday, December 3. Came to North East in Maryland, where I had appointed to preach to-day. Little notice having been given, there were not above fifteen hundred people; but God was with us, and many were deeply affected. Immediately after sermon, we passed over Susquehannah ferry, about a mile broad, and were received at a gentleman's house. The gentleman told us he had been a little melancholy, and had sent for some friends to help him to drive it away. I found the bottle and the bowl were the means to be employed; but, blessed be God, the design was, in a good measure, prevented by our coming. All joined in family prayer; and I went to bed pitying the miserable condition of those who live a life of luxury and self-indulgence. They are afraid to look into themselves; and, if their consciences are at any time awakened, they must be lulled asleep again by drinking and evil company.

"Tuesday, December 4. Baited at Joppa, a little town about fifteen miles from the place where we lay. I gave a word of exhortation to about forty people in the church.

"Wednesday, December 5. Lay last night at Newtown, fifteen miles from Joppa; ate what was set before us; joined in family prayer; and, as opportunity offered, put in a word for God. In the morning, we sung and prayed. By four in the afternoon, we reached Annapolis, a little town, but the metropolis of Maryland. The house where we lodged was very commodious, but the people of it seemed to be surprised when they heard us talk of God and Christ.

"Thursday, December 6. Waited on the governor, and was received with much civility. Went to pay my respects to the minister of the parish, who happened not to be within; but, whilst we were at dinner, he came, and offered me his pulpit, his house, or anything he could supply me with. About four, he came and introduced me and my friends to a gentleman's house, where we had some useful conversation. Our conversation ran chiefly on the new birth, and the folly and sinfulness of those amusements, whereby the polite part of the world are so fatally diverted from the pursuit of the one thing needful.

"Friday, December 7. Preached in the morning and evening to small polite auditories. The governor came to the morning service, and, at noon, I and my friends dined with him.

"Saturday, December 8. Came to Upper Marlborough, and wrote letters to some under convictions at Philadelphia."

Here let us pause. Besides his letters to penitents at Philadelphia, Whitefield wrote the two following--the first to the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, and the second to Mr. Noble, his host at New York:--

"UPPER MARLBOROUGH, _December 8, 1739_.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--Till now, I have neither had leisure nor freedom to answer your kind letter. Blessed be God, who has opened the hearts of some of His people at New York to receive the word. May He enable you to water what His own right hand hath planted! I wish you good luck in the name of the Lord. I wish all His servants were prophets. Oh that He would be pleased to send forth experimental labourers into His harvest! I fear that, amongst you, as well as in other places, there are many who are well versed in the doctrines of grace (having learned them at the university); but, notwithstanding, are heart-hypocrites, and enemies to the power of godliness. Dear sir, I use this freedom, because I love simplicity. Pardon me, for out of the fulness and sincerity of my heart, my pen writeth. Oh, entreat the God of all grace to give me humility, so shall success not prove my ruin. Mr. Noble's letter, and my next Journal, will acquaint you how the Lord Jesus has been getting Himself the victory since I left New York. There has been such little opposition, that I have been almost tempted to cry out, 'Satan, why sleepest thou?' Oh, dear sir, thank God on my behalf; for, indeed, He deals most lovingly with, rev. sir, your most unworthy brother and fellow-labourer,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"UPPER MARLBOROUGH, _December 8, 1739_.

"DEAR SIR,--I cannot defer writing to dear Mr. Noble any longer. This afternoon God brought us hither. Some are solicitous for my staying here to-morrow. As it seems to be a call from Providence, I have complied with their request. Oh that I may be enabled to lift up my voice like a trumpet, and to speak with the demonstration of the Spirit and with power! These parts are in a dead sleep. At Annapolis, I preached twice, and spoke home to some ladies concerning the vanity of their false politeness. But, alas; they are wedded to their quadrille and ombre. The minister of the place was under convictions. He wept twice, and earnestly begged my prayers. He will not frighten people, I believe, with harsh doctrine. He loves to prophesy smooth things. God blessed the word wonderfully at Philadelphia. I have great reason to think many are brought home to God. Oh, help me, help me, dearest Mr. Noble, help me to be thankful; and accept my thanks, though late, for all favours received when at New York. Salute your dear wife, my kind hostess. Exhort her to be severely kind to her little boy. I am your weak, but affectionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, Whitefield had been in the midst of a great revival. In Maryland, he felt himself in a moral and religious desert. His Journal continues:--

"Sunday, December 9. Preached at Upper Marlborough, to a small, polite, and seemingly very curious audience. There being no sermon in the afternoon, we took horse, and went a Sabbath-day's journey as far as Piscataway, where I wrote some letters to our English friends.

"Monday, December 10. Reached Potomac by three in the afternoon. Potomac is a river which parts the two provinces of Maryland and Virginia. It is six miles broad. We attempted to go over it; but, after we had rowed about a mile, the wind blew so violently, and night was coming on so fast, that we were obliged to go back and lie in the person's house who kept the ferry, where they brought out such things as they had.

"Tuesday, December 11. Had a delightful passage over the river this morning. Observed the country to be much more open, and the roads better, than in Maryland. Passed over two more ferries in the day's journey, and were put to some little inconvenience for want of finding a public-house in the way. However, at last, we met a poor woman, who was going to sell cakes to the trained bands, of which we bought some; and, a few miles farther, a planter let us have some provender for our beasts, and a little milk and small beer for ourselves. At six at night, we got to a place called Seals Church, twenty-nine miles from Potomac. Here we called at a person's house to whom we were recommended; but the mistress of it was not at home, and the overseer of the slaves, at first, was unwilling to receive us. However, finding we were wet and strangers, he was at last prevailed upon to let us abide there all night; and furnished us with a good fire, with some little meat, and milk, and a cake baked on the hearth, which was exceedingly refreshing, and afforded us no small matter for praise and thanksgiving.

"Wednesday, December 12. We came to Piscataway ferry, where the man of the house spared us some corn and sheaves for our horses, but had neither milk nor bread in the house for ourselves. However, I endeavoured to feed him with spiritual bread; but he seriously asked one of us if I was not a Quaker. At four in the afternoon, we reached an ordinary, and were refreshed with what meat they had. In the evening, some gentlemen came disordered in liquor; but the woman of the house kept them from us, and we slept very comfortably on the bed that she made us in the kitchen.[306] I talked to her of religion, and told her that we were to be born again. She said that was true, but it was to be done _after death_.

[306] These references to hunger, and kitchen accommodation, may appear strange, but are sufficiently explained by the following extract from a letter which Whitefield wrote to Gilbert Tennent: "In these parts, Satan seems to lead people captive at his will. The distance of the plantations prevents people assembling together. Here are no great towns, as in other provinces, and the commonalty is made up of negroes and convicts; and if they pretend to serve God, their masters, Pharaoh-like, cry out, 'Ye are idle, ye are idle.'"

"Thursday, December, 13. Set out just as the sun rose; got to an ordinary by noon; ate what was set before us with some degree of thankfulness; and reached the house of Colonel Whiting long before night. Here God spread a plentiful table for us.

"Friday, December 14. Reached Williamsburg, the metropolis of Virginia, by the evening.

"Saturday, December 15. Dined with the governor, who received me most courteously. Paid my respects to the Rev. Mr. Blair, the Commissary of Virginia. He received me with joy, and asked me to preach. He has been chiefly instrumental in raising a beautiful college at Williamsburg, in which is a foundation for about eight scholars, a president, two masters, and professors in the several sciences. Here the gentlemen of Virginia send their children. The present masters came from Oxford. Two of them were my contemporaries there. I rejoiced in seeing such a place in America.[307]

[307] A college was erected at Williamsburg as early as the year 1700, mostly at the charge of King William and Queen Mary, who gave £2000 towards it, also twenty thousand acres of land, and the duty of a penny a pound on all tobacco exported, from Virginia and Maryland, to the plantations. It was soon entirely destroyed by fire. (Oldmixon's "British Empire in America," vol. i., p. 301.)

"Sunday, December 16. Preached in the morning. Several gentlemen came from York, fourteen miles off. There being no sermon customarily in the afternoon, I left Williamsburg, promising, if possible, to visit these parts again in the summer.

"Monday, December 17. Got over a ferry three miles broad last night, and met with a young man who shewed us the way to Captain R----n's, who entertained us with much generosity, and was so kind as to accompany us fourteen miles this morning. We came to an ordinary about thirty miles from the place where we lay last night. Here we met with what some would call very indifferent entertainment. Bashfulness, and a fear of being troublesome, have kept us from embracing offers of gentlemen's houses; but we have heard a good report of the generosity of the Virginia gentlemen. I find they are so willing, and accustomed to entertain strangers, that few think it worth their while to keep public ordinaries.

"Tuesday, December 18. Being indisposed with fever, and one of our horses being foundered, it was thought desirable to stay at the ordinary the whole day.

"Wednesday, December 19. We took a short day's journey of about twenty-six miles, and were most affectionately received by Colonel O----n, in North Carolina.

"Thursday, December 20. Took leave of our kind host, and travelled cheerfully onwards. About noon, we alighted in the woods, to give our horses provender, and to take a little refreshment ourselves, which we have done every day this week, because there are no ordinaries in the way. By four in the afternoon, we reached Eden Town, a little place, beautifully situated by the water-side. Here we were well entertained at a public-house.

"Friday, December 21. We went in a pettiagua over the sound, and were nearly seven hours in our passage. It was about twelve miles over. We met with a convenient ordinary on the other side.

"Saturday, December 22. We came to Bath-Town, a distance of nearly fifty miles. It is by far the longest stage, and the roads are the worst we have had, since we began our journey. The ground, most part of the way, was swampy, and the country uninhabited. It was as hot as it is at Midsummer in England; but we had a sweet breeze, which made our riding through the woods exceeding pleasant. About midway, we met with an ordinary, where we refreshed ourselves and beasts. We observed a variety of birds; and, in the evening, heard wolves howling like a kennel of hounds.

"Sunday, December 23. Sent to the minister of the place, and had some conversation with him last night. Preached, at noon, to nearly a hundred people, which, I found, was an extraordinary congregation, there being seldom more than twenty at church.

"Monday, December 24. Crossed Pamplico river, about five miles wide, yesterday morning. Lay at an ordinary at the water-side. Reached Newborn Town, thirty miles from Bath Town, by six at night.

"Tuesday, December 25. Went to public worship, and received the holy sacrament, which was celebrated in the Court House. In the afternoon, the people were uncommonly attentive. One told me I had given him a home stroke. The woman where we lodged would take nothing for our Christmas dinner, and wished we could stay with them longer.

"Wednesday, December 26. Met with comfortable refreshment at an ordinary on the road, and lodged at a little house in the woods, about thirty-five miles from where we lay last night. I baptized two children. I believe there may be hundreds of children in this province unbaptized, for want of a minister.

"Thursday, December 27. Set out about eight in the morning, and got to an ordinary, about thirty-three miles distant, before six at night. I went, as my usual custom is, among the negroes belonging to the house. One man was sick in bed, and two of his children said their prayers after me very well.

"Friday, December 28. After about fifteen miles' ride, we comfortably refreshed both ourselves and beasts at a poor widow's ordinary, who, a few days ago, had buried her husband. After dinner, we had a pleasant ride to New Town on Cape Fear River, nearly eighteen miles from the place where we baited. We rejoiced greatly that the Lord had brought us so far on our journey, and had not suffered us to go out of our way, through so many almost uninhabited woods.

"Sunday, December 30. Wrote letters to my friends in England. Read prayers, and preached, both morning and evening, in the Court House. There being many of the Scotch amongst the congregation, who lately came over to settle in North Carolina, I was led to make a particular application to them, and to remind them of the necessity of living holy lives, and giving proof of their zeal for those truths which they had heard preached to them, with great purity and clearness, in their native country. About five in the evening, I and my friends passed the ferry, and lay at the house of the High Sheriff of the county.

"Monday, December 31. Set out early, and met with more perils by land than we have been exposed to yet. The swamps and creeks which lay in the way were filled with water; and the bridges, being out of repair, rendered travelling very dangerous. In one place, we were obliged to swim our horses; in many, the waters were very high, and were not to be passed without much difficulty. But we met with two good guides, by whose assistance we were brought, at night, to a little house, where with pleasure we reflected on the dangers and deliverances of the day.

1740. Tuesday, January 1. About sunset, we came to a tavern, five miles within the province of South Carolina. I believe the people of the house, at first, wished I had not come to be their guest; for, it being New Year's Day, several of the neighbours were met together to divert themselves by dancing country dances. By the advice of my companions, I went in amongst them. All were soon put to silence, and were, for some time, so overawed, that, after I had discoursed with them on the nature of baptism, and the necessity of being born again, in order to enjoy the kingdom of heaven, I baptized, at their entreaty, one of their children, and prayed as I was enabled, and as the circumstances of the company required.

"Wednesday, January 2. Rose early, prayed, sung a hymn, gave another word of exhortation to the dancers; and, at break of day, we mounted our horses. For nearly twenty miles, we rode over a beautiful bay, and were wonderfully delighted to see the porpoises taking their pastime. We intended to call at a gentleman's house, about forty miles distant from our last night's lodging, but we missed the way, and came to a hut full of negroes. We enquired after the gentleman's house whither we were directed; but the negroes said they knew no such man, and that they were but new-comers. From these circumstances, we inferred that they might be some of those who had lately made an insurrection in the province, and had run away from their masters. We, therefore, thought it best to mend our pace, and, soon after, we saw another nest of negroes dancing round about a fire. When we had gone about a dozen miles, we came to a plantation, the master of which gave us lodging, and our beasts provender. During the day, we had ridden nearly three-score miles, and, as we thought, in great peril of our lives.

"Thursday, January 3. Had a hospitable breakfast; set out late in the morning; and, for the ease of our beasts, rode not above nineteen miles the whole day. 'A good man,' says Solomon, 'is merciful to his beast.'

"Friday, January 4. About eight in the evening, after riding forty-three miles, we came to a tavern, five miles from Charleston.

"Saturday, January 5. Left our lodging before daylight, and, after we had passed over a three-mile ferry, we reached Charleston about ten in the morning.

"Sunday, January 6. Went to public service in the morning, but did not preach, because the curate had not a commission to lend the pulpit, unless the commissary (then out of town) were present. Most of the town, however, being eager to hear me, I preached, in the afternoon, in one of the Dissenting meeting-houses, but was grieved to find so little concern in the congregation. The auditory was large, but very polite. I question whether the court-end of London could exceed them in affected finery, gaiety of dress, and a deportment ill-becoming persons who have had such Divine judgments lately sent amongst them. I reminded them of this in my sermon; but I seemed to them as one that mocked.

"Monday, January 7. Finding the inhabitants desirous to hear me a second time, I preached, in the morning, in the French church. The audience was so great, that many stood without the door. I felt much more freedom than I did yesterday. Many were melted into tears. One of the town, most remarkably gay, was observed to weep. Instead of the people going out (as they did yesterday) in a light, unthinking manner, a visible concern was in most of their faces. After sermon, I and my friends dined at a merchant's; and, as I was passing along, a letter was put into my hands, wherein were these words: 'Remember me in your prayers, for Christ's sake, who died for me a sinner.' Many of the inhabitants, with full hearts, entreated me to give them one more sermon, and, though I was just about to take the boat, I thought it my duty to comply with their request. Notice was immediately given, and, in about half an hour, a large congregation was assembled in the Dissenting meeting-house. In the evening, I supped at another merchant's house, and had an opportunity, for nearly two hours, to converse of the things of God with a large company.

"Tuesday, January 8. Left our horses in Charleston, and set out for Georgia, in an open canoe, having five negroes to row and steer us. The poor slaves were very civil, and laborious. We lay one night on the water; and, about five on Wednesday evening, arrived at Beaufort in Port Royal, one hundred miles from Charleston.

"Wednesday, January 9. The wind being high, and sailing impracticable, we stayed at Beaufort all the morning, and dined with kind Mr. Jones, the minister of the place, who received us with great civility. Afterwards, the weather being fair, and the tide serving, we again took boat. In the night, we made a fire on the shore. A little after midnight, we prayed with the negroes; took boat again; and reached Savannah the next day, where I had a joyful meeting with my dear friends, who had arrived three weeks ago."

Thus, after a journey of five months' duration, Whitefield once more reached his parish in America. If it be asked, what induced him and his friends to leave their ship, at Capen Lopen, on October 30th, and to spend ten weeks in travelling to Georgia by land, through the four provinces of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina? the best and, indeed, the only answer is, we cannot tell. It seemed a strange freak for Whitefield to send what he called his "family" to Savannah by water, and for himself and William Seward and others to travel to the same place, a distance of at least six or seven hundred miles, through primeval forests, uncultivated plains, and miasmal swamps. But even out of this curious vagary came great results; for, in these colonial wanderings, Whitefield became acquainted with the Tennents and other Presbyterian ministers; and this affected the whole of his future life.

When Whitefield sailed to America in 1739, he intended to return to England in about a twelve-month. His principal object was to erect and institute his Orphan House in Georgia. As will be seen shortly, he did much more than this; but his other labours were not included in his first design. His own account of the commencement of the Orphan House is as follows:--

"Some have thought that the erecting of such a building was only the produce of my own brain; but they are much mistaken. It was first proposed to me by my dear friend, the Rev. Mr. Charles Wesley, who, with his Excellency General Oglethorpe, had concerted a scheme for carrying on such a design before I had any thoughts of going abroad myself. It was natural to think, that, as the government intended this province for the refuge and support of many of our poor countrymen, numbers of such adventurers must necessarily be taken off, by being exposed to the hardships which unavoidably attend a new settlement. I thought it, therefore, a noble design to erect a house for fatherless children, and was resolved, in the strength of God, to prosecute it with all my might. This was mentioned to the Honourable the Trustees. They took it kindly at my hands; and, as I then began to be pretty popular at Bristol and elsewhere, they wrote to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, asking leave for me to preach a charity sermon on this occasion in the Abbey Church. This was granted, and I, accordingly, began immediately to compose a suitable discourse; but, knowing my first stay in Georgia would be but short, on account of my returning to take priest's orders, I thought it most prudent, first, to go and see for myself, and defer prosecuting the scheme till I returned, to England.

"When I came to Georgia, I found many poor orphans, who, though taken notice of by the Honourable Trustees, yet, through the neglect of persons that acted under them, were in miserable circumstances. For want of a house to breed them up in, the poor little ones were tabled out here and there, and, besides the hurt they received by bad examples, forgot at home what they learnt at school. Others were at hard services, and likely to have no education at all. Upon seeing this, I thought I could not better shew my regard to God and my country, than by getting a house and land for these children, where they might learn to labour, read, and write, and, at the same time, be brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord.

"Accordingly, at my return to England in the year 1738, to take priest's orders, I applied to the Honourable Society for a grant of five hundred acres of land, and laid myself under an obligation to build a house upon it, and to receive, from time to time, as many orphans as the land and stock would maintain.

"As I had always acted like a clergyman of the Church of England, and had preached in many of the London churches,--and as I had but a few months before collected nearly £1000 for the children belonging to the charity schools in London and Westminster,--it was natural to think that I might now have the use of some of these churches to preach in, for the orphans of Georgia. But, by the time I had taken priest's orders, the clergy began to be much embittered. Churches were gradually denied to me; and I must let this good design drop, or preach in the fields. Indeed, two churches, one in Spitalfields and one in Bristol, were lent me upon this occasion; but these were all.[308] However, God kept me from being discouraged. I collected for the Orphan House in Moorfields £52, one Sabbath-day morning, £22 of which were in copper. The people offered willingly, and took more pains to come through the crowd to put their contributions into my hat, than some would to have gotten them. In the afternoon, I collected again at Kennington Common;[309] and continued to do so at most of the places where I preached. Besides this, two or three bishops and several persons of distinction contributed; till, at length, having about £1010, I gave over collecting, and went with what I had to Georgia. Multitudes offered to go with me; but I chose to take only a surgeon and a few more of both sexes, who I thought would be useful in carrying on my design. These cheerfully embarked with me, desiring nothing for their pains, but food and raiment. My dear fellow-traveller, William Seward, Esq., also joined with them, and was particularly useful to me. Our first voyage was to Philadelphia, where I was willing to go for the sake of laying in provision. In January, 1739, I met my family in Georgia; and, being unwilling to lose any time, I hired a large house, and took in all the orphans I could find in the colony. Most of the orphans were in poor case; and three or four were almost eaten up with lice. About the month of March, I began the great house, having only about £150 in cash. I called it Bethesda, because I hoped it would be a house of mercy to many souls."[310]

[308] This account was written in 1746; but, through forgetfulness on Whitefield's part, it is not correct. On February 2, 1739, he preached in Islington Church, and made a collection amounting to £22 11s.; and, two days afterwards, he preached and made another collection, in the Church of St. George's in the East, which amounted to £18. ("Account of Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia. By George Whitefield. London: 1741.")

[309] Altogether, Whitefield made three collections in Moorfields, making an aggregate sum of £112 14s.; and six on Kennington Common, amounting to £173 10s. 4d. (Ibid.)

[310] Whitefield's Works, vol. iii., p. 466.

In the above extract, Whitefield says certain bishops and persons of distinction contributed to his Orphan House in Georgia. The bishops who contributed were, Dr. Benson, Bishop of Gloucester, £10 10s.; and Dr. Butler, Bishop of Bristol, £5 5s. The "persons of distinction" included Lady Cox, £5 5s. Her sister, Madam Bridget Bethel £5 5s.; Lady Betty Hastings, £10; the Rev. Mr. Kinchin, £2 2s.; Rev. Mr. Broughton, £1 1s.; Rev. Westley Hall, £5 5s.; Rev. Benjamin Ingham, £1 1s.; (the four last mentioned were Oxford Methodists.) Whitefield himself, £80 10s.; William Seward, Esq., £100; Benjamin Seward, Esq., £50; the Honourable Dixey Windsor, £5 5s.; Rev. Mr. Radliff, Master of Pembroke College, £1 1s.; Rev. Dr. Doddridge, £1 1s.; John Thorold, Esq., £5 5s.; Mr. James Hutton, £2 2s.; Howell Harris, £1 1s.; the Countess of Egmont, £5 5s.; Rev. Henry Piers, 10s. 6d.

Whitefield's Report, published in 1741, contains other interesting items. For instance, besides those already mentioned, collections were made by Whitefield in other places, amounting to £227 4s. 9d.; and to these must be added "a collection by the Rev. Mr. Cole, Dissenting minister at Gloucester, £12 10s.;" and also the collections and subscriptions raised in America, making a total of £2530 2s. 9d. And even this was not all. William Seward contributed four horses; Mr. Hugh Bryan, of South Carolina, gave a canoe, eleven barrels of rice, five barrels of beef, and six sheep; Mr. Hazelton, of the same province, five sheep, six geese, and four turkeys; divers friends at Charleston gave him linen, china, a hogshead of molasses, 250 lb. of wool, a cow, five sugar-loaves, nine hams, and a bag of coffee; and friends in Pennsylvania contributed cheeses, hams, hung beef, children's stays, shirts, about ten thousand bricks, and "a large folio Turkey-leather Bible." Among the items of expenditure were the following:--Sarah Greenhough, of London, for eighty-four pairs of shoes, £5 1s. 6d.; John Bray, for mortars, stills, etc., £20 1s. 10d.; James Hutton, for surgery books, £3 4s. 8d.; Isaac Burton, for two wigs, £2 6s.; Robert Norman, for gunpowder, £19; Mr. Day, for drawing a plan for the Orphan House, £2 10s.; passage for eleven persons to Georgia, £87 5s. 6d:; Mr. Hugh Bryan, for twenty-one cows, twenty-one calves, a bull, two horses, a mare, a colt, and ten sows, £65 18s. 6-1/4d.; for two servants _bought_ of Mr. George Cuthbert, £12; Captain Mackay, for 15,700 shingles, £7 17s.; Isaac Young, for cartage of 28,000 bricks, a mare, and two drawing steers, £23 6s.; Hugh Wire, for 1365 lb. of pork, £9 3s.; ten cows and calves, £30; eighteen cows, £36; one bull, £1; forty-eight hogs and eight sheep, £20; Hugh Ross, for fencing the gardens, £41 12s. 8d.; several labourers, for fencing the whole 500 acres, £37 3s. "The total of cash paid for the Orphan House since it was settled December, 1739, £3,358 7s. 5-1/4d.;" leaving a deficiency in December, 1741, of £828 4s. 8-1/4d.

Almost all the building materials used in the erection of the Orphan House had to be conveyed from Savannah, a distance of about a dozen miles; and, there being no road between Bethesda and Savannah, one of the items of expenditure in Whitefield's financial statement is, "Paid labourers who are employed in clearing land, going in boats, tending on carpenters and bricklayers, and in making a cart road, near twelve miles, from Savannah to Bethesda, £258 14s. 4-1/2d., besides their provisions." For thirty years, Bethesda was the object of Whitefield's constant solicitude. "It compelled him to travel, and inspired him to preach." James Habersham, one of those who went out with him in 1738, was his factotum, and, for many years, rendered most valuable service. This comparatively humble man afterwards rose to considerable distinction. He became governor of the province of Georgia; he was the father of Joseph Habersham, the distinguished patriot whom Washington, in 1795, appointed Post-Master General of the United States; and he was also one of the executors of Whitefield's will. The _Honourable_ James Habersham will be often mentioned in the succeeding pages. It is now time, however, to return to Whitefield's diary and letters. He reached Savannah on January 10, 1740, and the next day went to Bethesda. He writes:--

"1740. Friday, January 11. Went this morning, with some friends, to view a tract of land, consisting of five hundred acres, which Mr. Habersham, whom I left schoolmaster of Savannah, was directed, I hope by Providence, to make choice of for the Orphan House. It is situated on the northern part of the colony, about ten miles from Savannah, and has various kinds of soil in it; a part of it very good. Some acres, through the diligence of my friend, are cleared. He has also stocked it with cattle and poultry. He has begun the fence, and built a hut. I choose to have it so far off the town, because the children will be more free from bad examples. It is my design to have each of the children taught to labour, so as to be qualified to get their own living."

Oddly enough, there is here a break in Whitefield's Journal, the next entry being dated January 24th; but the following extracts will help to fill the chasm. William Stephens, Esq., in his "Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," published in 1742, writes:--

"1740. January 11. Mr. Whitefield, accompanied by three or four others, arrived at Savannah. Mr. Norris quietly gave up the church to Mr. Whitefield. Mr. Whitefield gave to me a document relating to the land on which to build his Orphan House. I told him that Mr. Habersham had already applied to General Oglethorpe, when he was at Savannah, and that the general had ordered five hundred acres to be run out, and had signed a warrant for this; and that, accordingly, Mr. Habersham had taken possession of the five hundred acres, and begun fencing and clearing it.

"January 13. Mr. Whitefield's name, which of late has made so much noise in England, could not fail in drawing all sorts of people to the church. Both morning and evening, he made justification by faith only the subject of his discourse; which he pressed home with great energy, denouncing anathemas on all such as taught otherwise.

"January 15. Mr. Norris goes as clergyman to Frederica. Mr. Whitefield has employed nearly all the sawyers, carpenters, and bricklayers in Savannah, to build his Orphan House, on the five hundred acres, which Mr. Habersham selected, about ten miles from Savannah.

"January 20. Mr. Whitefield read prayers at seven; again at ten, with a sermon; again at three, with a sermon; a lecture at seven; besides the sacrament after the second morning service, when he administered to between thirty and forty. Both the sermons were on Justification and Regeneration. I hope for one on Good Works before long."

During the thirteen days omitted in his Journal, Whitefield was not only preaching and looking after the affairs of Bethesda, but writing letters, some of which were of great interest and importance. To the Rev. Ralph Erskine he wrote as follows:--

"SAVANNAH, _January 16, 1740_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--You may depend on my not being prejudiced against you or your brethren, by any evil report. They only endear you to me more and more; and were your enemies to represent you as black as hell, I should think you the more glorious in the sight of heaven. I assure you, dear sir, I am fully convinced of the doctrine of election, free justification, and final perseverance. My observations on the Quakers were only intended for those particular persons with whom I then conversed. The tenets of the Quakers in general, about justification, I take to be false and unscriptural. Your adversaries need take no advantage against you by anything I have written; for I think it every minister's duty to declare against the corruptions of that church to which he belongs. This is your case in Scotland, and ours in England. I see no other way for us to act at present, than to go on preaching the truth as it is in Jesus; and then, if our brethren cast us out, God will direct us to take that course which is the most conducive to His glory and His people's good. I think I have but one objection against your proceedings,--your insisting only on _Presbyterian government_, exclusive of all other ways of worshipping God. Will not this necessarily lead you (whenever you get the upper hand) to oppose and persecute all that differ from you in their church government, or outward way of worshipping God? Our dear brother and fellow-labourer, Mr. Gilbert Tennent, thinks this will be the consequence, and said he would write to you about it. For my own part, though I profess myself a minister of the Church of England, I am of a catholic spirit; and, if I see any man who loves the Lord Jesus in sincerity, I am not very solicitous to what outward communion he belongs.

"God is doing great things in America. My Journal, which I send with this, will shew you what He has done already. Affairs of the Orphan House go on well. Some few, even here, love the Lord Jesus. Oh, dear sir, pray for us, and especially for your weak, unworthy brother and fellow-labourer in Christ,,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[311]

[311] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 141, and "Life and Diary of Rev. R. Erskine," p. 310.

To Mr. Gilbert Tennent, Whitefield wrote the following:--

"SAVANNAH, _January 22, 1740_.

"MY HONOURED FRIEND AND BROTHER IN CHRIST,--I have experienced many inward trials since I last saw you; but I find they work continually for my good. I have received a sweet, endearing, instructive letter from Mr. Ralph Erskine. I have answered it, and told him you promised to write about the necessity of a catholic spirit. Dr. Colman[312] also has favoured me with a loving epistle. I have read his sermons since I saw you. They are acute and pointed, but I think not searching enough by many degrees. I love writers that go to the bottom. I hope to be with you at the Synod; but I sometimes doubt whether I shall have sufficient matter given me to preach upon. Michael and the dragon, I hear, are carrying on war most bravely in England. I really believe we shall not die, till we see the kingdom of God come with power. The affairs of the Orphan House are in great forwardness. I have much to say, but time and business will not permit. Blessed be God, eternity is at hand, and then we shall have time enough. I have read some of your books to my great profit. I want to be taught the way of God more perfectly, etc.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[312] The Rev. Benjamin Colman, D.D., was born at Boston, New England, in 1673. At the age of twenty-two, he embarked for London, and was taken prisoner by a French privateer. On being released, he proceeded to England, where he became acquainted with Howe, Calamy, Burkitt, and other ministers of distinction. In 1699, he returned to Boston, and was appointed the first minister of the church in Brattle Street, where he continued to officiate until his death in 1747. He was neither a Presbyterian nor an Independent, but something between the two. His learning, talents, piety, and usefulness secured him universal respect; and he certainly was one of the most distinguished ministers in New England.

An extract from another letter, belonging to this period, deserves insertion. It was addressed "to the Inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia, and North and South Carolina."

"SAVANNAH, _January 23, 1740_.

"As I lately passed through your provinces, I was touched with a fellow-feeling of the miseries of the poor negroes. Could I have preached more frequently among you, I should have delivered my thoughts in my public discourses; but, as business here required me to stop as little as possible on the road, I have no other way to discharge the concern that lies upon my heart than by sending you this letter. How you will receive it, I know not; but, whatever be the event, I must inform you, in the meekness and gentleness of Christ, that I think God has a quarrel with you, for your cruelty to the poor negroes. Whether it be lawful for Christians to buy slaves, I shall not take upon me to determine;[313] but sure I am it is sinful, when bought, to use them worse than brutes; and, I fear, the generality of you, who own negroes, are liable to such a charge; for your slaves, I believe, work as hard as the horses whereon you ride.

[313] Soon after this, Whitefield became a slave-owner.

"These, after they have done their work, are fed and taken proper care of; but many negroes, when wearied with labour in your plantations, have been obliged to grind their own corn after they return home.

"Your dogs are caressed and fondled at your tables; but your slaves, who are frequently styled dogs or beasts, have not an equal privilege. They are scarce permitted to pick up the crumbs which fall from their masters' tables. Nay, some, as I have been informed by an eye-witness, have been, upon the most trifling provocation, cut with knives, and have had forks thrown into their flesh: not to mention what numbers have been given up to the inhuman usage of cruel task-masters, who, by their unrelenting scourges, have ploughed upon their backs, and made long furrows, and, at length, brought them even to death itself.

"I hope there are but few such monsters of barbarity suffered to subsist among you. Some, I hear, have been lately executed in Virginia for killing slaves; and the laws are very severe against such as murder them.

"Perhaps it might be better for the poor creatures themselves to be hurried out of life, than to be made so miserable as they generally are in it. Indeed, considering the usage they commonly meet with, I have wondered that we have not more instances of self-murder among them, or that they have not more frequently risen in arms against their owners. Virginia has been once, and Charleston more than once, threatened in this way. And, though I pray God the slaves may never be permitted to get the upper hand, yet, should such a thing be permitted by Providence, all good men must acknowledge the judgment would be just. Is it not the highest ingratitude, as well as cruelty, not to let your poor slaves enjoy some fruits of their labour? Whilst I have viewed your plantations cleared and cultivated, and have seen many spacious houses built, and the owners of them faring sumptuously every day, my blood has almost run cold within me, when I have considered how many of your slaves had neither convenient food to eat, nor proper raiment to put on, notwithstanding most of the comforts you enjoy were solely owing to their indefatigable labours. The Scripture says, 'Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn.' Does God take care of oxen? And will He not take care of negroes? Undoubtedly He will. 'Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your miseries that shall come upon you.' Behold, the provision of the poor negroes, which have reaped down your fields, which is by you denied them, 'crieth, and the cries of them which have reaped are entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth.'"

Whitefield's letter to the slave-owners was printed, and, as will soon be seen, its bold speaking brought him into trouble. Meanwhile, in his church at Savannah, he not only continued to preach on his favourite subjects, justification and the new birth, but he announced that he would administer the sacrament on all Sundays and holidays. On February 3, in his sermon, he denounced the clergy as "slothful shepherds and dumb dogs," and declared his opinion that "the author of 'The Whole Duty of Man' had sent thousands to hell." This created another feud; and, as if this were not enough, on March 7 he quarrelled with Mr. Norris, the late minister at Savannah, and charged him with preaching false doctrine, with fiddling, and with playing at cards with ladies, and told him he should never again assist him in administering the sacrament.[314]

[314] "Journal of Proceedings in Georgia," by William Stephens, Esq. Vol. ii. 1742.

Of course, Whitefield was also busily occupied with his Orphanage. He writes:--

"Tuesday, January 29. Took in three German orphans, the most pitiful objects, I think, I ever saw. No new negroes could look more despicable, or require more pains to instruct them. Were all the money I have collected to be spent in freeing these three children from slavery, it would be well laid out. I have also in my house near twenty more, who, in all probability, if not taken in, would be as ignorant of God and Christ as the Indians. Blessed be God, they begin to live in order.

"Wednesday, January 30. Went with the carpenter and surveyor, and laid out the ground whereon the Orphan House is to be built. It is to be sixty feet long, and forty wide. The foundation is to be brick, and is to be sunk four feet within, and raised three feet above the ground! The house is to be two stories high, with a hip-roof: the first ten, the second nine feet high. In all, there will be near twenty commodious rooms. Behind are to be two small houses, the one for an infirmary, the other for a workhouse. There is also to be a still-house for the apothecary; and, I trust, before my return to England, I shall see the children and family quite settled. I find it will be an expensive work; but it is for the Lord Christ. He will take care to defray all charges. The money that will be spent, on this occasion, will keep many families from leaving the colony. There are near thirty working at the plantation already, and I would employ as many more, if they were to be had.

"Monday, February 4. Met, according to appointment, all the magistrates, who heard the recorder read the grant given me by the trustees, and took a minute of their approbation of the same.

"Monday, February 11. Took in four fresh orphans, and set out, with two friends, to Frederica, in order to pay my respects to General Oglethorpe, and to fetch the orphans in the southern parts of the colony.

Seventeen days were spent in this journey to the south of Georgia; but, before following Whitefield, further extracts from his letters may be welcome. To Mr. William Delamotte, who had joined the Moravians, and who, with Benjamin Ingham, was converting hundreds in Yorkshire,[315] Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. Blessed be God, for the good report I hear of your zeal for our dear Immanuel. Go on. I am persuaded the pleasure of the Lord will prosper in your hands. God blesses the affairs of the Orphan House. The work is large, but we have omnipotence for our support. I believe I shall take in near fifty children. Fear not to speak the truth: if driven out of England, here is a noble range for you in America."

[315] "Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 47.

To the Rev. William Tennent, he addressed the following:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. I am abashed to think what our all-gracious Redeemer has done by my unworthy hands, and rejoice to hear that He is working by yours. God willing, I hope to be with you at the synod. I find as yet I scarce know anything; but if I give out of my little stock, I trust the Lord will increase it, as He did the little lad's loaves and fishes. My Journal, which I have sent to Philadelphia, will tell you what God has done in Maryland and Virginia. I believe a foundation of great things is laying there."

To a "sister" he sent the ensuing account of his Calvinian experience:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. Nothing so much comforts my soul as the thought that God will never leave me. If He does, it must be for my unworthiness; but, on that account, it cannot be; for He never chose me on account of my worthiness. He loved me freely; He prevented me by His grace; He chose me from eternity; He called me in time; and, I am persuaded, will keep me till time shall be no more. This consideration makes my faith to work by love. Now I can live not barely upon my feelings, which are blessed things, but on the promises. Though I fall, I know I shall rise again. The Lord Jesus will not suffer the purchase of His blood to be lost. He knew for whom He died, and neither men nor devils shall ever pluck them out of His hands. I hope, ere long, our brethren will lay all carnal reasoning aside, and see and preach the truth, in this respect, as it is in Jesus."

To Mr. Noble, of New York, he wrote as follows:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. I purpose to revisit New York at the appointed time. You told me, 'our Lord has not sent me into His vineyard at my own charge.' Indeed, I always find He furnishes me with things convenient. Nay, He is often so abundant in goodness and truth, that I am obliged to cry out, in holy admiration, 'My Lord and my God!' Blessed be God, the Orphan-house affairs succeed well. Many souls will be redeemed by it from temporal, and, I trust, from eternal bondage. I am building a large house, have many servants, and a good stock of cattle. It will cost much money; but our Lord will see to that. My friends at New York will assist me when I come amongst them."

Howell Harris, the brave Welshman, always occupied a warm place in Whitefield's large and loving heart. The following was addressed to him:--

"Savannah, Feb. 4, 1740. Will this find you in prison, or not? Your last letter gave me some expectation, that, ere long, you would be both in prison and bonds. By-and-by, I shall follow perhaps. My dear brother, let us continue instant in season and out of season. Let us continually preach up free grace, though we die for it. We cannot lose our lives in a better cause. As I am enabled, I remember you at the throne of grace. In general, I sigh out my prayers. I have not had much enlargement in preaching since I have been here. I sometimes think my heart is more vicious and perverse than any one's; and yet Jesus Christ will come and dwell in me. Methinks I hear you say, 'Glory be to free grace! All praise be given to electing love!' Let all who love the Lord Jesus say, Amen!"

In his seventeen days' journey to the southern part of Georgia, Whitefield came to the Scots' settlement at Darien, and was kindly received by Mr. McLeod, the Presbyterian minister. Thence he proceeded to Frederica, where he was courteously treated by General Oglethorpe. He preached in a room belonging to the storehouse, and "the general, the soldiers, and the people attended very orderly." Returning to Darien, he preached five sermons to Mr. McLeod's congregation. On February 26, he set out with four orphans, lay two nights in the woods, and reached Bethesda, at noon, on the 28th. A fortnight afterwards, he embarked for Charleston. He writes:--

"1740. Friday, March 14. Arrived last night at Charleston, being called there to see my brother, who lately came from England. Waited on the commissary" (the Rev. Alexander Garden), "but met with a cool reception. Drank tea with the Independent minister, and preached to a large auditory in his meeting-house.

"Saturday, March 15. Breakfasted, sung a hymn, and had some religious conversation on board my brother's ship. Preached in the Baptist meeting-house; and, in the evening, again in the Independent meeting-house, to a more attentive auditory than ever.

"Sunday, March 16. Preached, at eight in the morning, in the Scots' meeting-house, to a large congregation. Went to church and heard the commissary represent me under the character of the Pharisee, who came to the temple, saying, 'God, I thank Thee that I am not as other men are.' Went to church again in the afternoon; and, about five, preached in the Independent meeting-house yard, the house not being capacious enough to hold the auditory.[316]

[316] The commissary preached against Whitefield; and the Rev. Joseph Smith, Independent minister, on March 26, defended him in a sermon founded upon the text, "I said, I will answer also my part, I also will shew my opinion." First of all, Mr. Smith dwells on the doctrines which Whitefield everywhere preached; namely, original sin, justification by faith alone, and the new birth. He then proceeds to give his opinion of Whitefield himself. He says: "He is certainly a finished preacher, and a great master of pulpit oratory, while a noble negligence runs through his style. How is his tongue like the pen of a ready writer! With what a flow of words did he speak to us upon the great concerns of our souls! In what a flaming light did he set eternity before us! How did he move our passions with the constraining love of Christ! The awe, the silence, the attention which sat upon the face of so great an audience, was an argument how he could reign over all their powers. So charmed were the people with his manner of address, that they shut up their shops, forgot their secular business, and laid aside their schemes for the world; and the oftener he preached, the keener edge he seemed to put upon their desires of hearing him again. How bold and courageous did he look! He was no flatterer, would not suffer men to settle upon their lees, and did not prophesy smooth things. The politest, the most modish of our vices, the most fashionable of our entertainments, he struck at, regardless of every one's presence but His in whose name he spake. How rich has he been in all good works! What an eminent pattern of piety towards God! How holy and unblameable in all conversation and godliness! He affects no party, nor sets himself at the head of any. He is always careful to time his Sabbath discourses, so as not to interfere with the stated hours of worship in that Church of which he is a professed member and minister; because, as he told us, he would not tempt away hearers from their proper and respective pastors. He appears to me a man full of the Holy Ghost and of faith. Though his prayers in this pulpit were all extempore, yet how copious, how ardent, with what compass of thought! He prays in public with that spirit, variety, and fluency which could only be expected from a man who was no stranger to the sacred duty in private. For charity, as it consists in compassion and acts of beneficence, we have few men like-minded. Strolling and vagabond orphans, poor and helpless, without purse and without a friend, he seeks out, picks up, and adopts into his family. He is now building a house, and laying the best foundation for their support and religious instruction, without any visible fund; encouraged to go on in faith, from the shining example of the great professor in Germany, who began a like pious work with almost nothing, and raised it to such perfection as is the wonder of all who hear it."

Such was the public testimony of the Independent minister at Charleston, delivered at the time when the clergyman of the Church of England was doing his utmost to bring young Whitefield into disrepute. His chapel, in which Whitefield preached, and where he collected upwards of £70 sterling for the Orphanage, was then called the "White Meetinghouse," and occupied the site of the present circular church. ("Methodism in Charleston," p. 20.)

"Monday, March 17. Preached, in the morning, in the Independent meeting-house, and was more explicit than ever in exclaiming against balls and assemblies. Preached again in the evening, and, being excited thereto by some of the inhabitants, I spoke in behalf of the poor orphans, and collected upwards of £70 sterling, the largest collection I ever yet made on that occasion.

"Tuesday, March 18. Preached twice again this day, and took an affectionate leave of my hearers. I believe a good work is begun in many. Every day several have come to me, telling me, with weeping eyes, how God had been pleased to convince them by the word preached. Invitations were given me from some of the adjacent villages, and many came to town daily, from their plantations, to hear the word.

"Friday, March 21. Went on board the sloop, prayed, sung a hymn, and took an affectionate leave of my dear brother and other friends. Got over the bar, and reached Savannah about noon.

"Tuesday, March 25. Went to Bethesda, and, with full assurance of faith, laid the first brick of the great house. The workmen attended, and with me kneeled down and prayed. After we had sung a hymn suitable to the occasion, I gave a word of exhortation to the labourers, and bid them remember to work heartily, knowing that they worked for God. Near forty children are now under my care, and near a hundred mouths are daily supplied with food. The expense is great, but our great and good God, I am persuaded, will enable me to defray it.

"Sunday, March 30. Found myself sick and weak in body, but was strengthened to go through most of the duties of the day, and to take an affectionate leave of my parishioners, because it appeared that Providence called me towards the northward."

This northern journey occupied the next two months; but, before narrating its incidents, some of Whitefield's troubles must be mentioned. Like all impulsive men, he was frequently imprudent, and, naturally enough, imprudence engendered mischief.

From the foregoing extracts it will be seen that Whitefield was denounced, from the pulpit, by the Rev. Alexander Garden, M.A., Rector of St. Philip's, Charleston.[317] Remembering all that had occurred during Whitefield's visit to England in 1739, and also remembering that, since his return to America, Whitefield had preached more frequently in Dissenting meeting-houses than in his own parish church at Savannah, it is not surprising that Mr. Garden gave Whitefield "a cool reception" when he went to Charleston. It is matter of regret, however, that he should have used the pulpit to proclaim his displeasure; and it is a matter of additional regret, that the youthful evangelist copied, to any extent, so objectionable an example. It is said that, while Alexander Garden expatiated on the text, "Those who have turned the world upside-down are come hither also," George Whitefield retorted by enlarging on the words, "Alexander the coppersmith hath done me much evil: the Lord reward him according to his works."[318]

[317] Mr. Garden was born in Scotland in 1685, and came to Charleston about 1720. He was the commissary of the Bishop of London for the Carolinas, Georgia, and the Bahama Islands. He died in 1756.

[318] "Memoir of General Oglethorpe," p. 268.

But this was not all. Early in the year, a small pamphlet of sixteen pages was published, with the following title: "Three Letters from the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, namely: Letter 1. To a Friend in London, concerning Archbishop Tillotson; Letter 2. To the same on the same subject; Letter 3. To the Inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia, and North and South Carolina, concerning their Negroes. Printed and sold by Benjamin Franklin, at the New Printing Office, near the Market, Philadelphia, 1740."[319]

[319] Mr. Stephens, in his "Proceedings in Georgia," 1742, says:--"1740, March 22. Mr. Whitefield returned from Charleston. The Carolina newpapers advertise that he has published two letters there; one shewing 'Archbishop Tillotson knew no more of Christianity than Mahomet,' and the other shewing the fundamental errors of a book entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man.' This confirmed my belief of what I had been told--that he made one of his orphans throw that book into the fire, with great detestation."

The third of these letters has been already noticed; the other two must have attention. The first is dated Savannah, January 18, 1740, and is meant to vindicate Whitefield's assertion, that "Archbishop Tillotson knew no more of Christianity than Mahomet." Whitefield writes:--

"This has been looked upon as one of the most unjustifiable expressions that ever proceeded out of my mouth. I dare not say that the expression came originally from me. My dear and honoured friend, Mr. John Wesley, if I mistake not, first spoke it in a private Society, where he was expounding part of the Epistle to the Romans, and proving the doctrine of justification by faith alone, in contradistinction to good works. But, upon the maturest deliberation, _I_ say again, what I have often said before, that Archbishop Tillotson _knew no more about true Christianity than Mahomet_. Whatever high opinion others may have of that great man, I must confess he was never a favourite of mine. My sermon on the eternity of hell's torments was directly levelled against a discourse of his on that subject; and, since then, my dislike of him has been much increased, because I have observed that all natural men generally speak well of his works. Did he teach the truth as it is in Jesus, thousands, who now admire, would throw aside his discourses as waste paper. But I would not lay all the stress of my objections here; but from his own writings will I prove my assertion. Any spiritual man who reads them may easily see that the Archbishop knew of no other than a bare historical faith; and, as to the method of our acceptance with God, and our justification by faith alone (which is the doctrine of Scripture and of the Church of England), he certainly was as ignorant thereof as Mahomet himself."

Whitefield then proceeds to quote extracts from Tillotson's writings, to prove his assertion. It would have been much wiser for Whitefield to have kept quiet.

His second letter concerning Tillotson consists chiefly of extracts from Dr. Edwards's (late of Cambridge) book, entitled "The Preacher; shewing the Offices and Employments of those of that character in the Church." The letter concludes thus:--

"And now, my dear friend, have I been rash in my censure of the Archbishop, or not? I know, writing or speaking against so learned a Rabbi is like Luther's writing against the indulgences of the Pope. But, no matter for that. The mystery of iniquity, wrapped up in the writings of Archbishop Tillotson, has been hid long enough. It is time now to reveal it to the world."

All this may seem to be heroic; but it was not modest. The work of young Whitefield was not to attack Archbishop Tillotson, whose death took place long before Whitefield's birth; but to preach Jesus Christ. He was soon rebuked--far too bitterly, but not undeservedly.

Soon after Whitefield's visit to Charleston, and the publication of his unwise letters, there appeared a quarto pamphlet, of fifty-four pages, with the following title: "Six Letters to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield. The first, second, and third on the subject of Justification; the fourth containing remarks on a pamphlet entitled 'The Case between Mr. Whitefield and Dr. Stebbing stated;' the fifth containing remarks on Mr. Whitefield's two Letters concerning Archbishop Tillotson and the book entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man;' and the sixth containing remarks on Mr. Whitefield's second Letter concerning Archbishop Tillotson, and on his Letter concerning the Negroes. By Alexander Garden, M.A., Rector of St. Philip's, Charleston, and Commissary in South Carolina. Together with Mr. Whitefield's Answer to the first Letter. Boston, 1740."[320]

[320] A reply, by A. Croswell, to the first half of these letters, was published in 1741, with the following title: "An Answer to the Rev. Mr. Garden's first three Letters to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield. With an Appendix concerning Mr. Garden's Treatment of Mr. Whitefield. Boston, 1471." (16mo. 60 pp.) The "Answer" is purely theological; the "Appendix" will be referred to hereafter.

The first of Mr. Garden's letters dwells on good works, as springing out of faith, and preceding justification. Whitefield's "Answer" is as follows:--

"CHARLESTON, _March 18, 1740_.

"REV. SIR,--Both by your conversation, sermon, and letter, I perceive you are angry over-much. Were I ever so much inclined to dispute, I should stay till the cool of the day. Your letter more and more confirms me that my charge against the clergy is just and reasonable. It would be endless to enter into such a private debate as you, rev. sir, seem desirous of. You have read my sermon" (on "What think ye of Christ?") "be pleased to read it again; and, if there be anything contrary to sound doctrine or the Articles of the Church of England, let the public know it from the press, and thus let the world judge whether you or my brethren the clergy have been rashly slandered by, rev. sir, your very humble servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield would not fight, but he made others angry. Mr. Garden's second letter was on the same subject as his first, but was free from personal abuse. In the third, the commissary became ireful. Whitefield is accused of "wilful and malicious, arrogant and wicked slander," and of using "miserable distinctions" and "mob harangues." He is charged with employing "poisoned insinuation, false and insidious," and is told he has "no talent at proving anything." In reference to Whitefield's saying, in his Journal, he has kindled a fire which all the devils in hell will not be able to extinguish, Mr. Garden remarks: "Alas! the fire you have kindled is that of slander and defamation,--a fire which no devil in hell, nor Jesuit, nor Deist on earth, will ever go about to extinguish, but will fagot and foment it with all their might, as too effectually serving their interests."

The fourth letter, dated April 15, 1740, is purely theological; the fifth is clever, but abusive. Mr. Garden says Whitefield has "exposed himself to the utmost scorn and contempt of every reader." "In your mountebank way," the rector continues, "you have, young David-like, as you fancy, slain your Goliath" (Tillotson), "but his works and memory will long survive after you and your dirty pamphlets are sunk into oblivion. But might not one such conquest have sufficed you, as it did young David? No: your noble spirit scorns only to _imitate_, but must _excel_. No sooner have you dispatched this champion of the uncircumcised in heart and ears, but, advancing from a David into a knight of _Lamanca_, you go straight in pursuit of new adventures! And who unhappily falls in your way but another son of Anak, the author of the 'Whole Duty of Man'?[321] Down he must come; and thus you gird yourself for the battle." Then again, because Whitefield says God has given him "a _true_ knowledge of the doctrines of grace," Mr. Garden associates him with the Pope and the Mufti, and calls them "a motley Triumvirate of Infallibles--your _Reverence_, the _Pope_, and the _Mufti_! each of you claiming the gift of the true knowledge of the doctrines of grace, and yet each denying his claim to the other,--the claim the result of the most consummate assurance, wherewith you jointly and severally disturb and confound the world."

[321] Whitefield's letter on the "Whole Duty of Man" was published in the _Daily Advertiser_ of July 2nd, 1740. It is an immensely long production, and really not worth quoting. He says he had looked over "the index and general titles" of the book, and could not find "the word Regeneration so much as once mentioned." The letter is chiefly theological; but Whitefield would have been better employed in preaching, than in writing this verbose epistle. It did no credit either to his head or heart, and was not inserted in his collected works in 1771.

Mr. Garden's sixth letter is dated July 30, 1740, and chiefly relates to Whitefield's printed attack on the slave-owners of Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. Mr. Garden declares "the generality of owners use their slaves with all due humanity." He thinks the owners, in their respective colonies, may prosecute Whitefield for slander. He then retorts on Whitefield as follows:--

"I have heard the _report_ of your _cruelty_ to the poor orphans under your care, not only in pinching their bellies, but in giving them up to taskmasters or mistresses, who plow upon their backs, and make long furrows there, in a very inhuman manner; but would you think it fair and honest in me, if, on such _hearsay or report_, I should print and publish a letter directed to you, pretending a necessity of informing you that God had a quarrel with you, for your cruelty to the poor orphans?"

All this priestly vituperation, on both sides, is greatly to be lamented. It degraded ministerial character; it injured the cause of Christian truth; it afforded sport to unconverted men. Whitefield's attack on the clergy in general, and on Tillotson in particular, was, to say the least, unwise; and Commissary Garden's replies were unworthy of his character as a gentleman and Christian minister. Mr. Garden, unfortunately, will turn up again; but, for the present, he must be dismissed, that attention may be given to another of young Whitefield's troubles.

As already stated, on February 4, Whitefield, by appointment, met the magistrates of Savannah for the purpose of hearing the Recorder read the document by which the Trustees of Georgia made Whitefield a grant of five hundred acres of land. One of the magnates present was Mr. Parker, who was maintaining two orphan boys of the name of Tondee, the elder being a well-grown lad of fifteen or sixteen years. Whitefield claimed the boys for his Orphanage. Parker objected to part with the older boy, on the ground that, having maintained him during his childhood, it would be unfair to take him away now, when he was capable of working for his living. No doubt, Mr. Parker had reason on his side; but Whitefield replied, "The boy is much fitter for my purpose than for yours, as he can be employed for the benefit of the other orphans." Parker lost his temper; but Whitefield took away the boys.

Another case, even more daring and high-handed than this, occurred about the same time. A man of the name of Mellidge, one of the first forty freeholders of Savannah, died, and left several young children, towards whom General Oglethorpe shewed particular favour. After a few years, the eldest boy, proving himself to be intelligent and industrious, was employed by the General in planting; and the eldest girl having become capable of taking care of the younger children, the whole nest of orphans, in the spring of 1740, found a home in the house of their elder brother John. On arriving in Georgia, Whitefield very improperly took possession of all the younger Mellidges, and removed them to his Orphanage. John, their natural protector, complained to Oglethorpe. Oglethorpe, who was then at Frederica, knowing that the family was now no public incumbrance, wrote the following sensible letter on the subject:--

"I have inspected the grant relating to the Orphan House. Mr. Seward said that the trustees had granted the orphans to Mr. Whitefield; but I shewed him that it could not be in the sense he at first seemed to understand it. The trustees have granted the _care_ of the _helpless_ orphans to Mr. Whitefield, and have given him five hundred acres of land, and a power of collecting charities, as a consideration for maintaining all the orphans who are in necessity in this province; and thereby the trustees think themselves discharged from the maintaining of any. But, at the same time, the trustees have not given, as I see, any power to Mr. Whitefield to receive the effects of the orphans, much less to take by force any orphans who can maintain themselves, or whom any other substantial person will maintain. The trustees, in this, act according to the law of England:--In case orphans are left destitute, they become the charge of the parish, and the parish may put them out to be taken care of; but if any person will maintain them, so that they are not chargeable to the parish, then the parish doth not meddle with them."

Backed by the General's opinion, John Mellidge waited upon Whitefield, and requested him to permit his brothers and sisters to return to the home he himself had provided for them. Whitefield replied, "Your brothers and sisters are at their proper home already. I know no other home they have to go to. Give my service to the General, and tell him so." Oglethorpe was not a man to be trifled with by a young clergyman; and hence, on hearing young Mellidge's report, he peremptorily ordered Mr. Jones, a functionary of Savannah, to remove the children from Whitefield's Orphanage; and Jones, during Whitefield's absence, obeyed the order. Whitefield was angry, and threatened to appeal to the trustees; but the Mellidges prospered, and, after the expiration of the trustees' charter, John Mellidge, the valiant protector of the little orphans, became the representative of Savannah in the first General Assembly of Georgia.[322]

[322] "Memoir of General Oglethorpe," p. 272.

It is impossible to justify Whitefield in proceedings like these; and, certainly, they brought upon him anxiety and trouble, which, though deserved, he need never have experienced.

Another unpleasantness, belonging to this period, must be mentioned. True, it involves no reproach either to one party or the other; but, no doubt, it was painful to both. Whitefield had become a Calvinist; but his friend Wesley, eleven years his senior, and vastly more learned, was an Arminian, and, moreover, held the doctrine, that, though Christians can never be freed from "those numberless weaknesses and follies, sometimes improperly termed sins of infirmity," yet, it is the privilege of all to be saved "entirely from sin in its proper sense, and from committing it." He had also recently published his "Journal from his Embarking for Georgia to his Return to London;" and also the Life of Halyburton, with a Preface, in which he propounded the view just mentioned. Nothing more need be said to illustrate the references in the following most affectionate and deeply interesting letter:--

"SAVANNAH, _March 26, 1740_.

"HONOURED SIR,--Since I returned here, I received your letter and journal. I thank you for both, and shall wait almost with impatience to see a continuance of your account of what God is doing or has done amongst you. He knows my heart. I rejoice in whatever God has done by your hands, I, _prae, sequar, etsi non passibus equis_.

"I could now send a particular answer to your last; but, my honoured friend and brother, for once hearken to a child, who is willing to wash your feet. I beseech you, by the mercies of God in Christ Jesus our Lord, if you would have my love confirmed towards you, write no more to me about misrepresentations wherein we differ. To the best of my knowledge, at present, no sin has _dominion_ over me, yet I feel the strugglings of indwelling sin day by day. I can, therefore, by no means, come into your interpretation of the passage mentioned in the letter, and as explained in your Preface to Mr. Halyburton.

"The doctrine of _election_, and the _final perseverance_ of those who are truly in Christ, I am ten thousand times more convinced of, if possible, than when I saw you last. You think otherwise. Why then should we dispute, when there is no probability of convincing? Will it not, in the end, destroy brotherly love, and insensibly take from us that cordial union and sweetness of soul, which I pray God may always subsist between us? How glad would the enemies of the Lord be to see us divided! How many would rejoice, should I join and make a party against you! How would the cause of our common Master every way suffer by our raising disputes about particular points of doctrine!

"Honoured sir, let us offer salvation freely to all by the blood of Jesus; and whatever light God has communicated to us, let us freely communicate to others. I have lately read the life of Luther, and think it in no wise to his honour, that the last part of his life was so much taken up in disputing with Zwinglius and others, who, in all probability, equally loved the Lord Jesus, notwithstanding they might differ from him in other points. Let this, dear sir, be a caution to us. I hope it will to me; for, by the blessing of God, provoke me to it as much as you please, I do not think ever to enter the lists of controversy with you on the points wherein we differ. Only, I pray to God, that the more you _judge me_, the more I may _love you_, and learn to desire no one's approbation, but that of my Lord and Master Jesus Christ.

"Ere this reaches you, I suppose you will hear of my late excursion to Charleston. A great work, I believe, is begun there. Enclosed, I have sent you Mr. Garden's letters. They will serve to convince you, more and more, of the necessity you lie under to be instant in season and out of season.

"Oh, dear honoured sir, I wish you as much success as your heart can wish. Were you here, I would weep over you with tears of love, and tell you what great things God hath done for my soul, since we parted last. I often and heartily pray for your success in the gospel. May your inward strength and outward sphere increase day by day! May God use you as a choice and singular instrument of promoting His glory on earth! And may I see you crowned with an eternal and exceeding weight of glory in the world to come! This is the hearty desire of, honoured sir, yours most affectionately in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

An exquisitely beautiful epistle! All must lament that, soon after this, there was a temporary estrangement between these faithful and loving men.

Two days after the date of the foregoing letter, Whitefield wrote to his friend, Benjamin Ingham, and abruptly announced that he believed it was the will of God that he should marry; but, at the same time, prayed that he might not obtain a wife till he could live as though he had none. The reason of this apparently sudden change was, that of the four women who had accompanied him from England to manage his Orphanage in America, one was settled in Philadelphia; another was dead; the third was dying; and the fourth was the only one likely to afford him aid. Whitefield had already fixed his mind upon the young lady whom he intended to ask to be his wife; but certainly he was one of the oddest wooers that ever wooed. Hence the following letters--probably the first love letters of his life, and, without a doubt, among the strangest that an educated and thoroughly unselfish and Christian man ever wrote. The first was addressed to the young lady, the object of his choice; the second to her parents.

"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _April 4, 1740_.

"DEAR MISS E----, Be not surprised at the contents of this. The letter sent to your honoured father and mother will acquaint you with the reasons.

"Do you think you could undergo the fatigues that must necessarily attend being joined to one who is every day liable to be called to suffer for the sake of Jesus Christ? Can you bear to leave your father and kindred's house, and to trust on Him, who feedeth the young ravens that call upon Him, for your own and children's support, supposing it should please Him to bless you with any? Can you undertake to help a husband in the charge of a family, consisting perhaps of a hundred persons? Can you bear the inclemencies of the air, both as to cold and heat, in a foreign climate? Can you, when you have a husband, be as though you had none, and willingly part with him, even for a long season, when his Lord and Master shall call him forth to preach the gospel, and command him to leave you behind?

"If, after seeking to God for direction, and searching your heart, you can say, 'I can do all these things through Christ strengthening me,' what if you and I were joined together in the Lord, and you came with me, at my return from England, to be a helpmeet for me in the management of the Orphan House? I have great reason to believe it is the Divine will that I should alter my condition, and have often thought you were the person appointed for me. I shall still wait on God for direction, and heartily entreat Him that, if this be not of Him, it may come to nought.

"I write thus plainly, because, I trust, I write not from any other principles but the love of God. I shall make it my business to call on the Lord Jesus; and would advise you to consult both Him and your friends. For, in order to obtain a blessing, we should call both the Lord Jesus and His disciples to the marriage. I much like the manner of Isaac's marrying Rebekah; and think no marriage can succeed well, unless both parties concerned are like-minded with Tobias and his wife.

"I think I can call the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob to witness that I desire to take you, my sister, to wife, not for lust, but uprightly; and, therefore, I hope He will mercifully ordain, if it be His blessed will we should be joined together, that we may walk as Zacharias and Elisabeth did, in all the ordinances of the Lord blameless. I make no great profession to you, because I believe you think me sincere. The passionate expressions which carnal courtiers use, I think, ought to be avoided by those that would marry in the Lord. I can only promise, by the help of God, to keep my matrimonial vow, and to do what I can towards helping you forward in the great work of your salvation.

"If you think marriage will be in any way prejudicial to your better part, be so kind as to send me a denial. I would not be a snare to you for the world. You need not be afraid of speaking your mind. I trust, I love you only for God, and desire to be joined to you only by His command, and for His sake. With fear and much trembling I write, and shall patiently tarry the Lord's leisure, till He is pleased to incline you, dear Miss E----, to send an answer to your affectionate brother, friend, and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _April 4, 1740_.

"MY DEAR FRIENDS,--Since I wrote last, we have buried our sister L----; Rachel I left at Philadelphia; and sister T---- seems to be in a declining state; so that sister A---- alone is like to be left of all the women which came over with me from England.

"I find, by experience, that a mistress is absolutely necessary for the due management of my increasing family, and to take off some of that care which, at present, lies upon me. Besides, I shall, in all probability, at my next return from England, bring more women with me; and I find, unless they are all truly gracious, (or indeed if they are) without a superior, matters cannot be carried on as becometh the gospel of Jesus Christ. It hath been, therefore, much impressed upon my heart that I should marry, in order to have a helpmeet for me in the work, whereunto our dear Lord Jesus hath called me.

"This comes, (like Abraham's servant to Rebekah's relations,) to know whether you think your daughter, Miss E----, is a proper person to engage in such an undertaking? If so, whether you will be pleased to give me leave to propose marriage unto her?

"You need not be afraid of sending me a refusal; for, I bless God, if I know anything of my own heart, I am free from that foolish passion, which the world calls _love_. I write, only because I believe it is the will of God that I should alter my state; but your denial will fully convince me, that your daughter is not the person appointed by God for me. He knows my heart; I would not marry but for Him, and in Him, for ten thousand worlds. But I have sometimes thought Miss E---- would be my helpmeet; for she has often been impressed upon my heart. I should think myself safer in your family, because so many of you love the Lord Jesus, and, consequently, would be more watchful over my precious and immortal soul.

"After strong crying and tears at the throne of grace for direction, and after unspeakable troubles with my own heart, I write this. Be pleased to spread the letter before the Lord; and, if you think this motion to be of Him, be pleased to deliver the enclosed to your daughter: if not, say nothing, only let me know you disapprove of it, and that shall satisfy, dear sir and madam, your obliged friend and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Of course, Whitefield's curious courtship failed, as it deserved to fail; but the question naturally arises, Who was the young lady whom Whitefield proposed to marry? There cannot be a doubt that "Dear Miss E----" was Elizabeth Delamotte, the daughter of the Middlesex magistrate, who lived at Blendon, whose son Charles went with the Wesleys to Georgia, and whose son William was now a Moravian preacher, and, (in union with Benjamin Ingham,) was doing his utmost to convert the benighted inhabitants of the West Riding of the county of York. The full address of Whitefield's letter to the parents of "Miss E----" is not given, the editor of Whitefield's collected works merely supplying "To Mr. and Mrs. D----," which coincides with the opinion just expressed. From Charles Wesley's Journal, it is perfectly clear that one of Mr. Delamotte's daughters was named Elizabeth.[323] The reader need not be told that, during the summer of 1739, Whitefield was a frequent and delighted visitor at Mr. Delamotte's house,[324] and that it was here that he wrote his Answer to the Bishop of London's Pastoral Letter. Since his return to America, he had written Mr. Delamotte a most loving letter;[325] and an equally loving one to Mr. Delamotte's wife,[326] both dated "Philadelphia, November 10, 1739." Indeed, unless I am mistaken, he had written to Miss Elizabeth herself. Hence the following extract from a letter "to Miss Elizabeth D----," dated "Savannah, February 1, 1740":--

"You do well to go about doing good; your Master did so before you. Dare, _dear Miss_, to follow His good example, and never fear the revilings of men. Set your face as a flint against all the adversaries of our Lord. Keep up a close walk and communion with God. Nothing else can preserve you from idols. There is nothing I dread more than having my heart drawn away by earthly objects. For, alas! what room can there be for God, when a rival has taken possession of the heart? Oh, my dear sister, pray that no such evil may befall me. My blood runs cold at the very thought thereof.

[323] See vol. i., pp. 74, 78, 79, 101-113, etc.

[324] See his Journal.

[325] See Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 88.

[326] Ibid., p. 102.

"In a multiplicity of business, have I written you these lines. I thank you for your kind letter; and hope I shall always retain a grateful sense of the many favours I have received from your dear family. My kindest respects attend your sister. I long to hear of her being brought into the glorious liberty of the children of God. How does your father? how does my dear brother Charles? and how does your little sister? My heart is now full. Writing quickens me. I could almost drop a tear, and wish myself, for a moment or two, in England. But hush, nature! God here pours down His blessings on your sincere friend and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

All this is presumptive evidence; the following is direct. Whitefield wrote his love letters on April 4, 1740. On the 28th day of the same month, he dispatched his friend Seward to England, on important business. On the 26th of June next ensuing, he wrote as follows to Mr. Seward:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 26, 1740_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER SEWARD--I have received many agreeable letters from England; but find, from _Blendon letters_, that Miss _E---- D----_ is in a seeking state only. Surely that will not do. I would have one that is full of faith and the Holy Ghost. My poor family gives me more concern than all things else put together. I want a _gracious_ woman that is dead to everything but Jesus, and is qualified to govern children, and direct persons of her own sex. Such a one would help, and not retard, me in my dear Lord's work. I wait upon the Lord every moment; I hang upon my Jesus; and He daily assures me He will not permit me to fall by the hands of a woman. I am almost tempted to wish I had never undertaken the Orphan House. At other times, I am willing to contrive matters so that I may not marry. My dearest brother, adieu! By this time, I trust, you are near England. Take heed that the people you bring believe on Jesus," etc., etc.

The reader will excuse the length of these extracts. This was really one of the most curious of the little episodes in Whitefield's life; and no previous biographer has attempted to shew who the lady was whom Whitefield proposed to make his wife.

On April 2, Whitefield and William Seward, embarked in their own sloop, the _Savannah_, and, after a ten days' voyage, landed at Newcastle, in the province of Pennsylvania, where they were kindly entertained by Mr. Grafton. The day (April 13) being Sunday, and the episcopal minister of the parish being ill, Whitefield was allowed the use of his pulpit, and, at once, commenced preaching. After the morning service, William Seward rode to Christian Bridge, and to Whiteclay Creek, (where Charles Tennent was the Presbyterian minister,) for the purpose of announcing that Whitefield would preach again at Newcastle in the afternoon. Such was the young preacher's popularity, that the service in the Presbyterian meeting-house was given up, and Tennent and above two hundred others mounted their horses, and galloped to Newcastle, arriving in time to hear Whitefield's sermon on the conversion of Zaccheus.

"Mr. Tennent," says Seward, "informed us of the great success which had attended our brother Whitefield's preaching, when we were here last. For some time, a general silence was fixed on people's minds, and many began seriously to think on what foundation they stood. A general outward reformation has been visible. Many ministers have been quickened, and congregations are increased."[327]

[327] Seward's Journal, p. 4.

On Monday, April 14, at eleven in the morning, Whitefield preached at Wilmington to about three thousand, using as his pulpit the balcony of the house where he lodged. At night, he and his friends arrived at Philadelphia. Seward writes:--

"On our arrival, though late, many friends came to see us, particularly Mr. Jones, the Baptist minister, who told us of two other ministers, Mr. Treat and Mr. Morgan, who were so affected by our brother Whitefield's spirit, that the latter had gone forth preaching towards the sea coast in the Jerseys, and in many other places; and the former had told his congregation that he had been hitherto _deceiving_ himself and them, and that he could not preach again at present, but desired them to join in prayer with him."[328]

[328] Ibid., p. 5.

No wonder that Whitefield's enthusiastic soul was stirred within him. In a letter, written on the day he reached Philadelphia, he says:--

"People are much alarmed already. I find God has been pleased to do great things, by what He enabled me to deliver when last here. Two ministers have been convinced of their formal state, notwithstanding they held and preached the doctrines of grace. One plainly told the congregation he had been deceiving himself and them, and could not preach any more, but desired the people to pray with him. The other is now a flame of fire, and has been much owned of God. Very many, I believe, of late have been brought savingly to believe on the Lord Jesus. The work much increases. A primitive spirit revives; and many, I hope, will be brought to live steadfast in the apostle's doctrine, in fellowship, in breaking of bread, and in prayer."

Whitefield spent nine days, from April 14 to 23, in Philadelphia and its immediate neighbourhood. The enthusiasm created by his visit was enormous. His friends erected a stage for him on what was called Society Hill, and around this, as if drawn by magic, his immense congregations gathered. First of all he applied for the use of the parish church, but the clergyman refused, because Whitefield had "written against Archbishop Tillotson."[329] Upon this, Whitefield, as usual, made the open air his church, and, in this quiet Quaker city, preached to audiences numbering from five to fifteen thousand people each. Remembering how recently the city had been founded, and bearing in mind the sparseness of the surrounding populations, the wonder is how such vast crowds were drawn together. In this respect, a congregation of thirty thousand in Moorfields was a small affair when compared with a congregation of ten thousand on Society Hill, in Philadelphia. The power accompanying Whitefield's preaching was marvellous. Numbers, including several negroes, came to him privately, deeply convinced of sin, and asking his advice and prayers. The clergyman of the Church of England preached a sermon, from James ii. 18, upon justification _by works_. In the evening of the same day, Whitefield, on Society Hill, took the same text, and preached, to about fifteen thousand people, a sermon on justification _by faith_, after which he made a collection for his Orphan House, amounting to £80 currency. This was the _second_ collection, for the same object, which Whitefield made on that memorable Sabbath; for, in the early morning, at seven o'clock, he had preached to about ten thousand, and collected for his orphans £110 sterling. His friend, William Seward, with the connivance of the owner, locked the doors, and took away the keys, of "the Assembly-room, the Dancing School, and the Music Meeting," promising to pay the proprietor for any loss he might sustain. The enemies of Whitefield were enraged by this proceeding, and "some gentlemen," says Seward, "threatened to cane me."[330] "Scoffers," writes Whitefield, "muttered in coffee-houses, cursed, drunk a bowl of punch, and then cried out against me for not preaching up more morality."[331]

[329] Seward's Journal, p. 5.

[330] Ibid., p. 6.

[331] Whitefield's Journal.

Whitefield did not confine his preaching to Philadelphia. During his nine days' visit, he preached, from a horse-block, to three thousand people, at Abington,[332] the place where the Rev. Mr. Treat, already mentioned, had been the minister. Accompanied by a cavalcade of about forty persons, he rode to Whitemarsh and to German Town, and preached, in each place, to assembled thousands. He went to Greenwich, in the West Jerseys, and to Gloucester, about four miles from Philadelphia, many of the Philadelphians forming part of his audience, and singing in the boats all the way there and back.

[332] Seward's Journal, p. 7.

Benjamin Franklin writes respecting Whitefield's present visit to Philadelphia as follows:--

"Mr. Whitefield preached up this charity" (the Orphan House), "and made large collections; for his eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance. I did not disapprove of the design; but, as Georgia was then destitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at great expense, I thought it would have been better to have built the house at Philadelphia, and to have brought the children to it. This I advised; but he was resolute in his first project, and rejected my counsel; and I, therefore, refused to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection; and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me. I had, in my pocket, a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded, I began to soften, and concluded to give the copper. Another stroke of his oratory determined me to give the silver; and he finished so admirably that I emptied my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon, there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, emptied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong inclination to give, and applied to a neighbour, who stood near him, to lend him money for the purpose. The request was fortunately made to, perhaps, the only man in the company who had the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, 'At any other time, friend Hopkinson, I would lend thee freely, but not now, for thee seems to me to be out of thy right senses.'"

Franklin adds:--

"Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he would apply these collections to his own private emolument; but I, who was intimately acquainted with him, (being employed in printing his sermons, journals, etc.,) never had the least suspicion of his integrity; but am, to this day, decidedly of opinion that he was, in all his conduct, a perfectly _honest man_. Our friendship was sincere on both sides, and lasted to his death. He used sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. Upon one of his arrivals from England, at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to German Town. My answer was, 'You know my house. If you can make shift with its scanty accommodation, you will be most heartily welcome.' He replied that, if I made that kind offer for _Christ's_ sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, 'Don't let me be mistaken; it is not for _Christ's_ sake, but for _your_ sake.' This incident will shew the terms on which we stood.

"The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me about his Orphan-house concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college. He had a loud and clear voice,[333] and articulated his words so perfectly that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his auditories observed the most perfect silence.[334] He preached one evening from the top of the Court House steps, which are in the middle of Market Street, and on the west side of Second Street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were filled with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost in Market Street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river, and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front Street, when some noise in that street obscured it. Imagining then a semicircle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that it was filled with auditors, to each of whom I allowed two square feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between sermons newly composed and those which he had often preached in the course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improved by frequent repetition, that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of the voice, was so perfectly well turned and well placed, that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleased with the discourse. His writing and printing from time to time, gave great advantage to his enemies. Unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might have been afterwards explained or qualified; but _litera scripta manet_. Critics attacked his writings violently, and with so much appearance of reason, as to diminish the number of his votaries, and prevent their increase. So that, I am satisfied that if he had never written anything, he would have left behind him a much more numerous and important sect; and his reputation, in that case, would have been still growing even after his death; because, there being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes would be left at liberty to attribute to him as great a variety of excellences as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed."[335]

[333] It is said that once, when preaching on Society Hill, Whitefield was heard at Gloucester Point, a distance, by water, of two miles. (Belcher's Biography of Whitefield, p. 102.)

[334] The following anecdote is given, as a foot-note, in Franklin's Memoirs. Early in life, Whitefield was preaching in a field. A drummer, who happened to be present, rudely beat his drum to drown the preacher's voice. Whitefield spoke very loud, but failed to make himself heard. "Friend," cried he, "you and I serve the two greatest masters existing: you beat up for volunteers for King George; I for the Lord Jesus. In God's name, let us not interrupt each other. The world is wide enough for both; and we may get recruits in abundance." The drummer went away in great good humour, and left Whitefield in full possession of the field.

[335] "Memoirs of Life and Writings of B. Franklin," vol. i., p. 87.

A testimony such as this from an outsider like Benjamin Franklin is worth quoting. What about others? The Rev. John Muirhead, in a letter to the Rev. Ralph Erskine, wrote:--

"Mr. Whitefield, that man of God, came into this town last September, and preached with surprising success. Consolation and thunder were intermixed in all his discourses, so that numbers were made to cry out, 'What shall we do to be saved?' While the iron might be said to be hot, that Boanerges, Mr. Gilbert Tennent, came, and laboured with still greater success among us. Many hundreds of souls came under great distress. Lectures are set up and continued almost every day in the week. God's blessed Spirit is poured out on some of all ages and complexions. God has perfected praise from the mouths of many hundreds of children. Many poor Ethiopians are made to stretch out their hands to God. In my little congregation, a hundred and seventy-eight souls have applied to me, either to relate what God had done for them, or to ask direction how to manage under soul trouble. One thing I would notice, the work of Christ has been greater since these men of God have gone hence; but they brought the sacred fire along with them, and now it is kindled into a divine flame. God has made many townships and ministers light tapers at our torches; namely, Roxburg, Brookline, Cambridge, Charleston, Ipswich, Newburg, Rhode Island, with many more towns through almost all the provinces of English America. I do not know that I have ever read anything like this blessed time since the apostles' days."[336]

[336] "Life and Diary of the Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 284.

Another writer observes:--

"The effects produced, in Philadelphia, by the preaching of Mr. Whitefield were astonishing. Numbers of almost all religious denominations and many who had no connection with any denomination, were brought to enquire, with the utmost earnestness, what they should do to be saved. Such was the engagedness of multitudes to listen to spiritual instruction, that there was public worship, regularly, twice a day, for a year; and, on the Lord's-day, it was celebrated generally thrice, and frequently four times. The city contained twenty-six societies for social prayer and religious conference. So great was the enthusiasm to hear Mr. Whitefield preach, that many from Philadelphia followed him on foot to Chester, to Abington, to Neshaminy, and some even to New Brunswick, in New Jersey, the distance of sixty miles. In 1743, a church was formed by Mr. Gilbert Tennent out of those who were denominated converts of Mr. Whitefield. No less than a hundred and forty individuals were received at first, after a strict examination, as members of this newly constituted church. The admission of a large number more was delayed, only because their spiritual state had not yet attained such maturity as to afford satisfaction to the officers of the church; but among those received on the first examination was the eminent Christian whose story is here recorded, and who was to be, for more than sixty years, one of the church's brightest ornaments."[337]

[337] "Memoirs of Mrs. Hannah Hodge."

Whitefield was thus, under God, the means of creating a Presbyterian church in Philadelphia. But more than this. A permanent building was erected for the use of the Tennents and their associates; and this building afterwards became the seat of the University of Pennsylvania.[338] Here Whitefield preached whenever he visited the city, and here his friends, the Tennents, together with Messrs. Rowland, Blair, and Finley, ministered during his absence.[339]

[338] Concerning this same building, Franklin writes: "It being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of a house was proposed. Sufficient sums were soon received to procure the ground and erect the building, which was a hundred feet long, and seventy broad. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of _any preacher of any religious persuasion_, who might desire to say something to the people of Philadelphia. The design of the building not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in general, it follows, that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a missionary to preach Mahomedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at his service." (Memoirs of Benjamin Franklin.)

[339] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church of the United States."

One other important transaction occurred during this nine days' visit to Philadelphia. Besides sustaining the Orphan House in Georgia, Whitefield formed a project, 1. To erect a school for negroes in Pennsylvania; and 2. To found a settlement, in the same province, as a sort of refuge for such of his English converts as might be persecuted for conscience' sake. On April 22, William Seward wrote as follows: "Agreed with Mr. Allen[340] for five thousand acres of land on the forks of the Delaware, at £2,200 sterling; the conveyance to be made to Mr. Whitefield, and after that assigned to me, as security for my advancing the money."[341]

[340] William Allen, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, distinguished as a friend to literature, and a patron of Benjamin West, the painter. He died in England, in 1780.

[341] Seward's Journal, p. 20.

Immediately after this, William Seward set sail for England. Hence the following letter,[342] addressed to "Mr. Blackwell, at Mr. James Martin and Co.'s, bankers, in Lombard Street, London." The letter has not before been published.

[342] Lent by Mr. G. Stampe, of Grimsby.

"WRITTEN AT SEA, _June 9, 1740_.

"(To be put in the post, on my landing at Dover or Deal.)

"DEAR MR. BLACKWELL,--I am sent over by Brother Whitefield, on several affairs of consequence to the Church of Christ: particularly to fetch Brother Hutchins to supply Brother Whitefield's place at the Orphan House, while he comes to England himself next spring; also to transact several matters with the Trustees of Georgia; and to make collections for a negro school in the province of Pennsylvania, where we have bought 5,000 acres of very good land for that purpose, and for settling such English friends upon as God shall incline to go over next year, in a ship we shall buy, and to be commanded by Captain Gladman, who comes with me.

"The land, by my desire, is conveyed to Brother Whitefield, but mortgaged to me for £2,200, the purchase-money. I think it is as good a security as the Bank of England,--perhaps better; but you know we aim not at an earthly, but a heavenly inheritance. Still, we must provide things honest in the sight of all men.

"I design to land at Dover or Deal, and to call at Blendon for one night, or two at most; and, as I must raise money to answer the bills of exchange I have drawn for the sum aforesaid, I desire you, if you can conveniently, to sell for me £1,650 old South Sea annuities, and £585 4s. 5d. South Sea stock. If not convenient to you, desire Mr. Cole to do it; and (God willing) I shall be in town two or three days afterwards to sign the transfers. But, first of all, please to enquire if there be any alteration made in these by my brother Benjamin, with whom I left general letters of attorney. When you have done the business, please to write me a penny-post letter, to Mr. John Bray's, brazier, in Little Britain, where I am to lodge while in town.

"I am sorry my paper is so crowded with business that I have no room to enlarge upon the great things God has done for us in Savannah, Charleston, Philadelphia, New Jersey, New York, and other places. The light of the glorious gospel of Jesus Christ has shone into many hearts, as you may judge by our collecting £210 sterling, for the Orphan House, at three sermons in Charleston and Philadelphia. Help us to give thanks for the abundant mercy and grace bestowed upon us since we saw you. The Lord preserved us in travelling about 1400 miles by land, and 10,000 by water. Though in many perils, out of all the Lord delivered us.

"My stay in England may be three months, between London, Bristol, Gloucester, etc. Pray that I may have good success in all things, that so I may quickly return to our dear friends in Georgia. I have a letter for you from our dear brother Whitefield.

"Your unworthy brother in Christ, "WILLIAM SEWARD."

The whole of this benevolent design collapsed. William Seward landed in England on the 19th of June; and, four months afterwards, was killed by a brutal persecutor in the principality of Wales. This put an end to the affair; and Pennsylvanian negroes and English refugees were left to the care of Providence.

On April 23, Whitefield proceeded from Philadelphia to Neshaminy, where he was warmly welcomed, and preached, in the yard of the Presbyterian meeting-house, to above five thousand people. The next day, he preached, first at Shippack, "a very wilderness part of the country," but where two thousand hearers were assembled. Here he met the celebrated Moravian, Peter Bohler, who preached in Dutch, after he had finished. Riding ten miles farther, (forty from Philadelphia,) he came to Henry Anti's plantation, and addressed about three thousand. The evening was spent most pleasantly, the Dutch praying and singing in _their_ language, and Whitefield praying in _his_.

On April 25, he rode to Amwell, and preached to five thousand. Here he was met by Gilbert Tennent, Mr. Rowland, Mr. Wales, and Mr. Campbell, four godly Presbyterian ministers, who had given the people three gospel sermons before his arrival. He and his friends spent the evening in singing and praying in the fields. The day following he reached New Brunswick, where his friend Gilbert Tennent was minister. Sunday, April 27, was a notable day. He writes:--

"I preached morning and evening," (at New Brunswick,) "to near seven or eight thousand people; and God's power was so much amongst us in the afternoon sermon, that the cries and groans of the people would have drowned my voice. One woman was struck down; and, at night, another woman came to me under strong convictions. She cried out, 'I can see nothing but hell.'"

The afternoon sermon was preached by Gilbert Tennent, from the text, "I will search Jerusalem with candles, and punish them that are settled on their lees." William Seward adds, that the collections, morning and evening, were about £25 sterling.

During his brief sojourn at New Brunswick, Whitefield wrote a long letter, referring, among other things, to the Pennsylvanian scheme just mentioned. It was printed, with the following title: "A Letter from the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield to a Friend in London. Dated at New Brunswick, in New Jersey, April 27, 1740. Printed by W. Strahan, 1740." (8vo. 8 pp.) Only a part of this letter is given in Whitefield's collected works; and the following is a mere extract from the original:--

"The Orphan-house affairs go forward beyond expectation. I have upwards of forty children now in my house at Savannah, near seventy persons in family, and upwards of a hundred to provide for every day. As yet, we want for nothing. The great Householder of mankind gives us all things richly to enjoy. I had rather _live by faith, and depend on God_, for the support of my great and increasing family, than have the largest _visible fund_ in the universe. About five weeks ago, the Charleston people contributed upwards of £70 sterling, towards the support of my little ones. A glorious work was also begun in the hearts of the inhabitants. Many negroes, likewise, are in a fair way of being brought home to God. In my public discourses, I have freely offered the Lord Jesus to them, if they will believe on Him; and have actually taken up five thousand acres of very good land, in order to erect a school for the education and maintenance of all such negroes, whether young or old, as shall be sent to me. Young ones I intend to buy, and do not despair of seeing shortly a room full of that _despised generation_, making melody with grace in their heart unto the Lord. Here, also, my dear English friends, if persecution should come upon them, may find a refuge from the storm. The land is good, and will yield a great increase, and all may here worship God in their own way. Many apply to me to have _a lot_ amongst us, but I defer giving them a positive answer till it shall please God to bring me back to England. In the meanwhile, I have ordered a house to be built, and some land to be cultivated. If any of my friends will be pleased to contribute towards carrying on the school for the poor negroes, the bearer of this, my dear brother Seward, will bring it with him to Georgia.

"_He_ comes to fetch a fellow-labourer to supply my place during my absence. If he succeeds, you may expect to see me the beginning of next year; if not, I shall continue in America. I daily receive most importunate invitations to preach in all the countries round about. God is pleased to give a great blessing to my _printed sermons_. They are now in the hands of thousands in these parts.

"You will not be surprised that there are many adversaries; but, alas! what are they? _Covetous, proud boasters, self-willed blasphemers, having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof._ If I pleased such men, I should not be a servant of Jesus Christ. What most of all grieves them is my two letters against Archbishop Tillotson. The first you have already read; the second I now send you. I abhor controversy and disputation; but _my Master's_ glory now calls me to be more explicit than I have been yet. Blessed be His name! many who were before _blinded_ by that great man, now see; and one of my Savannah parishioners, once a great favourer of the Archbishop, being lately _awakened_, sent me seventeen volumes of the Archbishop's sermons, to be disposed of as I pleased.

"The clergy, I find, are most offended at me. The Commissary of Philadelphia has denied me the pulpit; and, last Sunday, preached up an _historical faith_, and _justification by works_. The bigotted, _self-righteous Quakers_ now also begin to spit out a little of the venom of the serpent. They cannot bear the doctrine of _original sin_ and _imputed righteousness_ as the cause of our acceptance with God. One of their head teachers called original sin original nonsense. I have not yet met with much opposition from the _Dissenters_; but, when I come to tell many of them, _ministers_ as well as _people_, that they _hold the truth in unrighteousness_--that they talk and preach of _justifying faith_, but never truly _felt_ it in their hearts, as I am persuaded numbers of them have not,--then they, no doubt, will _shoot out their arrows, even bitter words_. But I am not to have respect to persons or parties. The more I am opposed, the more joy I feel."

All must lament that Whitefield felt it a duty to be such a religious Ishmaelite; but, at the same time, all must admire the man's benevolence, faith, and courage, in sustaining a family of a hundred persons, by voluntary contributions, which he confidently expected, but was powerless to command. It was not braggardism, when Whitefield said, he had rather depend on God for the support of his orphan family than on large endowments quite sufficient and absolutely given for such an object. Whitefield was reverently treading in the footsteps of Professor Francke, and was the predecessor of George Muller, and of other praying and trustful philanthropists of the present day. His scheme for founding a negro-school, and a refuge for his persecuted English friends, also displays his large-heartedness; and, though the scheme was not executed, this was not because it was utopian, but because William Seward, a few months afterwards, fell a martyr to his Christian zeal and fidelity. Seward had determined to give up himself and his fortune "to assist Whitefield in his generous undertaking;"[343] but the Divine Ruler ordered it to be otherwise. Whitefield says he had directed a school for the negroes to be built, and "some of the five thousand acres of land to be cultivated." This order seems to have been given to Peter Bohler, whom he had met at Skippack three days before; and who, with his Moravian pilgrim band, left their settlement near Savannah, and immediately set out for the forks of Delaware, travelling through forests where the white man had never trod, and imperiling their lives from savage Indians, but all the way singing the fine hymns of their native land to the God of all grace for the continued tokens of His care and blessing. On May 30, Bohler and his friends assembled under the shadow of a broad black oak: for the first time, the solitudes of the vast forest echoed with sweet songs of praise; workmen wielded the axe; carpenters used the saw; and Bohler conducted daily worship, and encouraged everyone by his counsels and example. The work proceeded with great rapidity; but, at length, an order was received from Whitefield, requiring Bohler and his brethren to abandon the undertaking; and Bishop Nitschmann requested Bohler's return to Europe, where his services were urgently demanded. On January 29, 1741, Bohler obeyed his bishop's summons; but, before long; Whitefield offered the sale of the land to the Brethren; and, in 1743, the purchase was completed, and the Moravian settlement of Nazareth established.[344]

[343] Seward's Journal, p. 52.

[344] "Memorials of Peter Bohler," by Lockwood, pp. 97--99; and Holmes's "History of the Church of the United Brethren," vol. i., p. 369.

Whitefield, having written the long letter from which the foregoing extract is taken, had now to separate from his devoted friend, William Seward. The latter writes:--

"1740. April 28. Had a most affectionate parting with our dear brother Whitefield, and our other brethren. We fell upon each other's necks and embraced each other, and wished for that happy time when we shall part no more; but we must first finish the work given us to do, and then we may with comfort say, 'Father, into Thy hands I commend my spirit.'"[345]

[345] Seward's Journal.

On the same day, Whitefield wrote:--

"Took a sorrowful leave of Captain Gladman, and my dear brother and fellow-traveller, Mr. Seward, whom I have dispatched to England to bring me over a fellow-labourer, and to transact several affairs of importance. Hitherto, Captain Gladman has had the command of our sloop; but I have now committed the care of it to his mate, whom God was pleased to bring home to Himself when I was last at Philadelphia."

In foot-notes to a subsequent edition of his Journal, Whitefield adds concerning Seward:--

"This was the last time I saw my worthy friend; for, before my return to England, he was entered into his rest;" and, concerning the mate, he says, "This young man lived with me and served the Orphan House cheerfully and gratis for several years. Afterwards, he married one of the orphans, and is now [1756] settled as a merchant in Philadelphia, where both continue to adorn the gospel of our Lord."

On the day he parted with Mr. Seward, Whitefield proceeded to Woodbridge, where he preached to about two thousand people, and "dined at the Dissenting minister's house." Thence, he rode to Elizabeth Town, and preached "in the meeting-house," to a like congregation, which included two clergymen and ten Dissenting ministers. The next day, he arrived at New York, and preached on "the common, to five or six thousand." During the night, the people erected him a scaffold, from which, on Wednesday, April 30, he preached twice, his night congregation numbering upwards of seven thousand.

At this period, Whitefield's health was feeble; but his Christian ardour would not permit him to indulge in rest. On May 1, he went, in the morning, to Long Island, where "God had lately begun a most glorious work, by the ministry of two young Presbyterian ministers." Here, the Dutch ministers gave him the use of their church; and, though exceedingly unwell, he preached nearly an hour and a half. He then hurried back to New York; and, in the evening, addressed "as large a congregation as ever." On May 2, he "preached twice in the field, and once in the meeting-house." On May 4, he writes:--

"Sunday. Preached, at seven in the morning, in the meeting-house.[346] Went to the English church twice; and preached in the evening to about eight thousand in the field. After sermon, numbers came to me, giving God thanks for what they had heard, and brought several large contributions for my poor orphans. Blessed be God! by public collections and private donations, I have received upwards of £300 since I came hither."

[346] No doubt, Dr. Pemberton's, in Wall Street, at that time the only Presbyterian meeting-house in New York. (Stevens's "History of Methodism," vol. i., p. 143.)

Next day, he left New York, and came to Freehold, William and Gilbert Tennent meeting him on the way. On May 6, he preached to about three thousand at Freehold; rode, in company with many others, sixteen miles to Allen's Town, where he preached to the same number; and then went twenty miles farther, to Burlington, where he arrived at midnight. After a few hours' sleep, he crossed the ferry into Pennsylvania, preached to four thousand at Bristol, hurried to Philadelphia, was warmly welcomed by his "kind host, Mr. Benezet,"[347] and concluded the day by hearing "Mr. Jones, the Baptist minister, who preached the truth as it is in Jesus."

[347] Anthony Benezet was born in France in 1713. At the age of eighteen, he came to Philadelphia, and was apprenticed to a merchant. Two years after Whitfield's present visit, he abandoned business, and became the master of the Quakers' English school of Philadelphia; and this honourable, though not lucrative, office he continued to fulfil, with little intermission, until his death, in 1784. By his unwearied exertions, he was the means of first attracting public attention to the enormities of slavery. Hundreds of negroes followed him to his grave.

This was enormous labour for an enfeebled man. He writes:--

"Thursday, May 8. Had what my body much wanted, a thorough night's repose. Was called up early to speak to those under convictions. The first who came was an Indian trader,[348] whom God was pleased to bring home by my preaching when here last. He is just come from the Indian nation, where he has been praying with and exhorting all he met. He has hopes of some of the Indians; but his fellow-traders endeavoured to prejudice them against him. However, he proposes to visit them again in the autumn. Preached, at eleven, to six or seven thousand people, and cleared myself from some aspersions that had been cast upon my doctrine, as though it tended to Antinomianism. At five in the evening, I preached to a rather larger audience; and, afterwards, rode ten miles to a friend's house, that I might be in readiness to preach, according to appointment next morning.

[348] The "Indian trader" was, probably, Samson Occum, who will be noticed hereafter.

"Friday, May 9. Preached at Pennytack, to about two thousand people; and again, in the evening, at Philadelphia; and afterwards settled a Society of young men, many of whom, I trust, will prove good soldiers of Jesus Christ.

"Saturday, May 10. Preached twice to-day, and to larger congregations than ever; and, in the evening, settled a Society of young women, who seemed to be under the strongest convictions, and to be seeking Jesus sorrowing. Their cries might be heard a great way off.

"Sunday, May 11. Preached to about fifteen thousand people in the morning. Went twice to church, and heard myself taken to task by the preacher. In the afternoon, I preached my farewell sermon, to very near twenty thousand hearers. After I had taken my leave, many visited my lodgings, amongst whom, I believe, were fifty negroes, who came to tell me what God had done for their souls. Some of them have been effectually wrought upon, and in an uncommon manner. Many of them have begun to learn to read. One, who was free, said she would give me her two children, whenever I settle my school. I hope masters and mistresses will see that Christianity will not make their negroes worse slaves. I intended to have settled a Society for negro men and negro women; but that must be deferred till it shall please God to bring me to Philadelphia again. I have been much drawn out in prayer for them, and have seen them exceedingly wrought upon under the word preached. I cannot well express how many others, of all sorts, came to give me a last farewell. I never yet saw a more general awakening in any place. Many of the Quakers have been convinced of the righteousness of Jesus Christ, and openly confess the truth as it is in Jesus; for which, I believe, they will shortly be put out of their synagogues. With preaching, and praying, and conversing, I was truly weary by eight at night; but I went and baptized two children, took my leave of both the Societies, and, at my return home, supped with some Christian friends, and went to bed, desirous to be humbly thankful for what the Lord had done at Philadelphia.

"Monday, May 12. Rose early to answer those who came for private advice. Visited three persons, one of whom was under such deep convictions, that she had taken scarce anything to eat for a fortnight. Another had a prospect of hell set before her last night in the most terrifying colours; but, before morning, received comfort. When I came to my lodgings, my friends were waiting to accompany me on horseback, and great numbers of the common people were crowding about the door. About nine, I left Philadelphia, and, when I came to the ferry, was told that people had been crossing over, as fast as two boats could carry them, ever since three in the morning. After we had waited some time, I and my friends got over, and I preached at Derby, seven miles from Philadelphia to about four thousand hearers. There I took a sorrowful leave of many, and then preached at Chester, about nine miles off, to two thousand; and collected there and at Derby upwards of £40 for the orphans. Here I parted with more friends; but several went with me to Wilmington, fifteen miles from Chester. We got in about eleven at night. My body was weak; but God strengthened me to pray, to sing psalms, and to exhort a room full of people for about an hour.

"Tuesday, May 13. In the morning, preached at Wilmington to five thousand; and, at Whiteclay Creek, in the evening, to three thousand. At both places, we collected about £24 for the Orphan House. After sermon at Whiteclay Creek, I rode towards Nottingham with Mr. William Tennent, Mr. Craghead, and Mr. Blair,[349] all worthy ministers of the Lord Jesus, and with many others belonging to Philadelphia. We rode through the woods singing, and praising God, and got to a Quaker's house at midnight.

[349] The Rev. Samuel Blair was a native of Ireland, but came to America in early life. He was trained for the ministry in the "Log College" of good old Mr. Tennent at Neshaminy. About the year 1745, he took charge of the church at Fagg's Manor, and opened a classical and theological academy. He was a man of great learning and piety, a profound divine, and an impressive preacher.

"Wednesday, May 14. Preached at Nottingham both morning and evening. It surprised me to see such a multitude gathered together, at so short a warning, and in such a desert place. I believe there were near twelve thousand. I had not spoken long, before I perceived numbers melting. As I proceeded, the influence increased, till, at last, thousands cried out, so that they almost drowned my voice. I myself was so overpowered with a sense of God's love, that it almost took away my life. At length, I revived, and was strengthened to go with Messrs. Blair, Tennent, and some other friends, to Mr. Blair's house, twenty miles from Nottingham. In the way, we refreshed our souls by singing psalms and hymns. We got to our journey's end at midnight.

"Thursday, May 15. Preached at Fagg's Manor, three miles from Mr. Blair's house. The congregation was about as large as that at Nottingham. Most of the people were drowned in tears. The word was sharper than a two-edged sword. The bitter cries and groans were enough to pierce the hardest heart. Some of the people were as pale as death; others were wringing their hands; others lying on the ground; others sinking into the arms of their friends; and most lifting up their eyes to heaven, and crying to God for mercy. They seemed like persons awakened by the last trump, and coming out of their graves to judgment. After dinner, I rode to Newcastle, twenty-four miles from Fagg's Manor, preached to about four thousand, prayed with several who came many miles under violent convictions, and then went on board our sloop, the _Savannah_."

To return, for a moment, to Whitefield in Philadelphia. His success here was marvellous. Hence the following letter, published in the _New England Journal_, of June 24, 1740:--

"Philadelphia, June 12, 1740. During the session of the Presbyterian Synod, which began here on the 28th of last month, and continued to the 3rd inst., there were no less than fourteen sermons preached on Society Hill, to large audiences, by the Revs. Messrs. Tennent, Davenport, Rowland, and Blair; besides what were delivered in the Presbyterian and Baptist meetings, and expoundings and exhortations in private houses. The alteration in the face of religion in Philadelphia is surprising. Never did the people shew so great a willingness to attend sermons, nor the preachers greater zeal and diligence in performing the duties of their function. Religion has become the subject of most conversations. No books are in request, but those of piety and devotion. Instead of singing idle songs and ballads, the people are everywhere entertaining themselves with psalms and hymns and spiritual songs. All this, under God, is owing to the successful labours of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield."

So much from one of Whitefield's friends. Another letter, from a foe, condemns the movement, but, in reality, confirms what has just been said. In the Boston _Post Boy_, of June 23, 1740, appeared the following:--

"Philadelphia, June 5, 1740. Field-preaching prevails with the vulgar in Philadelphia so much, that industry, honest labour, and care for their families seem to be held, by many, as sinful, and as a mark that they neglect the salvation of their souls. Mr. Whitefield and his adherent ministers have infatuated the multitude with the doctrines of regeneration, free grace, conversion, etc., representing them as essential articles of religion, though, in reality, they are inconsistent with true religion, natural and revealed, and are subversive of all order and decency, and repugnant to common sense. Every day we have instances of the melancholy fruits of these sermons. Many, of weak minds, are terrified into despair, by the threatenings of eternal vengeance. Some are so transported with the passions which influence them, that they believe they have had the beatific vision, and immediate intercourse with Him who is invisible.

"I have informed you of all this, because Mr. Whitefield intends to visit Boston in the autumn, where, I understand, he is impatiently waited for. I wish his ministry there may not be attended with the same bad effects, as here, by diverting and disturbing the labouring people, who are generally too much inclined to novelties, especially in point of religion. Mr. Whitefield is the more to be guarded against, because, I can assure you, he is qualified to sway and keep the affections of the multitude."

On the day this caution was written, Whitefield, after an absence of nine weeks, arrived in his parish of Savannah. In his wanderings he had collected nearly £500 sterling for his orphans, and was taking home with him a bricklayer, a tailor, two maidservants, and two little girls, the last mentioned being the children of the man who had kept the dancing school, and the assembly and concert room in Philadelphia.[350] Whitefield could not be idle. The wind being contrary, he went on shore at Reedy Island three days in succession, and preached to such congregations as could be gathered. For the same reason, he also spent two days at Lewis Town, during which he read prayers and preached thrice in the English Church, and likewise addressed two crowds from a balcony out of doors, the church not being capable of holding them. His leisure hours he employed in writing letters to his friends. The following was addressed to William Seward, who had recently gone as his envoy to England:--

"REEDY ISLAND, _May 19, 1740_.

[350] One of these afterwards became the wife of Whitefield's factotum, Mr. Habersham. In his "Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," Mr. Stephens writes: "1740, June 5. Mr. Whitefield came back in his sloop, fully laden with provisions of all sorts, and ten passengers (men and women) of divers trades useful to his purpose, namely, a tailor, shoemaker, glazier, etc."

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--The war between Michael and the dragon has much increased since you left. Mr. C----[351] has preached most of his people away from him. He lashed me most bravely the Sunday before I came away. Mr. A---- also preaches against me; and Mr. J---- is very inveterate. At New York, the word ran. Twice or thrice our Lord appeared for us in a glorious manner. Mr. Tennent and his brethren glow with divine warmth. Last week, at Nottingham, and at Mr. Blair's, how did God manifest His glory! We had about twelve thousand hearers; and such a melting, such a crying, was scarcely ever seen. Blessed be God! the devil's children begin to throw off the mask. At Philadelphia, affairs go on better and better; only Satan now begins to throw many into fits. I have generally preached twice, and ridden nearly thirty miles a day since your departure. I believe the work will go on better here than in England. We are more united in our principles, and do not print one against another. We are now at Reedy Island, waiting for the wind. I heard of a ship going to Dublin, and could not lose the opportunity of writing to my dear brother Seward. I need not remind you to hasten over as fast as possible. Our Lord has taught you not to stay by the way. I am somewhat better as to bodily health. My Master never fails me. Oh exhort all to fall in love with Jesus, and to pray for, ever yours, in the best of bonds,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[351] No doubt, the clergyman of Philadelphia.

The next was to an "Indian trader," and is full of good advice to a young missionary to the heathen:--

"REEDY ISLAND, _May 19, 1740_.

"I received your letter, and have been reading part of your journal. I think it your bounden duty to go amongst the Indians again, not as a _minister_, but as a private Christian, whose duty it is, when converted himself, to strengthen his brethren. An effectual door, I hope, is opening amongst some of the heathen. It is plain God calls you, and I wish you good success in the name of the Lord. Be sure you keep a close walk with God. Be much in prayer; and prepare for hardships. Your greatest perils will be amongst your own countrymen; but the Lord Jesus will make you more than conqueror. The word of the Lord will make its own way. Beg of God to give you true notions of our free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Bring your Indian hearers to believe, before you talk of baptism or the supper of the Lord. Otherwise they will catch at a shadow and neglect the substance. Improve the leisure you now enjoy, and see that you feel the truths you speak. Feed on this promise, 'It shall be given you in that hour what you shall say.' Your circumstances call for a fulfilling of it. Tell them what God has been doing here, and how happy Jesus Christ will make them. Be sure to tell them, that true faith is not merely in the head, but in the heart, and that it certainly will be productive of good works. Frequently meditate on God's free love to yourself. That will best qualify you to speak of it affectionately to others. I could say more, but time will not permit.

"Your affectionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The ensuing was addressed to Wesley, and refers to their unpleasant difference of opinion on the subject of Calvinian doctrines.

"CAPE-LOPEN, _May 24, 1740_.

"HONOURED SIR,--I cannot entertain prejudices against your conduct and principles any longer, without informing you. The more I examine the writings of the most experienced men, and the experiences of the most established Christians, the more I differ from your notion about not committing sin, and your denying the doctrines of election and final perseverance of the saints. I dread coming to England, unless you are resolved to oppose these truths with less warmth, than when I was there last. I dread your coming to America, because the work of God is carried on here (and that in a most glorious manner) by doctrines quite opposite to those you hold. Here are thousands of God's children, who will not be persuaded out of the privileges purchased for them by the blood of Jesus. Here are many worthy experienced ministers, who would oppose your principles to the utmost. God direct me what to do! Sometimes I think it best to stay here, where we all think and speak the same thing. The work goes on without divisions, and with more success, because all employed in it are of one mind.

"I write not this, honoured sir, from heat of spirit, but out of love. At present, I think you are entirely inconsistent with yourself; and, therefore, do not blame me, if I do not approve of all you say. From my soul, I wish you abundant success. I long to hear of your being a spiritual father to thousands. Perhaps I may never see you again, till we meet in judgment. Then, if not before, you will know that sovereign, distinguishing, irresistible grace brought you to heaven. Then will you know that God loved you with an everlasting love, and, therefore, with loving-kindness did He draw you.

"Honoured sir, farewell! My prayers constantly attend both you and your labours. My next journal will acquaint you with new and surprising wonders. I am supported, under the prospect of impending trials, with an assurance of God's loving me to the end; yea, even to all eternity. Ere this reaches you, I suppose you will hear of my intention to marry. I am quite as free as a child. If it be God's will, I beseech Him to prevent it. I would not be hindered in my dear Lord's business for the world. God blesses the Orphan House. Do not be angry with, but pray for, honoured sir, your unworthy brother and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The doctrinal views of the two friends were different; but they were as loving and faithful to each other as they had ever been. The controversy between them will frequently recur.

When Whitefield arrived at Savannah, on the 5th of June, he was most warmly welcomed by his family and friends, and was soon rejoiced by the prosperity of the work of God. He writes:--

"Savannah, Friday, June 6. Blessed be the God of all grace, who continues to do for us marvellous things! This afternoon, one of the men that I brought over was enabled to wrestle with God exceedingly, both for himself and others. After this, I went up and prayed for near half an hour with some of the women of the house and three girls, who seemed to be weary with the weight of their sins. When we came to public worship, young and old were all dissolved in tears. After service, several of my parishioners, all my family, and the little children, returned home crying along the streets, and some could not avoid praying very loud."

The next day, Whitefield wrote to James Hutton, the London Moravian, as follows:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 7, 1740_.

"MY DEAR, DEAR BROTHER,--With great comfort, I received your long wished-for letter. Let all former misunderstandings between me and your friends be entirely forgotten. I always pitied your parents, and most earnestly prayed for them and you.

"O what wonderful things is God doing in America! Savannah also, _my dear Savannah_, especially my little orphans, now begin to feel the love of Jesus Christ. I arrived here two days ago, in an hour quite unexpected by my friends. How did we weep over one another for joy! Perhaps I may never feel the like again, till I meet the sons of God in glory. I prayed with three of the girls before I went to church, and I prayed also with my other dear friends. When we came to church, the power of the Lord came upon all. Most of the children, both boys and girls, cried bitterly. The congregation were drowned in tears. When I came home, I went to prayer again. It would have charmed your heart to have heard the little ones, in different parts of the house, begging Jesus to take full possession of their hearts. The same power continues to-day. For near two hours, four or five of the girls have been before the Lord weeping most bitterly. God blesses me in everything I undertake. Our Orphan House comes under better regulations every day, and I am persuaded will produce some true followers of Jesus Christ.

"My dear brother, may the Lord be with you! For Christ's sake, desire brother Wesley to avoid disputing with me. I think I had rather die, than see a division between us; and yet, how can we walk together, if we oppose each other? Adieu! Dear James, with much tenderness, I subscribe myself ever yours,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield was in a sort of amazed and wondering ecstasy. Six days later he wrote the following to a minister at New York:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 13, 1740_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--Many of the dear children of God are too apt to confine God to this or that particular way of acting; whereas He is a sovereign agent, and His sacred Spirit bloweth when, and where, and how it listeth. When an uncommon work is to be done, no doubt, He will work upon His chosen instruments in an uncommon manner. What the event of the present general awakening will be, I know not. I desire to follow my dear Lord blindfold, whithersoever He is pleased to lead me.

"Wonderful things have been done ever since my arrival at Savannah. Such an awakening among little children, I never saw before. Oh, my dear brother, how ought such manifestations of God's glory to quicken our souls, and excite us to lay ourselves out more and more in the service of the best of masters, Jesus Christ! Every day, He fills me with Himself, and sometimes brings me upon the confines of eternity. Methinks, I often stand upon Mount Pisgah, and take a view of the heavenly Canaan, and then long to be gathered to my people. But my work is scarce begun. My trials are yet to come. What is a little scourge of the tongue? what is a thrusting out of the synagogues? The time of temptation will be when we are thrust into an inner prison. But, 'if Thou, O dearest Redeemer, wilt strengthen me in the inner man, let enemies plunge me into a fiery furnace, or throw me into a den of lions!' In the meanwhile let us all keep a close walk with Jesus.

"I am, etc., "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Towards the end of the month, Whitefield visited the settlement of the Saltzburgh refugees, at Ebenezer. He writes:--

"Wednesday, June 25. Went on Monday to Ebenezer, and returned to Savannah this evening. Surely there is a difference, even in this life, between those who serve the Lord, and those who serve Him not. All other places of the colony seem to be like Egypt, where was darkness, but Ebenezer, like the land of Goshen, wherein was great light. I walked near four miles in almost one continued field, covered with a most plentiful crop of corn, pease, potatoes, etc., all the product of a few months' labour. But God gives the labourers a peculiar blessing. They are unanimous, and the strong help the weak. I had sweet communication with their ministers. Our sister Orphan House there is blessed by their means; and yesterday was set apart as a day of thanksgiving for some assistance, lately sent the little ones, from Germany and Savannah.

At this period, Philip Henry Molther, the Moravian preacher, was occasioning great excitement in the meetings bf the Brethren in London. Molther's views of the means of grace were, to say the least, extremely confused and foggy. Both the Wesleys felt it their duty to expose his heresy. Charles writes:--"A new commandment, called '_stillness_,' has repealed all God's commandments, and given a full indulgence to corrupted nature." There were also disputes respecting a fitness to believe in Christ, and other matters, which it is needless to refer to here.[352] While the contention was proceeding, James Hutton wrote to Whitefield on the subject; and Whitefield's reply is too valuable, and too appropriate to the state of things at the present day, to be omitted.

[352] See "The Life and Times of Wesley," vol. i., pp. 297-310.

"SAVANNAH, _June 25, 1740_.

"DEAREST JAMES,--Your last letter I received on Saturday. Blessed be God, that our friends preach up poverty of spirit, for that is the only foundation whereon to build solid abiding comfort. The stony ground received the word with joy; but how did those hearers stand in the day of temptation? It is very possible that the heart may have much joy floating on the top of it, and yet be as hard as the nether millstone. Hence it is that so many, who boast of rest in their flashes of joy, are self-willed, impatient of reproof, despisers of others in a mourning state, and wise in their own conceits. The believer who has a truly broken and contrite heart hangs upon God, and thinks before he speaks. This is the state which I want all our friends to arrive at. How can they stand, who never felt themselves condemned criminals? who were never truly burdened with a sense, not only of their actual but of original sin, especially the damning sin of unbelief? who were never brought to see and heartily confess, that after they had done all, God might, notwithstanding, deny them mercy; and that it is owing solely to His sovereign love in Christ Jesus that we can have any hopes of being delivered from the wrath to come?

"For preaching in this manner, I like Messrs. Tennents. They wound deep before they heal. They know that there is no promise made but to him that believeth; and, therefore, they are careful not to comfort over-much those who are convicted. I fear I have been too incautious in this respect, and have often given comfort too soon. The Lord pardon me for what is past, and teach me more rightly to divide the word of truth for the future!

"I am, etc., "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

One of the clerical friends of Whitefield and of the two Wesleys was the Rev. George Stonehouse, Vicar of Islington, who sold his living, and became a Moravian. The following letter was addressed to him:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 26, 1740_.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--And is one of the priests also obedient to the word? Blessed be God! who has translated you from darkness to light. He seems to be thrusting out more labourers into the harvest. Glory be to His free grace that you are one of the happy number! Oh, dear sir, rejoice and be exceeding glad. Let the love of Jesus constrain you to go out into the highways and hedges to compel poor sinners to come in. Some may say, 'This is not proceeding with a zeal according to knowledge;' but I am persuaded, when the power of religion revives, the gospel must be propagated in the same manner as it was first established, by _itinerant preaching_. Go on, dear sir, go on, and follow your glorious Master without the camp, bearing His reproach. Never fear the scourge of the tongue, or the threatenings that are daily breathed out against the Lord, and against His Christ. Suffer we must. Ere long, perhaps, we may sing in a prison, and have our feet fast in the stocks; but faith in Jesus turns a prison into a palace, and makes a bed of flames become a bed of down. Let us be faithful to-day, and our Lord will support us to-morrow.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

An extract of a letter to another Moravian, William Delamotte, will help to illustrate Whitefield's religious experience and ecstasies.

"SAVANNAH, _June 28, 1740_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--I have abundant reason to bless God for sending me abroad. I cannot say, I have improved my retirement as I ought; but I can say, it has been highly beneficial to my soul. I have a garden near at hand, where I go to meet and talk with my God, at the cool of every day. I often sit in silence, offering my soul, as so much clay, to be stamped just as my heavenly potter pleases; and, whilst I am musing, I am often filled, as it were, with the fulness of God. I am frequently at Calvary, and frequently on Mount Tabor; but always assured of my Lord's everlasting love. Oh, continue to pray for me. I want to have a proper mixture of the lion and the lamb, of the serpent and the dove. I do not despair of attaining it. Jesus is love; Jesus willeth my perfection; Jesus hath died for me; Jesus can deny me nothing. He has given me Himself; will He not then freely give me all things besides? I wait for Thy complete salvation, O Lord! O grace, grace! O Jesu! Jesu! Was there ever love like Thine? Lord, I abhor myself in dust and ashes. O that I could praise and love Thee as I ought!

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The following, addressed to Wesley, refers, not only to Calvinian disputes, but, to the action which Wesley had taken in resisting the "_stillness_" of Philip Henry Molther.

"SAVANNAH, _June 25, 1740_.

"MY HONOURED FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I thank you for all the petitions you have put up in my behalf. I want to be as my Master would have me; I mean, meek and lowly in heart.

"For Christ's sake, dear sir, if possible, never speak against election in your sermons. No one can say that I ever mentioned it in public discourses, whatever my private sentiments may be. For Christ's sake, let us not be divided amongst ourselves. Nothing will so much prevent a division as your being silent on this head.

"I should have rejoiced at the sight of your Journal. I long to sing a hymn of praise for what God has done for your soul.

"I am glad to hear that you speak up for an attendance on the means of grace, and do not encourage persons who run before they are called. The work of God will suffer much by such imprudence. I trust you will still persist in field-preaching. Others are strangers to our call. I know infinite good has been done by it already, and greater good will yet be done thereby every day. May God bless you more and more, and cause you to triumph in every place!

"Next Monday, God willing, I go to Charleston. My family is well regulated. I have nearly a hundred and thirty to maintain daily, without any fund. The Lord gives me a full undisturbed confidence in His power and goodness. Dear sir, adieu! I can write no more. My heart is full. I want to be a little child. O continue to pray for your most unworthy, but affectionate brother and servant in our dear Lord Jesus Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It is difficult to define the position which Whitefield now occupied. He was a clergyman of the Church of England, and Savannah was his parish. He had been eight months in America; but he had spent far more time in preaching for Dissenters, and in the open air, than he had spent in his own parochial church.[353] He had also practised other ecclesiastical irregularities. Mr. Stephens, in his "Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," writes:--

"1740, June 22. Mr. Whitefield always prays and preaches extempore. For some time past he has laid aside his surplice; and has managed to get justification by faith, and the new birth, into every sermon.

"June 30. Mr. Whitefield went off to Carolina, and appointed Mr. Habersham to read prayers and sermons during his absence. When he returned, a Mr. Tilly, an Anabaptist teacher, came with him, and preached and expounded several times in his church."

[353] It cannot be denied that, throughout his marvellous career, Whitefield was, practically, a Dissenter. Thomas Olivers, who knew him well, observes: "That Mr. Whitefield was strongly prejudiced in favour of the Dissenters, as Dissenters, is notorious. I myself have, perhaps on forty occasions, both at my own house and elsewhere, heard him speak, with great partiality, of our English Dissenters in general--particularly of the Puritans of old, and also of our modern Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists. The whole world knows how uncommonly fond he was of the Scotch Presbyterians, and of the American Independents; while the Episcopalians, in both these countries, were almost entirely overlooked by him." (Olivers' "Rod for a Reviler," 1777, p. 22.)

Of course, Whitefield knew that all this was ecclesiastically wrong; and it is not surprising that he expected, what he considered to be, persecution. His previsions were soon realised. He again left his parish, Savannah, on June 30, and arrived at Charleston on July 2. In his Journal he writes:--

"Sunday, July 6. Charleston. Preached twice yesterday, and twice to-day, and had great reason to believe our Lord got Himself the victory in some hearts. Went to church in the morning and afternoon, and heard the commissary preach as virulent, unorthodox, and inconsistent a discourse as ever I heard in my life. His heart seemed full of choler and resentment; and, out of the abundance thereof, he poured forth so many bitter words against the Methodists in general, and me in particular, that several, who intended to receive the sacrament at his hands, withdrew. Never, I believe, was such a preparation sermon preached before. I could not help thinking the preacher was of the same spirit as Bishop Gardner in Queen Mary's days. After the sermon, he sent his clerk to desire me not to come to the sacrament, till he had spoken with me. I immediately retired to my lodging, rejoicing that I was accounted worthy to suffer this further degree of contempt for my dear Lord's sake. Blessed Jesus, lay it not to the commissary's charge! Amen and Amen!"

The commissary was angry, too angry, perhaps, to be prudent and dignified. At all events, on the next day, he issued the following formidable document:--

"Alexander Garden, lawfully constituted Commissary of the Right Reverend Father in Christ, Edmund, by Divine permission, Lord Bishop of London, supportedby the Royal authority underwritten.

"ALEXANDER GARDEN,

"To all and singular Clerks and literate persons whomsoever, in and throughout the whole Province of South Carolina, wheresoever appointed, greeting; to you conjunctly and severally, we commit, and, strictly enjoining, command that you do cite, or cause to be cited, peremptorily, George Whitefield, Clerk and Presbyter of the Church of England, that he lawfully appear before us, in the Parish Church of St. Philip's, Charleston, and in the judicial place of the same, on Tuesday, the fifteenth day of this instant July, betwixt the hours of nine and ten in the forenoon, then and there in justice to answer certain articles, heads, or interrogatories, which will be objected and ministered unto him concerning the mere health of his soul, and reformation and correction of his manners and excesses, and chiefly for omitting to use the Form of Prayers prescribed in the Communion Book. And further to do and receive what shall be just in that behalf, on pain of law and contempt. And what you shall do in the premises, you shall duly certify us, together with these presents.

"Given under our hands, and seals of our office, at Charleston, this seventh day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and forty."

On the morning of the day in which this curious document was published, Whitefield "went to the house of one Mr. Chandler,[354] a gracious Baptist minister, about fourteen miles from Charleston, and, according to appointment, preached in his meeting-house." The next day, he "hastened to Dorchester, and preached twice in Mr. Osgood's[355] meeting-house, a young but worthy Independent minister." The following evening, July 9, he "preached under a tree near Mr. C.'s meeting-house," the congregation being too large to be accommodated in the building. He then rode to Charleston, and "preached, about six in the evening, in the usual place." On Thursday, July 10, he "went over the water, and read prayers and preached, at the request of the churchwardens and vestry, in Christ's Church." On Friday, he preached twice in Charleston, and received, from the commissary, by the hands of his apparitor, the following citation:--

"You are hereby cited to appear at the Church of St. Philip's, Charleston, on Tuesday the fifteenth day of this instant July, betwixt the hours of nine and ten in the forenoon, before the Reverend Alexander Garden, Commissary, to answer to such articles as shall there be objected to you.

"WILLIAM SMITH, Apparitor."

[354] Isaac Chandler was born at Bristol in 1701; but, in 1733, went to South Carolina. Three years afterwards, he became pastor of a Baptist church on Ashley River, where he continued until his death, in 1749. Among his other publications was a sermon on "Establishment in Grace," preached at Charleston, in 1740, by the desire of Whitefield, at the commencement of a course of lectures by ministers of different denominations.

[355] The Rev. John Osgood was born at Dorchester, South Carolina; graduated at Harvard College; and, in 1735, was ordained minister of the Independent church in his native town. In 1754, he followed a part of his church to a new settlement, about thirty miles from Savannah, where he remained until his death, in 1773.

Whitefield had thus four days' notice to answer questions and accusations, not specified, and concerning which he could only form conjectures. How did he spend the interval?

On Saturday, July 12, he went to John's Island, about twenty miles up the river, and read prayers and preached twice, in the church. On Sunday, July 13, he preached, morning and evening, in Charleston; and, in the forenoon, went to church, and heard Commissary Garden preach, or rather rave. Whitefield writes:--

"Had some infernal spirit been sent to draw my picture, I think it scarcely possible that he could have painted me in more horrid colours. I think, if ever, then was the time that all manner of evil was spoken against me falsely for Christ's sake. The commissary seemed to ransack church history for instances of enthusiasm and abused grace. He drew a parallel between me and all the _Oliverians_, _Ranters_, _Quakers_, and _French Prophets_, till he came down to a family of the _Dutarts_, who lived, not many years ago, in South Carolina, and were guilty of the most notorious incests and murders. To the honour of God's free grace be it spoken, whilst the commissary was representing me thus, I felt the blessed Spirit strengthening and refreshing my soul. God, at the same time, gave me to see what I was by nature, and how I had deserved His eternal wrath; and, therefore, I did not feel the least resentment against the preacher. No; I pitied, I prayed for him; and wished, from my soul, that the Lord would convert him, as He once did the persecutor Saul."

Notwithstanding this violent outpouring, from Whitefield's ecclesiastical accuser and judge, only forty-eight hours before the trial was to take place, Whitefield, on the following day, again preached twice in Charleston, as though nought had happened.

The next day, July 15, the court assembled at St. Philip's Church, and consisted of the commissary, and the Rev. Messrs. Guy, Millichamp, Roe, and Orr.[356] The spectators, of course, were numerous. First of all, the commissary handed Whitefield a paper, containing a list of the accusations against him, and which he was desired to answer. Whitefield refused to answer, until he was satisfied concerning the authority of the court to examine him. The commissary said, "They would proceed to censure him." Whitefield reminded his judges of the example of the heathen magistrates, who exceeded their authority in condemning St. Paul unheard. Mr. Garden then sent his apparitor for his commission, from the Bishop of London, to act as commissary. Whitefield examined it, and objected that the Royal authority was not underwritten. Upon this, a Latin commission without a seal was read. Whitefield replied, that, though there might be a _general power_ given the bishop to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction in that province, yet the extent of that jurisdiction was to be determined by _particular_ Acts of Assembly. And, further, that he belonged to Georgia, a different province, and was in South Carolina only as an itinerant. He also added, that, though he had preached in the fields near London, the bishop had never attempted to exercise such authority over him; and that the Trustees of Georgia, to his knowledge, doubted whether the Bishop of London had any jurisdiction in the transatlantic colonies. He, therefore, requested that he might have till to-morrow morning, to inform himself of the extent of jurisdiction of the commissary's court in South Carolina. The request was grudgingly granted; and, leaving the court, Whitefield concluded the day by preaching twice in Charleston.

[356] Messrs. Guy, Millichamp, Roe, and Orr, are totally unknown to fame. Except for this incident in the life of Whitefield, their names would have been forgotten.

Next morning, July 16, Whitefield, by the advice of his friends, presented an _exception_ against Garden acting as his judge, because he had reason to believe he was prejudiced against him. The commissary read the _exception_, and refused to accept it. Whitefield protested against all further proceedings, as null and void; and left the court. Being recalled by the apparitor and registrar, he returned, and handed in his _exception_ to be read and filed. Mr. Graham, the commissary's attorney, insisted upon having the _exception_ tried in court; but, as Whitefield had referred it to the examination of six arbitrators (three to be nominated by him, and three by the commissary), Mr. Rutledge, Whitefield's attorney, protested against all further proceedings, and against Whitefield having to appear in court again, until the arbitrators had met, and come to an agreement. Such were the proceedings of the second day. On leaving the court, Whitefield went to James' Island, and read prayers and preached.

On the day following, Whitefield appeared again before his self-constituted judges, and asked if his _exception_ was to be referred to arbitration, or to be repelled? Being told that the _exception_ was repelled, he then lodged an appeal to his Majesty in the High Court of Chancery; and went again to James' Island, and preached in Madam Woodward's barn.

Nothing remarkable occurred during the next three days, except that the irrepressible evangelist preached twice every day in Charleston; and that, on Saturday afternoon, the apparitor again brought him before the commissary, to take an oath that he would lodge his appeal within a twelvemonth, and deposit £10 sterling as a guarantee that his oath would be fulfilled. Finding that the commissary had authority to require this, the oath was taken, and the £10 deposited.

Thus ended the first trial in the first Episcopal Court in the British Colonies.[357] Appealing to the High Court of Chancery was an expensive business; but Whitefield did appeal. It so happened, however, that the hearing of his appeal was so deferred as to give the ecclesiastical judge of Charleston a new opportunity to vent his anger. For a year and a day, all proceedings in Commissary Garden's court were stayed; but, at the expiration of that time, Whitefield was again summoned to attend before his Charleston judges; and, as he neither appeared nor put in an answer, the following decree was pronounced against him. After reciting that his frequently preaching in Dissenting meeting-houses, without using the forms of prayer prescribed by the Book of Common Prayer, had been proved by Hugh Anderson, Stephen Hartley, and John Redman, the decree, in a cloud of high-sounding words, continued,--

"Therefore we, Alexander Garden, the Judge aforesaid, having first invoked the name of Christ, and setting and having God Himself alone before our eyes, and by and with the advice of the Reverend persons, William Guy, Timothy Millichamp, Stephen Roe, and William Orr, with whom in that part we have advised and maturely deliberated, do pronounce, decree, and declare the aforesaid George Whitefield, clerk, to have been at the times articled, and now to be a priest of the Church of England, and at the times and days in that part articled to have officiated as a minister in divers meeting-houses in Charleston, in the province of South Carolina, by praying and preaching to public congregations; and at such times to have omitted to use the Form of Prayer prescribed in the Communion Book, or Book of Common Prayer; or at least according to the laws, canons, and constitutions ecclesiastical in that part made, provided, and promulged, not to have used the same according to the lawful proofs before us in that part judicially had and made. We, therefore, pronounce, decree, and declare that the said George Whitefield, for his excesses and faults, ought, duly and canonically, and according to the exigence of the law in that part of the premises, to be corrected and punished, and also to be suspended from his office; and, accordingly, by these presents, we do suspend him, the said George Whitefield; and, for being so suspended, we also pronounce, decree, and declare him to be denounced, declared, and published openly and publicly in the face of the Church."[358]

[357] "Answer to the Rev. Mr. Garden's Letters to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield; with an Appendix concerning Mr. Garden's Treatment of Mr. Whitefield. By A. Crosswell. Boston, 1741."

[358] _Nashville Christian Advocate_, March 4, 1871.

As to how far the proceedings of this petty court of colonial clergymen, and their high-flown decree, were legal, I am not able to express an opinion; but it is scarcely possible to repress a smile at the official pomposity of Whitefield's judges. How was Whitefield himself affected? Writing to a friend four days before the trial commenced, he says:--

"July 11, 1740. I have been at Charleston a week. The Lord has been pleased to work on many hearts. On Sunday, the commissary denied me the sacrament; but, my dear Master fed me, notwithstanding, with the bread which cometh down from heaven. Persecution seems to be coming on more and more. On Tuesday, I am cited to appear before the commissary and his court in a judicial way. I leave the event to my Lord Jesus. If we suffer, we shall reign with Him."

To other friends, the day after the trial was concluded, Whitefield wrote:--

"Praise the Lord, O my soul! Our glorious Emmanuel seems to have girded His sword upon His thigh, and to be riding on from conquering to conquer. He is getting Himself the victory in Charleston. A glorious work is begun here. Many souls are awakened. The alteration in the people, since I came here at first, is surprising. I preach twice a day generally, either in the town or in the villages around. The commissary shoots out his arrows, even bitter words. He has denied me the sacrament, and cited me to appear before him and his court. I was obliged to appeal home. Oh, my dear brother, pray that I may be humble, and of a childlike spirit. Every day God shews me fresh instances of His love. There are some faithful ministers among the Baptists.

"God seems to be carrying on as great a work in Charleston as in Philadelphia. Surely our Lord intends to set the world in a flame. O that the holy fire of His divine love were kindled in every heart! Do not let us forsake Him, though we live in a crooked and perverse generation. Last night, I appeared a third time in a public court; but they did not accept my _recusatio judicis_, and I appealed home; so that now I have free liberty to embark when Providence pleaseth.

"God will work, and who shall hinder? The commissary's detaining me here, has much tended to the furtherance of the gospel. I put in my _exception_ against his sitting as my judge, and it was repelled; so that I have appealed home, and all other proceedings here are stopped. By this means, I shall have liberty to preach the gospel without further interruption, and my call to England will be more clear. The Philadelphia people are building a house for me, one hundred and six feet long and seventy-four wide. The Lord is bringing mighty things to pass. The inhabitants here are wondrous kind. We often see the stately steps of our dear Lord in His sanctuary. I am more than happy. I am amazed at the Divine goodness. Lord, I abhor myself in dust and ashes! See the wonders of the Lord. Help us to praise Him. O pray that an humble, childlike spirit may be given to ever yours in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Appropriately might Whitefield have applied to himself the words of St. Paul: "We are troubled on every side, yet not distressed; we are perplexed, but not in despair; persecuted, but not forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed." His success in Charleston had been marvellous. He wrote:[359]--

"At my first coming, the people of Charleston seemed to be wholly devoted to pleasure. One, well acquainted with their manners and circumstances, told me that they spent more on their polite entertainments than the amount raised by their rates for the poor. But now the jewellers and dancing-masters begin to cry out that their craft is in danger. A vast alteration is discernible in ladies' dresses; and some, while I have been speaking, have been so convinced of the sin of wearing jewels, that, I have seen them, with blushes, put their hands to their ears, and cover them with their fans. The reformation, also, has gone further than externals. Many moral, good sort of men, who before were settled on their lees, have been awakened to seek after Jesus Christ; and many a Lydia's heart has been opened to receive the things that were spoken. Indeed, the word came like a hammer and a fire. Several of the negroes did their work in less time than usual, that they might come to hear me; and many of their owners, who have been awakened, have resolved to teach them Christianity. Had I time and proper schoolmasters, I might immediately erect a negro school in South Carolina, as well as in Pennsylvania. Many would willingly contribute both money and land."

[359] Whitefield's Journal. First edition.

This was the man whom Commissary Garden wished to silence. His effort was a futile one. As jubilant as ever, Whitefield, on July 24, set sail for Savannah, where, though seriously unwell, on Sunday, August 3, at the almost imperative request of several friends who had come a great distance to hear him, he _tried_ to preach. He writes:--

"Before I had prayed long, Mr. B. dropped down, as though shot with a gun. The influence spread. The greatest part of the congregation were under great concern. Tears trickled down apace, and God comforted us much at the sacrament."

On the following Sunday, he expounded, as usual, early in the morning; "and read part of the prayers at ten o'clock, but got Mr. Tilly, a Baptist minister, to preach." The Rev. Mr. Jones, of Port Royal, officiated for him in the afternoon; and the day was concluded with the following scene in Whitefield's house. He says:--

"I began to speak to my friends around me of the things of God. A great alteration was discernible in most of the company, and many burst into tears. Ere I had done, some of my parishioners came up, and joined with the rest of my family. I was enabled to wrestle with God in their behalf. The room was filled with cries, and many sought Jesus sorrowing. Several were in great agonies of soul, and a Cherokee Indian trader, who was present, said he never saw or felt the like before."

Whitefield spent a third Sunday, August 17, with his parishioners, at the close of which, he went on board his sloop, and was absent for the next four months. Before following him, two or three extracts from his letters may be useful. To Mr. Noble, of New York, he wrote as follows:--

"SAVANNAH, _August 15, 1740_.

"God has been pleased to bring me low, by inward weakness and faintness of spirits. I have sometimes been kept from preaching; but, when I have spoken, the word has come with power. A serious, lively Baptist minister, named Tilly, is here. He has preached often for me; and, last Sunday, received the sacrament in our way. O bigotry, thou art tumbling down apace! Blessed be God! Next week, God willing, I embark for Charleston, and from thence purpose going to New England. God wonderfully provides for my orphans. I am kept from every degree of doubting."

To his mother he addressed the following:--

"CHARLESTON, _August 22, 1740_.

"Every day I love and honour you more and more; and, when you come to judgment, God will shew you how many tears I have shed in secret for you, and for my dear sister. Honoured mother, flee to Jesus. Behold, with open arms, yonder He stands ready to embrace you, if you feel your misery, and are willing to come to Him to find rest. For near six weeks past, I have been under great weakness of body. I am now somewhat better; but, without a miracle, cannot think of being long below. Every day I long to be dissolved and to be with Christ."

Whitefield's correspondence with Wesley was chiefly on the doctrines of election and final perseverance. The ensuing is too characteristic to be omitted:--

"CHARLESTON, _August 25, 1740_.

"Dear and honoured Sir,--Last night I had the pleasure of receiving an extract from your Journal.[360] This morning I read it. I pray God to give it His blessing. Many things, I trust, will prove beneficial, especially the account of yourself. Only, give me leave, with all humility, to exhort you not to be strenuous in opposing the doctrines of election and final perseverance, when, by your own confession,[361] 'you have not the witness of the Spirit within yourself,' and, consequently, are not a proper judge. I remember dear brother E---- told me one day, that he was 'convinced of the perseverance of the saints.' I told him, you were not. He replied, 'But he will be convinced when he has got the Spirit himself.' For some years, God has given me this living witness in my soul. I have not, since then, indulged any doubts (at least, for no considerable time), about the forgiveness of my sins. Nay, I can scarce say that I have ever doubted at all. When I have been nearest death, my evidences have been the clearest. I have been on the borders of Canaan, and do every day long for the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ; not to evade sufferings, but with a single desire to see His blessed face.

[360] "An extract of the Rev. John Wesley's Journal from August 12, 1738, to November 1, 1739. No. III."

[361] No doubt the reference here is to Wesley's remarkable confessions, in the Journal afore-mentioned, under the dates of October 14, and December 16, 1738.

"Perhaps the doctrines of election and final perseverance have been abused; but, notwithstanding, they are children's bread, and ought not to be withheld from them, supposing they are always mentioned with proper cautions against the abuse.

"Dear and honoured sir, I write not this to enter into disputation. I hope I feel something of the meekness and gentleness of Christ. I cannot bear the thought of opposing you; but how can I avoid it, if you go about, as your brother Charles once said, to drive John Calvin out of Bristol? Alas! I never read anything that Calvin wrote. My doctrines I had from Christ and His apostles. I was taught them of God; and, as God was pleased to send me out first, and to enlighten me first, so I think He still continues to do it. My business seems to be chiefly in planting; if God send you to water, I praise His name. I wish you a thousandfold increase.

"I find, by young Mr. W----'s letter, there is disputing among you about election and perfection. I pray God to put a stop to it; for what good end will it answer? I wish I knew your principles fully. If you were to write oftener, and more frankly, it might have a better effect than silence and reserve.

"I have lately had many domestic trials, and that about points of doctrine, not from myself, but from others in my absence. I daily wait upon God, depending on His promise, that all things, even this, shall work together for my good. Many in Charleston, I believe, are called of God. You may now find a Christian, without searching the town as with a candle. Mr. Garden is less furious, at least in public. He has expended all his strength, and finds he cannot prevail.

"Adieu! honoured sir, adieu! With almost tears of love to you and the brethren, do I subscribe myself,

"Your most affectionate brother and servant in Christ, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Commissary Garden had done his utmost to silence the young evangelist, but had failed. Whitefield arrived again in Charleston on August 21; and, though in feeble health, he preached, during his brief sojourn, once every day, and twice on Sundays. He writes:--

"The audiences were more numerous than ever. It was supposed that not less than four thousand were in and about the meeting-house, when I preached my farewell sermon. Being denied the sacrament at church, I administered it thrice in a private house; namely, yesterday, yesterday seven-night, and this morning. Never did I see anything more solemn. The room was large, and most of the communicants were dissolved in tears. Surely Jesus Christ was evidently set forth before us. Baptists, Churchmen, and Presbyterians, all joined together, and received according to the Church of England, excepting two, who desired to have it sitting. I willingly complied, knowing it was a thing quite indifferent."

Of course all this was scandalous in the eyes of Mr. Garden; but to keep Whitefield within the grooves of church order was impossible. Having, for the present, finished his work at Charleston, he again embarked, and proceeded to Rhode Island. During the voyage, he wrote the following letter to "The Right Reverend Father in God, Edmund Lord Bishop of London."

"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _September, 1740_.

"MY LORD,--Although your lordship has been pleased to caution the people against running into those extremes, to which your lordship apprehended my doctrine would lead men; yet I am persuaded that will not any way influence your lordship as to the contents of this letter. The one single point which it contains, is this query, Whether the commissary of South Carolina has power given him, from your lordship, to exercise any _judicial_ authority against me, or against any other clergyman, who does not belong to his province?

"The reason of my putting this question, I suppose, your lordship will be apprised of, before this reaches your lordship's hands. I have been lately cited to appear in an ecclesiastical court, erected by the Rev. Mr. Garden, for not reading the Common Prayer in the meeting-house, which, unless I would be silent, I was obliged to preach in at Charleston, because the commissary would not let me have the use of his church. I appeared; and have appealed, according to law, to four of His Majesty's commissioners for reviewing appeals, to know whether the commissary ought not to have accepted a _recusatio judicis_, which I lodged in the court. This, I suppose, they will determine. I only desire your lordship's explicit opinion, whether Mr. Garden, (supposing he has power over his own clergy) has authority to erect such a court to arraign me, belonging to the province of Georgia. The bearer hereof will give me your lordship's answer; in favouring me with which, your lordship will oblige your obedient son and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It is doubtful whether the words "obedient son and servant" were quite appropriate. At all events, it is certain, that, there had been several things in the past career of the "obedient son and servant," of which his _lordship_ disapproved. The reply of Bishop Gibson has not been published; but that the impeachment by Commissary Garden's court caused Whitefield considerable thought, if not anxiety, is evident from another letter, which Whitefield sent to a friend in London, probably by the same messenger as conveyed the letter addressed to his Diocesan. He writes:--

"The bearer brings the authentic copy of my appeal. I sent you another copy from Carolina. Be pleased to keep this I have now sent, till you hear of my coming to England. If I come in the spring, I will lodge it myself; if not, be pleased to lodge it for me, and I will pay all expenses."

Whitefield landed at Newport, in Rhode Island, on Sunday evening, September 14, and immediately became acquainted with the "Rev. Mr. Clap,[362] who had been the minister of a Dissenting congregation in the island upwards of forty years. "He was," says Whitefield, "the most venerable man I ever saw. He looked like a good old Puritan. His countenance was very heavenly, and I could not but think, whilst at his table, that I was sitting with one of the patriarchs. People of all denominations respect him. He abounds in good works; gives all he has away; and is wonderfully tender of little children. He rejoiced much to see me, and prayed most affectionately for a blessing on my coming." Whitefield and this venerable Dissenting minister waited on the clergyman of the Church of England, and desired the use of his pulpit. The request was granted, and, on the two succeeding days, Whitefield read prayers and preached in the consecrated edifice, "at ten in the morning and three in the afternoon." The congregations were very large; and, at the conclusion of the afternoon service of the second day, more than a thousand people followed the young evangelist to the house where he lodged. "I therefore," says he, "stood upon the threshold, and spake for near an hour on these words, 'Blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness: for they shall be filled.' It was a very solemn meeting. Glory be to God's great name!"

[362] The Rev. Nathaniel Clap was now seventy-two years of age. He died in 1745.

On Wednesday, September 18, Whitefield arrived at Boston, then the capital of New England.[363] This is not the place to write the remarkable history of this English settlement It has been estimated that more than twenty-one thousand emigrants settled in New England prior to the year 1640. The majority of these were Puritans, or Congregationalists; and Cotton Mather says four thousand were Presbyterians. Of the two thousand ministers cast out of the Church of England by the Act of Uniformity, in 1662, a considerable number fled for refuge to this distant colony. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes, in 1685, drove hundreds of thousands of French Protestants from their native country; and of these not a few became New Englanders. To a great extent, the population consisted of godly refugees. A good general idea concerning the religious denominations of the settlement as a whole, may be gathered from Oldmixon's description of Boston in the year 1708. "Boston," says he, "is the capital of New England, and the biggest city in America, excepting two or three on the Spanish continent. There are abundance of fine buildings in it, public and private: as the court-house, market-place, Sir William Phip's house, and others. There are several handsome streets. It contains ten or twelve thousand souls; the militia consisting of four companies of foot. There are three parish churches, a French church, and two meeting-houses in the city. The Old Church, North Church, and South Church belong to the Presbyterians, who are the _Church of England as by law established_; the French church belongs to the French Protestants; and the meeting-houses, to a congregation of Church of _England_ men and Anabaptists."

[363] The name of the northern states of the North American Union, namely, Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut.

As to the creed of these miscellaneous religionists, there cannot be a doubt that, speaking generally, it was Calvinistic, and quite in harmony with those views of election and final perseverance which Whitefield had embraced. In such a colony, Wesley would have been branded as a heretic; whereas Whitefield was warmly welcomed as a friend, whose faith was gloriously orthodox.

Whitefield was invited to Boston by the Rev. Dr. Colman, was warmly welcomed by almost all the Bostonians, except a famous doctor of divinity, who met him in the streets, and said, "I am sorry to see _you_ here;" and to which Whitefield quietly remarked, "So is the devil."[364]

[364] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 142.

On September 19, Whitefield commenced his preaching work in the capital of New England. He writes:--

"Friday, September 19. I was visited by several gentlemen and ministers, and went to the governor's with Mr. Willard,[365] the secretary of the province, a man fearing God, and with whom I have corresponded, though before unknown in person. The governor received me with the utmost respect, and desired to see me as often as I could. At eleven, I went to public worship at the Church of England, and afterwards went home with the commissary. He treated me very courteously; and, it being the day whereon the clergy of the Established Church met, I had an opportunity of conversing with five of them. In the afternoon I preached to about four thousand in Dr. Colman's meeting-house; and afterwards exhorted and prayed with many who came to my lodgings.

[365] Josiah Willard was the son of the Rev. Samuel Willard, minister in Boston, and vice-president of Harvard College. In 1717, King George the First appointed him Secretary of the Province of Massachusetts, an office which he held for thirty-nine years. He was also a judge of the probate court, and a member of the Council. He died in 1756, aged 75.

"Saturday, September 20. Preached in the morning, to about six thousand hearers, in the Rev. Dr. Sewall's[366] meeting-house; and afterwards, on the common, to about eight thousand; and again, at night, to a thronged company at my lodgings.

[366] The Rev. Joseph Sewall, D.D., was son of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, and was ordained minister of the Old South Church, in Boston, in the year 1713. He died in 1769, aged 80, having been the pastor of the Old South Church for fifty-six years.

"Sunday, September 21. Went in the morning, and heard Dr. Colman preach. Dined with his colleague, the Rev. Mr. Cooper.[367] Preached in the afternoon at Mr. Foxcroft's[368] meeting. Immediately after, on the common, to about fifteen thousand; and again, at my lodgings, to a greater company than before.

[367] The Rev. William Cooper, having graduated at Harvard College, became the colleague of Dr. Colman in 1716. He died in 1743, at the early age of 49; and declared, just before his death, that "since the year 1740, more people had come to him in concern about their souls" than had come during the whole of his previous ministry.

[368] The Rev. Thomas Foxcroft was ordained minister of the first Congregational Church in Boston, in the year 1717. No minister was more universally admired. He was the author of a large number of publications, including a sermon occasioned by the visit and labours of Whitefield in 1740, and an apology for Whitefield in 1745. After a ministry of more than half a century, he died in 1769, aged 72.

"Monday, September 22. Preached this morning, at the Rev. Mr. Webb's[369] meeting-house, to six thousand hearers in the house, besides great numbers standing about the doors. In the afternoon I went to preach at the Rev. Mr. Checkley's[370] meeting-house; but God was pleased to humble us by a very awful providence. The meeting-house being filled, on a sudden all the people were in an uproar, and so unaccountably surprised, that some threw themselves out of the windows, others threw themselves out of the gallery, and others trampled upon one another; so that five were actually killed, and others dangerously wounded. I happened to come in the midst of the uproar, and saw two or three lying on the ground in a pitiable condition. I gave notice I would immediately preach upon the common. The weather was wet, but many thousands followed in the field.

[369] The Rev. John Webb was ordained the first minister of the New North Church, in Boston, 1714. He died in 1750, aged 62. His colleague pronounced him "one of the best of Christians and one of the best of ministers."

[370] The Rev. Samuel Checkley was the first minister of the New South Church, in Summer Street, Boston. He died in 1769, in the fifty-first year of his ministry, aged 73.

"Tuesday, September 23. Went this morning, with Dr. Colman and the Secretary, to Roxbury, to see the Rev. Mr. Walter,[371] a good old Puritan. He and his predecessor, the Rev. Mr. Eliot, commonly called the 'Apostle of the Indians,' have been pastors of that congregation a hundred and six years. About eleven, I preached in the Rev. Mr. Gee's[372] meeting-house, and also in the afternoon, to thronged congregations.

[371] The Rev. Nehemiah Walter was born in Ireland. In 1688, he was ordained, as colleague of the apostolic Eliot. He married the daughter of Increase Mather; and, after a ministry of sixty-eight years, died in 1750, aged 86.

[372] The Rev. Joshua Gee was ordained pastor of the Old North Church, Boston, as colleague with Cotton Mather, in 1723. He possessed a strong and penetrating mind, but "preferred talking with his friends to everything else." He died in 1748, aged 50. The Old North Church was demolished, by the British army, in 1776, and the timber of it used for fuel.

"Wednesday, September 24. Preached at Cambridge, the chief college[373] in New England for training the sons of the prophets. It has one president, four tutors, and about a hundred students. The college is scarce as big as one of our least colleges at Oxford; and, as far as I could gather from some who knew the state of it, not far superior to our universities in piety. Discipline is at a low ebb. Bad books are become fashionable among the tutors and students. Tillotson and Clark are read, instead of Sheppard, Stoddard, and such-like evangelical writers; and, therefore, I chose to preach from these words,--'We are not as many, who corrupt the word of God;' and God gave me great freedom and boldness of speech. A great number of neighbouring ministers attended, as indeed they do at all other times. The president of the college and minister of the parish treated me very civilly. In the afternoon, I preached again, in the court. I believe there were about seven thousand hearers. The Holy Spirit melted many hearts.[374]

[373] As early as 1708, Oldmixon wrote: "Cambridge is a university, and has two colleges--Harvard College, and Stoughton Hall."

[374] Whitefield preached under an elm at Cambridge; and beneath the shade of the same tree Washington first drew his sword in the cause of the revolution, on taking the command of the American army. From this circumstance, the tree was ever afterwards called "Washington's Elm." It may also be added, that, one of the students, converted by Whitefield's sermon, on this occasion, was Daniel Emerson, who was ordained, in 1743, first minister of Hollis, New Hampshire, the pastorate of which place he retained until his death in 1801. "He was truly a son of thunder, a flaming light; and was almost incessantly engaged in preaching, attending funerals, etc., far and wide. He was made the means of extensive revivals of religion." (Belcher's "Biography of Whitefield.")

"Thursday, September 25. Preached the weekly lecture at Mr. Foxcroft's meeting-house. After public worship, I went, at his Excellency's invitation, and dined with him. Most of the ministers of the town were invited with me. Before dinner, the governor sent for me into his chamber. He wept, wished me good luck in the name of the Lord, and recommended himself, ministers, and people to my prayers.[375] Immediately after dinner, I prayed for them all; and then crossed the ferry, and preached at Charlestown, lying on the north side of Boston. The meeting-house was very capacious, and quite filled.

[375] The governor was the Honourable Jonathan Belcher, a native of Massachusetts, where his father was a wealthy merchant. After an academical education in his own country, he came to Europe, was twice at Hanover, and was introduced to the Court there when the Princess Sophia was the presumptive heiress to the British crown. The gracefulness of his person, his talents, and property, procured him considerable notice. In 1730, he was appointed Governor of New England, and continued in that office until the year 1740, the time of Whitefield's visit. He lived in great state, was hospitable, fond of splendid equipages, and of an aspiring turn of mind. In 1741, he became Governor of the New Jerseys, and was succeeded in New England by Governor Shirley. To enable the reader to estimate the value of some of Whitefield's collections for the orphans, it may be added that, when Belcher left New England, the currency was so much depreciated, that £100 sterling was equal to £550 Massachusetts currency. Belcher, to the end of his life, was one of Whitefield's most faithful friends. (Milner's "Life of Dr. Watts," and Johnston's "History of Bristol and Bremen.")

"Friday, September 26. Preached in the morning at Roxbury to many thousands of people. Dined at Judge Dudley's. In the afternoon, preached from a scaffold erected without the Rev. Mr. Byles's[376] meeting-house, to a congregation nearly double of that in the morning.

[376] The Rev. Mather Byles, D. D., was the first pastor of the church in Hollis Street, Boston. From 1733 to the revolution in 1776, he continued to discharge his ministerial functions with great acceptance; but, because he then sympathised with the royalists rather than with the revolutionists, he was brought to a public trial, and was denounced as a person inimical to America. After this, he was not connected with any church. His literary merits introduced him to some of the most distinguished men in England, including Pope and Watts. He died in 1788, aged 82.

"Saturday, September 27. In the morning, preached at the Rev. Mr. Welstead's meeting-house; in the afternoon, on the common, to about 15,000 people. Oh, how did the word run! I could scarce abstain from crying out, 'This is no other than the house of God and the gate of heaven.'

"Sunday, September 28. Preached, in the morning, at good Dr. Sewall's meeting-house, to a very crowded auditory, and, £555 currency were collected for the Orphan House. In the afternoon, I preached at Dr. Colman's; and here £470 were collected. In both places, all things were carried on with great decency and order. After sermon, I had the honour of a private visit from the governor. I then went and preached to a great number of negroes, on the conversion of the Ethiopian; and, at my return, gave a word of exhortation to a crowd of people, who were waiting at my lodgings. I went to bed greatly refreshed with divine consolations."

Whitefield had now spent ten days in Boston and its immediate neighbourhood. The next seven days were employed in visiting several important towns at a greater distance; after which, the popular evangelist returned to the capital of the province. Before following him in his itinerancy, selections from letters, written at this period, will be useful. The following was addressed to him by Charles Wesley:--

BRISTOL, _September 1, 1740_.

"MY DEAREST BROTHER AND FELLOW-LABOURER IN THE GOSPEL,--You will sing, rejoice, and give thanks for the Divine goodness toward me. God has lifted me up from the gates of death.[377] For this month past, He has visited me with a violent fever. There was no human probability of my surviving it; but I knew in myself that I should not die. I have not finished my course, and scarce begun it. The prayer of faith prevailed. Jesus touched my hand, and immediately the fever departed from me. I am now slowly recovering my strength, and can walk across my room; but I have no use of my hand or head yet. I wait on the Lord, and shall renew my strength.

[377] Charles Wesley was seized with fever while conducting a religious service in Bristol, on August 6. His illness was extremely violent, and, during its continuance, some of the newspapers announced that he was dead.

"The great work goes forward, maugre all the opposition of earth and hell. The most violent opposers of all are our own brethren of Fetter Lane that were. We have gathered up between twenty and thirty from the wreck, and transplanted them to the Foundery. Innumerable have been the devices to scatter this little flock. They are indefatigable in bringing us off from our 'carnal ordinances,' and speak with such wisdom from beneath, that, if it were possible, they would deceive the very elect.

"You will expect some account of your own household. But what shall I say concerning them? I must either deceive or grieve you; but you have a right to the simple truth. Your mother continues dead in sin, yet well affected toward us. Your sister (God help her! God convert her!) is far, very far, from the kingdom of heaven. She has forsaken the word, and servants, and ministers of Christ, put herself out of the bands, and is the worst enemy they have. Her complaints, that the Methodists were burdensome to her, forced me, after paying for my board, to hasten to my lodging at the New Room. But this is a trifle; it is her own private behaviour and her carriage towards the Church of God, I totally condemn. Infinite pains have been taken with her to set her against my brother and me. I know not what to do with her or for her, and had long since given her up had she not been the sister of my friend.

"My brother has been most grossly abused; his behaviour (if I may be a witness) has been truly Christian. All the bitterness his opposers have shewn, and the woes and curses they have denounced against him, have never provoked him to a like return, or stirred his temper, or impaired his charity; much less are we cooled in our affection towards you, by all the idle stories we hear of your opposition to us. Well-meaning Mr. Seward has caused the world to triumph in our supposed dissensions, by his unseasonable journal. Your zealous, indiscreet friends, instead of concealing any little difference between us, have told it in Gath, and published it in Askelon; but I trust, by our first meeting, all will know that those things whereof they were informed concerning us are nothing, while we stand fast in one mind and in one spirit, striving together for the faith of the gospel. This is of the last importance to the cause we maintain, which suffered so much, as you well observe, by the dissensions of the first Reformers. Their divisions stopped the work of God then, and in the next age destroyed it. Oh, my friend, if you have the glory of God and the salvation of souls at heart, resolve, by the Divine grace, that nothing upon earth, nor under the earth, shall part us. God increase the horror He has given me of a separation! I had rather you saw me dead at your feet than openly opposing you. All the lovers of discord, I trust, shall be confounded; even those, of whatever denomination, who, through fondness for their own opinion, would destroy the work of God. Many, I know, desire nothing so much as to see George Whitefield and John Wesley at the head of different parties, as is plain from their truly devilish pains to effect it; but be assured, my dearest brother, our heart is as your heart. Oh, may we always thus continue to think and speak the same things! When God has taught us mutual forbearance, long-suffering, and love, who knows but He may bring us into an exact agreement in all things? In the meantime, I do not think the difference considerable. I shall never dispute with you touching election; and, if you know not yet to reconcile that doctrine with God's universal love, I will cry unto Him, 'Lord, what we know not, shew Thou us!' but never offend you by my different sentiment. My soul is set upon peace, and drawn after you by love stronger than death. You know not how dear you are to me; not dearer, I will be bold to say, to any of your natural or spiritual relations.

"CHARLES WESLEY."[378]

[378] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. ii., p. 170.

The doctrinal differences between Whitefield and the Wesley brothers, and the possibility of their being separated, evidently caused the whole three to feel great anxiety. The following extracts from Whitefield's letters, coupled with Charles Wesley's letter, will sufficiently prove this:--

"BOSTON, _September 23, 1740_.

"_Sinless perfection_, I think, is unattainable in this life. Shew me a man that could ever justly say, 'I am perfect.' It is enough if we can say so when we bow down our heads and give up the ghost. _Indwelling sin_ remains till death, even in the regenerate, as the article of the Church expresses it. There is no man that liveth and sinneth not in thought, word, and deed. However, to affirm such a thing as _perfection_, and to deny _final perseverance_, what an absurdity is this![379] To be incapable of sinning,[380] and capable of being finally damned, is a contradiction in terms. From such doctrine may I ever turn away! I hear many amongst you, who begun in the spirit, are now ending in the flesh. Christ hath freely justified them; that is, entitled them to all His merits; and yet they must do so-and-so to keep themselves in a justified state. Alas! this is sorry divinity! I have not so learned Christ--no; His gifts and callings are without repentance. Whom He loves, He loves to the end. Work I will, but not to keep myself in a justified state. My Lord hath secured that; but I will work to shew my gratitude for His putting me into a justified state."

[379] Logic was never Whitefield's forte. Adam was perfect, and yet Adam failed in final perseverance.

[380] This is a wanton perversion of Wesley's doctrine; but let it pass. I purposely abstain from discussing controverted doctrines. Others have done that. Here I have no space for it. My object is honestly to exhibit Whitefield's principles, doctrines, and life, and to leave it to others to censure or commend.

The following was addressed to Howell Harris:--

"BOSTON, _September 24, 1740_.

"And is dear brother Howell Harris yet alive in body and soul? I rejoice in your success. I hope your conversation was blessed to dear Mr. Wesley. O that the Lord may batter down his free-will, and compel him to own His sovereignty and everlasting love! Some of Fetter Lane Society, I fear, are running into sad errors. My coming to England will try my fidelity to my Master. Nothing but His strength can enable me to bear all contradictions with meekness."

On September 25, Whitefield wrote a long letter to Wesley, in which he tried to shew that, what he calls the doctrine of _sinless perfection_ is unscriptural; and concludes with a reference to the recent publication of Wesley's celebrated sermon, entitled "Free Grace," in which he exhibited and refuted the doctrine of predestination. Whitefield writes:--

"I find your sermon has had its expected success; it has set the nation a disputing. You will have enough to do now to answer pamphlets. Two I have already seen. O that you would be more cautious in casting lots![381] O that you would not be rash and precipitate! If you go on thus, honoured sir, how can I concur with you? It is impossible. I must speak what I know. Thus I write out of the fulness of my heart. About spring, you may expect to see, ever, ever yours in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[381] Whitefield, in another place, asserts that Wesley received a letter charging him with not preaching the gospel, because he did not preach election. Upon this, Wesley drew a lot to determine whether he should publish his Anti-Calvinistic views. The answer was "_preach and print_;" and, accordingly, he preached and printed his sermon on "Free Grace."

Things were approaching a crisis. Three days afterwards, Whitefield wrote to Wesley another letter,--the least loving he had ever sent to his "honoured friend."

"BOSTON, _September 28, 1740_.

"DEAR BROTHER WESLEY,--What mean you by disputing in all your letters?[382] May God give you to know yourself; and then you will not plead for _absolute perfection_, or call the doctrine of _election_ a 'doctrine of devils.' My dear brother, take heed. See you are in Christ a new creature. Beware of a false peace. Strive to enter in at the strait gate; and give all diligence to make your calling and election sure. Remember you are but a babe in Christ, if so much. Be humble; talk little; think and pray much. Let God teach you; and He will lead you into all truth. I love you heartily. I pray you may be kept from error, both in principle and practice. Salute all the brethren. If you must dispute, stay till you are master of the subject; otherwise you will hurt the cause you would defend. Study to adorn the gospel of our Lord in all things; and forget not to pray for your affectionate friend and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[382] Probably letters had arrived during the three days' interval.

This hortatory letter was very different in tone from the letter which Whitefield had previously addressed to Wesley; and, considering Wesley's seniority and other circumstances, it was scarcely modest. Whitefield was growing angry, though, perhaps, he hardly knew it. To another friend he wrote, on September 26:--

"I hope nothing will cause a division between me and Messrs. Wesley. But I must speak what I know, and confute error wheresoever I find it."

On the same day he wrote to the Rev. Benjamin Ingham, the Moravian evangelist in Yorkshire:--

"I find our friends are got into disputing one with another. O that the God of peace may put a stop to it! If we are divided among ourselves, what an advantage will Satan gain over us! Let us love one another, excite all to come to Christ without exception, and our Lord will shew us who are His."

Before proceeding with Whitefield's Journal, another letter must be introduced. William Delamotte was acting as Ingham's coadjutor in Yorkshire. He had left the Church of England, and become a Moravian. About this period, he began to preach, but his career was soon ended. He died February 22, 1743, and was buried at St. Dunstan's in the East, London.[383] To this brother of the young lady, whom Whitefield, in so strange a manner, had asked to become his wife, the following was addressed:--

"BOSTON, _September 28, 1740_.

"DEAR BROTHER WILLIAM,--I thank you for your kind letter from Osset. I wish it was written with more life. I fear you are turning almost to a spirit of bondage; but it is good for you to be sifted, to make an experienced minister of Jesus Christ.

"I could not but smile, to find you wink at the _decency of my dress_. Alas! my brother, I have long since known what it is to be in that state, into which I fear you are about to enter. I once thought that Christianity required me to go nasty. I neglected myself as much as you would have me, for about a twelvemonth; but, when God gave me the spirit of adoption, I then dressed _decently_, as you call it, out of principle; and I am more and more convinced, that the Lord would have, me act, in that respect, as I do.

"God only knows whether you have done right in leaving the University, or in declining to exhort. If you do not preach till you are perfectly free from all sin, I believe you will never preach again. I could never hear of such a minister or Christian yet. Jesus Christ sent His disciples to preach before they were perfect; nay, when they were weak in grace. Exercise the talents you have; that is the way to get more. Thus God has dealt with me for these seven years.

"Many of our friends talk against election. A good reason may be given. I believe they have never taken pains to search into the true state of the case. But I will say no more. Our dear Master is doing wonders amongst us. Praise Him lustily, and with a good courage, Adieu!

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[383] "Memoirs of James Hutton," pp. 94, 229.

We must now return to Whitefield's itinerary. Leaving Boston on Monday morning, September 29, he rode forty miles to Ipswich; and, during the day, preached twice, at Marble Head and Salem, to assembled thousands. Next day, he had two immense congregations at Ipswich and Newbury. On Wednesday, October 1, he wrote:--

"Preached in the morning, though not with so much freedom as usual, at Hampton, to some thousands in the open air. Some, though not many, were affected. After dinner, rode to Portsmouth, fourteen miles from Hampton, and preached to a polite auditory, and so very unconcerned, that I began to question whether I had been preaching to rational or brute creatures. Immediately after sermon, I went over a very stony way to York, thirteen miles from Portsmouth, to see one Mr. Moody, a worthy, plain, and powerful minister of Jesus Christ, though now much impaired by old age. He has lived by faith for many years, has been much despised by bad men, and as much respected by the true lovers of the blessed Jesus.

"Thursday, October 3. Was comforted to hear good Mr. Moody tell me, that he believed I should preach to a hundred new creatures in his congregation this morning. And, indeed, I believe I did. I preached both morning and evening. The hearers looked plain and simple; and tears trickled apace down their cheeks.

"Friday, October 3. Preached this morning, at Portsmouth, to a far greater congregation than before; but, instead of preaching to dead stocks, I had now reason to believe I was preaching to living men. People began to melt soon after I began to pray, and the influence increased more and more during the whole sermon. Good Mr. Shutlif, the minister, when he afterwards sent me £97, collected at this time for the orphans, wrote thus: 'You have left great numbers under deep impressions, and I trust in God they will not wear off.' After dinner, I hastened to Hampstead, and preached to several thousands of people with a great deal of life and power. Collected £41 for the orphan children, and set out directly for Newbury, which we reached about eight at night.

"Saturday, October 4. Preached in the morning to a very thronged congregation. Collected £80. Hasted to Ipswich. Preached to a larger congregation than when there last. Collected £79 for the orphans. Got to Salem at night.

"Sunday, October 5. Preached, at eight in the morning, in the meeting-house, at the minister's request. Read prayers, and assisted at the sacrament, in the Church of England. Preached again, in the afternoon, in the meeting-house; and collected £72 for the orphans.

"Monday, October 6. Preached at Marble Head about eleven. The two ministers presented me with £70 for the Orphan House, which they had collected yesterday in their own private meetings. Went to Maulden, fourteen miles from Marble Head, and preached, but not with so much enlargement as in the morning. Got privately into Boston about seven at night; and, though I had ridden a hundred and seventy-eight miles, and preached sixteen times, yet I was not in the least wearied."

Whitefield might have added to this account of his week's work in the country, that, he had collected £359 for his orphans in Georgia. Further extracts from his Journal, which now will soon be ended, cannot fail to interest the thoughtful reader:--

"Tuesday, October 7. Preached, both morning and evening, in Dr. Colman's meeting-house, with much power. I now, almost hourly, receive letters from persons under convictions.

"Wednesday, October 8. Went with the governor, in his coach, to Mr. Webb's meeting-house, where I preached, morning and evening, to very great auditories. Both times, many hearts were melted down. I think I never was so drawn out to pray for little children, and invite them to Jesus Christ. I had just heard of a child, who, after hearing me preach, was immediately taken sick, and said, 'I will go to Mr. Whitefield's God.' In a short time he died. This encouraged me to speak to little ones; but, oh, how were the old people affected, when I said, 'Little children, if your parents will not come to Christ, do you come, and go to heaven without them.' There seemed to be but few dry eyes. I have not seen a greater commotion during my preaching at Boston.

"Thursday, October 9. Every morning, since my return, I have been applied to by many souls under deep distress. Expounded at Dr. Sewall's meeting-house, which was very much crowded. The Lord enabled me to open my mouth boldly against unconverted ministers; for, I am persuaded, the generality of preachers talk of an unknown and unfelt Christ. The reason why congregations have been so dead is, because they have had dead men preaching to them. O that the Lord may quicken and revive them! How can dead men beget living children? It is true, indeed, that God may convert men by the devil, if He chooses; and so He may by unconverted ministers; but, I believe; He seldom makes use of either of them for this purpose. No: He chooses vessels made meet by the operations of His blessed Spirit. For my own part, I would not lay hands on an unconverted man for ten thousand worlds. Unspeakable freedom God gave me while treating on this head: and many ministers were present. In the afternoon, I preached, on the common, to about fifteen thousand people, and collected upwards of £200 of New England currency for the orphans. In the evening, I went to the almshouse, and preached for near half an hour; then I went to the workhouse, where I exhorted a great number of people for near an hour more; and then, hearing there was a considerable number waiting for a word of exhortation at my lodgings, God strengthened me to give them a spiritual morsel. Soon after I retired to rest.

"Friday, October 10. Was still busied, from the very moment I arose until I went out, in answering those that came to me under great distress. Went over Charlestown ferry, where I preached with much freedom of spirit. Hastened to Redding, twelve miles from Charlestown, where I preached to many thousands. A considerable moving was discernible in the congregation.

"Saturday, October 11. Went again to Cambridge, and preached, at the meeting-house door, to a great body of people, who stood very attentively (though it rained), and were much affected. It being the town of the University, I discoursed on these words, 'Noah, a preacher of righteousness' and endeavoured to shew the qualifications for a true evangelical preacher of Christ's righteousness. After sermon, the president kindly entertained me and my friends.[384] About four, we reached Boston, where I preached, immediately, in Ur. Sewall's meeting-house. I exhorted a great number afterwards at my lodgings; and then was employed, till near midnight, in settling my private affairs, answering letters, and speaking to those under conviction.

[384] Dr. Colman, in a letter written at the time, says: "The college is entirely changed. The students are full of God. Many of them appear truly born again. The voice of prayer and of praise fills their chambers; and joy, with seriousness of heart, sits visibly on their faces. I was told yesterday that not seven, out of the one hundred in attendance, remain unaffected." ("Wesley and his Coadjutors," by Larrabee, vol. ii., p. 140.)

"Sunday, October 12. Spoke to as many as I could, who came for spiritual advice. Preached, with great power, at Dr. Sewall's meeting-house, which was so exceedingly thronged, that I was obliged to get in at one of the windows. Went with the governor, in his coach, to the common, where I preached my farewell sermon to near twenty thousand people,--a sight I have not seen since I left Blackheath. Numbers, great numbers, melted into tears. After sermon, the governor went with me to my lodgings. I stood in the passage, and spoke to a great company, both within and without doors. The remainder of the evening was almost entirely spent in speaking to persons under great distress of soul.

"Monday, October 13. Took an affectionate leave of many dear friends. Went with the governor, in his coach, to Charlestown ferry, where he handed me into the boat, kissed me, and with tears bid me farewell. Blessed be God! for what He has done at Boston. I hope a glorious work is begun, and that the Lord will stir up faithful labourers to carry it on. Boston is a large populous place, and very wealthy. It has the form kept up very well, but has lost much of the power of religion. I have not heard of any remarkable stir in it for many years. Ministers and people are obliged to confess that the love of many is waxed cold. Both seem too much conformed to the world. There is much of the pride of life to be seen in their assemblies. Jewels, patches, and gay apparel are commonly worn by the female sex. I observed little boys and girls commonly dressed up in the pride of life; and the infants, that were brought to baptism, were wrapped in such finery, that one would think they were brought thither, to be initiated into, rather than to renounce, the pomps and vanities of this wicked world. Boston, however, is remarkable for the external observance of the Sabbath. Men in civil offices have a regard for religion. The governor encourages them; and the ministers and magistrates seem to be more united, than those in any other place where I have been. I never saw so little scoffing; never had so little opposition. Still, I fear, many rest in a head-knowledge, are close Pharisees, and have only a name to live. Boston people are dear to my soul, and were very liberal to my dear orphans. I promised to visit them again. There are nine meeting-houses of the Congregational persuasion; one Baptist; one French; and one belonging to the Scotch-Irish."

Thus ended Whitefield's first visit to the capital of New England. "God works by me," he wrote, "more than ever. I am quite well in bodily health. Ministers, as well as people, are stirred up, and the Government is exceeding civil. I have already collected upwards of £400 sterling for the Orphan House. God shews me that America must be my place for action."[385] The following description of Whitefield's preaching is extracted, from a work published in Boston, entitled "The Rebels":--

"There is nothing in the appearance of this remarkable man which would lead you to suppose that a Felix would tremble before him. To have seen him when he first commenced, one would have thought him anything but enthusiastic and glowing; but, as he proceeded, his heart warmed with his subject, and his manner became impetuous, till, forgetful of everything around him, he seemed to kneel at the throne of Jehovah, and to beseech in agony for his fellow-beings.

[385] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 217.

"After he had finished his prayer, he knelt a long time in profound silence; and so powerfully had it affected the most heartless of his audience, that a stillness like that of the tomb pervaded the whole house.

"Before he commenced his sermon, long, darkening columns crowded the bright sunny sky of the morning, and swept their dull shadows over, the building, in fearful augury of the storm that was approaching.

"'See that emblem of human life,' said he, as he pointed to a flitting, shadow. 'It passed for a moment, and concealed the brightness of heaven from our view; but it is gone. And where will you be, my hearers, when your lives have passed away like that dark cloud? Oh, my dear friends, I see thousands sitting attentive, with their eyes fixed on the poor unworthy preacher. In a few days, we shall all meet at the judgment-seat of Christ. We shall form a part of that vast assembly which will gather before His throne. Every eye will behold the Judge. With a voice whose call you must abide and answer, He will enquire, whether on earth you strove to enter in at the strait gate; whether you were supremely devoted to God; whether your hearts were absorbed in Him. My blood runs cold when I think how many of you will then seek to enter in, and shall not be able. O what plea can you make before the Judge of the whole earth? Can you say it has been your whole endeavour to mortify the flesh, with its affections and lusts? No! you must answer, I made myself easy in the world, by flattering myself that all would end well; but I have deceived my own soul, and am lost.

"'O false and hollow Christians, of what avail will it be that you have done many things? that you have read much in the sacred Word? that you have made long prayers? that you have attended religious duties, and appeared holy in the eyes of men? What will all this be, if, instead of loving God supremely, you have been supposing you should exalt yourselves in heaven by acts really polluted and unholy?

"'And you, rich men, wherefore do you hoard your silver? Wherefore count the price you have received for Him whom you every day crucify in your love of gain? Why, that, when you are too poor to buy a drop of cold water, your beloved son may be rolled into hell in his chariot, pillowed and cushioned.

"'O sinner! by all your hopes of happiness, I beseech you to repent. Let not the wrath of God be awakened! Let not the fires of eternity be kindled against you! See there!' said the impassioned preacher, pointing to a flash of lightning, 'It is a glance from the angry eye of Jehovah! Hark!' continued he, raising his finger in a listening attitude, as the thunder broke in a tremendous crash, 'it was the voice of the Almighty as He passed by in His anger!'

"As the sound died away, Whitefield covered his face with his hands, and fell on his knees, apparently lost in prayer. The storm passed rapidly by, and the sun, bursting forth, threw across the heavens the magnificent arch of peace. Rising and pointing to it, the young preacher cried, 'Look upon the rainbow, and praise Him who made it. Very beautiful it is in the brightness thereof. It compasseth the heavens about with glory, and the hands of the Most High have bended it.'"[386]

[386] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield."

This may be taken as a fair specimen of Whitefield's impromptu eloquence. It is said, Whitefield was requested, by his hearers, to furnish a copy of his sermon for publication. "I have no objection," said he, "if you will print the lightning, thunder, and rainbow with it."

What were the results of Whitefield's preaching in the capital of New England, and in its immediate vicinity? This question is answered, in part, by the following extracts from letters, published at the time in a folio newspaper, entitled, "Postscript to the _South Carolina Gazette_, No. 361. Charleston: printed by Peter Timothy, in King Street." The letters seem to have been addressed to the Rev. Josiah Smith,[387] of Charleston, and were sent by him to Mr. Timothy for publication.

[387] The Rev. Josiah Smith graduated at Harvard College in 1725, was ordained minister for Bermuda in 1726, and afterwards took charge of the Presbyterian Church in Charleston. Having become a prisoner of war at Charleston, he was sent on parole, in 1781, to Philadelphia, where he died in the same year, aged 76. He published a considerable number of sermons, including one on the preaching of Whitefield, in 1740.

"_October 1, 1740._

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--You raised our expectations of Mr. Whitefield very much; but, now we have seen and heard him, we all own that our expectations are answered and exceeded, not only in his zealous and abounding labours, but in his command of the hearts and affections of his hearers. He has been received here" (Boston) "as an angel of God and servant of Jesus Christ."

"_October 22, 1740._

"I perceive you are impatient to know what manner of entering in Mr. Whitefield had among us. _His own[388] received him not_; but _we_ (ministers, rulers, and people,) generally received him as an angel of God, or as Elias, or John the Baptist risen from the dead. When he preached his farewell sermon, on our common, there were, at a moderate computation, twenty-three thousand present. Such a power and presence of God with a preacher, and in religious assemblies, I never saw before, and am ready to fear I shall never see again. The prejudices of many are quite conquered, and the expectations of others vastly outdone, as they freely own. A considerable number are _awakened_, and many Christians seem to be greatly quickened. In this town" (Boston) "whoever goes to lessen Mr. Whitefield's reputation, is in danger of losing his own. He has preached twice at Cambridge. He has there one warm friend, Mr. ----, the tutor, who has followed him to Northampton, and will, for aught I know, follow him to Georgia. But Mr. Whitefield has not a warmer friend anywhere than in the first man among us. Our governor can call him nothing less than the Apostle Paul. He has shewn him the highest respect; carried him in his coach from place to place; and could not help following him fifty miles out of town."

[388] The clergy of the Church of England.

"_November 1, 1740._

"I received yours by the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, with whom I coveted a great deal more private conversation than I had opportunity for, by reason of the throngs of people, that were almost perpetually with him; but he appears to me to be full of the love of God, and to be fired with an extraordinary zeal for the cause of Christ. He applies himself, with the most indefatigable diligence, to promoting the good of souls. His head, his heart, and his hands seem to be full of his Master's business. His discourses (especially when he goes into an expository way) are very entertaining. Every eye is fixed upon him, and every ear chained to his lips. Most are very much affected; many awakened and convinced; and a general seriousness is excited. His address to the passions is wonderful, and beyond what I have ever seen. Although I can by no means go his length in censuring, yet I can make allowance for such things, when I see the fervour of his soul, and how the zeal of God's house hath eaten him up. I can truly say that his preaching has quickened _me_, and I believe it has many ministers besides, as well as the people.[389] Several of my flock, especially of the younger sort, have been with me, manifesting the great convictions that were stirred up in them by Mr. Whitefield's preaching; and there is this also among other good effects of his preaching, that the word preached now by _us_ seems more precious to them, and comes with more power upon them."

[389] Among other ministers, converted by Whitefield's preaching at Boston, was John Porter, pastor at Bridgewater, who writes: "I knew nothing rightly of my sin and danger, of my need of a Saviour, of the way of salvation by Him; neither was I established in the doctrines of grace, till I heard that man of God, Mr. Whitefield, at Boston." Six months after this, a revival took place at Bridgewater, and a large number of the population were converted. Another minister similarly benefited was the Rev. Jonathan Parsons, of the West Parish of Lyme, where, in the spring of 1741, occurred a revival quite as wonderful as that at Bridgewater. At Portsmouth, where Whitefield preached on October 3, 1740, God's work was remarkably revived some months afterwards. In fact, as is well known, for two or three years subsequent to Whitefield's visit, nearly the whole of New England became another "valley of vision," where "the breath from the four winds" breathed, and, as the newly quickened prophets "prophesied," in thousands of instances, "dry bones" were made to live. It would be absurd to attribute the _whole_ of this to Whitefield's visit; but there cannot be a doubt that, in an indirect way, by the impressions he made on ministers and churches, his usefulness was great. (See Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., pp. 184-338.)

The Rev. William Cooper wrote:--

"Ministers and people received Mr. Whitefield with raised expectations, and found them all answered. We lead our people to the crowded assemblies, but the Church ministers warn their people against hearing him. The day he arrived, he preached in our meeting-house to 5,000 hearers. He is a holy, fervent youth, but I think has too much action with his fervour. He strikes pleasing light in opening the Scripture, and has the greatest command Over the affections of the audience, in the application, I ever knew. We are, at times, all in tears. Young and old have been greatly affected, and we have great reason to bless God for his visit."[390]

[390] _Home Missionary Magazine_, 1827, p. 7.

These extracts are useful in shewing the impressions left on the minds of Christian ministers and persons of education, who had been among Whitefield's hearers. From Prince's "Christian History," published soon afterwards, we learn other facts. The Rev. Mr. Prince, father of the publisher just mentioned, writes:--

"Though Mr. Whitefield, now and then, dropped expressions that were not so accurate and guarded as we should expect from aged and long-studied ministers, yet I had the satisfaction to observe his readiness to receive correction as soon as offered. He was a most importunate wooer of souls to come to Christ. He applied his exhortations to the elderly people, the middle-aged, the young, the Indians, and the negroes; and had a most winning way of addressing them. He affectionately prayed for our magistrates, ministers, colleges, candidates for the ministry, and churches, as well as people in general. Multitudes were greatly affected, and many awakened by his lively ministry. Though he preached every day, the houses were exceedingly crowded; and almost every evening the house where he lodged was thronged to hear his prayers and counsels. He also preached in several neighbouring towns; travelled and preached as far as York, above seventy miles north-east of Boston; returned hither, and gave us his farewell sermon on October 12. Upon his leaving us, great numbers were concerned about their souls; so that our assemblies were surprisingly increased, and the people wanted to hear us oftener than ever."[391]

[391] The Rev. Nathaniel Appleton, D.D., who, after a faithful and successful ministry of sixty-six years, died in 1784, preached, on November 30, 1740, a sermon at Cambridge, from, "I have planted, Apollos watered, but God gave the increase." The sermon was published, and was stated to have been "occasioned by the late powerful and awakening preaching of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield."

Colonel Brattle, a representative of Cambridge in the general court, published two letters in the _Boston Gazette_, for April 20, and June 29, 1741; in which he vindicated the college at Cambridge against Whitefield's strictures upon it, but, at the same time, admitted that, "by the preaching of Whitefield and Tennent, the students _in general_ had been deeply affected, and their enquiry now was, 'What shall we do to be saved?' These gentlemen," continues the colonel, "have planted, Mr. Appleton has watered; but, after all, it was God who gave the increase." Brattle adds, that "the overseers of the college thought it proper to set apart the forenoon of June 12, 1741, humbly to bless and praise the God of all grace for His abundant mercy to that Society."

Thus was Whitefield employed, by God, in reviving religion in American churches, as Wesley was in England. The two men had two separate missions, and well they fulfilled them. Two months after Whitefield's departure, he was succeeded in Boston, by Gilbert Tennent, "a man," says the Rev. Mr. Prince,[392] "of considerable parts and learning; free, gentle, condescending. Many had been awakened by his ministry in New Jersey, where he lived; and he had as deep an acquaintance with the experimental part of religion as any I have conversed with. He seemed to have no regard to please the eyes of his hearers with agreeable gesture, nor their ears with delivery, nor their fancy with language; but to aim directly at their hearts and consciences, to lay open their ruinous delusions, to shew them their numerous secret, hypocritical shifts in religion, and to drive them out of their deceitful refuge, wherein they made themselves easy with the form of godliness without the power. From the terrible and deep convictions he had passed through in his own soul, he seemed to have such a lively view of the Divine Majesty,--the spirituality, purity, extensiveness, and strictness of His law, with His glorious holiness and displeasure at sin, His justice, truth, and power in punishing the damned,--that the very terrors of God seemed to rise in his mind afresh, when he displayed and brandished them in the eyes of unreconciled sinners."

[392] The Rev. Thomas Prince was ordained pastor of the Old South Church, Boston, as colleague with Dr. Sewall, in 1718. He was an eminent preacher; and Dr. Chauncy pronounced him the most learned man in New England, excepting Cotton Mather. For more than fifty years, he availed himself of every opportunity of collecting public and private papers relating to the civil and religious history of New England; but, during the war of independence, his collection was almost entirely destroyed. He received Whitefield with open arms; and, amid all vicissitudes, remained his faithful friend. He died in 1758, aged 71.

Gilbert Tennent remained nearly four months in Boston, and was marvellously instrumental in carrying on the work which had been begun by Whitefield. His preaching was searching, and often terrible. Many hundreds were convinced of sin by his powerful ministry. The ministers of Boston were inspired with new faith, and life, and power. "And now," says Mr. Prince, "was such a time as we never knew. The Rev. Mr. Cooper was wont to say, that more came to him, in one week, in deep concern about their souls, than had come in the whole twenty-four years of his preceding ministry. I can also say the same as to the numbers who repaired to me. Mr. Cooper had about six hundred persons in three months; and Mr. Webb had, in the same space, above a thousand. There repaired to us boys and girls, young men and women, Indians and negroes, heads of families and aged persons; some in great distress for fear of being unconverted; others lest they had all along been building on a righteousness of their own, and were still in the gall of bitterness and bond of iniquity; some fearing lest the Holy Spirit should withdraw Himself; others in great anxiety lest He should leave them for ever. Nor were the same persons satisfied with coming once or twice, as formerly; but they came again and again, I know not how often, complaining of their evil and accursed hearts; of their past and present unbelief; of their pride, hypocrisy, and perfidiousness; of their love and captivity to sin; and of their utter impotence to help themselves, or even to believe on Christ."

This wondrous movement continued for a year and a half after Whitefield's departure from Boston. Thirty religious Societies were instituted in the city. Ministers, besides attending to their usual work, preached in private houses almost every night. Chapels were always crowded. "The very face of the town seemed to be strangely altered. Even the negroes and boys in the streets left their usual rudeness, and taverns were found empty of all but lodgers." "Our lectures," wrote Dr. Colman, in a letter to Dr. Isaac Watts, dated September 15, 1741, "our lectures nourish, our Sabbaths are joyous, our churches increase, our ministers have new life and spirit in their work."[393]

[393] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., pp. 163-183.

But it is time to follow Whitefield in his glorious wanderings. Leaving Boston, on Monday, October 13, he proceeded to Concord, "preached to some thousands in the open air, and collected about £45 for the orphans." Next day, he preached at Sudbury and at Marlborough. He writes:--

"When I came into the meeting-house at Marlborough, to my surprise, I saw Governor Belcher there; and, though it rained, and he was much advanced in years, he went with us as far as Worcester.

"Wednesday, October 15. Perceived Governor Belcher to be more affectionate than ever. After morning prayer, he took me by myself, and exhorted me to go on in stirring up the ministers; for, said he, 'reformation must begin at the house of God.' As we were going to meeting, he said, 'Mr. Whitefield, do not spare rulers any more than ministers, no, not the chief of them.' I preached in the open air to some thousands. The word fell with weight. After sermon, the governor remarked, 'I pray God, I may apply what has been said to my own heart. Pray, Mr. Whitefield, that I may hunger and thirst after righteousness.' Dinner being ended, with tears in his eyes, he kissed me, and took leave of me."

Two days afterwards, Whitefield arrived at Northampton, where, a few years before, there had been a remarkable work of God. Northampton was founded about the year 1655, and its population now consisted of two hundred families. Its first minister was the Rev. Eleazar Mather, who was ordained in 1669. He was succeeded, in 1672, by the Rev. Mr. Stoddard, whose ministry was exercised at Northampton for the long period of fifty-seven years, during which he had what he called "five harvests," or revivals of religion. In 1729, Mr. Stoddard died, and his grandson, Jonathan Edwards, took his place. Mr. Edwards was not an orator, like Whitefield. He had no Boanergean voice to thunder in the ear, nor had he physical power to "dang to pieces" pulpits and Bibles. He was, says one who knew him, "a preacher of a low and moderate voice, a natural way of delivery, and without any agitation of body, or anything else in the manner, to excite attention, except his habitual and great solemnity, looking and speaking as in the presence of God, and with a weighty sense of the matter delivered."[394]

[394] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 169.

At the time when Mr. Edwards commenced his ministry, the Northampton Church was in a Laodicean state, and the town generally too much resembled Sodom and Gomorrah. "Licentiousness," writes Mr. Edwards, "prevailed among the youth of the town. Many of them were very much addicted to night-walking, and frequenting the taverns. Very often they got together, in conventions of both sexes, for mirth and jollity, which they called frolics; and they would often spend the greater part of the night in them." In 1735, a change took place. Mr. Edwards, in his "Narrative of late Surprising Conversions in New England," published in 1737, observes:--

"There was scarcely a single person in the town of Northampton, either old or young, that was left unconcerned about the things of the eternal world. Those, who were wont to be the vainest and loosest, were now generally subject to great awakenings. The town seemed to be full of the presence of God. It never was so full of love, nor so full of joy; and, yet, so full of distress, as it was then. There were remarkable tokens of God's presence in almost every house. Our public services were beautiful."

This remarkable movement spread to South Hadley, Suffield, Sunderland, Green River, Hatfied, West Springfield, Long Meadow, Enfield, Westfield, Northfield, Windsor, Coventry, Durham, Stratford, New Haven, Guildford, Mansfield, Preston, and other places. Edwards calculated that three hundred were converted in Northampton only; and the conversions in other towns were proportionately numerous. The whole region, now visited by Whitefield, had, five years before, been blessed with "showers of blessing." How was Whitefield welcomed? The following are extracts from his Journal:--

"Friday, October 17. We crossed the ferry to Northampton, where no less than three hundred souls were saved about five years ago. Their pastor's name is Edwards, successor and grandson to the great Stoddard, whose memory will be always precious in New England. Mr. Edwards is a solid, excellent Christian, but, at present, weak in body. When I came into his pulpit, I found my heart drawn out to talk of scarce anything besides the consolations and privileges of saints, and the plentiful effusion of the Spirit upon believers. When I came to remind them of their former experiences, and how zealous and lively they were at that time, both minister and people wept much.

"Saturday, October 18. At Mr. Edwards's request, I spoke to his little children, who were much affected. Preached at Hadfield, five miles from Northampton, but found myself not much strengthened. Preached in the afternoon to Mr. Edwards's congregation. God vouchsafed to give me an affecting prospect of the upper world, and, therefore, I was enabled to speak with some degree of pathos. Few eyes were dry, and it seemed as if a time of refreshing was come from the presence of the Lord.

"Sunday, October 19. Preached this morning, and good Mr. Edwards wept during the whole time of exercise. The people were equally affected; and, in the afternoon, the power increased yet more.

"Monday, October 20. Left Northampton in the evening, and rode eighteen miles to Westfield, where I preached next morning to a pretty large congregation. Hastened to Springfield, crossed a ferry, preached to a large auditory, and then returned and preached to those who could not get over the ferry, by reason of the wind. After I left Springfield, my horse, coming over a broken bridge, threw me over his head, directly upon my nose. I was stunned for awhile, my mouth was full of dust, and I bled a little; but, falling upon soft sand, I got not much damage.

"Tuesday, October 21. Preached at Suffield, to several thousands of people. A great impression was made. I insisted much, in my discourse, upon the doctrine of the new birth, and also upon the necessity of a minister being converted before he could preach Christ aright. The word came with great power, and a general impression was made upon the people in all parts of the assembly. Many ministers were present, and most of them thanked me for my plain dealing. One of them, however, was offended; and so would more of his stamp, if I were to continue longer in New England. Unconverted ministers are the bane of the Christian Church. I honour the memory of that great and good man, Mr. Stoddard; but I think he is much to be blamed for endeavouring to prove that unconverted men maybe admitted into the ministry. How he has handled the controversy I know not; but I believe no solid argument can be brought in defence of such a doctrine. The sermon lately published by Mr. Gilbert Tennent, entitled, 'The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry,' I think unanswerable."[395]

[395] Though all held it desirable that a minister should be converted, yet, many also entertained the pernicious theory of Stoddard. Whitefield again and again, fearlessly attacked the theory, and, thereby, gave great offence.

Thus ended Whitefield's first visit to Jonathan Edwards of Northampton. A young lady, _née_ Miss Sarah Pierpont, but now the wife of Edwards, wrote as follows:--

"_October 24, 1740._

"DEAR BROTHER JAMES,--I want to prepare you for a visit from the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, the famous preacher of England. He has been sojourning with us, and, after visiting a few of the neighbouring towns, is going to New Haven, and from thence to New York. He is truly a remarkable man, and, during his visit, has, I think, verified all that we have heard of him. He makes less of the doctrines than our American preachers generally do, and aims more at affecting the heart. He is a born orator. You have already heard of his deep-toned, yet clear and melodious, voice. It is perfect music. It is wonderful to see what a spell he casts over an audience by proclaiming the simplest truths of the Bible. I have seen upwards of a thousand people hang on his words with breathless silence, broken only by an occasional half-suppressed sob. He impresses the ignorant, and not less the educated and refined. It is reported that while the miners of England listened to him, the tears made white furrows down their smutty cheeks. So here, our mechanics shut up their shops, and the day-labourers throw down their tools, to go and hear him preach, and few return unaffected. A prejudiced person, I know, might say that this is all theatrical artifice and display; but not so will any one think who has seen and known him. He is a very devout and godly man, and his only aim seems to be to reach and influence men the best way. He speaks from a heart all aglow with love, and pours out a torrent of eloquence which is almost irresistible. I wish him success in his apostolic career; and, when he reaches New Haven, you will, I know, shew him warm hospitality.

"Yours, in faithful affection, "SARAH."[396]

[396] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 278.

So much from Jonathan Edwards's wife. What said Edwards himself? He writes:--

"Mr. Whitefield came to Northampton about the middle of October, 1740, and preached four sermons in the meeting-house. The congregation was extraordinarily melted by every sermon; almost the whole assembly being in tears. His sermons were suitable to the circumstances of the town; containing just reproofs of our backslidings; and, in a most moving and affecting manner, making use of our great mercies as arguments with us to return to God, from whom we had departed. Immediately after this, the minds of the people in general appeared more engaged in religion. The revival at first was principally among professors, to whom Mr. Whitefield had chiefly addressed himself; but, in a short time, there was a deep concern among young persons. By the middle of December, a very considerable work of God appeared, and the revival continued to increase."

Thus, at Northampton, as in other places, Whitefield's visit was the precursor of a religious revival. In this instance, the work continued for the next two years. Very often the meeting-house was "full of outcries, faintings, and convulsions." A great number of children were converted. Congregations frequently remained, praying and singing, for hours after the public service was concluded. "The town seemed to be in a great and continual commotion, day and night."[397]

[397] Prince's _Christian History_, No. 46.

After parting with Jonathan Edwards, Whitefield proceeded to New York. At Hertford and Weathersfield, on October 22, he "preached to many thousands, with much freedom and power." The day after, he had a congregation of four thousand at Middletown; and then rode to New Haven, where, says he, "I was most affectionately received by Mr. Pierpont, brother to Mr. Edwards of Northampton." Here he spent three days; and, of course, here he preached. At one of his services, the governor, the Council, and the members of the Lower House of Assembly formed part of his congregation. He also dined with "the Rev. Mr. Clap,[398] Rector of New Haven College, about one-third part as big as that of Cambridge, and containing about a hundred students." Here he took the opportunity of "speaking to the students, and shewing the dreadful ill consequences of an unconverted ministry;" and, at his lodgings, he collected £35 for his orphans in Georgia. Leaving New Haven, he preached at Milford, Stratford, Fairfield, Newark, and Stanford. On these occasions, many ministers were present, some of whom confessed they were not converted. Before entering the province of New York, Whitefield wrote:--

"I have now had an opportunity of seeing the greatest and most populous part of New England. On many accounts, it certainly exceeds all other provinces in America; and, for the establishment of religion, perhaps all other parts of the world. The towns all through Connecticut, and eastward toward York, in the province of Massachusetts, near the river-side, are large and well peopled. Every five miles, or perhaps less, you have a meeting-house; and, I believe, there is no such thing as a pluralist or non-resident minister in both provinces. God has remarkably, at sundry times and in divers manners, poured out His Spirit in several parts; and it often refreshed my soul to hear of the faith of their good forefathers, who first settled in these parts. Notwithstanding they had their foibles, surely they were a set of righteous men. Many glorious men of God have come out of their colleges. The civil government of New England seems to be well regulated; and, I think, at the opening of all their courts, either the judge or a minister begins with a prayer. Family worship, I believe, is generally kept up; and the negroes are better used than in any other province I have seen. In short, I like New England exceeding well."

[398] The Rev. Thomas Clap, who died, at Scituate, in 1767, aged 63. By some means, he became one of Whitefield's opponents, and will be mentioned in subsequent pages.

Whitefield arrived at New York on Thursday, October 30, and was again the guest of Mr. Noble. Here he spent four days. He writes:--

"Friday, October 31. Preached in good Mr. Pemberton's meeting-house. Two or three cried out. Mr. Noble could scarce restrain himself; and, look where I would, many seemed deeply wounded.

"Saturday, November 1. Preached twice, as yesterday, to very crowded auditories, and neither time without success.

"Sunday, November 2. Preached in the morning with some freedom. In the evening, the whole congregation was alarmed. Crying, weeping, and wailing were to be heard in every corner, and many were to be seen falling into the arms of their friends.

"Monday, November 3. Preached both morning and afternoon, and perceived the congregations still increase. There was a great and gracious melting among the people both times. Near £110 currency was collected for the orphans; and, in the evening, at seven, we took boat, and reached Staten Island about ten."

For many months, Whitefield had been living and working in close connection with Presbyterian ministers. Most of them were ardent admirers of the young evangelist; but some were critical and distrustful. Hence the publication of a tract of thirty-two pages, with the following Presbyterian title: "The Querists; or, an extract of sundry passages taken out of Mr. Whitefield's printed Sermons, Journals, and Letters; together with some Scruples proposed in proper Queries raised on each remark. By some Church Members of the Presbyterian Persuasion."[399] The "Querists," in their preface, say, they "are at a loss what to make of some of Whitefield's expressions; if they have any meaning at all, we fear it is a bad one." The tract is calmly, but very keenly written; being, however, purely doctrinal, it is scarcely necessary to furnish an outline of its contents. Suffice it to say that Whitefield is treated fairly, though with great fidelity.

[399] This small pamphlet, first published in Philadelphia, was reprinted in London, in 1741, with two letters appended, written by the Rev. Charles Tennent and a minister in Boston; and also Whitefield's "Answer to the Querists." (8vo. 52 pp.) Tennent's letter is dated Philadelphia, October 16, 1740; and, after admitting that Whitefield had used unguarded expressions, says: "I believe Mr. Whitefield to be sound in the faith, and a most eminent servant of Jesus Christ."

While at New York, Whitefield wrote an answer to the Querists, which was shortly published.[400] It is dated "November 1, 1740." A great part of this production is too minute to be interesting to the general reader. Whitefield, however, ingenuously confesses there are passages in his printed sermons that he regrets. He writes:--

"I think it no dishonour to retract some expressions that dropped from my pen before God was pleased to give me a more clear knowledge of the doctrines of grace. St. Augustine, I think, did so before me. The Lord's dealing with me was somewhat out of the common way. I received the Spirit of adoption before I had conversed with one man, or read a single book, on the doctrine of 'free justification by the imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ.' No wonder, then, that I was not so clear in some points at my first setting out in the ministry. Our Lord was pleased to enlighten me by degrees; and I desire your prayers, that His grace may shine more and more in my heart, till it breaks forth into perfect day."

[400] The following is the title of an American edition: "A Letter from the Rev. Mr. Whitefield to some Church Members of the Presbyterian Persuasion; in answer to certain Scruples and Queries relating to some passages in his printed Sermons and other Writings. To which is added two Letters from Nathaniel Lovetruth to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, containing some exceptions to his aforesaid Letter. Third edition. Philadelphia: printed, South Carolina, Charleston. Reprinted by Peter Timothy, 1741." (16mo. 8 pp.) There is nothing in _Lovetruth's_ letters that is worthy of being quoted.

Whitefield then proceeds to notice all the passages in his sermons to which the "Querists" objected, and adds:--

"And now, to convince you that I am not ashamed to own my faults, I can inform you of other passages as justly exceptionable. In my sermon on justification, I seem to assert _universal redemption_, which I now absolutely deny. In my 'Almost Christian,' I talk of works _procuring_ us so high a crown. In my sermon on 'the Marks of the New Birth,' I say, 'We shall endure to the end, _if we continue so_.' These, and perhaps some other passages, though capable of a candid interpretation, I now dislike; and, in the next edition of my sermons, I propose to alter them. In the meanwhile, I shall be thankful to any that will point out my errors; and I promise, by Divine assistance, they shall have no reason to say that I am one who hates to be reformed."

In 1739, there was published "An Abstract of the Life and Death of Mr. Thomas Halyburton;" with a "Recommendatory Epistle" by Whitefield, and a "Preface" of six pages by Wesley. In the "Preface," Wesley introduced his doctrine of Christian perfection; and, because Whitefield's "Recommendatory Epistle" stood in close connection with Wesley's "Preface," the "Querists" suspected him of holding Wesley's doctrine. In reference to this, Whitefield writes:--

"As for your insinuating that I countenance Mr. Wesley in his errors, I do no such thing. I prefaced Halyburton's memoirs before I saw what Mr. Wesley had written; and, since I have seen it, have more than once said, 'If I had known what Mr. Wesley had written, I would not have prefaced Halyburton at all.' I have torn off that part of his preface from several of those books which I have given away lately, and, by sundry letters, have acquainted him in what, I think, in this particular, he errs."

Whitefield then proceeds to deny the accusation that he was an Antinomian, and refers to the objections of the "Querists" concerning his favourable opinion of certain Quakers to whom he had been introduced; after which he continues:--

"I am no friend to casting lots; but I believe, on extraordinary occasions, when things can be determined no other way, God, if appealed to, and waited on by prayer and fasting, will answer by lot now, as well as formerly.

"Do not condemn me for preaching _extempore_, and for saying I am helped _immediately_ in that exercise; when thousands can prove, as well as myself, that it has been so. Neither should you censure me as one that would lay aside reading. I am of Bishop Sanderson's mind, 'Study without prayer, is atheism; prayer without study, presumption.' Blame not me for the warmth of some of my adherents, as you call them. One of your ministers knows how sharply I rebuked one of them, for his warmth, at Fagg's Manor. I am for loving as brethren, and wish all would imitate the lowly Jesus; but I cannot discommend those, who, in the spirit of meekness, exclaim against dry, sapless, unconverted ministers. Such surely are the bane of the Christian Church.

"Some of the latter part of your queries, for your own, and not for my sake, I shall not mention. I hope I can say with more sincerity than Hazael, 'Is your servant a dog, that he should do what you suggest.' But I pray to God to forgive you. He knows my heart. My one design is to bring poor souls to Jesus Christ. I desire to avoid extremes, so as not to be a bigot on the one hand, or confound order and decency on the other. And I could heartily wish that the reverend Presbytery, when they advised you to publish your queries, had also cautioned you against dipping your pen in so much gall."

Whitefield's answer to the "Querists" might easily be criticised; but, except as it reveals his principles and character, we are inclined to let it pass.

When he left New York on November 3, he proceeded to Philadelphia, which he reached five days afterwards. On the way, he preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge, New Brunswick, and Trenton. At the first-mentioned place, his pulpit was a waggon; and, in his congregation, a young man, in the greatest distress, begged him to pray for his conversion; and a grey-headed one told him, that, by his ministry, he had been brought out of darkness into light. Here also he was met by Gilbert Tennent, and by Mr. Cross, the minister of Baskinridge. Tennent told him of his glorious success in West Jersey and in Maryland; and Cross rejoiced his soul by relating "the great and wonderful things" he had recently witnessed in his congregations at Baskinridge. At Newark, after he had preached, the house, in which he lodged, was filled with young men, all weeping for their sins. At Baskinridge, he had a crowd of three thousand people. He writes:--

"In every part of the congregation, some one or other began to cry out, and almost all were melted into tears. A little boy, about eight years of age, wept as though his heart would break. Mr. Cross took him up into the waggon, which so affected me, that I broke from my discourse, and told the people that, since old professors were not concerned, God, out of an infant's mouth, was perfecting praise; and the little boy should preach to them. After sermon, Mr. ---- gave notice of an evening lecture in his barn. Mr. Gilbert Tennent preached first; and I then began to pray, and gave an exhortation. In about six minutes, one cried out, 'He is come, He is come!' and could scarce sustain the manifestation of Jesus to his soul. The eager crying of others, for the like favour, obliged me to stop; and I prayed over them, as I saw their agonies and distress increase. Most of the people spent the remainder of the night in prayer and praises."

At New Brunswick, Whitefield received encouraging letters from Savannah, and wrote: "I resolved to give up the Savannah living. A parish and the Orphan House, which I must travel to provide for, as well as to preach, are too much for me." Here, also, he and Gilbert and William Tennent had prayer together, and arranged that Gilbert should go and help to carry on the work of God at Boston. "We parted in tears," says Whitefield; "but with a full assurance that we should see and hear great things before we met again."

Before proceeding farther, extracts from Whitefield's letters must be introduced. They were all written within two days after his arrival at Philadelphia.

The following was addressed to the Honourable Jonathan Belcher, Governor of New England, and refers to Gilbert Tennent's mission, just mentioned:--

"I snatch a few moments to send your excellency my acknowledgments for all the honours received at Boston; they are much upon my heart. Great things hath the glorious Emmanuel done for me and His people on the way here. The word has been attended with much power. Surely our Lord intends to set America in a flame. This week, Mr. Gilbert Tennent purposes to set out for Boston, in order to blow up the fire lately kindled there. I recommend him to your excellency as a solid, judicious, and zealous minister of the Lord Jesus Christ. He will be ready to preach daily. I suppose his brethren" (the Presbyterians) "will readily open their doors. May the Lord, at the same time, open the people's hearts, that they may diligently attend to the things that shall be spoken!

"Dear sir, the welfare of your own soul lies upon me night and day. I remember your tears; I remember your excellency's words, 'Mr. Whitefield, pray that I may hunger and thirst after righteousness.' O how did these words rejoice me! May God give you to see and follow the simplicity of the blessed Jesus! Whilst you are in the world, may you not be of it! May you be dead to magnificence, and alive to nothing but what leads you directly to your God! Honoured sir, I make no apology for this freedom. Your excellency bid me not spare rulers; no, not the chief of them. Indeed, I long after your salvation. O that I could do anything to promote it!"

To another friend, Whitefield wrote:--

"I arrived at this place" (Philadelphia) "last Saturday evening, having preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge, New Brunswick, and Trenton, in my way hither from New York. A wonderful presence of God was observable at New York, Baskinridge, and Newark. I preached here twice yesterday, and also to-day, in a large house built by the people since I was here last. The Lord highly favours me. I am more sick, of myself, and more in love with Christ daily. He is a dear, dear Master. O that all would love Him with all their hearts!"

Writing to Howell Harris, Whitefield exultingly remarks:--

"My soul is knit to you. We both speak and think the same things. Jesus manifests His glory daily in these parts. His word is like fire. Last week I saw many struck down. Our Lord is working upon little children. America, ere long, will be famous for Christians. Surely the candlestick will shortly be removed from England. Little did I think, when Mr. E---- J---- wrote, that I should preach in all the chief places of America; but that is now done. Glory be to rich, free, sovereign grace! Perhaps, about spring, I may embark for my native country. O Wales, thou art dear to my soul! Expect another journal shortly; but wait till we come to glory, fully to see and hear what God has done for your affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It was a mournful thing that almost the only one to whom Whitefield wrote complaining letters was his old friend Wesley. The following, though published elsewhere, is too interesting to be omitted. It was written on Sunday, the day after Whitefield's arrival at Philadelphia.

"_November 9, 1740._

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--I received yours, dated March 11, this afternoon. O that we were of one mind! for I am yet persuaded you greatly err. You have set a mark you will never arrive at, till you come to glory. I think few enjoy such continued manifestations of God's presence as I do, and have done for some years; but I dare not pretend to say I shall be absolutely perfect.[401] Oh, dear sir, many of God's children are grieved at your principles. O that God may give you a sight of His free, sovereign, electing love!

[401] Whitefield evidently misunderstood Wesley's doctrine of Christian perfection. Wesley never contended for _absolute_ perfection.

"But no more of this. Why will you compel me to write thus? Why will you dispute? I am willing to go with you to prison and to death; but I am not willing to oppose you. My heart is now much affected. Indeed, I love and honour you. Dear, dear sir, study the covenant of grace, that you may be consistent with yourself. I fancy I shall embark for England about spring; but am not yet determined. God shews me His goodness plenteously every day. I dwell in Christ, and Christ dwells in me. Glory be to sovereign grace! I seem to have a new body, and the Lord Jesus greatly enriches my soul. Oh! I am a poor sinner; but our Lord frequently manifests Himself in such a manner, that it throws me into an agony which my body is almost too weak to bear. Honoured sir, adieu! Oh, build up, but do not lead into error, the souls once committed to the charge of your affectionate, unworthy brother and servant in the loving Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

We return to Whitefield's Journals. The young evangelist spent a successful and happy week among his friends in Philadelphia. He writes:--

"Sunday, November 9. Preached in the morning, to several thousands, in a house built since my last departure from Philadelphia. It is a hundred feet long, and seventy feet broad. It was never preached in before. The roof is not yet up; but the people raised a convenient pulpit, and boarded the bottom."[402]

[402] This is the house mentioned by Franklin. (See p. 377.) In the 1756 edition of his Journals, Whitefield says, "The house is now, by consent, become an academy as well as preaching place; and, when I was last at Philadelphia, I heard several youths speak in it so oratorically as would have delighted even a Cicero or a Demosthenes" (p. 428).

During the ensuing week, he preached in this roofless building twice every day, except one morning, when there was so much snow within the walls, that he was obliged to avail himself of a Presbyterian meeting-house. On Sunday, November 16, after his morning and evening sermons, he collected £150 sterling for his orphans; and, in the afternoon, baptized, in the unconsecrated edifice, five adult women. During his sojourn, he met Mr. Brockden, Recorder of Deeds, an infidel, upwards of sixty years old, who had been converted by his preaching, and who told him that now, "such were his communications from God, he thought he could die a martyr for the truth." Another of Whitefield's converts was a Captain H----l, formerly, says Whitefield, "almost a scandal and reproach to human nature. He used to swear to ease his stomach, and used to go on board the transport ships, and offer a guinea for every new oath" that the sailors had invented. "Now," writes Whitefield, "he is zealous for the truth, and shews forth his faith by his works."

There cannot be a doubt that Whitefield's preaching in Philadelphia was not only immensely popular, but also greatly blessed. He tells us, that, almost every day many were convinced of sin; and that several Societies had been formed, "not only of men and women, but of little boys and little girls."

On Monday, November 17, he bid adieu to his Philadelphian friends, and started for Savannah. On the way, he preached, as usual, to assembled thousands, at Gloucester, Greenwich, Piles Grove, Cohansie, Salem, Newcastle, Whiteclay Creek, Fagg's Manor, Nottingham, Bohemia, St. George's, Reedy Island, and Charleston. He arrived at Savannah on Saturday, December 13. He had been absent from his parishioners eighteen weeks, had travelled about a thousand miles, preached nearly two hundred times, and collected, in goods and money, upwards of £700 sterling for his Orphanage.

The following extracts from his letters will, it is hoped, interest the reader.

One of the places at which he preached, on his way to Georgia, was the Moravian settlement, called Salem; and here he seems to have met Peter Bohler. Hence the following to James Hutton, the distinguished Moravian in London:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _November 24, 1740_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--I rejoice to hear that you are married.[403] I salute your wife and my sister in Christ. May you love one another as Christ and His Church!

[403] In this same year 1740, Hutton went to Germany, where the Brethren considered it necessary that he should marry, in order that there might be a sister in London to attend to the work of God among the females. Hutton bowed to this decision: proposed to Louise Brandt, a native of French Switzerland; and was married by Count Zinzendorf, at Marienborn, on July 3, 1740. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 56.)

"I have lately conversed closely with Peter Bohler. Alas! we differ widely in many respects; therefore, to avoid disputations and jealousies on both sides, it is best to carry on the work of God apart. The divisions among the Brethren[404] sometimes grieve, but do not surprise me. How can it be otherwise, when teachers do not think and speak the same things? O how do I long for heaven! Surely, there will be no divisions, no strife _there_, except who shall sing with most affection to the Lamb that sitteth upon the throne. Dear James, there I hope to meet thee; for the dear Jesus, I believe, has locked thee fast in His almighty arms. Lean thou on His sacred bosom night and day. Keep close to Him, and be, what I long to be, a little child. My dear brother, I should be glad to wash any of the Brethren's feet. Indeed, I am now willing to be the servant of all. The more the Lord honours me, the more I feel my unworthiness. Help me, dear James, to praise my Saviour. A glorious church is rising in America. The Lord mightily reveals His arm. It would please you to see His stately steps in the great congregation. I only want fellow-labourers.

[404] The allusion here is doubtless to the contentions at that time existing among the Moravians in London.

"I desire you to print nothing against your conscience; only do not immediately censure everything that may not seem clear to you. Our Lord may guide me into things which as yet you may not see into. The day of judgment will discover all. Adieu!

"Ever, ever yours in our blessed Emmanuel, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield made himself one with all who loved his Master--Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Moravians, Baptists, Independents, and even Quakers. "Give none offence," wrote the great Apostle, "neither to the Jews, nor to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God. Even as I please all men in all things, not seeking my own profit, but the profit of many, that they may be saved" (1 Cor. x. 32, 33).

The last paragraph in Whitefield's letter refers to the fact that Hutton had been Whitefield's publisher. Whitefield now, however, had become such a decided Calvinist, that Hutton's conscience began to trouble him for printing and circulating doctrines which he disbelieved; and when Whitefield returned to England, a few months afterwards, one of the distresses awaiting him was Hutton's absolute refusal to publish any of his writings. He was losing the services of James Hutton on the ground of a difference in religious opinion; but, at the same time, he was securing the services of Benjamin Franklin, the printer and publisher at Philadelphia, to whom religious opinions were of no great consequence. The following was addressed to Franklin two days after the letter sent to Hutton:--

"REEDY ISLAND, _November 26, 1740_.

"DEAR MR. FRANKLIN,--I thank you for your letter. You may print my life,[405] as you desire. God willing, I shall correct my two volumes of Sermons,[406] and send them the very first opportunity. Pray write to me by every ship that goes shortly to Charleston.

[405] Doubtless the "Short Account of God's Dealings with the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, from his Infancy to the Time of his Entering into Holy Orders," first published by James Hutton, in 1740.

[406] "Sermons on Various Subjects, in two volumes, by George Whitefield. Printed for James Hutton, London, 1739."

"I shall embark for England, God willing, about February. I desire I may hear from you there also, as often as possible. I have prefaced '_Jenks_' and 'Presumptuous Sinners Detected.' Mr. Bradford has the latter, because he said he was to print it. You may have it of him. The 'Ornaments of the Daughter of Sion'[407] you may have hereafter.

[407] All these were tracts by other writers.

"Dear sir, adieu! I do not despair of your seeing the reasonableness of Christianity. Apply to God; be willing to do the Divine will, and you shall know it. Oh! the love of God to your unworthy friend,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield's tour through the British provinces of America had been a triumphal progress; but, after all, his happiness was not unmixed. He had come under the animadversion of certain ministers and members of the Presbyterian Church. He was full of anxiety concerning the "_stillness_" and contentions of the London Moravians. And, of course, the doctrinal differences between him and his old friend Wesley occasioned great disquietude. The following is another of the letters that passed between them:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _November 24, 1740_.

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--O that there may be harmony, and very intimate union between us! Yet it cannot be, since you hold _universal redemption_. But no more of this. Perhaps, in the spring, we may see each other face to face. This evening, I propose to embark for Georgia. Wonderful things our Lord brings to pass, in these parts, every day. Here is a close opposition from some of the Presbyterian clergy. The seed of the serpent is the same in all, of whatever communion. I expect much more opposition every hour. The devil rages in London. He begins now to triumph indeed. The children of God are disunited among themselves. The King of the Church shall yet over-rule all things for good. My dear brother, for Christ's sake, avoid all disputation. Do not oblige me to preach against you; I had rather die. Be gentle towards the" (Moravians?) "They will get great advantage over you if they discover any irregular warmth in your temper. I cannot for my soul unite with them.

"Honoured sir, adieu. "Yours eternally in Christ Jesus, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Wesley shrunk from disputation as much as Whitefield did. It is true, he had published his sermon entitled "Free Grace;" but it contained no mention of the name of his friend Whitefield. Wesley was ready to wage war with error, but not with his brother "George." The last letter which Whitefield had received from Wesley was the following:--

"LONDON, _August 9, 1740_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--I thank you for yours, May the 24th.[408] The case is quite plain. There are bigots both for predestination and against it. God is sending a message to those on either side. But neither will receive it, unless from one of his own opinion. Therefore, for a time, you are suffered to be of one opinion, and I of another. But when His time is come, God will do what man cannot--namely, make us both of one mind. Then persecution will flame out, and it will be seen whether we count our lives dear unto ourselves, so that we may finish our course with joy.

"I am, my dearest brother, ever yours, "JOHN WESLEY."

[408] See p. 389.

Whitefield's reply to this was dated "Bethesda in Georgia, December 24, 1740;" but more of this anon.

On his arrival in Georgia, Whitefield found his family removed, from his "hired house" in Savannah, to his newly erected Orphanage at Bethesda. He writes:--

"At my return, I found my orphan household removed from Savannah to Bethesda, and great improvements made during the time of my absence. The great house will be finished, God willing, in about two months. It would have been finished by this time, if the Spaniards had not taken a schooner laden with bricks and other provisions to a considerable value; but God, about the same time, stirred up the heart of a planter in South Carolina, lately converted at the Orphan House, to send my family some rice and bread. At other times, when they have wanted food, the Indians have brought plenty of venison. My family now consists of above eighty persons. Next year my expenses will be much contracted; but at present I am in debt about £500 sterling. However, I know in whom I have believed--One who is able to pay it. My public accounts will be published as soon as I arrive in London, with a prospect of the Orphan House and other little houses and gardens annexed unto it."

Whitefield's "public accounts" were printed with the following title: "An Account of the Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford. London, 1741." (8vo. 45 pp.) The following is taken from his own published narrative:--

"When I left England, I proposed to take in only twenty children; but, when I arrived in Georgia, I found, besides the orphans, so many objects of charity among the poor people's children, that I resolved in this, as well as in all other respects, to imitate Professor Francke, and make a provision for _their_ maintenance also.

"Two of the boys were put out apprentices just before I left Savannah, one to a bricklayer, another to a carpenter; a third is to be bound to the surgeon belonging to the Orphan House; one weaves in a loom at home; two I put to a tailor, whom I brought over; and the rest are now fitting themselves to be useful to the commonwealth. Whoever among them appear to be sanctified, and have a good natural capacity, I intend, under God, for the ministry.

"None of the girls are put out as yet, but are taught such things as may make them serviceable whenever they go abroad. Two or three of them spin very well. Some of them knit, wash, and clean the house, and get up the linen, and are taught housewifery. All capable are taught to sew; and the little girls, as well as the boys, are employed in picking cotton. I think I have no less than three hundred and eighty-two yards of cloth already in the house, and as much yarn spun as will make the same quantity.

"I have now forty-nine children under my care; twenty-three English, ten Scots, four Dutch, five French, and seven Americans. Twenty-two of these are fatherless and motherless, sixteen boys and six girls. Of the others, some are fatherless, and some without mothers; all objects of charity, except three, whose friends recompense the Orphan House for their maintenance. One of the orphans is an infant. I pay four shillings a week for nursing it. Since December last, we have had eighteen more children who have been maintained occasionally, to assist their parents, and been dismissed when they were wanted at home.

"Though the children are taught to labour for the meat that perisheth, yet they are continually reminded, to seek _first_ the kingdom of God and His righteousness, and then to depend upon God's blessing on their honest endeavours for having food and raiment added unto them. I intend, when the house is finished, to have this precept of our Lord written over the entrance at the great door.

"As my design in founding the Orphan House was to build up souls for God, I endeavour to preach most of all to the children's hearts. But that they may be able to give a reason of the hope that is in them, I constantly instruct them out of the Church of England's Articles, which I turn into catechetical questions. I am often pleased to hear how judiciously some will answer the questions put to them. The power of God has been frequently visible among them. Many of the girls seem to be tender-hearted. Several of the boys have been under strong convictions.

"We are now all removed to Bethesda. We live in the out-houses at present; but, in less than two months, the great house will be finished so as to receive the whole family. It is now weather-boarded and shingled; and a piazza of ten feet wide is built all around it, which will be wonderfully convenient in the heat of summer. One part of the house would have been entirely finished, had not the Spaniards lately taken from us a schooner laden with ten thousand bricks, and a great deal of provision, with one of our family. But, notwithstanding this and many other hindrances, the work has been carried on with great success and speed. There are no less than four framed houses, and a large stable and cart-house, besides the great house. In that, there will be sixteen commodious rooms, besides a large cellar of sixty feet long and forty wide. Near twenty acres of land are cleared round about it, and a large road made from Savannah to the Orphan House, twelve miles in length--a thing not before done since the province has been settled.

"None but those on the spot can tell the expense, as well as inconveniency, that attends building in Georgia. Most of our bricks cost forty shillings sterling per thousand, when landed at the plantation. Common labourers, besides their provisions, have twenty-five shillings sterling a month. We have often been in difficulties; but the Lord has relieved us out of them. When the schooner was lost, a person, lately converted, sent us eleven barrels of rice, and five barrels of beef. And, in my absence, when my family had little or no provisions, the Indians brought in plenty of deer, till they were supplied with food some other way. The contributions in Charleston, New England, New York, and Pennsylvania have been extraordinary.

The Infirmary, which has likewise been supported by this institution, has been of great service. The surgeon informs me, that, if every one had been obliged to pay for their nursing and medicine, it would have cost them £200 sterling. I have now three or four sick. I keep a woman to attend them constantly.

"God has blessed our family with health. Only two have died since my arrival; and those were two who came with me from England,--the tailor, and one of the women.

"I have left behind me, as my assistants (who have no other gratuity than food and raiment), two schoolmasters, and their wives, who are schoolmistresses; one young man, as superintendent and chief manager of the outward things; the surgeon, and his wife; a shoemaker, and a spinster; besides labourers and monthly-hired servants: I think, in all, I have upwards of eighty. The Lord, I am persuaded, is able and willing to provide for them.

"I think we have near two hundred hogs, and a hundred head of cattle. I give a man £40 sterling per annum, to take care of them. As yet, we have had no advantage from our stock, it being a very dry season last summer; so that our cattle of all kinds have scarce food to eat. But, in a year or two, we hope to have a considerable quantity of fresh provisions for our family.

"As for manuring more land than the hired servants and great boys can manage, I think it is impracticable without a few negroes. It will in no wise answer the expense.

"I am now several hundreds of pounds in debt, on the Orphan-house account. Some particular friends have been pleased to assist me; and I doubt not but our Lord will enable me to pay them, and also will raise up fresh subscriptions for the maintenance of my large family.

"Great calumnies have been spread abroad concerning our management of the children. People shoot out their bitter arrows in America, as well as in England. One poor man was filled with such resentment at the reports he had heard of our cruelty to the children, that he came one day, out of South Carolina, to take away two of his boys, which, out of compassion, I had taken into the Orphan House; but when he came, and saw the manner in which they were educated, he was so far from taking his children away, that he desired to come and live at the Orphan House himself. I speak not this by way of boasting, or to wipe off reproach; for I know, let me do what I will, I shall never please natural men.

"God only knows the concern that lies upon me on account of this family, not only in respect to their bodily, but their spiritual provision. I hope all who wish well to Zion will help me with their prayers, as well as with their alms, that the establishment may be rightly styled _Pietas Georgiensis_, and that, like the _Pietas Hallensis_, it may become the joy of the whole earth. Even so, Lord Jesus, Amen, and Amen.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD. "_Bethesda, December 23, 1740._"

On a small scale, comparatively, Whitefield was endeavouring to imitate one of the most surprising institutions in Europe, the orphanage of Professor Francke, at Halle, in Germany. The "plan of elevation" of his "great house," as he calls it, is before us. The building, with a high roof, and belfry at the top, and also a colonnade all round about, consisted, first, of the large cellar already mentioned, and also "Mr. Whitefield's kitchen." On the ground floor, the entrance hall was a chapel; on the left was the library, and behind it the "orphan's dining-room;" on the right, "Mr. Whitefield's two parlours," with the staircase between them. On the second and third floors were "Mr. Whitefield's study" and "Mr. Whitefield's chamber;" the "manager's room;" two "bed-chambers" for the boys; the same for the girls; and five other chambers for general use. Behind the house was "Salt Water Creek," and at the front were the "peach orchard" and the gardens. Extending right and left, was the Orphan House estate, measuring five hundred acres, a large portion of it covered with oaks, pines, and hickory trees; a considerable portion consisting of swamps and marshes; and the remainder marked "good rice land." Considering the scarcity of labour, and the unfitness of Europeans for outdoor work in such a climate, it is hardly surprising that Whitefield began to see it would be "impracticable" to cultivate his land without the services of "_a few negroes_."

Whitefield's "great house" was, in reality, an orphanage, an infirmary, and a poor house all in one. Up to the present, it had cost him £3,358 7s. 5-1/4d. Towards this amount, he had received, in England and America, £2,530 2s. 9d.;[409] to which must be added a large number of valuable gifts in kind, embracing horses, hogs, sheep, geese, turkeys, and a cow; furniture, books, linen, crockery, glass, bricks, nails, pewter spoons, and a cannon; rice, butter, cheese, hams, sugar-loaves, coffee, tea, chocolate, pickles, candles, beef, treacle, pease, and flour; and "a large folio Turkey-leather Bible."

[409] See p. 349.

How did the young preacher regulate his large family? Fortunately, this is a question which can be answered. From a pamphlet, entitled "The Manner of the Children's spending their Time at the Orphan House in Georgia," it appears, that the children had to rise every morning at five o'clock, and that their first employment was to spend a quarter of an hour in private prayer. At six, all the family assembled in the chapel where a psalm was sung, and the second lesson for the morning expounded by Whitefield; or, if he were absent, in lieu of the exposition, the manager read Burkitt's or Matthew Henry's notes. At seven, Ken's morning hymn was sung, and extempore prayer offered. Between seven and eight, the children had their breakfast; and, at intervals, sang hymns. From eight to ten, they were employed at carding, spinning, picking cotton or wool, sewing, and knitting. Some had to clean the house, others to fetch water, and others to cut wool. Certain of the boys were "placed under tailors, shoemakers, carpenters," etc. At ten, all went to school, some to reading, and some to writing. At noon, all of them dined in the same room together; "and between that and two o'clock, every one was employed in something useful, but _no time_ was allowed for _idleness or play_, which are _Satan's darling hours to tempt children to all manner of wickedness_, as lying, cursing, swearing, and uncleanness; so that," continues the writer, "though we are about seventy in family, we hear no more noise than if it was a private house." From two to four, the children were again at school; and from four to six, at work. At six, they had supper, and singing. At seven, all the family assembled in the chapel, where a service was held similar to that at six in the morning. At eight, Whitefield catechised the children. At nine, they had some slight refreshment, and prepared for bed, each child, in private, again praying for a quarter of an hour. On Sundays, there were four public services, and "all the family dined on cold meat." There was "but one purse in the house, none having any other wages than food and raiment convenient for them."

The Orphan House now really became Whitefield's parish. To watch over it, and to provide for its necessities, furnished him with as much work as he felt at liberty to undertake. He writes:--

"1740. Monday, December 29. Enjoyed a very comfortable Christmas at Bethesda. One woman, I trust, received Christ in a glorious manner; and several others were brought under strong convictions. Having appointed Mr. Barber,[410] who came with me from Rhode Island, to take care of the spiritual, and Mr. Habersham to superintend the outward affairs of the Orphan House, and settled all things to my satisfaction; and being called by Providence, on various accounts, to return to England, I, last night, took a sorrowful and affectionate leave of my family, and this day went to Savannah to take leave there. In the evening, I preached at Savannah, and took my final leave of the people, it being inconsistent with my other affairs to act as their pastor any longer. Another minister is not yet come, but is expected daily. I gave the trustees notice, in January last, of my design to give up the parsonage. Blessed be God! I am now more free to go whithersoever the Lord shall be pleased to call me. I yet hope well of Georgia, though, at present, it is in a very declining and piteous state. It will flourish, I believe, when settled upon a religious foundation. Glory be to God! I leave behind me some who love the Lord Jesus in sincerity."[411]

[410] The following account of Mr. Barber is extracted from a pious, but unfriendly, writer, and must be taken _cum grano salis_:--When Whitefield came to America, Barber "esteemed him a wonderfully holy man," and believed he would "be an eminent promoter of a glorious revival of vital religion through the whole land." Barber, at once, set to work, "and spent about a week in going from house to house through all the parish of Oyster-Ponds, solemnly warning the people, and exhorting them to repent, for the kingdom of heaven was at hand. And this he did as one _extraordinarily instructed_ and _commissioned_ for that purpose." He then went through all the parishes of Southold, where Mr. Davenport was pastor; and, "as he counted his mission somewhat like that of our Lord's disciples, who were sent before Him into every city, whither He Himself would come, he _took no money with him_, neither _change of apparel_, nor _shoes_, but was shod with _boots_; and, as he passed along, he publicly declared that he "_had laid aside all study_ and _forethought_ of what he should deliver in his _public speeches_ to the people, and depended wholly on the _immediate direction of the Holy Ghost_." He next proceeded to _Oldmans_, where "he abode some months, and led an inactive and idle life, till he was grown very _fat_ and _ragged_, alleging, in his justification, that he had received _no direction from the Spirit to remove thence_, and must remain there so long as _the cloud abode upon the tabernacle_." At length, "he went to Rhode Island to see Mr. Whitefield, and joined himself to him." ("Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England." By Charles Chauncy, D.D., 1743, pp. 183-189.)

[411] Immediately after Whitefield's death, in 1770, a "Short Sketch" of his character was published by an old friend, still resident in Savannah, to the following effect: "Until within a few years past, Mr. Whitefield has been constantly loaded with debt on account of his Orphan House, although he was at the same time traduced as a cheat, who, under the specious pretence of promoting a charitable institution, was amassing great wealth to himself. When he was the stated minister of this parish, the then inhabitants of Savannah, and Highgate, and Hampstead, together with the Saltzburghers of Ebenezer, and the people of Darien and Frederica, all partook of his bounty to a very large amount, while he almost denied himself the necessaries of life. He constantly performed Divine service publicly very early every morning, and at the close of the day every evening, when he always expounded part of the first or second lesson. Every Sunday, he administered the holy communion, and had public service four times during the day. His congregations were very numerous; for, though there were many Dissenters in the parish, there were few absenters. He also made it his daily practice to visit in rotation from house to house, without any regard to religious denominations or party distinctions." (_Gospel Magazine_, 1771, pp. 77-80.) There is nothing new in this, and yet it is valuable as the testimony of a gentleman who was one of Whitefield's parishioners at Savannah, and who says he was well acquainted with Whitefield's proceedings.

No doubt, Georgia was in a "piteous state." The Spaniards of Florida were harassing the province; and Oglethorpe was doing his utmost to resist and punish them. To some extent, he had succeeded, but certain malcontents, in Savannah, were as busy as the Spaniards in endeavouring to ruin the colony. These men, under the leadership of a Doctor Tailfer, formed themselves into a club, which met at the house of one Jenkins, where they concocted the vilest machinations against Oglethorpe. Their object was to reduce the colony into such weakness and insignificance as to compel the trustees to gratify their desires for slaves and spirituous liquors, so that they might indulge to the extent of their wishes in idleness and dissipation. Tailfer and Williamson--the successful rival of John Wesley--hoped, by their agitation, to obtain a monopoly of the trade in negroes; and, because they were disappointed in their expectation, resorted to the most malicious and revengeful acts. To disturb the quiet of Savannah, they instituted races _within_ the town, from the gate of the Public Garden to the middle of Johnson's Square. They hired the most miserable hacks, and, by drink, obtained riders to contribute to their mischievous diversion;--the members of Tailfer's club being the principal betting men. Besides this, they published scurrilous pamphlets, one of which was sarcastically dedicated "To his Excellency James Oglethorpe." The writer, in his address to Oglethorpe, sneeringly remarks:--

"You have protected us from ourselves, by keeping all earthly comforts from us. You have afforded us the opportunity of arriving at the integrity of primitive times, by entailing a more than primitive poverty upon us. The valuable virtue of humanity is secured to us by your care to prevent our procuring, or so much as seeing, any negroes (the only creatures proper to improve the soil), lest our simplicity might mistake the poor Africans for greater slaves than ourselves. And, that we might fully receive the benefit of those wholesome austerities, you have denied us the use of spirituous liquors, which might at least divert our minds from the contemplation of our happy circumstances."

From an early period, Tailfer had been turbulent, and his daily employment had been to misrepresent the public measures, disperse scandal, and incite discontent. At length, a short time before Whitefield left, Tailfer's club was dissolved; and the doctor and his crew migrated to Charleston.[412] "The fear of the Spaniards," says Stephens, "was what drove them away."

[412] "Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, pp. 265-276."

This account conveys an unfavourable idea of the state of Whitefield's parish--a parish, however, to which he had devoted but little service. Three years had elapsed since Whitefield had first embarked for Savannah. Ever since, he had been the nominal incumbent; and yet, during this whole period, he had spent only twenty-nine weeks and two days in the province of Georgia; Savannah, Frederica, Bethesda, and other places all included. Perhaps, if the parson had been more with his people, the demagogues, Tailfer, Williamson, and their gang, might have been less mischievous than they were. At all events, the tie between Whitefield and Savannah had been so slender, that there could be no great wrench when the young incumbent relinquished his living.

Whitefield left Savannah on New Year's Day, 1741; and arrived at Charleston on Sunday, January 4. Here he spent nearly the next fortnight. He preached twice every day, besides expounding in the evenings; and, as usual when at Charleston, he got into trouble. A Mr. Hugh Bryan[413] had written a letter, "in which it was hinted that the clergy break their canons." At the writer's request, Whitefield revised the letter for the press. The letter was published. Immediately Mr. Bryan was arrested; and, on being questioned, confessed that Whitefield corrected the letter, and made alterations in it. Upon this, on Saturday, January 11, a constable came to Whitefield with a warrant addressed "To all and singular the Constables of Charleston," to the following effect:--

"Whereas I have received information upon oath, that George Whitefield, clerk, hath made and composed a false, malicious, scandalous, and infamous libel against the clergy of this province, in contempt of His Majesty and his laws, and against the King's peace;

"These are, therefore, in His Majesty's name, to charge and command you and each of you forthwith to apprehend the said George Whitefield, and to bring him before me to answer the premisses. Hereof fail not, at your peril. And for your so doing, this shall be your and each of your sufficient warrant.

"Given under my hand and seal this 10th day of January, in the fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign, Anno Domini, 1741.

"B---- W----."

[413] Not long after this, Hugh Bryan imagined himself to be a prophet, and sent twenty closely written sheets, filled with his predictions, to the Speaker of the South Carolina House of Assembly. It was, also, rumoured that he was encamped in the wilderness, and was gathering together all sorts of people--especially negroes; and that he had procured firearms, for some secret and dangerous purpose. Warrants were issued for his apprehension; but, before they could be served, he discovered his delusion, confessed his errors, and begged for pardon. The man was not traitorous, but mad. In order to ascertain whether the "invisible spirit," with whom he imagined he had held converse, was an angel or the devil, he nearly drowned himself. A long account of the whole affair was ordered to be printed by the House of Assembly, on March 3, 1742; and was published in the Boston _Postboy_, of May 3, 1742.

On receiving such a formidably-worded document, Whitefield appeared before the magisterial magnates, confessed that he had corrected Mr. Bryan's letter for the press, and gave security to appear, by his attorney, at the next general quarter sessions, "under the penalty of £100 proclamation money."

This was on Saturday; and, as shewing that much of Whitefield's pulpit eloquence was impromptu, it may be added, that, next morning, he preached "upon Herod's sending the wise men to find out Christ, under a pretence that he intended to come and _worship_ Him, when in reality he intended to _kill_ Him." From this, Whitefield "endeavoured to shew how dreadful it was to persecute under a pretence of _religion_."

In the afternoon, the young preacher's text was more pointed still: "They proclaimed a fast; and set Naboth on high among the people, and there came in two men, children of Belial, and sat before him; and the men of Belial witnessed against him, even against Naboth, in the presence of the people, saying, Naboth did blaspheme God and the king. Then they carried him forth out of the city, and stoned him with stones, that he died" (1 Kings xxi. 12, 13). "My hearers," writes Whitefield, "as well as myself, made the application. It was pretty close. I especially directed my discourse to men of authority, and shewed them the heinous sin of abusing the power which God hath put into their hands."

Whitefield was as much beloved by the populace of Charleston as he was hated by its "authorities and powers." He writes:--

"January 16, Friday. Preached twice every day this week, and expounded in the evening as usual. Congregations much increased since Saturday night last; and I never received such generous tokens of love from any people as from some in Charleston. They so loaded me with sea-stores, that I sent many of them to Savannah. Having now all things finished according to my mind, I preached my farewell sermon last night, and spoke at the burial of a Quaker woman, at the desire of her surviving friends. I this day went on board the _Minerva_, Captain Meredith, in which I took passage for myself and some others to England."

Whitefield arrived in England on the 11th of March following; but, before attending him in his voyage, some other matters must be noticed.

Nearly a year and a half had elapsed since his embarkation for America. His time had been occupied to the utmost; and marvellous had been the results of his evangelistic labours. The same may be said of his friends, John and Charles Wesley. Charles had been in Whitefield's native county, preaching, in the fields, to assembled thousands. In Bristol and Kingswood, enormous crowds had attended his ministry, and great numbers had been converted. Often did he meet with persons who had been convinced of sin by Whitefield's preaching; and sincerely he rejoiced on account of his friend's success. He had visited the native place of William Seward, and had been treated by some of the Seward family with the greatest incivility. In London he had preached, not only in the Foundery, but, on Kennington Common, and in other places where Whitefield had been wont to lift up his trumpet voice. He had had to fight the Moravians, or rather their errors; and had been honestly assisted by Benjamin Ingham and Howell Harris; but of "Rabbi Hutton," as he calls Whitefield's publisher, he says: "Poor James was all tergiversation. O how unlike himself! The honest, plain, undesigning Jacob is now turned a subtle, close, ambiguous Loyola."

John Wesley had converted the old Foundery, in London, into a Methodist meeting-house. He and Philip Henry Molther had had a passage at arms. Many of the Moravians considered him an apostate; but others followed him from Fetter Lane to the now ecclesiastical Foundery, where, on July 23, 1740, he formed them into the first Methodist Society in London. In Bristol and Kingswood, he had witnessed strange things, amply narrated in his "Journals," and in his "Life and Times." The interval which had elapsed since Whitefield embarked for America, had been a time of warfare and of trial; but it had also been a time of triumph. Wesley had laid the foundation of the great Methodist communities now existing; but what of Whitefield?

"It is a remarkable fact, that, considering the sparseness of the American population, the crowds attending Whitefield's preaching were, perhaps, unparalleled in the history of the Church of Christ. There is also another important fact which it would be obstinacy to call in question, namely, that among the Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists of America, Whitefield's ministry had been immensely useful; and, further, that, from the outside multitudes, he had gathered not a few into the fold of Christ. But, notwithstanding his marvellous popularity and success, Whitefield formed no societies of his own in America. He was not there, as the founder of a sect. God seems to have sent him, not to plant new churches; but, by preaching the gospel, to revive old ones. For the former, he had no tact; for the latter, his qualifications were extraordinary. He formed no churches of his own; and yet his Herculean labours were far from being lost. The labours of no one man, save those of Wesley alone, (and even those only indirectly,) have exerted so mighty an influence upon the religious interests and destiny of America, as those of George Whitefield."

Dr. Abel Stevens, whose knowledge of American Church history is, perhaps, unequalled, observes:--

"The Congregational Churches of New England, the Presbyterians and Baptists of the Middle States, and the mixed colonies of the South, owe their later religious life and energy mostly to the impulse given by Whitefield's powerful ministrations. The 'great awakening' under Edwards had not only subsided before Whitefield's arrival, but had reacted. Whitefield restored it; and the New England Churches received under his labours an inspiration of zeal and energy which has never died out. He extended the revival from the Congregational Churches of the Eastern to the Presbyterian Churches of the Middle States. In Pennsylvania and New Jersey, where Frelinghuysen, Blair, Rowland, and the two Tennents had been labouring with evangelical zeal, he was received as a prophet from God; and it was then that the Presbyterian Church took that attitude of evangelical power and aggression which has ever since characterised it. Whitefield's preaching, and especially the reading of his printed sermons in Virginia, led to the founding of the Presbyterian Church in that State, whence it has extended to the South and South-west. The stock, from which the Baptists of Virginia and those in all the south and south-west have sprung, was also Whitefieldian. And, though Whitefield did not organise the results of his labours, he prepared the way for Wesley's itinerants. When he descended into his American grave, they were already on his track. They came not only to labour, but to organise their labours; to reproduce, amid the peculiar moral necessities of the new world, both the spirit and method of the great movement as it had been organised by Wesley in the old."[414]

[414] "History of Methodist Episcopal Church."

Excepting the legal proceedings taken against him at Charleston, Mr. Garden's letters, and the not ill-tempered animadversions of the "Querists" in Philadelphia, Whitefield had encountered no opposition in America worth mentioning; but, in England, he was still "an astonishment, a proverb, and a byword," to his enemies. Among the numerous pamphlets and other publications, in which he was more or less criticised and abused, the following may be mentioned. His unwise letter against Archbishop Tillotson gave birth to "The Sentiments of Archbishops Tillotson and Sharp on Regeneration; and of Bishop Moor, etc., on Justification by Faith only. Recommended to the perusal of the more serious and considerate Followers of Mr. Whitefield. With a Preface, wherein is represented the evil tendencies of his Principles and Conduct, both to Civil Society and the Christian Religion. By a Friend of True Religion." (8vo. 47 pp.)

The sting of this pamphlet is in its preface, of fourteen pages; which begins by stating, that, the social duties of man cannot "be reconciled with such daily fasting, praying, frequent preaching, and strict austerities of life as our _modern religious_, the sanctified Mr. Whitefield and his proselytes, seem to practise themselves and recommend to others. As God thought proper to appoint but one day in seven to be dedicated to His own more immediate service, how presumptuous is it for any one to alter the rule and order of God, by taking from their labour the industrious two or three hours in a day (perhaps more) to attend on prayer and preaching! It would be well if this _modern religious_, this person of great sanctity and more peculiar holiness, would seriously consider how much his diurnal aerial preaching, and _new method_ of recommending practical religion, tend to injure public society and private families; to destroy trade and commerce; to occasion riot and drunkenness, lewdness and extravagance, by interrupting the hand of the diligent and industrious; and, instead of promoting true religion, sincere and unaffected piety, by recommending severe austerities, scrupulous niceties, and erroneous notions, to drive some to despair, and to deter others from embracing the religion of our blessed Saviour."

After quoting from Whitefield's autobiography, the writer proceeds to say, "What a mixture is here of enthusiasm and presumptuous self-arrogance! What strange doctrine does this babbler teach! What an encouragement does he give to Deists to persevere in their infidelity, and to reject that gospel of Christ, which this wonderfully illuminated, this _would-be-thought_ divinely inspired teacher, pretends to recommend! His arrogancy and monstrous presumption appear in aspersing the memory of our immortal Tillotson; but Tillotson's name will be venerable to all, for piety, good sense, and learning, and will remain so to the latest posterity, when this _upstart_ will be buried in oblivion, or will be only remembered as a vain and arrogant person." The author concludes with choice aspersions like the following:--"Pragmatical teacher;" "puerile declaimer, intoxicated with spiritual pride;" "ostentatious and vain-glorious;" and "so full of his own sagacity as to be past conviction."

Whitefield's letter against Archbishop Tillotson was only one of his imprudent productions. His "Letter to a Friend in London, shewing the fundamental Error of a Book, entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man,'" occasioned the publication of the following:--"A modest and serious Defence of the Author of 'The Whole Duty of Man,' from the False Charges and gross Misrepresentations of Mr. Whitefield and the Methodists his Adherents. By a Presbyter of the Church of England. London, 1740." (8vo. 44 pp.)

Want of space renders it impossible to enter into the theological discussion. Suffice it to say, that "Presbyter" writes with great ability; but occasionally there is a passage which is uncharitable and unjust. The following is the concluding paragraph:--

"Our Saviour tells us, that every tree is known by its fruit; and what are the fruits of the Spirit? Not vain and confident boasting; not rash, uncharitable censures, damning all that do not feel what they feel; not gathering tumultuous assemblies, to the disturbance of the public peace, or the prejudice of families; not denying man the use of God's creatures, which He hath appointed to be received with thanksgiving; not setting at nought all rule and authority, nor intruding into other men's labours; not encouraging abstinence, prayer, or any other religious exercises, to the neglect of the duties of our station. Not these, nor any such disorderly doings, however coloured with a specious show of piety, are the fruits of the Spirit; but love, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, meekness. God is not the author of confusion, but of peace and of a sound mind; and, whenever you observe contrary effects in those who pretend to more than common gifts, you may be very certain, that, whatever spirit else they are led by, they are not led by the Spirit of God."

Whitefield's Letters against Tillotson and "The Whole Duty of Man" called forth another pamphlet, of sixteen pages, entitled, "A curious Letter, from a Gentleman to Mr. Whitefield, wherein he proves that Mr. Whitefield knows much less of Christianity than either Archbishop Tillotson or the Author of 'The Whole Duty of Man:' With Remarks by Aquila Smyth, Layman of the Church of England."

Mr. Smyth is too abusive to be respected. He says Whitefield had written and published his two letters, "in the gall of bitterness, in the spirit of pride, malice, and envy; and had depreciated the most valuable works of other men on purpose to aggrandise himself, and gain credit and reputation to his own weak, nay, impudent, nay, wicked performances."

The following is the last sentence of Mr. Smyth's pamphlet:--

"Who but a set of mad and frantic minds, would ever have deserted a Church, where all the necessaries to salvation are so constantly preached and practised, for the sake of following some fiery zealots, who have withdrawn themselves from the communion of the Church of England, more for want of her preferments, than her want of the principles and practices of Christianity?"

One of the most virulent pamphlets, published against Whitefield in 1740, bore the following title: "The true Spirit of the Methodists, and their Allies fully laid open." (8vo. 98 pp.) The pamphlet is an over-heated defence of Dr. Trapp, but the writer also takes the opportunity of abusing the Methodists in general, and Whitefield in particular. A _few_ of the sentences and passages in which Whitefield is personally attacked are as follows:--

"In a confused huddle of stuff, he (Whitefield) abuses Dr. Trapp." "What he says about the beast with seven heads coming out of the sea, and Solomon's seven abominations in the heart, is perfect _Quakerism_, enthusiastic madness and malice." "This is some of Whitefield's nonsensical and malicious jargon." "What can one say more to this notorious slanderer, and liar, who says just what he pleases to abuse the clergy with all the malice of hell, without alleging the least appearance of one single proof?" "Whitefield's cant and nonsense again!" "He concludes with his ungodly jumble of _railing_ and _praying_." "He is both impious and ignorant; and his labours tend not to the salvation, but to the damnation of souls." "All the world knows the pride, impudence, and insolence of Whitefield." "Whitefield has, within these three years, gathered more money than one of the generality of the clergy receives, from his preferment, in twenty."

Another publication must be noticed, "The Trial of Mr. Whitefield's Spirit. In some Remarks upon his Fourth Journal. London, 1740." (8vo. 55 pp.) This is a cleverly written pamphlet; and, from the author's standpoint, not particularly unfair. No doubt, it is scathing; but that, perhaps, arises from the faultiness of Whitefield's published Journals. The writer declares, that, he has never seen Whitefield, and has no ill-will towards him. Indeed, he had been "rather prejudiced in his favour; and, at his first appearance, he had thought, his diligence in his ministry was truly commendable." By reading his Journals, however, his now anonymous censor had become "convinced that he was actuated by a high degree of enthusiasm, which had prompted him to say many things inconsiderate, uncharitable, and even blasphemous."

A few extracts from this able pamphlet must suffice.

"Mr. Whitefield is more positive, more contemptuous, and fierce in his expressions [in his fourth Journal] than heretofore: More assuming and bold in applying to himself what can never belong to any one but the Son of God: And his censures of persons, _civil_ and _sacred_, who do not _confess and own him_, as he daringly expresses it, are opprobrious and unchristian in a higher degree than in the former Journals."

"Such affected expressions as these sufficiently mark out the disposition of this man's heart--a solicitude about what the crowd thinks or says of his preaching, a self-satisfaction and complacence in his own performances, with an impotence of mind unable to conceal its pleasure, when at any time it fancies it has performed beyond the common degree of its abilities."

"The conduct of this gentleman, in publishing the daily occurrences of his life, is without example, and unjustified by any precedent among the saints of God. As the Holy Spirit Himself, in recording even the life of the blessed Jesus, has comprised it in a very short and compendious narrative, and observed a surprising modesty and reserve (if we may so express it) in giving us the account of His deeds and doctrines; it must infallibly follow that Mr. Whitefield's pompous history of his ministry, and of the smallest circumstances relating to his affairs, can never proceed from the same Spirit, which has recorded with so sparing a hand the memorials of the Author and Finisher of our salvation."

"The Holy Spirit has nowhere in Scripture been pleased to be so particular as these modern casuists in marking out precisely what exercise, amusement, or diversion is criminal. It is only Mr. Whitefield and his brotherhood, who denounce damnation to men on their appearing at a horse-race, a ball, or an assembly; whither persons, who live in a habit of virtue, and keep their passions under due subjection, may no doubt as safely go, as to any other places of public resort. And even these gentlemen may possibly be conscious to themselves, that _their_ unrestrained resort to their _women-societies_ may subject them to the same sorts of hazards and trials, that are supposed to beset people at balls and assemblies."

In addition to these publications, another must be noticed, the vilest of the vile, and, in many places, so polluted, that it would be a crime to quote it, "The Expounder Expounded; or, Annotations upon that incomparable piece, entitled, A Short Account of God's Dealings with the Rev. Mr. G----e W----f----d. By R----ph J----ps----n, of the Inner Temple, Esq. London, 1740." (8vo. 85 pp.) For the sake of decency, the mere mentioning of this filthy, obscenely jocular, and blasphemous publication must suffice.

To all these must be added the _Weekly Miscellany_, which continued to entertain its readers with leading articles, denouncing Whitefield, and full of Mr. Hooker's characteristic banter.

To be pelted with such paper pellets was far from pleasant; but it was inevitable. No man can attain to Whitefield's notoriety without being criticised, by both friends and foes. It is a tax which man must pay for being popular. Besides, it cannot be denied, that, _some_ of Whitefield's castigations were not altogether unmerited.

In the midst of all this abuse, however, an encomium was published, which, as an extremely rare curiosity, may fitly close the present chapter. This was a curious, but not ill-executed engraving, with the title, "The Parallel Reformers; or, the Renowned Wickliff and the Reverend Mr. Whitefield compared; shewing, by many parallel instances, the great resemblance between the pious Divines in respect of Christian zeal and fortitude. Improved from some curious observations lately published at Boston, in New England, and reprinted at London: Whereunto are added their Effigies curiously engraved."

Nothing need be said respecting the "effigies," except that, under Whitefield's, there is the following:

"Champion of God, thy Lord proclaim, Jesus alone resolve to know; Tread down thy foes in Jesu's name: Go--conqu'ring and to conquer go.

"CHARLES WESLEY."

Mr. Lewis's outline of Wickliff's history need not be given; but the following (especially Mr. Nixon's prophecy) is too curious to be omitted:--

"There has scarce anything appeared, says our New England author, in these last ages of the Church, more remarkable than the conduct and character of this wonderful young minister, Mr. Whitefield. Were he to escape persecution, he would want one evidence of his Divine mission, one badge of a disciple of Christ. Our author leaves it to others to determine whether what Mr. Fox says of Wickliff can with equal justice be said of Mr. Whitefield, namely, 'That even as the morning star in the midst of a cloud, and as the moon at the full, and as the bright beams of the sun, so doth this man shine and glitter in the temple and church of God.' But this he is sure of, that there is a vast resemblance between the men. For, both were born in the same country; both educated in the same university; both ministers in the same Church of England; both champions for the same faith, even that faith that was at first delivered to the saints. Wickliff and his followers, (as Bishop Burnet affirms,) in those early days, like Mr. Whitefield and his followers in our own time, preached not only in churches, but also in the open fields, churchyards, and markets, without license from the Ordinary, etc.; the one a glorious reformer of the Church from Popery, the other an illustrious restorer of the doctrines of the Reformation; the one labouring to reduce the Church to that purity which she attained 200 years after him, the other endeavouring to revive those truths which she universally embraced almost 200 years before him: both men of like zeal, both treated in the same manner. Mr. Whitefield preaches against, and laments the degeneracy of, our modern divines, with respect to the doctrines of original sin, free-will, justification of man, of good works, of the new birth or regeneration, of works before justification, of predestination, and election, etc. He militates against moral preachers and their doctrines, as well as against the immorality of men's lives. Mr. Wickliff, on the other hand, opposed the absurd doctrines, visions, lives, and insolent behaviour of the clergy. He, like his great Master, inculcated the morality of the gospel, and the study of the Holy Scriptures, instead of preaching for doctrines the commandments of men. Some of his peculiar doctrines are said to be these; viz., He not only denied the Pope's supremacy, but was against any persons assuming the title and authority of being the _Head of the Church_, asserting that it is blasphemy to call any one _Head of the Church_ save Christ alone. He condemned Episcopacy, as being a creature of princes' setting up; for he asserted that, in the time of the apostles, there were only two orders, viz., priests and deacons, and that a bishop doth not differ from a priest. He was for having ministers maintained by the voluntary contributions of the people, and not by tythes settled on them by law, saying that tythes are pure alms, and that pastors are not to exact them by ecclesiastical censures. He was not for giving the Church a _power to decree Rites and Ceremonies_, and to _determine Controversies of Faith_. For, it is said, that, he slighted the authority of General Councils, and affirmed that wise men leave that as impertinent, which is not plainly expressed in Scripture. He was also against prescribed Forms of Prayer, but especially against imposing of them. Nay, further, it is affirmed to be a doctrine of Mr. Wickliff, that baptism doth not confer, but only signify, grace, which was given before. And he calls those fools and presumptuous, who affirm such infants cannot be saved who die without baptism.

"There are not a few who think the following prophecy of _Nixon_ (being as yet, it is supposed, unfulfilled) has a respect to the Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_ and his followers, and that it will have its accomplishment in the Christian people called Methodists:--

"_A young new set of men, of virtuous manners, shall come, who shall prosper, and make a flourishing Church for two hundred years._"

Among the countless Methodist broad-sheets, issued in the days of Whitefield and the Wesleys, there are none more curious than this of J. Lewis, of Bartholomew Close, London.

_WHITEFIELD'S RETURN TO ENGLAND IN 1741._

MARCH TO JULY, 1741.

Whitefield embarked at Charleston on the 16th of January, 1741, and landed at Falmouth on March 11. His time on board was principally occupied in composing sermons, and in writing letters, chiefly to the friends whom he had left behind him. A few extracts will be useful.

To the Rev. Mr. Cooper, at Boston, he wrote:--

"Last Saturday" (January 10) "I was taken up, for being concerned in correcting the enclosed printed letter, written by Mr. Hugh Bryan.[415] I am bound over to appear next sessions, as well as Mr. Bryan: he, I believe, for libelling the king, and I for libelling the clergy, in saying they break the canons daily. These are earnests of what I must expect to meet in my native country; but our Lord will be our refuge in every storm. I expect my family will be like the burning bush. I find, I am in debt for them upwards of £600; but the Lord will provide. I wish to sink exceeding low, and cry out, 'Grace! grace! O the love of God! the sovereignty of Christ! the unchangeable loving-kindness of our heavenly Father!' Excuse me, dear Mr. Cooper; my heart is full. I want all men to love the Lord Jesus. It greatly rejoices me, to hear so many are coming to Him. I cannot but think that He will let His Word run, and be abundantly glorified in America. Boston people are much upon my heart. The memory of their forefathers is precious to me. May you live to see the spirit of scriptural _Puritanism_ universally prevail! I hope you will write every opportunity. If I am in prison, to hear that Boston people are alive to Christ will make me arise at midnight to sing praises to God."

[415] Whitefield speaks of Mr. Bryan as "a wealthy, moral, civilised planter, of South Carolina."

To another friend, he wrote as follows:--

"_February 8, 1741._

"I expect to suffer great things. The Lord, however, is able to deliver me out of all. I have just now had His Divine assistance in composing a sermon. This is the sixth which I have finished since I have been on board. O my dear brother, love a precious Christ, and shew it by adorning His gospel in all things. He has highly favoured you. If you and I think anything too much to be done for Him, we are of all men the most ungrateful. O the love of Christ! I feel it--I feel it. Write to me. If in prison, my friends will bring the letter to me there. God will hear me for you, even in a dungeon."

To a minister at Charleston, he wrote:--

"_February 17, 1741._

"I have been enabled to prepare nine discourses for the press. My body waxes stronger; and, last night, the great God, in a glorious manner, filled and overshadowed my soul. I am panting for the complete holiness of Jesus my Lord. At the receipt of this, turn your prayers into praises, and then turn your praises into prayers, in behalf of your affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The following was addressed to Mr. Jonathan Barber, whom he had left at Bethesda, to officiate as a sort of chaplain, during his absence:--

"_February 17, 1741._

"We have hitherto had scarce any contrary winds, and are now near the Western Isles. We had one storm the first week, but almost ever since have been favoured with weather, as well as wind. O that you would call the family together, and praise the Lord for the mercies conferred on us, the unworthiest of the sons of men! I long to hear what the Lord has done for your souls. Do you live in love? Do you strive together with me in your prayers? Does Bethesda answer its name? Is it, indeed, a house of mercy? I hope to have these questions answered in the affirmative."

Strangely enough, though Whitefield was in debt, and was constantly speaking as though he was about to be sent to prison, he was, at the same time, contemplating marriage. Hence the following to a friend at Charleston:--

"_February 17, 1741._

"My soul is in a heavenly frame, swallowed up in God. It is almost too big to speak. I will give it vent by writing to you. Our Master has shewn me several tokens for good, which I desired of Him in secret prayer. Last night, I think I received as full satisfaction as I could desire, in respect to _my marriage_. I believe what I have done is of God; though I know not when my heart was more disengaged from earthly thoughts than now. I only desire that Jesus may be glorified in me, whether it be by life or by death."

To Mr. James Habersham, Whitefield's overseer at Bethesda, he wrote as follows:--

"_February 18, 1741._

"Yesterday we humbled ourselves[416] before God, and, by prayer and fasting, sought for a blessing, and direction in all our affairs. I wish I had kept family fasts at Savannah. Suppose you had one monthly at Bethesda? I shall make all possible haste back, and remit money to you as often as I can. I am persuaded, God will not let you want. I would not have anything left undone, that is necessary for the family's comfortable subsistence. The Lord is our shepherd; therefore, we shall not want. My dear friend, let us study to be holy, even as Christ is holy. Let these be your daily questions, 'Am I more like Christ? Am I more meek and patient? Does my practice correspond with my knowledge? and am I a light to enlighten and inflame all that are around me?'"

[416] Whitefield had companions in his voyage to England.

The Rev. Ralph Erskine and his friends occupied a position in Scotland, similar to that occupied by the Wesleys and by Whitefield in England. Up to the present, Whitefield and Erskine had never met; but they had exchanged letters. Some of these have been already given. The following is another:--

"ON BOARD THE 'MINERVA,' _February 16, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,--You and your brethren are dearer to me than ever. Your 'Sonnets and Sermons' have been blessed to me and many. The former are reprinted in America. I want all your own and your brother's works. Since I have been on board, I have been much helped by reading the 'Marrow of Modern Divinity.' I have just perused 'Boston on the Covenant;' and, this morning, have been solacing myself with your 'Paraphrase upon Solomon's Song.' Blessed be our Lord, for helping you in that composition!

"Thanks be to rich and sovereign grace! I have experienced much of the Spirit's influences in making nine sermons, which I intend to print by subscription towards carrying on a Negro School, I am going to settle in Pennsylvania. The price of them bound will be four shillings. If you or your friends would take a few, it might be for the glory of God. My Journal, which I bring over, will acquaint you how the work of God goes on abroad.[417] Indeed, it is wonderful. The Orphan House has succeeded far beyond expectation. I will send you the particulars as soon as I print my 'Account.'

[417] This was published soon after his return to England. The title was, "A Continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Journal, from a few days after his Return to Georgia, to his Arrival at Falmouth, on the 11th of March, 1741: Containing an Account of the Work of God in Georgia, Rhode Island, New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina. The Seventh Journal. London: printed for W. Strahan, 1741." (8vo. 85 pp.)

"I am now going to England, expecting to suffer great things. I hear, there are sad divisions and errors sprung up among the brethren. In the spirit of meekness I have answered dear Mr. Wesley's sermon, entitled 'Free Grace;' and trust God will enable me to bear a full and explicit testimony to all His eternal truths.

"I believe it is my duty to marry. You will help me with your prayers in this, as in all other respects. You see, dear sir, how freely I open my heart to you, though I have never seen you face to face. If it be the will of God, I shall be glad to come into your parts before I leave England; but I fear my speedy return to America will not permit me. I purpose to embark again in the latter end of July or the beginning of August.

"I hope my love will find acceptance with your dear brother, and all the Associate Presbytery. My prayers always attend them. I should be glad to sit at their feet, and be taught the way of God more perfectly. Excuse this long letter. You are very dear to your unworthy friend, brother, and servant in the blessed Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[418]

[418] Life and diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine, p. 320.

Every chapter of Church history amply illustrates the Divine utterance, "My thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your ways my ways, saith the Lord." Whitefield intended to re-embark for America in four months; but forty months elapsed before he again set sail. Great events occurred during this large section of his life; and, of these, not the least important was his visit to Ralph and Ebenezer Erskine. But more of this anon.

In the foregoing letter, Whitefield mentions his having written an answer to Wesley's sermon on "Free Grace." The two loving friends were now at variance. This painful episode in the lives of Whitefield and Wesley must be briefly noticed.

Soon after Whitefield embarked for America, in August, 1739, Wesley published the following:--"Free Grace: a Sermon preached at Bristol. By John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. Bristol: printed by S. and F. Farley, 1739." (pp. 35.) "Wesley's sermon on 'Free Grace,'" says the late Rev. Thomas Jackson, "is the most powerful and impassioned of all his compositions." The Calvinistic doctrine of election, involving, as Wesley contends, the doctrine of reprobation, is condemned in the strongest terms. Wesley, with his accustomed conciseness, puts the matter thus: "Call it by whatever name you please, 'election, preterition, predestination, or reprobation,' it comes in the end to the same thing. The sense of all is plainly this,--by virtue of an eternal, unchangeable, irresistible decree of God, one part of mankind are infallibly saved, and the rest infallibly damned; it being impossible that any of the former should be damned, or that any of the latter should be saved." Wesley states his objections to such a doctrine; and, it is not too much to say, that his objections are unanswerable. His publication of this famous sermon was not an act of wantonness. In a brief address to the reader, he says, "Nothing but the strongest conviction, not only of what is here advanced as 'the truth as it is in Jesus,' but also that I am indispensably obliged to declare this truth to all the world, could have induced me openly to oppose the sentiments of those whom I esteem for their works' sake; at whose feet, may I be found in the day of the Lord Jesus!"

This was written and published in 1739. Dr. Whitehead says, Wesley sent a copy of his sermon "to Commissary Garden, at Charleston, where Mr. Whitefield met with it; and though the subject of predestination was treated in that sermon, in a general way, without naming or pointing at any individual, yet Mr. Whitefield found himself hurt, that Mr. Wesley should publicly oppose an opinion which he believed to be agreeable to the word of God."[419]

[419] Whitehead's "Life of Wesley," vol. ii., p. 133.

This, however, was not the only thing which gave offence. In 1740, appeared the following: "Hymns and Sacred Poems. Published by John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, and Charles Wesley, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. London: printed by W. Strahan; and sold by James Hutton, 1740." (12mo, 207 pp.) To these "Hymns and Sacred Poems," Wesley prefixed a preface of eleven pages, in which he taught and enforced his doctrine of Christian perfection. That doctrine he never set higher than in this memorable preface; indeed, in after life, he wished to modify some of its strong assertions. The reader has already seen, in the extracts from letters already given, that, Whitefield was as strongly opposed to the views of Wesley on this subject, as he was to Wesley's opinions on predestination. But more than this: Wesley's "Hymns and Sacred Poems" contained certain hymns on "Universal Redemption," one of which, consisting of thirty-six stanzas, had been affixed to Wesley's sermon on "Free Grace." The hymn was written by Charles Wesley, and includes the following verses:--

"_For every man He tasted death, He suffer'd once for all_; He calls as many souls as breathe, And all _may_ hear the call.

A power to choose, a will to obey, Freely His grace _restores_; We all _may_ find the living way, And call the Saviour ours.

When God invites, shall man repel? Shall man the exception make? 'Come, freely come, _whoever will_, And living water take.'

Thou canst not mock the sons of men; Invite us to draw nigh, Offer Thy grace to all, and then Thy grace to most deny!

Horror to think that God is hate! Fury in God can dwell! God could a helpless world create, To thrust them into hell!

Down there an endless death to die, From which they could not flee:-- No, Lord! Thine inmost bowels cry Against the dire decree!"

Charles Wesley's strongly worded verses offended Whitefield. They exhibited his favourite doctrine in a repulsive light. Hence, on December 24, 1740, he wrote, at Bethesda, his "Answer to Wesley's Sermon on Free Grace,"--an answer which will be noticed shortly. Meanwhile, on his passage to England, he addressed the following to Charles Wesley and his brother conjointly:--

"_February 1, 1741._

"MY DEAR, DEAR BRETHREN,--Why did you throw out the bone of contention? Why did you print that sermon against predestination? Why did you, in particular, my dear brother Charles, affix your hymn, and join in putting out your late hymn-book? How can you say, you will not dispute with me about election, and yet print such hymns, and your brother send his sermon, against election, to Mr. Garden, and others in America? Do not you think, my dear brethren, I must be as much concerned for truth, or what I think truth, as you? God is my judge, I always was, and hope I always shall be, desirous that you may be preferred before me. But I must preach the gospel of Christ, and that I cannot _now_ do, without speaking of election. My answer to the sermon is now being printed at Charleston; another copy I have sent to Boston; and another I now bring with me, to print in London. If it occasion a strangeness between us, it shall not be my fault. There is nothing in my answer exciting to it, that I know of. O my dear brethren, my heart almost bleeds within me! Methinks, I could be willing to tarry here on the waters for ever, rather than come to England to oppose you."[420]

[420] Whitehead's "Life of Wesley," vol. ii., p. 133.

All this occurred previous to Whitefield's landing at Falmouth, on the 11th of March, 1741. A year and a half ago, Whitefield had left England with a popularity unequalled. He returned under circumstances which, to a temperament like his, must have been exceedingly distressing. His important friend, William Seward, was dead. James Hutton, who had hitherto been his publisher, had refused to act in this capacity any longer, because Whitefield had embraced the Calvinian creed.[421] For the same reason, an estrangement between Whitefield and his most tenderly beloved friends, John and Charles Wesley, seemed to be inevitable. He had contracted large debts, and had nought to pay them. By his injudicious censures pronounced against Tillotson and the author of "The Whole Duty of Man," thousands of his former admirers had been prejudiced against him. Many of his quondam friends were now his foes; but a few remained faithful, and had already commenced to build him a "tabernacle," closely adjoining Wesley's Foundery, in the neighbourhood of Moorfields. A fortnight after he landed in England, he wrote the following letter to James Habersham, at Bethesda:--

[421] Hutton uniformly acted upon the principle, that he ought not to publish anything which he himself did not believe to be in accordance with the word of God. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 69.)

"LONDON, _March 25, 1741_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--We arrived at Falmouth last Wednesday seven-night, and got here the Sunday following. Blessed be God! we had a summer's passage.[422]

[422] Whitefield brought a negro boy with him. When he arrived in London, he committed the boy to the care of the Moravians, who undertook to provide for him until he should be of the age of twenty-one. He was sent to Germany. When Whitefield was returning to America, in 1744, he wished to take the boy back to his mother, in Carolina. The Moravians objected; Whitefield had to submit; and, in the same year, the boy was baptized at Lindheim, and was named Andrew. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 81.)

"I find, many of our friends are sadly divided, and, as far as I am able to judge, have been sadly misled. Congregations, at Moorfields, and Kennington Common, on Sunday, were as large as usual: on the following weekdays, quite contrary; twenty thousand dwindled down to two or three hundred.

"It has been a trying time with me. I have a large orphan family, consisting of near a hundred persons, to be maintained, about four thousand miles off, without the least fund, and in the dearest part of his Majesty's dominions. I am, also, above £1000 in debt for them, and am not worth £20 in the world of my own. I am threatened to be arrested for £350, drawn for, in favour of the Orphan House, by my late dear deceased friend and fellow-traveller, Mr. Seward. My bookseller, who, I believe, has gotten some _hundreds_ by me, being drawn away by the Moravians, refuses to print for me. Many, very many of my spiritual children, who, at my last departure from England, would have plucked out their own eyes to have given me, are so prejudiced, by the dear Messrs. Wesleys' dressing up the doctrine of election in such horrible colours, that they will neither hear, see, nor give me the least assistance: yea, some of them send threatening letters, that God will speedily destroy me. As for the people of the world, they are so embittered by my _injudicious and too severe expressions_ against Archbishop Tillotson, and the author of the 'Whole Duty of Man,' that they flee from me as from a viper. And, what is most cutting of all, I am now constrained, on account of our differing in principles, publicly to separate from my dear, dear old friends, Messrs. John and Charles Wesley, whom I still love as my own soul.

"Through infinite mercy, however, I am enabled to strengthen myself in the Lord my God. I am cast down, but not destroyed; perplexed, but not in despair. A few days ago, in reading Beza's 'Life of Calvin,' these words were much impressed upon me, 'Calvin is turned out of Geneva, but, behold a new church arises!' Jesus, the ever-loving, altogether lovely Jesus, pities and comforts me.

"My friends are erecting a place, which I have called a _Tabernacle_, for morning's exposition. I have not made, nor can I, as yet, make any collections; but let us not fear. Our heavenly Father, with whom the fatherless find mercy, will provide. Let us only seek first the kingdom of God, and His righteousness, and all other necessary things shall be added unto us.

"In about a fortnight, though I scarce know an oak from a hickory, or one kind of land from another, I am subpoenaed to appear before Parliament, to give an account of the province of Georgia, when I left it. This, I suppose, is occasioned by the party, which has been so inveterate against the honourable the trustees, whom they accuse of misemploying the public moneys. The event, which undoubtedly will be in favour of the trustees, you may know hereafter. In the meantime, believe me to be yours most affectionately,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Trouble awaited Whitefield, not only in London but at Kingswood. In 1739, he commenced a school for the colliers in Kingswood, and left Wesley to finish it. In the spring of 1740, Wesley opened it, and appointed John Cennick to be its master. Soon after his appointment, Cennick turned Calvinist, and imbued some of the members of Kingswood Society with his principles. "Alas!" wrote Charles Wesley, on November 30, 1740, "we have set the wolf to keep the sheep. For many months, John Cennick has been undermining our doctrine and authority." Cennick, and those who entertained his views, formed themselves into a separate society, and held meetings apart from their brethren. He also wrote to Whitefield in America, urging him to return without delay, to assist him in the doctrinal warfare he was waging among the poor colliers. A few days before Whitefield landed at Falmouth, the Kingswood controversy reached its crisis. After various warnings and expostulations, Wesley, on March 6th, called on the people to make their choice between him and Cennick. Fifty-two seceded with Cennick, and upwards of ninety remained with Wesley. From this time, to use Wesley's words, "there, were two sorts of Methodists; those for particular, and those for general, redemption."[423]

[423] Wesley's Works, vol. viii., p. 335.

As soon as Whitefield arrived in London, Cennick informed him of what had taken place; and, in reply, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, _March 25, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Hasten hither with all speed; and then we shall see what God intends to do for us and by us. It is a trying time now in the church. The Lord give us a due mixture of the lamb and lion! Some, who have been led astray, begin to recover. The Lord make way for His own truths! My love to the colliers, and all friends. Many, I suppose, will be shy. I am become a monster even to several who were wrought upon by my ministry; but it must needs be that offences should come. Adieu! Excuse brevity. Hasten, and speak face to face with yours most affectionately in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Amid all this Methodist confusion, Whitefield arrived in England. One of his first acts after his coming was to publish his answer to Wesley's Sermon on "Free Grace." The title was, "A Letter to the Rev. Mr. John Wesley, in Answer to his Sermon, entitled 'Free Grace.' By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford. London: printed by W. Straham, for T. Cooper." (8vo. 31 pp.) Affixed to it were the Articles of the Church of England, on "Original or Birth Sin," "Free Will," and "Predestination and Election;" and also a hymn, by the great Dissenter, Dr. Watts, containing the following verses:--

"Behold the potter and the clay, He forms his vessels as he please; Such is our God, and such are we, The subjects of His high decrees.

Doth not the workman's pow'r extend O'er all the mass, which part to choose, And mould it for a nobler end, And which to leave for viler use?

May not the sov'reign Lord on high Dispense His favours as He will; Choose some to life, while others die, And yet be just and gracious still?

What, if to make His terror known, He lets His patience long endure, Suff'ring vile rebels to go on, And seal their own destruction sure?

Shall man reply against the Lord, And call his Maker's way unjust, The thunder of whose dreadful word Can crush a thousand worlds to dust?"

Of set purpose, the theological arguments of both Wesley and Whitefield are here omitted. The reader must be satisfied with those parts of Whitefield's letter that are purely personal.

"BETHESDA, IN GEORGIA, _December 24, 1740_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER,--God only knows what unspeakable sorrow of heart I have felt on your account, since I left England last. Whether it be my infirmity or not, I frankly confess, that, Jonah could not have gone with more reluctance to Nineveh, than I now take pen in hand to write against you. Were nature to speak, I had rather die than do it; and yet, if I am faithful to God, I must not stand neuter any longer. I am very apprehensive that our common adversaries will rejoice to see us differing among ourselves. But what can I say? The children of God are in danger of falling into error. Nay, numbers have been misled, whom God has been pleased to work upon by my ministry; and a greater number are still calling aloud upon me, to shew also my opinion. I must then shew, that I know no man after the flesh, and that I have no respect of persons, any further than is consistent with my duty to my Lord and Master, Jesus Christ.

"This letter, no doubt, will lose me many friends. Perhaps God has laid this difficult task upon me, to see whether I am willing to forsake all for Him, or not. From such considerations as these, I think it my duty to bear an humble testimony, and to plead earnestly for the truths which, I am convinced, are clearly revealed in the word of God; in the defence whereof, I must use great plainness of speech, and treat my dearest friends upon earth with the greatest simplicity, faithfulness, and freedom, leaving the consequences of all to God.

"For some time before, and especially since, my last departure from England, both in public and private, by preaching and printing, you have been propagating the doctrine of _universal redemption_. And, when I remember how Paul reproved Peter for his dissimulation, I fear I have been sinfully silent too long. O then be not angry with me, dear and honoured sir, if now I deliver my soul, by telling you, that I think, in this, you greatly err.

"Before I enter upon the discourse, entitled 'Free Grace,' give me leave to notice what, in your preface, you term an indispensable obligation to make it public to all the world. I must own, that, I always thought you were quite mistaken upon that head. The case, you know, stands thus: When you were at Bristol, I think, you received a letter from a private hand, charging you with not preaching the gospel, because you did not preach election. Upon this, you drew a lot: the answer was, 'preach and print.' I have often questioned, as I do now, whether, in so doing, you did not tempt the Lord. A due exercise of religious prudence, without a lot, would have directed you in that matter. Besides, I never heard that you enquired of God, whether or not election was a gospel doctrine. But, I fear, taking it for granted, it was not, you only enquired, whether you should be silent, or preach and print against it?[424] However this be, the lot came out, '_preach and print_;' accordingly, you preached and printed against election. At my desire, you suppressed the publishing of the sermon whilst I was in England; but soon sent it into the world after my departure. O that you had kept it in! However, if that sermon was printed in answer to a lot, I am apt to think, one reason why God should so suffer you to be deceived was, that, hereby a special obligation might be laid upon me faithfully to declare the Scripture doctrine of election.

[424] Thirty-seven years' after this, during the great Calvinian controversy, Rowland Hill taunted Wesley by stating that he cast "lots for his creed." Thomas Olivers, the confidential friend of Wesley, in his "Rod for a Reviler," replied to this as follows:--"It is hard not to believe that the relaters of this story are totally void of veracity, honour, and conscience. The well-known fact is neither more nor less than this. When Mr. Whitefield, by embracing and preaching Calvinism, turned aside from the original doctrines of Methodism, it was a doubt with Mr. Wesley, not whether he should _believe_ Calvinism, but whether he should _preach and print_ against it. What made this a matter of doubt was, if he did expressly preach and print against it, he would oppose Mr. Whitefield, whom he dearly loved. On the other hand, if he did not preach and print against it, Mr. Whitefield's great influence would draw vast multitudes into his mistake. In this strait, it is true, he cast a lot, which came up to this effect, 'As thou hast long believed Calvinism to be a delusion, regardless of friends and enemies, preach and print against it.' Now, will good men, will men of honour, will men who make the smallest pretence to integrity, conscience, truth, justice, or anything else that is good, call this 'Casting lots for his creed'?" ("A Rod for a Reviler." London, 1777, pp. 9, 10.)

* * * * *

"I frankly acknowledge, I believe the doctrine of reprobation, in this view, that God intends to give His saving grace, through Jesus Christ, only to a certain number, and that the rest of mankind, after the fall of Adam, being justly left of God to continue in sin, will at last suffer that eternal death, which is its proper wages.

* * * * *

"I would not judge of the truth of election, by the experience of any particular persons. If I did, (O bear with me in this foolishness of boasting!) I think I might glory in election. For these five or six years, I have received the witness of God's Spirit. Since that, I have not doubted a quarter of an hour of a saving interest in Jesus Christ. And, if I must speak freely, I believe your fighting so strenuously against the doctrine of election, and pleading so vehemently for a sinless perfection, are among the reasons or culpable causes, why you are kept out of the liberties of the gospel, and from that full assurance of faith, which they enjoy, who have experimentally tasted, and daily feed upon, God's electing, everlasting love."

* * * * *

"Dear, dear sir, O be not offended! For Christ's sake, be not rash! Give yourself to reading. Study the covenant of grace. Down with your carnal reasoning! Be a little child; and, then, instead of pawning your salvation, as you have done in a late hymn-book, if the doctrine of _universal redemption_ be not true; instead of talking of _sinless perfection_, as you have done in the preface to that hymn-book; and instead of making man's salvation to depend on his own _free will_, as you have in this sermon, you will compose a hymn in praise of sovereign distinguishing love. You will caution believers against striving to work a perfection out of their own hearts, and print another sermon the reverse of this, and entitle it, 'Free Grace _Indeed_.' Free, because not free to all; but free, because God may withhold or give it to whom and when He pleases.

"Dear sir, as I told you before, so I declare again, nothing but a single regard to the honour of Christ has forced this letter from me. I love and honour you for His sake; and, when I come to judgment, will thank you, before men and angels, for what you have, under God, done for my soul."

The spirit breathing in this letter is beautiful. The opinions of Whitefield and Wesley were wide apart; but their heartfelt affection for each other was undiminished. Had they been left to themselves, they would lovingly have agreed to differ. John Cennick, a good man, and brave evangelist, was violently prejudiced against the Wesleys, and had more influence with Whitefield than was profitable. Noble-hearted Howell Harris, also, felt so strongly respecting the disagreement, that, in a letter dated October 27, 1740, his godly wrath branded Wesley's opposition of the Calvinian doctrines with the offensive epithet, "hellish infection." Joseph Humphreys, whom Wesley had employed to preach in the Foundery, London, renounced his connection with Methodism's founder, embraced Whitefield's tenets, and became an ardent and active partisan. J. Lewis started the first Methodist newspaper ever published, and succeeded in securing Whitefield, Cennick, Harris, and Humphreys as its principal contributors.[425] Under such circumstances, division became almost inevitable. Whitefield's letters plainly shew that this was a disaster which he devoutly dreaded; and Wesley, nearly forty years afterwards, declared that he and his brother endeavoured to prevent it. He writes:--

"Who made the division? It was not I. It was not my brother. It was Mr. Whitefield himself; and that notwithstanding all admonitions, arguments, and entreaties. Mr. Whitefield first wrote a treatise against me by name. He sent it to my brother, who endorsed it with these words, 'Put up again thy sword into its place.' It slept a while; but, after a time, he published it. I made no reply. Soon after, Mr. Whitefield preached against my brother and me by name. This he did constantly, both in Moorfields, and in all other public places. We never returned railing for railing, but spoke honourably of him, at all times, and in all places. But is it any wonder, that those who loved us should no longer choose to hear him? Meantime, was it we that turned their hearts against him? Was it not _himself_?' It was not merely the difference of doctrine that caused the division. It was rather Mr. Whitefield's _manner_ wherein he maintained his doctrine, and treated us in every place. Otherwise difference of doctrine would not have created any difference of affection; but he might lovingly have held particular redemption, and we general, to our lives' end. Even when he preached in the very Foundery, and my brother sat by him, he preached the absolute decrees in the most peremptory and offensive manner.[426] What was this, but drawing the sword, and throwing away the scabbard? Who then is chargeable with the contention and division that ensued?"[427]

[425] The title was, "The Weekly History; or, an account of the most remarkable particulars relating to the present progress of the Gospel. London: printed by J. Lewis. Price one penny." The newspaper was a small folio of four pages; and the first number appears to have been issued on April 11, 1741, exactly a month after Whitefield's arrival from America. In No. 4, the editor says: "The Rev. Mr. Whitefield intends to supply me with fresh matter every week." The periodical was continued weekly until November 13, 1742, when No. 84 was issued, to which the editor appended the following note: "Now that this first volume is finished, we purpose to begin the next in a more commodious manner. It is to be printed in a neat pocket volume, and to be delivered (every week, as it was at the first,) at the Tabernacle, and at people's houses, at the price of one penny."

[426] No doubt, Whitefield evinced bad taste in doing this; but the error, in Wesley's meeting-houses, was not repeated. At the time of Whitefield's death, Wesley, in a letter published in Lloyd's _Evening Post_, remarked: "Mr. Whitefield did not everywhere preach the eternal covenant and absolute predestination. I never heard him utter a sentence on one or the other. Yea, all the times he preached in West-street chapel, and in our other chapels throughout England, he did not preach these doctrines at all, no, not in a single paragraph." (Wesley's Works, vol. xiii., p. 378.)

[427] Wesley's Works, vol. xi., p. 463.

This seems to bear somewhat hardly against Whitefield; but there is no means of disproving it. Whitefield, naturally impetuous, had impulsive advisers; and, no doubt, with the best intentions, said things which probably he himself afterwards regretted. No zeal is more rabid than that engendered by theological disputes; and, very often, the fierceness of the zeal is increased by the godly earnestness of the disputers.

In one respect, Wesley had thrown down the gage; that is, he had published a sermon against predestination, in which Whitefield now believed; but he had not mentioned Whitefield's name, nor had he used a single expression that could be thought to allude to him. He had, also, six weeks before Whitefield's arrival in London, done another thing which partisans might perhaps interpret maliciously. By some means, a private letter, which Whitefield had written to Wesley (and which is referred to, p. 414), had been printed;[428] no doubt, because it condemned Wesley's doctrine of perfection, and the publication of his sermon on "Free Grace." This letter, dated "Boston, September 25, 1740," was printed without either Whitefield's or Wesley's leave; and a great number of copies were distributed in the Foundery, and at its door. Of course, Wesley, at once, perceived the meanness and malice of this proceeding; and wrote:--

"1741. February 1, Sunday. Having procured one of the copies, I related, after preaching, the naked fact to the congregation, and told them, 'I will do just what I believe Mr. Whitefield would, were he here himself.' Upon which I tore it in pieces before them all. Every one who had received it, did the same. So that, in two minutes, there was not a whole copy left. Ah! poor Ahithophel!"

[428] See _Weekly Miscellany_ of March 14, 1741.

It is highly probable that Whitefield's friends and admirers would resent this public tearing up of one of his epistles; but, remembering the surreptitious character of the whole proceeding, and also the malevolence of the object to be accomplished, every right-minded man will at once acknowledge, that, apart from the thing being done in a place of public worship, there was nothing in Wesley's act to be condemned.

How did the matter end? The following are extracts from Wesley's Journal:--

"1741. March 28, Saturday. Having heard much of Mr. Whitefield's unkind behaviour, since his return from Georgia, I went to him to hear him speak for himself, that I might know how to judge. I much approved of his plainness of speech. He told me, he and I preached two different gospels; and, therefore, he not only would not join with me, or give me the right hand of fellowship, but was resolved publicly to preach against me and my brother, wheresoever he preached at all. Mr. Hall (who went with me) put him in mind of the promise he had made but a few days before, that, whatever his private opinion was, he would never publicly preach against us. He said, that promise was only an effect of human weakness, and he was now of another mind.

"April 4, Saturday. I believed both love and justice required that I should speak my sentiments freely to Mr. Whitefield, concerning the letter he had published, said to be in answer to my sermon on 'Free Grace.' The sum of what I observed to him was this: 1. That, it was quite imprudent to publish it at all, as being only the putting of weapons into their hands, who loved neither the one nor the other. 2. That, if he was constrained to bear his testimony (as he termed it) against the error I was in, he might have done it by publishing a treatise on this head, without ever calling my name in question. 3. That, what he had published was a mere burlesque upon an answer, leaving four of my eight arguments untouched, and handling the other four in so gentle a manner, as if he were afraid they would burn his fingers. However, that, 4. He had said enough of what was wholly foreign to the question, to make an open (and, probably, irreparable) breach between him and me; seeing 'for a treacherous wound, and for the betraying of secrets, every friend will depart.'"

The last sentence, of course, refers to Whitefield's imprudent and unfriendly revelation respecting Wesley casting lots to ascertain whether he should "_preach and print_;" and it is only fair to add, that this was the only part of Whitefield's letter that was "wholly foreign to the question" in debate.

So much in reference to the difference respecting Calvinism. There was, however, another bone of contention--Kingswood School, and the school at Bristol. It seems that Whitefield, somewhat petulantly, had complained of the adornment of the chapel Wesley had built at Bristol, and of the "lodgings" which had been provided in it for him and for his brother. He had found fault, "that the children at Bristol were clothed as well as taught;" and that "those at Kingswood had been neglected." Wesley, in the month of April, 1741, wrote a long letter in reply to these accusations. He tells his old friend, that the only adornment in Bristol chapel consisted of "a piece of green cloth nailed to the desk; and two sconces, for eight candles each, in the middle." In reference to the "lodgings," he says, "There is a little room by the school where I speak to persons who come to me; and a garret, in which a bed is placed for me. And do you grudge me this? Is this the voice of my brother, my son, Whitefield?" The accusation of the children of Kingswood School being neglected is positively denied. "One master and one mistress," writes Wesley, "have been in the house ever since it was capable of receiving them. A second master has been placed there some months since; and I have long been seeking for two proper mistresses; so that as much has been done, if not more, than I can answer to God and man." Wesley concludes his letter thus:--

"You rank all the maintainers of universal redemption with Socinians. Alas! my brother, do you not know that the Socinians allow no redemption at all? that Socinus himself speaks thus: _Tota redemptio nostra per Christum metaphora?_ and says expressly, 'Christ did not die as a ransom for any, but only as an example for mankind'? How easy were it for me to hit many other palpable blots in that which you call an 'Answer' to my sermon! And how above measure contemptible would you then appear to all impartial men, either of sense or learning! But I spare you; mine hand shall not be upon you. The Lord be judge between me and thee! The general tenor both of my public and private exhortations, when I touch thereon at all, as even my enemies know, if they would testify, is, 'Spare the young man, even Absalom, for my sake.'"[429]

[429] Wesley's Works, vol. xii., p. 148.

Whitefield and Wesley were separated; but, within eighteen months after the publication of Whitefield's letter, their old friendship was entirely re-established; and ever afterwards, to the end of life, Wesley and Whitefield loved each other with a love like that of David and Jonathan. This will be amply shewn in succeeding pages. Meantime, however, Whitefield was in great distress. He, afterwards, wrote as follows:--

"I had written an answer" [to Wesley's sermon on Free Grace], "which, though revised and much approved of by some good and judicious divines, I think had some too strong expressions about absolute reprobation, which the apostle leaves rather to be inferred than expressed. The world was angry with me for writing my letters against the author of 'The Whole Duty of Man' and Archbishop Tillotson; and numbers of my own spiritual children were angry with me for writing my Answer to Mr. Wesley. Instead of having thousands to attend me, scarce one of my spiritual children came to see me from morning to night. Once, at Kennington Common, I had not above a hundred to hear me. Never had I preached in Moorfields on a week-day; but, in the strength of God, I began on Good Friday. For some time, I continued to preach twice a day under one of the trees, and had the mortification of seeing numbers of my spiritual children, who but a twelvemonth ago would have plucked out their eyes for me, running by me whilst preaching, disdaining so much as to look at me; and some of them putting their fingers in their ears, that they might not hear one word I said. Ten thousand times would I rather have died than part with my old friends. It would have melted any heart to have heard Mr. Charles Wesley and me weeping, after prayer, that, if possible, the breach might be prevented. Once I preached in the Foundery, on Gal. iii., but no more. All my work was to begin again. A like scene opened at Bristol, where I was denied preaching in the house I had founded. Busybodies, on both sides, blew up the coals. A breach ensued. But, as both sides differed in judgment, and not in affection, and aimed at the glory of our common Lord, (though on both sides we hearkened too much to tale-bearers,) we were kept from anathematizing each other, and went on in our usual way; being agreed in one point, endeavouring to convert souls to the ever-blessed Mediator."[430]

[430] Gillies' "Life of Whitefield."

Thus, in England, Whitefield found trouble; from America he derived joy. Towards the end of the month of March, his two superintendents in the Georgia Orphan House, Messrs. Habersham and Barber, wrote him letters respecting a remarkable religious movement among the children there. Two young men, employed on the estate, had been converted since Whitefield left; and a number of the children had been put into two bands, and were "allowed to spend two or three hours every day in reading, praying, and singing hymns together." One day, Joseph Periam left them in the school picking cotton, when one of them exclaimed, "If we do not believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, we shall all go to hell." At once, the entire company fell upon their knees, and began to pray, "Lord God Almighty, have compassion upon us. Prick us to the heart. Pluck us as firebrands out of the burning. O Lord Jesus Christ, wash us in Thy blood. Take away our hard, stony hearts, and give us hearts of flesh." No wonder that Habersham wrote to Whitefield, saying, "Does not your soul leap for joy, and say, 'Bless the Lord, O my friends, and let us magnify His name together'?"[431]

[431] The _Weekly History_, July 25, 1741, and August 22, 1741.

The Rev. Gilbert Tennent, also, wrote to Whitefield as follows:--

"NEW YORK, _April 25, 1741_.

"VERY DEAR BROTHER,--In my return homewards, I have been preaching daily, ordinarily three times a day, and sometimes oftener. Through grace, I have met with success much exceeding my expectations. In Boston, there were many hundreds, if not thousands, under soul-concern. When I left that place, many children were deeply affected, and several had received consolation. Some aged persons in church communion, and some open opposers, were convinced; and divers of the young and middle-aged, together with several negroes, were converted. At Charleston, multitudes were awakened. At Cambridge, in the college and town, the shaking among the dry bones was general; and several of the students have received consolation. In these places, I found fruits of your ministry. In Ipswich, there was a general concern among the inhabitants; and here, also, I saw some of the results of your labours. The concern at Newport was very considerable. Divers Quakers and children, with others, came to me, in distress about their souls. At Newhaven, the concern was general, both in the college and town. About thirty students came, on foot, ten miles to hear the word of God. I believe thousands have been awakened. Glory be to God on high!

"I thank you, sir, that you did excite me to this journey. The work of God spreads more and more. My brother William has had remarkable success this winter at Burlington. I hear that there are several Religious Societies formed there. Mr. John Cross has had great success at Staten Island; and many have been awakened by the labours of Mr. Rollinson in divers places of the York government. Mr. Mills has had much success in Connecticut; and Mr. Blair, in Pennsylvania. The Lord bless you, dear brother!

"GILBERT TENNENT."[432]

[432] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 132.

Six months ago, Whitefield had persuaded Gilbert Tennent to become, _pro tempore_, an intinerant preacher; and now such was the evangelist's report of his success. Whitefield had consolations, as well as trials. "As cold waters to a thirsty soul, so is good news from a far country" (Prov. XXV. 26).

After his arrival from America, Whitefield remained about six weeks in London, during which, he employed himself in preaching to diminished congregations on Kennington Common, and in Moorfields. He was also summoned to "the Parliament House" to give evidence on Georgia affairs; and also urged his "appeal" against the decision of Commissary Garden's Court in Charleston. He writes:--

"London, April 10, 1741. I have been at the Parliament-house. The Georgia affair was adjourned. The gentlemen seemed apprehensive that my account of the colony would have too much weight. It was somewhat of a trial to be in the House. My 'Appeal' will come to nothing, I believe. I have waited upon the Speaker. He received me kindly."[433]

[433] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 258.

On April 22, Whitefield left London for Bristol, where he remained a week. The following letters were written during this brief visit; the first and second to friends in London, the third probably to Howell Harris.

"BRISTOL, _April 25, 1741_.

"Dear brother Charles" (Wesley) "is more and more rash. He has lately printed some very bad hymns. To-day, I talked with Brother N----. He tells me, that, for three months past, he has not sinned in thought, word, or deed.[434] He says, he is not only free from the _power_, but the very _in-being_ of sin. He now asserts it is _impossible_ for _him_ to sin. I talked with three women. One said she had been perfect these twelve months; but, alas! she shewed many marks of imperfection whilst I was with her. I asked her if she had any pride. She said, 'No.' I asked if she ever prayed for pardon, at night, for her sins and infirmities. She said, 'No; for she did not commit any sin.' I spoke to another woman, who said she had not sinned in thought, word, or deed, this twelvemonth. I asked her, and every one of the rest, whether they ever used the Lord's Prayer. They were unwilling to answer, but afterwards said, 'Yes.' I asked them whether they used it for themselves, and could say, 'Forgive us our trespasses.' They said, 'No; they used it for others only.'"[435]

[434] If Whitefield acquired his knowledge of Wesley's doctrine of Christian perfection mainly from witnesses such as these, no wonder that he was prejudiced against it.

[435] The _Weekly History_, No. 4.

BRISTOL, _April 27, 1741_.

"My dear Friend and Brother,--On Tuesday, April 22, I left London; and preached, on Wednesday and Thursday morning, at Newbury, to large congregations. On Friday evening, I preached at Bristol; and have continued to do so, twice every day, to great and affected auditories. Great manifestations of the Divine presence have attended my sermons. Praise the Lord, O my soul! My body is sometimes weak, but my soul rejoices in God my Saviour. I find it necessary, through the increase of awakened souls, to get a society room built adjoining our new Tabernacle. I pray God to fill it with His glory; and beg leave to subscribe myself your affectionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"BRISTOL, _April 28, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--Blessed be God for knitting us together in love! It is now a trying time with the church. Our Lord is now chiefly wounded in the house of His friends. The Lord keep us both from a party spirit on one hand, and from too much rashness and positiveness on the other! I speak thus, because you seem offended that some affirm, 'there is no such thing as dominion over indwelling sin, nor rest from working for life wholly.' Now this is certainly true in one sense. We shall never have such a dominion over indwelling sin as to be entirely delivered from the stirring of it; and the greatest saint cannot be assured, but, some time or other, for his humiliation or punishment for unfaithfulness, God may permit it to break out into some actual breach of His law, and in a gross way too. Let us not be high-minded, but fear. It is equally true, that we shall not rest wholly from working for life; for, whilst there is any part of us unregenerate, that part will be always leading us to the old covenant. But I suppose you have been tinctured with the doctrine of _sinless perfection_. No wonder, therefore, you write thus. As for _assurance_, I cannot but think, all who are truly converted must know that there was a time in which they closed with Christ; but, then, as so many have died with only a humble hope, and have been under doubts and fears, though they could not but be looked upon as Christians, I am less positive than once I was, lest haply I should condemn some of God's dear children. The farther we go in the spiritual life, the more cool and rational shall we be, and yet more truly zealous. I speak this by experience.

"Many have been convinced in London. I preach here twice daily, to large congregations, with great power. The Lord, I believe, will yet bring mighty things to pass.

"I am, your most affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Passing by the question of Whitefield's orthodoxy, it may be added, that, though his friend Charles Wesley was in Bristol at this period, and was preaching with great success, there seems to have been no intercourse between them. In Whitefield's letters, Wesley is not mentioned; and, in Wesley's Journals, there is no allusion to Whitefield, except, perhaps, in the following paragraph:--

"1741. May 4. I met the bands in Kingswood. One, who, in the fear of God, and mistrust of himself, had heard Mr. W----, assured me, he had preached barefaced reprobation. The people fled from the reprobating lion. But, again and again, as he observed them depart, the preacher of sad tidings called them back, with general offers of salvation. Vain and empty offers indeed! What availed his telling them that, for _aught he knew_, they might be _all_ elect? He did not believe them all elect; he could not: therefore, he only mocked them with an empty word of invitation; and if God sent him to preach the gospel to every _creature_, God, according to his scheme, sent him to _deceive_ the greatest part of mankind."[436]

[436] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 272.

Charles Wesley regarded Whitefield's Calvinism with abhorrence; and Whitefield regarded some of Wesley's doctrines as pernicious heresy. In a letter, dated "Gloucester, May 5, 1741," Whitefield writes: "At Bristol, error is in a great measure put a stop to." And, in another, dated "Bristol, May 16, 1741, he says: "Sad tares have been sown here. It will require some time to pluck them up. The doctrines of the gospel are sadly run down, and most monstrous errors propagated. They assert, that, 'the very in-being of sin must be taken out of us, or otherwise we are not new creatures.' Oh, dear sir, exhort all to pray for us, that I may be faithful to my Lord, and yet be kept gentle in my temper. At present, our dear Lord causes me to triumph in every place."

After paying a short visit to Gloucester, Whitefield returned to Bristol, where he continued till the end of the month of May. There can be no doubt, that, at this time, the Bristol Methodists marshalled themselves under two different banners. Whitefield and Charles Wesley were in the city, but there is no evidence that they ever sought each other's company. Whitefield, as he thought, was successfully plucking up the tares that his former friends, the Wesleys, had sown; and Charles Wesley was labouring with all his might to destroy Whitefield's doctrine of reprobation. He writes:--

"May 19. I am more and more confirmed in the truth by its miserable opposers. I talked lately with Mr. H----," (Humphreys?)[437] "and urged him with this dilemma: 'For what did God make this reprobate--to be damned, or to be saved?' He durst not say that God made even Judas to be damned, and would not say that God made him to be saved. I desired to know for what third end He could make him; but all the answer I could get was, 'It is not a fair question.' Next I asked, 'Whether he that believeth not shall be damned, because he believeth not?' 'Yes,' he answered; and I replied, 'Because he believeth not what?' Here he hesitated, and I was forced to help him out with the Apostle's answer, 'That they all might be damned who believed not the truth.' 'What truth?' I asked again, 'but the truth of the gospel of _their_ salvation? If it is not the gospel of _their_ salvation, and yet they are bound to believe it, then they are bound to believe a lie, under pain of damnation; and the Apostle should have said, 'That they all might be damned who believed _not a lie_.' This drove him to assert, that no man was damned for _actual_ unbelief, but only for what he called _original_; that is, for not believing before he was born. 'But where,' said I, 'is the justice of this?' He answered, not over-hastily, 'I confess there is a mystery in reprobation.' Or, to put it in Beza's words, which I then read him, 'We believe, though it is incomprehensible, that it is just to damn such as do not deserve it.' Further, I asked him, 'Why does God command all men everywhere to repent? Why does He call, and offer His grace to, reprobates? Why does His Spirit strive with every child of man for _some_ time, though not always?' I could get no answer, and so read him one of his friend Calvin's: 'God speaketh to them, that they may be the deafer; He gives light to them, that they may be the blinder; He offers instruction to them, that they may be the more ignorant; and uses the remedy, that they may _not_ be healed' (Calvin, Instit. l. iii., c. 24). Never did I meet with a more pitiful advocate of a more pitiful cause. And, yet, I believe he could say as much for reprobation as another. I told him _his_ predestination had got a millstone about its neck, and would infallibly be drowned, if he did not part it from reprobation."[438]

[437] There can be little doubt that "Mr. H----" means Joseph Humphreys, already noticed in a previous chapter. Humphreys says: "The division between Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Wesley was a sore trial to me. I loved them both, but, for a while, thought of joining with neither, because I seemed to think there were extremes on both sides. However, afterwards, I had by much the greatest satisfaction on Mr. Whitefield's side, with whom I openly joined at the beginning of May, 1741. At which time, I first preached in the Bowling-green, at Bristol, for a while, to a congregation distinct from that of Wesley's; afterwards, at the Tabernacle, in London," etc. ("Account of Joseph Humphreys' Experience." Bristol, 1742. p. 42.)

[438] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 277.

The two Methodist leaders felt strongly on the subject of their respective doctrines; and that their partisans were quite as zealous as their leaders will be evident from the following extracts from Charles Wesley's Journal, written at and about the time of Whitefield's visit to Bristol:--

"May 25. While I was passing by the Bowling-green, a woman cried out, 'The curse of God light upon you,' with such uncommon bitterness, that I could not but turn and stop to bless her. When I asked her why she cursed me, she answered, 'For preaching against Mr. ----.' I had, indeed, a suspicion, from her dialect, that she was one of the self-elect; but stayed heaping coals of fire upon her head, till at last she said, 'God bless you all!'

"May 31. To several, God shewed Himself the God of consolation; particularly to two young Welshmen, whom His providence sent hither from Carmarthen. They had heard most dreadful stories of us Arminians, Freewillers, Perfectionists, Papists, which all vanished like smoke when they came to hear with their own ears.

"June 8. A woman spoke to me of her husband. He was under strong convictions, while he attended the word; but the first time he heard the _other gospel_, he came home _elect_, and, in proof of it, _beat his wife_. His seriousness was at an end. His work was done. God doth not behold iniquity in Jacob. He uses his wife worse than a Turk (his predestinarian brother), and tells her, if he killed her he could not be damned."

Charles Wesley was far more alarmed by the Calvinian controversy than his brother John. The following letter, kindly supplied by Mr. G. Stampe, of Grimsby, has not before been published. It is addressed "To the Rev. Mr. Wesley, at Mr. Hooper's, maltster, Bristol," and is endorsed, in John's handwriting, "September 28, 1741. In a panic about G. W." It begins abruptly, as follows:--

"Extract of a letter from Bristol.--'I am exceedingly afraid lest predestination should be propagated among us in a more subtle and dangerous manner than has hitherto been attempted. Mr. Whitefield preaches holiness very strongly, and "free grace" to all; yet, at the same time, he uses expressions which necessarily imply reprobation. He wraps it up in smoother language than before, in order to convey the poison more successfully. Our Society, on this account, go to hear him, without any scruple or dread. We have sufficiently seen the fatal effects of this devilish doctrine already, so that we cannot keep at too great a distance from it. For my part, by the grace of God, I never will be reconciled to reprobation, nor join with those who hold it. I wish there might be a _real_ and _thorough_ union betwixt us.'

"O thou eternal Phrygian! I am too full to write or speak! Do you know the value of souls! precious, immortal souls! yet trust them within the sound of predestination? This is outdoing your own outdoings. Stop the plague _just now_, or it will be too late. Send me word, first post, that you have warned our flock from going to hear the other's gospel. O how you are outwitted! The subtle Scots[439] (those sons of Zeruiah) are too hard for you. I pity you and those few sheep in the wilderness, who are left to the wolf. For mine, and your own, and theirs, and Christ's sake, open your eyes; regard not fair speeches; renounce your credulity and George Whitefield, till he renounces reprobation. 'But that he does already, and preaches holiness and free grace for all!' And are you, can you be so easily caught? O that virtue of credulity! Send me word, I say, by next post, that you have restrained the unwary; or I shall, on the first preaching night, renounce George Whitefield on the house-top.

[439] John Wesley was now in Bristol, and Whitefield was in Scotland.

"P.S. When it was told the Grand Turk that all the princes of Christendom were entering into a confederacy against him, he answered, 'When these fingers are joined,' (holding them up,) 'then will the Christians agree.' So the world may say concerning our Societies and the Predestinarians joining against them.

"I have received a letter from Mr. Hutchins, of Lincoln College, with an order upon his brother to pay you £12 (I think it is). You should send me your order to receive it.

"CHARLES WESLEY."

These extracts furnish glimpses of a lamentable state of things in Bristol, where, within the last three years, both Whitefield and the Wesleys had witnessed some of their most glorious triumphs. Old friends were divided, and loving Christians had become furious partisans. In the midst of this unhallowed strife, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"Bristol, May 16, 1741. I rejoice that God lets you see more and more into the corruptions of your heart. The more perfect you are, the more you will see and bewail your imperfections in thought, word, and deed; the more will you be able to sing, 'In the Lord alone, and not in myself, have I complete righteousness and strength.' The doctrine of electing love is precious to my soul. I am enabled to speak of it feelingly to others. My soul is kept in peace and sweetness. Our Lord's cause needs not noise and rashness. I desire that none of my wild-fire may be mixed with the pure fire of holy zeal coming from God's altar. Brother H----" (Humphreys?)" is more and more enlightened; but, withal, more and more quickened every day. He finds there is no such thing as _sinless_ perfection, and yet is pressing after holiness of heart and life rather more than ever."

"Bristol, May 18, 1741. I am just setting out for Wiltshire. The Lord has been much with us. Yesterday, I preached three times. At every sermon, a sweet melting was observed in the congregation. Last evening, I gave your sister the sacrament. She is recovering. I afterwards administered the sacrament at Mr. T----'s, and had a love-feast. Jesus was in the midst of us. I know not but I may come towards London next week. I wonder not at your heaviness. Before every increase of your work, you must expect some trials. Humblings are necessary for your spirit, and mine." (Extract from a letter to John Cennick.)

"Bristol, May 23, 1741. The Lord only knows how He will be pleased to dispose of me. Great afflictions I am sure of having; and a sudden death, blessed be God! will not be terrible. I know that my Redeemer liveth. I every day long to see Him, and enjoy Him without interruption for evermore. I desire patiently to wait, till my blessed change shall come. The Lord has been with me here. There is a great awakening in Wiltshire; and the work is most wonderfully carried on in New England. I leave Bristol, and go, through Wiltshire, to London, next Monday. I then purpose going to Staffordshire, and then, through Wales, to Scotland. A wider door than ever is opened for preaching the everlasting gospel."

"Bristol, May 23, 1741. I thank you and the other gentlemen for their kind invitation to me to Scotland. I believe it will be near three months before I can see Edinburgh. On Monday, I set out for London; then I purpose to go into Essex, and then to return through Bristol and Wales in my way to you. I intreat all my brethren to pray for me, that I may come in the fulness of the blessing of the gospel of Christ. I am a poor, weak, unworthy worm. God has been with me here, and in Gloucestershire. In Wiltshire there is a great awakening. Oh, dear sir, never was a weak wretch sent on such an important errand. I have many trials, of various kinds. Jesus supports me; Jesus makes me more than conqueror. Dear sir, help me to praise Him."

Whitefield and Wesley now had not only separate congregations, but separate meeting-houses. In Bristol, Wesley occupied the chapel which he had built in Broadmead; and in Kingswood, the school-room which had been begun by Whitefield, and completed by himself. As yet, Whitefield had no chapel in Bristol; but, in Kingswood, John Cennick and others assisted him in building a room near the one which Wesley used.[440] In London, Wesley had converted the ruinous old Foundery, near Moorfields, into a place of worship; and now, in 1741, the friends of Whitefield procured a piece of ground close to Wesley's Foundery, and employed a carpenter to build a large temporary shed to screen his Moorfields congregations from the cold and rain. It is a curious fact, that, Whitefield never mentions this erection till it was ready to be opened. Its promoters were Calvinistic Dissenters; and originally it was only intended to be used during the few months he might stay in England, prior to his return to Georgia. Providence, however, had otherwise determined. Notwithstanding its unseemly proximity to Wesley's Foundery, within this wooden fabric, of large dimensions, immense crowds were gathered; a great spiritual awakening took place; a Society was formed; and, during Whitefield's absence, and at the desire of the people, Messrs. Cennick, Adams, Jenkins, Howell Harris, Seagrave, Humphreys, and others, were employed to assist in carrying on the worship, in succession.[441] Two facts respecting this original tabernacle must be remembered: 1. It sprang, not from Whitefield, but from a voluntary movement among his adherents, composed chiefly, if not wholly, of Protestant Dissenters; and, 2. The expense of its erection was borne, not by him, but by them. For twelve years, this wooden shed was Whitefield's metropolitan cathedral. As will be seen hereafter, the history of its society and congregations was chequered; but still, beneath its roof, there were many displays of God's abounding mercy. In 1753, it was superseded by the erection, on the same site, of the substantial brick building which, for more than a hundred years, was used by Whitefield's successors.[442]

[440] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 198.

[441] Gillies says, Whitefield "disliked the place fixed upon, because it was so near the Foundery, and looked like erecting altar against altar."

[442] _New Spiritual Magazine_, 1783, vol. i., p. 20; _Christian Witness_, 1847, p. 204; etc.

This uncouth structure seems to have been opened for public worship about a month after Whitefield's return from America; for, on April 19, 1741, he made collections in it, for his Orphan House, amounting to £23 11s. 1d.[443] It is mentioned in the following letters, the first to James Habersham, at the Orphan House in Georgia, and the second to John Cennick, Whitefield's _locum tenens_, at Bristol.

[443] Continuation of the Orphan House Accounts, 1742.

"LONDON, _June 1, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I have sent several letters to Georgia, and lately also a parcel of things for the children. God appears much in our congregations. We seldom have a dry meeting. As to outward things, I never was more embarrassed; but my consolations are equivalent. Praise the Lord, O my soul! I am not apprehensive of any opposition from Government. I have waited on the Speaker. He treated me kindly, and assured me that there would be no persecution in this king's reign.[444] They know I am loyal from principle; but, I believe, I shall yet be greatly humbled. I hope you enjoy peace. May the Lord bless you and the whole household! I am sometimes enabled to pray with great faith for you all. The Lord will yet provide.

[444] The reference here is probably to the action taken against Whitefield, by Commissary Garden, in Charleston.

"I am to preach thrice to-day. It is now past five in the morning. I am going to the _Tabernacle lately erected_, for a morning lecture. We have sweet meetings. Blessed be God!

"I subscribe myself yours eternally, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"LONDON, _June 3, 1741_.

"I have enjoyed the especial presence of God ever since I came to London. I preach three times daily. Congregations increase. I am going to have a society room joined to the _Tabernacle_. The Lord is really on our side. O let us be meek and quiet. O let us wait, and we shall see the salvation of God. I preach daily at Deptford. Our dear Master helps me to preach and pray with great power. Your ministry has been blessed. Let us both give glory to Everlasting Love. Remember me most kindly to all in Wine Street.

"Ever yours in the blessed Jesus, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To all intents and purposes, Whitefield was now a Dissenting minister. In America, his ministerial associates and friends were almost, without exception, Nonconformists. In England, nearly all the churches were closed against him. Protestant Dissenters had built him a wooden chapel, and, without either the ground or the edifice being rendered sacred by episcopal benedictions, Whitefield became its chief minister. Yea, more, like his friend Wesley, obtaining no help from the English clergy, he hesitated not to employ laymen to occupy his pulpit during his evangelistic wanderings.

"All," says he, "was wonderfully over-ruled for good, and for the furtherance of the gospel. A fresh awakening immediately began. Congregations grew exceeding large; and necessity reconciling me more and more to lay-preaching, I sent, at the people's desire, for Messrs. Cennick, Harris, Seagrave, Humphreys, and others, to assist." (M. S.)

Howell Harris was the first that Whitefield invited to supply his place in London. Hence the following, written soon after the Tabernacle was opened:--

"LONDON, _June 6, 1741_.

"MY BROTHER HOWELL HARRIS,--I do assure you that my heart is as your heart. I am quite sick of _Christless consenters_. They talk, and that is all. I, like you, am heartily despised by most of them. I am resolved to preach against their lukewarmness and worldly-mindedness. May God open my mouth wide when I come to Wales! Outward enemies are now more quiet. Enemies within the church--carnal professors and self-righteous Pharisees--most try us. Let us not fear. Jesus Christ will give us the victory over all.

"God mightily strengthens me. Our congregations are very large and solemn. I never had greater freedom in preaching.

"You need not fear my believing any reports to your disadvantage. I love you in the bowels of Jesus Christ. I was not in the least offended when B---- H---- wrote me word that 'you thought in some things I did not act as a _little child_.' The more open you are with me the better. If nature and pride rise in my heart, I will go to Jesus, abhor myself, and pray for my dear reprovers.

"I want to see you face to face. Satan does not love that Christ's ministers should come together. I wish you could come up immediately, and stay in London whilst I am in the country; or, rather, go and preach in Bristol, Gloucester, and Wiltshire, for about a fortnight, and then come up to London. This, I believe, will be best. About that time, God willing, I shall return from Essex; and then we can consult what is best to be done for the cause of our dear Master. I am glad to hear that Brother Rowlands is with you. Go on, in the strength of our dear Lord, and you shall see Satan, like lightning, fall from heaven. Times are not yet dark enough for the dawning of a thorough reformation. At eventide, God speaks.

"Cease not to pray for yours eternally in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The "brother Rowlands," mentioned in this letter, was probably the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, Rector of Llangeitho, in the county of Cardigan. Rowlands was a remarkable man. He entered the ministry of the Establisment when unconverted, and was wont to descend from his pulpit to join in the athletic games of his parishioners. Through curiosity, he went to hear Griffith Jones; became a changed man; and began to preach, "like thunder," among the Welsh mountains. This was about the year 1737. Like Whitefield, he became an itinerant clergyman. Besides serving his own Church, for a salary of £10 a year, he made frequent detours through the mountainous regions of Wales and into England, preaching in the Methodist chapels, in the open air, and wherever he had a chance. Multitudes followed him from town to town; and his overwhelming eloquence often kindled an enthusiasm which it is difficult to describe. Whitefield writes: "The power of God, under the ministry of Mr. Rowlands, was enough to make a person's heart burn within him. At seven in the morning, have I seen perhaps ten thousand from different parts, in the midst of a sermon, crying, _Gogoniant!_ (Glory!) ready to leap for joy." Even when repeating the Church service, tears and convulsive sobs, followed by cries of _Gogoniant_, would break out, and run through the multitude like a contagious fever. As early as 1746, Rowlands had as many as three thousand communicants to whom he was accustomed to administer the sacrament.[445] At length, his irregular labours evoked warnings from his bishop, and, at last, his license was rescinded. "And now," says an able writer in the _London Quarterly_ _Review_ (1849), "from every part of Wales--from the mouth of the Wye up to the Dovey and the Conway--people flocked to hear the eloquence, and to receive the sacrament from the hands, of one who had acquired the dignity of a martyr."

[445] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1814, p. 418.

This is not the place for further details of the life of Daniel Rowlands. The reader will meet with him again; but, it may be added, that, in a preface to three of his sermons, published in 1778, (8vo. 98 pp.,) it is stated that, "for about forty years," he had been "the most laborious and successful minister in Wales;" and that he still travelled "through most of the counties yearly, to spread abroad the riches of God's grace." No places, though some were very large, were sufficient "to hold his auditories. Above a hundred preachers in Wales esteemed him as their father, most of whom met him four times a year to consult about the most likely means of promoting the Redeemer's interests; and he administered the Lord's supper to thousands monthly, some of the communicants coming a distance of upwards of fifty miles."

In the foregoing letter, to Howell Harris, Whitefield says, "Outward enemies are now more quiet." Compared with the opposition encountered in previous years, this was true; but the "outward enemies" were not entirely silent. One of the pamphlets published against him was the following: "A Comparison between the Doctrines taught by the Clergy of the Church of England, and the Doctrines taught by Whitefield, Seagrave, and others: in which the true notion of preaching Christ is stated; the doctrinal preaching of the Established Church is vindicated; and the Methodists proved guilty of not preaching the Gospel of Christ. To which is added, the Wisdom of fleeing from Persecution, exemplified in the Conduct of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield at Charleston, in South Carolina. London: 1741." (8vo. 28 pp.)

The _Gentleman's Magazine_, also, ministered to the gratification of its readers by scurrility like the following. After pointing out the doctrinal differences between Wesley and Whitefield, it continued:--

"It is plain that one of them has a lying spirit; and, since their pretences are so much alike, we may conclude that it is the same spirit in both. The controversy has grown to so great a height, that Mr. Whitefield tells his auditors, that, if they follow Mr. Wesley's doctrines, they will be _damned, eternally damned_. On the other hand, Mr. Wesley tells his congregations, that, if they follow Mr. Whitefield, it will bring all to _distraction and confusion_ at last. Now, here is oracle against oracle, revelation against revelation, and the God of truth in one is declared to be a liar, by what He mentions in the other" (p. 321).

The _Weekly Miscellany_, as usual, excelled all other publications by the grossness and violence of its personal abuse. In the numbers for March 14, 21, 28, there were long leading articles against Whitefield. Throughout the whole of April, there were similar articles against Wesley. On May 2, both Whitefield and Wesley were vigorously attacked, and the opinion was expressed, that, "they are privately set on by popish emissaries, to promote their interests, and to take advantage of our being engaged in a war abroad to raise disturbance at home; and, in the end, to bring in the Pretender upon us, and so to involve us in blood, ruin, and confusion, to the utter subversion of both church and state."

These mendacious onslaughts were continued every week up to June 27, when Mr. Hooper's infamous _Weekly Miscellany_ expired, and was succeeded by the _New Weekly Miscellany, or Westminster Journal_. As a specimen of its final foamings against Whitefield, the following is taken from its concluding number:--

"Observations on Mr. Whitefield's conduct in America.--Mr. Hooker,--You have heard in all the public prints of the designed insurrection of the blacks in New York, to murder all the English on that continent,--how many houses they set on fire with that intention,--how they armed themselves with guns and knives for that purpose,--how near they were to execute their design,--with what difficulty it was suppressed,--how many persons have been executed upon that account,--and how many are still in prison in order to take their trials for that bloody conspiracy.

"What I submit to your consideration is, how far Mr. Whitefield has been instrumental in bringing this about. He tells us, in his Journals, how he has travelled above fourteen hundred miles in America, particularly to Pennsylvania, New England, New York, Rhode Island, and South Carolina: and that, in all these places, he has taken care to inveigh against the clergy of the Church of England; that he has frequently preached in the dissenting meetings, and has been carressed by their teachers. Now the consequence of all this is to raise feuds and animosities among ourselves. Mr. Whitefield has contended very strenuously for the conversion and baptizing of the negroes. The design is good, if well managed; but it does not appear that he made much application to the _planters_, their masters, who ought principally to be consulted. For the education of the negroes, he has purchased five thousand acres of land in Pennsylvania, which he has taken care to settle, upon himself and his heirs for ever, for that purpose."

By such perversions and insinuations, this malignant writer proceeds to assert, that, one result of Whitefield's preaching has been to make the negroes discontented and turbulent, so "that all the planters are forced to be doubly on their guard, and are not sure, when they go to bed, but that they shall have their throats cut before the next morning. The same preaching may be the overturning of several of the colonies. How far Mr. Whitefield is answerable before God, for the consequences of these proceedings, must be left to his own conscience to determine."

It is remarkable, that, in the very midst of these weekly libellous attacks, Whitefield placidly remarks, "Outward enemies are now more quiet." Their falsehoods and bitterness were now comparatively disregarded. He had become accustomed to violent abuse, and, in defiance of it, went on his way rejoicing. He had foes, but he also had friends. To John Cennick, at Kingswood, he wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, _June 8, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--How sweetly does Providence order all things for us! Just before yours came, I was resolved to send you £20, to begin the Society Room at Kingswood. Mrs. C---- gives it, and, I believe, will make it fifty. This gentlewoman has been made instrumental in relieving me out of my late distress. You know how I was threatened to be arrested, soon after my arrival, for above £300, due on account of the Orphan House in Georgia. This drove me to my knees. The example of Professor Francke encouraged me to pray. God was pleased to give me an answer of peace. Having, as I thought, a full assurance of immediate help, I went to sleep most comfortably. Early the next morning, a friend came to enquire, if I knew where a gentlewoman of his acquaintance might put out three or four hundred pounds. I replied, Let her lend it to me, and, in a few months, God willing, she shall have it again. Upon being acquainted with my circumstances, she most cheerfully lent me the sum I wanted. Praise the Lord, O my soul!

"I would have you lay the foundation" (of the Society Room at Kingswood) "immediately; but take care of building too large or too handsome. Notwithstanding my present embarrassments, who knows but it may be in my power to discharge my Orphan-house debt, and make collections here for Kingswood School too? When I could get no assistance from my old friends, and spiritual, prejudiced children, and was almost quite penniless, a serious person, whom I never saw or heard of, came the other day and put a guinea into my hand. On receiving it, something, as it were, said to me, 'Cannot that God who sent this person to give thee this guinea, make it up fifteen hundred?' As I told a friend immediately, to whom I ran down, so I shall tell you, I doubt not that this will be the case. My debt is all for God, and contracted in providing for the fatherless and widow.

"As to the work here, though perhaps I may be blamed by some for venturing so far, blessed be God, it goes on sweetly. All things happen for the furtherance of the gospel.

"Eternally yours in Christ Jesus, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To his friend, the Rev. Josiah Smith, of Charleston, he wrote:--

"LONDON, _June 9, 1741_.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--Blessed be God, the word runs and is glorified. The heat of the battle is now, I hope, pretty well over. God is pleased to give me great power, and to strengthen me both in body and soul. Our congregations are large and awful. We generally see and feel much of the Divine presence in the sanctuary. Many are pricked to the heart. I have three truly experienced young men who have joined me.[446] Affairs being somewhat settled here, I am going a long journey of several months, through several counties in England, Wales, and Scotland. The door was never opened wider for my preaching the everlasting gospel.

[446] Probably his three lay preachers, Howell Harris, John Cennick, and Joseph Humphreys.

"At present, there is no great fear of opposition from the men in power; though I hear the House of Lords intend to give a hearing to my appeal.[447] However it be, I am easy. The Lord Jesus over-rules everything for the good of His church.

[447] Against the decisions of Commissary Garden's court at Charleston.

"I suppose I cannot come over to you till about next spring. In the meanwhile, I am, etc.,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

From the letter Whitefield wrote to Cennick, it is evident he was still seriously in debt on account of his orphans in America; but he was full of faith that God would provide for his necessities. His confidence was not misplaced. On the 11th of June, Mr. Habersham, his superintendent, wrote to him, saying:--

"You would be surprised to see Bethesda. God has given us the appearance of a plentiful crop. The garden and plantation now afford us many comfortable things, and in great plenty. Our stores are well stocked with flour and beef. The house would be soon finished, if we could get bricks. J. S---- is ready to do all our bricklayers' work _gratis_. Brother W---- is a great blessing to the family, and has spun and woven a great deal for us. All the boys now sleep in the great house. They have also coats, and lie in sheets of their own making. By this means, they are kept sweet and clean. We have a fine growing stock of cattle; and, if God should so order it that we should have a plantation in Carolina, we should need but little, if any, assistance from abroad. If our building were now done, our expenses would be trifling to what they have been."[448]

Besides cheering intelligence like this, Whitefield began to receive considerable assistance from friends in England. On one day, June 13, 1741, he had occasion to write to three different clergymen, thanking them for their contributions. To the "Rev. Mr. U----" he says: "Dear sir, I most heartily thank you for promising me your assistance in respect to the orphans. I am persuaded our Lord will be well pleased. He gives me great encouragement." To the "Rev. Mr. S----, at Worcester," he writes: "As you are so aged and infirm, I take it as an especial favour that you are pleased to write to me. You need make no apology, reverend sir, for your plain dealing. I love those best, who deal most sincerely with me. I also thank you for your kind benefaction. My arrears upon the Orphan House are yet large; but, I hope, ere long, the Lord will enable me to pay them all. At present, I am kept from doubting." And to the third clergyman, "the Rev. Mr. F----, at Southampton," he says, with a characteristic gush of gratitude, "Just now I have received your kind letter, and the generous benefaction of you and your friends for the Orphan House. It came very opportunely, and strengthens my faith in the blessed Jesus. I find He helps me by ways I know not."

Towards the end of June, Whitefield left London, to preach in the provinces, and to make collections for his Orphanage.[449] In a letter to John Cennick, dated "Hertford, July I, 1741," he says:--

[448] _Weekly History_, September 5, 1741.

[449] The following list of the collections for his Orphan House, which Whitefield made in _England_, during the year 1741, will shew, at least some of the country towns he visited. The list is taken from his "Continuation of the Account of the Orphan House in Georgia, from January 1741 to June 1742."

1741. COLLECTIONS AT £ _s._ _d._

April 12, Moorfields, London. 19 16 4 12, Charles' Square, London 16 16 10 19, The Tabernacle, London 23 11 1 May 17, Bristol 4 1 6 June 7, The Tabernacle, London 16 4 3-1/2 14, The Tabernacle, London 18 17 0 19, Rotherhithe, London 5 4 10 22, The Tabernacle, London 26 1 10 29, Halstead, Essex 12 9 6 29, Braintree, Essex 32 13 2 30, Weathersfield, Essex 10 0 6 30, Waldon, Essex 15 9 10 July 1, Stortford, Herts 13 9 9 1, Bedford, Bedfordshire 19 9 4 6, Great Gransden, Huntingdonshire 6 19 2 8, Burwell, Cambridgeshire 6 4 4 9, Bury, Suffolk 8 13 10 10, Sudbury, Suffolk 10 16 9 12, Dedham, Essex 8 13 0 12, Colchester, Essex 13 13 0 13, Coggeshall, Essex 8 2 10 15, Matchin, Essex 13 14 6 18, The Tabernacle, London 28 8 6

Total £339 10 10-1/2

"I have been enabled to preach twice every day, and to ride several miles. The congregations have been everywhere very large. God's presence has accompanied the word. People's hearts have been enlarged. Within these few days, we have collected near £100 for the poor orphans. Numbers of souls, I believe, are under convictions. In some places, we have had near ten thousand hearers."

In another letter, written at Colchester, eleven days later, he tells Mr. Habersham, "I have been a circuit into Hertfordshire, Essex, Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, and Suffolk. The word is attended with power, and the alarm in the country greater than ever. Contributions increase. I am more and more convinced that evangelizing is my proper business at present."

In a third letter, addressed to "Mr. Howell Harris, at Mr. Syms's, in the Paved Alley, Leadenhall Market, London," and which has not heretofore been published, Whitefield wrote:--

"COGGESHALL, _July 13, 1741_.

"I must snatch a few moments to write to my dear brother Howell. I rejoice to hear that the Lord is with you. May He cause all opposition to fall before you! He has been doing great things for me since I left London. Surely you pray for me. I am much strengthened in body and soul. On Wednesday night, I hope to be in London, and to preach in the Tabernacle on Thursday evening. May the Lord sanctify our meeting! I must away to preach. The clock strikes ten. Adieu!

"Your affectionate brother and servant, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In a fourth letter, dated July 18, he writes: "God has mightily blessed my journey in the country. Thousands and tens of thousands have flocked to hear the word, and near £180 have been collected for the Orphan House."

It is a curious fact, that Whitefield's congregations and large collections were represented as a national evil. In the _New Weekly Miscellany_, for August 8, 1741, Richard Hooker wrote:--

"About a fortnight ago, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield returned to London, from his progress of three weeks through the counties of Hertford, Essex, Bedford, Cambridge, and Suffolk, during which time he preached six-and-forty times, with such good success, that the common enemy may guess thereby what mobs may be raised, in these and other places, to disturb the kingdom, whenever there is occasion. In his journeys, he collected upwards of £180 for the Orphan House in Georgia; and, on Sunday, the 19th of July, in the morning, he had a collection at his New Booth in London, where there were several half-guineas, and other sums of lesser value given; but what was collected in the whole is uncertain; only it is observed, that whatever money is sent out of the nation in a time of war, when taxes are so high, and trade decays, is a weakening of the public. And, as the old proverb saith, 'Every little helps' to bring on the common calamity, all this looks like a judicial infatuation, at a time when we have so many real objects of charity in our own kingdom. It is observable, that he pays in none of this money to the trustees for Georgia; so that he hath no vouchers for what he receives, and is accountable to no one, but as he sees fit. And as the late famous Jonathan Wild, the thief-catcher, had a correspondent in Holland, one Johnson, who received from him such goods as he could not sell in England, so the Rev. Mr. Whitefield hath one, Habersham, in Georgia, to receive all such money as he knows not how otherwise to dispose of."

Enough for the present of the redoubtable Richard Hooker. Whitefield, forsooth, was endangering the nation! And Jonathan Wild might have claimed him as a suitable companion! Abuse like this was far from pleasant; but Mr. Hooker found it difficult to exist without bespattering his neighbours.

Whitefield's Dissenting friends had built him a large "New Booth," as Mr. Hooker politely called the Tabernacle; but his restless zeal could not be confined within limits so contracted. Wesley, though ecclesiastically irregular in his ministerial labours, most rigidly refrained from identifying himself with Nonconformists. Whitefield, on the other hand, wished to be the helper of all Christian denominations. The following letter, to Joseph Humphreys, deserves attention:--

"COGGESHALL, _July 13, 1741_.

"I received your letter at Bury; but cannot think that matters are quite ripe, or that you are duly qualified for settling a church. God lets me see, more and more, that I must evangelize. I find you are for settling. Do as God shall direct: I am easy. I only wish you may find settled persons to be your assistants. Without this, a church cannot be rightly ordered. I have no freedom, but in _going about to all denominations_. I cannot join with any one, so as to be fixed in any particular place. Every one has his proper gift. Field-preaching is my place. In this, I am carried as on eagles' wings. God makes way for me everywhere."

Thus, already, Whitefield had determined the plan which he steadfastly pursued to the end of life. He was an ordained clergyman of the Church of England; but was always ready to preach for any other church whatever. In this respect, there was always a marked difference between him and his friends John and Charles Wesley. For this, he had been partly trained in England, but especially in America, where his preaching labours had been chiefly in connection with Nonconformist churches, and had been greatly blessed.

On July 24th, Whitefield embarked, at Gravesend, for Scotland, where he landed six days afterwards. During the voyage, he wrote twenty-seven letters, ten of which were to boys and girls in his Orphan House. One of the letters, addressed to "the Students under conviction at the Colleges of Cambridge and Newhaven, in New England and Connecticut," must close the present chapter:--

"DEAR GENTLEMEN,--With unspeakable pleasure I have heard,[450] that there seems to be a general concern among you about the things of God. It was no small grief to me, that I was obliged to say of your college, that 'your light was become darkness.' I heartily thank God for sending dear Mr. Tennent among you. What great things may we not now expect to see in New England, since it hath pleased God to work so remarkably among the sons of the prophets? Now we may expect a reformation indeed, since it is beginning at the house of God.

[450] By Gilbert Tennent's letter, dated "New York, April 25, 1741." See p. 476.

"A dead ministry will always make a dead people. Whereas, if ministers are warmed with the love of God themselves, they cannot but be instruments of diffusing that love among others. This, this is the best preparation for the work whereunto you are called. Learning without piety will only make you more capable of promoting the kingdom of Satan. Henceforward, therefore, I hope you will enter into your studies, not to get a parish, nor to be polite preachers, but to be great saints. This, indeed, is the most compendious way to true learning; for, an understanding enlightened by the Spirit of God is more susceptible of divine truths, and, I am certain, will prove most useful to mankind. The more holy you are, the more will God delight to honour you. He loves to make use of instruments which are like Himself. I hope that the _good old divinity_ will now be precious to your souls, and that you will think it an honour to tread in the steps of your pious forefathers. They were acquainted with their own hearts, and, therefore, from their own experience, they knew how to succour others. O may you follow them, as they followed Christ!

"I trust you will not be offended at me for sending you these few lines. I write out of the fulness of my heart. I make mention of you always in my prayers. Forget me not in yours; and fail not to give thanks, as well as pray, for your affectionate brother and servant, in our common Lord,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

_FIRST VISIT TO SCOTLAND._

AUGUST TO NOVEMBER, 1741.

At the very time when Wesley was founding Methodism in Bristol and in London, certain charges were brought, by the Commissioners of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, against the following ministers of that community: namely, Ebenezer Erskine, of Stirling; William Wilson, of Perth; Alexander Moncrieff, of Abernethy; James Fisher, of Kinclaven; Ralph Erskine, of Dunfermline; Thomas Mair, of Orwell; Thomas Nairn, of Abbots-hall; and James Thompson, of Burntisland.

Ebenezer Erskine was ordained, at Portmoak, in 1703; and Ralph, at Dunfermline, in 1711. The former was now sixty-one years of age, and the latter fifty-six. Both the brothers had been educated in the University of Edinburgh; were men of talent; were diligent in the discharge of their parochial duties; and were eminently successful in their ministry. For instance, Ralph writes: "Sabbath, July 10, 1737. I preached at half-past seven in the morning. The" (sacramental) "tables began to be served a little before nine, and continued till about twelve at night, there being between four and five thousand communicants."

The Erskines, however, were not only successful preachers and pastors, but were reformers. When they disliked a thing, they said so. They refused to take the oath of abjuration, not because they were Jacobites, or disloyal to the House of Hanover; but because the oath seemed to imply an approval of Episcopacy, and because its avowed design was the security of the Church of England.

In other ways, they also made themselves singular. The dominant party in the Church of Scotland were, if not hostile, yet indifferent, to the most important doctrines of religion. To correct prevailing and tolerated heresies, an old book was re-published, entitled "The Marrow of Modern Divinity," and consisting chiefly of extracts from Luther and other eminent Protestant divines. The dignitaries of the Kirk condemned the book. The Erskines heartily approved of it. A fierce controversy arose out of this.

Again: in 1712, Parliament revived the law respecting patronage in the Church of Scotland. This led to great excitement, and great wrongs. At the General Assembly in 1730, there were twelve cases of appeal against the intrusion of obnoxious ministers. The Assembly not only dismissed the appeals, but enacted that, henceforth, no reasons of dissent "against the determination of Church judicatories" should be entered on the record. Angry discussions followed. Ebenezer Erskine, in 1732, laid before the Assembly a "representation of grievances," signed by himself and others, and spoke accordingly. In the same year, as moderator of the Synod of Perth and Stirling, he opened the Synod, by preaching a sermon, in the course of which he remonstrated against the act of the preceding Assembly with regard to the settlement of ministers, alleging that it was contrary to the word of God, and the established constitution of the Church. For this, the Synod passed upon him a vote of censure. Erskine appealed to the General Assembly; but the censure of the Synod was confirmed, and Erskine was appointed to be rebuked and admonished at the bar of the Assembly. He refused to submit to this. His brother Ralph and the other ministers, already mentioned, sympathised with him. Further agitation followed, and the result of the whole was, the following charges were preferred against them:--

1. That they had seceded from the Church of Scotland by a total withdrawing from attendance upon, and submission to, its judicatories. 2. That they had formed them selves into a Presbytery, and had exercised judicial presbyterial power, not only over their own congregations, but also over the whole church. 3. That they had published a printed paper, not only assigning the grounds of their own irregular conduct, but condemning the Church and the judicatories thereof. 4. That they had administered the sacraments to persons of other congregations, without the knowledge or consent of the ministers who had the pastoral oversight of such persons. 5. That they had ordained elders, and had appointed and kept fasts in different parts of the country, to the neglect of their own proper ministerial work. 6. That they had licensed one or more persons to preach. 7. That they had, "in a pretended judicial manner," annulled "the sentence of the lesser excommunication," pronounced, by the presbytery of Dumblain, upon Archibald Edmund, and had baptized the said Archibald's child. 8. That they had taken upon them to excommunicate David Lesley, in the parish of the West Kirk, near Edinburgh. 9. That they had preached, and had baptized several children, in the parish of West Kirk, without proper certificates from the ministers of the said parish, etc., etc.[451]

[451] "Acts of Proceedings of Ministers and Elders, met at Edinburgh, May 16, 1739."

Such, in substance, were the accusations which the two Erskines and their friends were summoned to answer, in the presence of the General Assembly, on the 10th of May, 1739. The accusations were disregarded, and the recusant ministers were expelled. Up to this period, the whole of the inhabitants of Scotland, with the exception of a few Popish, Episcopalian, and Cameronian Dissenters, belonged to the Established Church of the country. Now was instituted a new sect, "The Associate Presbytery," or "United Secession Church."[452]

[452] In 1847, "The United Secession Church" and the "Presbytery of Relief," which had its origin in the "deposition" of the Rev. Thomas Gillespie, in 1752, were amalgamated, and took the designation, "United Presbyterian Church." The former had four hundred congregations, and the latter about one hundred.

That the Church of Scotland, as well as the Church of England, needed a reformation, is a fact which cannot admit of doubt. Abundant evidence might be adduced in proof of this. The following selections must serve as specimens.

On December 3, 1736, the Erskines and their associates drew up an "Act, Declaration, and Testimony, for the Doctrine, Worship, Government, and Discipline of the Church of Scotland," in which it was alleged:--

"1. No due care has been taken in _licensing_ young men as _probationers_ for the holy ministry. Many have been licensed, who, by their general and loose harangues in the pulpit, discover their ignorance of Christ and Him crucified, and their estrangement from the power of godliness. There is as little of Christ to be found in their sermons as in the systems of heathen morals.

"2. The acceptance of presentations has become fashionable; and the judicatories of the Church, instead of checking this corrupt practice, have so far encouraged it, that the settlement of _presentees_ has been appointed, when almost the whole parish was _dissenting_ and _reclaiming_.

"3. The _conduct_ of the General Assemblies of the Church has not been _equal_ and _impartial_ in matters of doctrine.

"4. Several _arbitrary acts_ and _decisions_ have been framed and passed by the General Assemblies of the Church, whereby the government of the house of God has been undermined, and the discipline sinfully perverted.

"5. All the above-mentioned steps of defection and apostasy are followed with many evident signs and causes of the Lord's departure; such as abounding profanity, impiety, and the vilest immoralities of all sorts, wherewith the land is greatly polluted. The profane diversions of the _stage_, together with night _assemblies_ and _balls_, these sinful occasions of wantonness and prodigality, are encouraged and countenanced in the most considerable cities of the nation. Popish errors and delusions abound more and more; and the abominable idolatry of the mass is openly frequented, yet no proper or effectual remedies are applied against this growing evil. Church discipline is not duly exercised against Papists, according to former laudable acts and constitutions of this Church. The _penal statutes_ against _witches_ have, of late, been repealed, contrary to the express letter of the law of God. The power of religion is daily decaying through the land; the very form of it is despised by many, and rested upon by others. Our _nobility_ and _barons_, who have sometimes displayed heroic zeal, have generally burst the Lord's bonds asunder, insomuch that the very form of family worship is either despised or neglected by the most part of them. Our _burgesses_ and _commons_, for the most part, know not the way of the Lord, nor the judgments of their God. The _ministers_ in the house of God are under a more than ordinary restraint of the Spirit of God; and he that speaks against the prevailing evils makes himself a prey."

This is a dark picture; and the following is not brighter. It is taken from a sermon, by Ebenezer Erskine, published in 1736, and entitled, "The Tabernacle of David ruined by Man, and reared up by the Mighty God."

"God has, in a great measure, departed from high and low, rich and poor; departed from magistrates, ministers, and people. Little of God is to be seen in ordinances, or in the judicatories of His Church. Oh what barrenness under a dispensed gospel! Oh what abounding profanity! what cursing and swearing! what tyranny and oppression, particularly in ecclesiastical liberties and privileges! How are intruders enrolled among the number of the ambassadors of Christ! How are the privileges of the Lord's people sacrificed, in order to compliment the man with the _gold ring_ and the _gay clothing_! The land is groaning under a weight of sin; and the sin of the land is crying for vengeance from the hand of God. In many corners of Scotland, an empty jingle of human oratory, and dry harangues of heathenish morality, are substituted in the room of the gospel of Christ; a natural kind of religion preached up, and the supernatural mysteries of the gospel generally exploded, as unfashionable among many of our young ministers! We have ministers now-a-days, who, instead of teaching men to deny themselves, do teach them, from press and pulpit, that self-love is the foundation of moral virtue, and that carnal reason is the first principle of religion. Although Arian, Socinian, Arminian, and other detestable and abominable, errors are rampant, where is there a suitable banner of a testimony united against them? Higher censures have been inflicted upon men for preaching the truths of God, than upon others for denying the supreme Deity of the Son of God. As for formality of worship, look through the most of our worshipping assemblies in Scotland, and we shall find the carcase of worship, instead of the soul of it, presented unto the living God. Nothing but dead ministers, and dead people, dead preaching, hearing, praying, and praising. The generality of ministers and people sit down with a form of godliness, while the life and power of it are quite gone."

Three more extracts must suffice. The following is selected from a pamphlet of sixty-three pages, published in 1733, with the title, "The present State of the Church of Scotland, with the Duty of the Members thereof enquired into, in a Sermon, at the opening of the Synod of Perth and Stirling, October 9, 1733. By Mr. Henry Lindsay, Minister of the Gospel at Rothkennar."

"Of late years, Atheism, Infidelity, and Profanity have abounded in these lands. Many have cast off all fear of God. Our _youth of better fashion_, and others who pretend to be wise above their neighbours, have most shamefully degenerated into the grossest errors. The preaching of Christ, in His person, offices, and salvation, is become, by too many among us, as a subject out of date; while our itching ears crave something that is new, and we are rather pleased to have our imaginations and fancies tickled by _polite phrases_ and _eloquent expressions_, than to have our hearts affected with a sense of sin."

In 1733, Ebenezer Erskine published a sermon, entitled, "The Grones of Believers under their Burdens," in which he says:--

"Oh how rampant are atheism and profanity! Impiety, like an impetuous torrent, carries all before it. It is become fashionable among some to be impious and profane. Religion is faced down by bold and petulant wits. Our divisions also are lamentable. Court and country, church and state, are divided; ministers divided from their people, and people from their ministers; and both ministers and people divided among themselves; and every party and faction putting the blame upon each other. The defections and backslidings of the Church are innumerable. Public days of fasting and humiliation are rare. How very few are they whose hearts are bleeding for the abounding wickedness of the day! Many professors of religion take to themselves a scandalous latitude in cursing, swearing, lying, drinking, and cheating."

In 1744, the Erskines and their party published a pamphlet of 122 pages, with the title, "Act of the Associate Presbytery, concerning the Doctrine of Grace." The following is an extract from it:--

"A flood of errors has broken in upon the land, whereby the Lord's name is dreadfully dishonoured; the doctrine of justification by grace is wofully corrupted; the proper imputation of the righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ, for our justification before God, is denied; the foundations of our holy religion are overturned; thousands of precious souls are destroyed; and wide steps made towards popery and paganism. There is a dreadful prevalency of Deism; the seed of Arianism is sown; and there is also a general growth of Arminianism. Profaneness and wickedness overspread the whole land. All ranks of persons have corrupted their ways. The Holy Scriptures are burlesqued. Popish errors and delusions are spreading. The idolatrous mass is openly frequented. The name of God is profaned by ordinary swearing and by perjury. The land is also defiled with murders, drunkenness, prodigality, vanity in apparel, foolish jesting, rioting, wantonness, yea, with open adulteries and uncleanness of all sorts. Profane and sinful customs are countenanced and encouraged, both at court, and in some eminent places of the nation--such as the diversions of the stage, masquerades, balls, and other similar seminaries of lewdness and lasciviousness. Likewise fraud and injustice are to be found amongst us; together with oppressions, lying, envy, malice, evil-speaking, backbiting, falsehood, and covetousness."

This description of the state of things in Scotland is far from nattering; but it is substantially correct. Scotland, as well as England, needed a reformation; and it is not surprising that, when Whitefield heard of the Erskines, he should sympathise with them. He was the first of the Methodists who opened a correspondence with the outcast ministers. Ralph Erskine writes:--

"April 17, 1739. I received a letter this month from Mr. Whitefield, dated Bristol, March 10, 1739, shewing the great outpouring of the Spirit in England and Wales, and his utility in bringing home many souls to Christ; as also his hearing of our success in Scotland, and desiring to have a line from me. I did not suddenly answer, till I heard more about him, which I did, both in public prints and by letters from London, having written for an account of him."[453]

[453] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 287.

Erskine was satisfied with what he heard. In his diary, he repeatedly mentions praying for Whitefield and his brethren. Friendly letters were exchanged; and a correspondence continued during the next two years.

As might naturally be expected, the Erskines attracted the attention of Whitefield and the Wesleys. In some respects the men were similar; in others they were widely different. The Erskines were dissatisfied with the state of the Church of Scotland; and so were Whitefield and the Wesleys with the state of the Church of England. The Erskines were expelled from the Church of Scotland, and yet claimed to be members of it. Whitefield and the Wesleys, though not expelled from the Church of England, were practically silenced, for almost all the pulpits of the Church were closed against them. The Erskines were now tent-preachers, and preachers in the open-air; so were Whitefield and his friends. The Erskines, though still maintaining that they were members of the Church of Scotland, were openly employed in organising a seceding church. Whitefield and the Wesleys still called themselves members of the Church of England; and yet they were actively, though unintentionally, creating dissenting sects. Scotland greatly needed protesters like the Erskines; and England greatly needed open-air preachers like Whitefield and the Methodists.

A finer field of usefulness than Scotland, or one more adapted to Whitefield's peculiar genius, doctrines, and mode of action, it would have been difficult to find. Scotland had often had meteor-like men, who had startled the country by their unexpected advent and proceedings; and Whitefield was now added to the number. The faith of Scotland, speaking generally, was, like that of Whitefield, Calvinistic. Field-preaching--so offensive to the Church dignitaries of England--was no novelty across the Tweed. During the preceding century, Presbyterians, driven from their churches by persecuting papists, had transmitted to their descendants a partiality for religious assemblies in the fields. Everything seemed to be in Whitefield's favour.

Still, the circumstances just mentioned were not the reasons why he went to Scotland. As the reader has already seen, the Erskines and their friends occupied the same position in Scotland that the Oxford Methodists did in England. Both parties, without design, had become national evangelists, and were strangely exciting the churches of their respective countries.

The correspondence, begun in 1739, was continued. A month after Whitefield's return to England in 1741, Ralph Erskine wrote to him as follows:--

"DUNFERMLINE, _April 10, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Glory to God! who has enlightened you so clearly, and enabled you to give testimony so faithfully, against the dangerous errors that are springing up. Blessed be God! that you are set for the defence of the gospel, and that I hear your song of distinguishing grace, and of our Lord's powerful presence with you. Go on, dear brother, in asserting and publishing the doctrine of sovereign grace, reigning through His righteousness to eternal life; for this, and only this gospel will be the organ of omnipotency, and the power of God to the salvation of sinners. We and our people have all a notion of you as being in the way of reformation. I am persuaded that your coming to us would be matter of great joy. How great is our need of such awakening gales of heaven, as you speak of in the last visit you made to Georgia.

"Come, if possible, dear Whitefield, come. There is no face on earth I would desire more earnestly to see. Yet, I would desire it _only_ in a way that, I think, would tend most to the advancing of our Lord's kingdom, and the reformation work, among _our_ hands. Such is the situation of affairs among us, that, unless you come with a design to meet and abide with us of 'The Associate Presbytery,' and if you make your public appearances in the places especially of their concern, I would _dread_ the consequence of your coming, lest it should seem equally to countenance our persecutors. Your fame would occasion a flocking to you, to whatever side you turn; and, if it should be in their pulpits, as no doubt some of them would urge, we know how it would be improven against us. I know not with whom you could _safely_ join yourself, if not with us.

"Mr. Wilson, in Perth, who teacheth as our Professor of Divinity, has more candidates for the ministry under his charge than most of the public colleges, except Edinburgh. I have two sons with him, who seem to be promising youths.

"You are still dearer and dearer to me. By your last Journal, I observed your growing zeal for the doctrine of grace.

"I am, reverend and dear brother, yours in Him, who is the best centre of our love and union--_the Lord our righteousness_,

"RALPH ERSKINE."[454]

[454] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 322; and _Evangelical Magazine_, 1814, p. 508; and Oliphant's Whitefield. Edinburgh, 1826.

Whitefield's reply to this strange proposal, to join "The Associate Presbytery," will be found in the following letters to Ebenezer Erskine and his brother Ralph:--

"BRISTOL, _May 16, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I owe you much love. Only want of time prevents my writing to you oftener.

"This morning I received a kind letter from your brother Ralph, who thinks it best for me wholly to join 'The Associate Presbytery,' if it should please God to send me into Scotland. This I cannot altogether agree to. I come only as an occasional preacher, to preach the simple gospel, to all who are willing to hear me, of whatever denomination. It will be wrong in me to join in a reformation, as to church government, any further than I have light given me from above. If I am quite neuter as to that in my preaching, I cannot see how it can hinder or retard any design _you_ may have on foot. My business seems to be to evangelise,--to be a Presbyter at large.

"When I shall be sent into your parts, I know not. I write this, that there may not be the least misunderstanding between us. I love and honour 'The Associate Presbytery.' With this I send them my due respects, and most humbly beg their prayers. But let them not be offended, if, in all things, I cannot immediately fall in with them. Let them leave me to God. Whatever light He is pleased to give me, I hope I shall be faithful to it.

"I love you tenderly, but am almost ashamed to subscribe myself your brother in the best of bonds,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To Ralph Erskine, Whitefield wrote, on the same subject, as follows:--

"LONDON, _June 4, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I have not yet determined the exact time of coming to Scotland; but, I believe, I shall be with you in about three months. I cannot but think that 'The Associate Presbytery' are a little too hard upon me. If I am neuter as to the particular reformation of church government till I have further light, it will be enough. I come simply to preach the gospel, and to be received only as an occasional itinerant preacher by all, and not to enter into any particular connection whatever. The Lord, I hope, will order my goings in His ways.

"I have need of your prayers. My trials are great, my comforts far greater. We are likely to have settled Societies in several places.

"I am, reverend and dear sir, your unworthy fellow-labourer and affectionate brother and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In reply to Whitefield's letter of May 16, the Rev. Ebenezer Erskine wrote as follows:--

"HILLDOWN, NEAR DUNBAR, _June, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER--As our Assembly did last year eject us from our churches, and exclude us from our ministry and legal maintenance, for lifting up our reformation testimony; so, from all I can hear, they have, in May last, appointed several violent intrusions to be made upon Christian congregations; whereby the flock of Christ is scattered more and more upon the mountains. The wandering sheep come with their bleatings to 'The Associate Presbytery;' whereby our work is daily increasing, in feeding and rallying our Master's flock, scattered and offended by the Established Church.

"From this, you will easily see what reason 'The Associate Presbytery' have to say, 'Come over to Scotland, and help us!' We hear that God is with you of a truth; and, therefore, we wish for as intimate a connection with you as possible, for building the fallen tabernacle of David in Britain, and particularly in Scotland when you shall be sent to us.

"This, dear brother, and no party views, is at the bottom of any proposal made by my brother Ralph, in his own name, and in the name of his Associate Brethren. It would be very unreasonable to propose or urge that you should incorporate as a member of our Presbytery, and wholly embark in every branch of our reformation, unless the Father of lights were clearing your way thereunto. All intended by us, at present, is, that, when you come to Scotland, your way may be such as not to strengthen the hands of our corrupt clergy and judicatories, who are carrying on a course of defection, and worrying out a faithful ministry from the land.

"Far be it from us to limit your great Master's commission to preach the gospel to every creature. We ourselves preach the gospel to all, promiscuously, who are willing to hear us; but we preach not upon the call and invitation of the ministers, but of the people, which, I suppose, is your own practice now in England. Should this also be your way when you come to Scotland, it could do 'The Associate Presbytery' no manner of harm. But if, besides, you could find freedom to company with us, to preach with us and for us, and to accept our advices in your work, while in this country, it might contribute much to weaken the enemy's hand, and to strengthen ours in the work of the Lord, when the strength of the battle is against us.

"I am truly sorry for the Wesleys--to see them so far left to themselves. I have seen your letter to them, and praise the Lord on your behalf, who enables you to stand up so valiantly for the truth, and with so much light and energy.

"I am, etc., "EBENEZER ERSKINE."[455]

[455] Fraser's "Life of Ebenezer Erskine," pp. 424-427.

Thus the matter stood when Whitefield arrived in Scotland on July 30, 1741. Whatever might be the motives of the two Erskines, one of them sixty years of age, and the other fifty-six, it was scarcely a creditable proceeding to endeavour to inveigle an impulsive young man of six-and-twenty to join himself to their own seceding party. No doubt, they thought, that, in their present difficulties, he might render them important service; for Whitefield was the most popular preacher that England had; but they ought to have remembered, that, however harsh the treatment to which he had been subjected by the Church of which he was an ordained minister, he had never formally severed his connection with that Church; and that he had, again and again, declared his intention to be, at least for some time to come, an itinerant preacher, ready to labour in connection with all churches, but unwilling to become the settled pastor of any one in particular.

Whitefield spent his first night in Scotland with Ralph Erskine, at Dunfermline; who, the next day, wrote to his brother Ebenezer as follows:--

"DUNFERMLINE, _July 31, 1741_.

"Mr. Whitefield came to me yesternight about ten. I had conversation with him alone this forenoon. I only mention this one thing about his ordination; he owned he then knew no other way, but said he would not have it that way again for a thousand worlds. As to his preaching, he declares he can refuse no call to preach Christ, whoever gives it: were it a Jesuit priest or a Mahomedan, he would embrace it for testifying against them. He preached in my meeting-house this afternoon. The Lord is evidently with him."[456]

[456] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 326.

Was Ralph Erskine strictly correct in his statement that Whitefield said, if he had life to begin again, he would not be ordained a minister of the Church of England "for a thousand worlds"? Many will doubt this; others will believe it. Let it pass. The reader will welcome Whitefield's own account of the first two services he held in Scotland. In a letter to John Cennick, he wrote:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 1, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--As the Messrs. Erskine gave me the first invitation to Scotland, and have been praying for me in the most public, explicit, I could almost say, extravagant manner, for near two years past, I was determined to give them the first offer of my poor ministrations. Accordingly, I went yesterday to Dunfermline, where dear Mr. Ralph Erskine has got a large seceding meeting-house. He received me very lovingly. I preached to his and the town's people,--a very thronged assembly. After I had done prayer, and had named my text, the rustling made by opening the Bibles all at once quite surprised me,--a scene I never was witness to before. Our conversation after sermon, in the house, was such as became the gospel of Christ. They entertained me with various accounts of the 'Seceders'' labours. At one of their late occasions, a woman was so deeply affected, that she was obliged to stop her mouth with a handkerchief to keep herself from crying out. They urged a longer stay, in order to converse more closely, and to set me right about church government, and the solemn league and covenant. I informed them, that, I had given notice of preaching in Edinburgh; but, as they desired it, I would, in a few days, return, and meet 'The Associate Presbytery,' in Mr. Ralph Erskine's house. This was agreed on.

"Dear Mr. Erskine accompanied me, and, this evening, I preached, to many thousands, in a place called _the Orphan House Park_. The Lord was there. Immediately after sermon, a large company, among whom were some of the nobility, came to salute me. Amidst our conversation, came in a portly, well-looking Quaker, nephew of Messrs. Erskine, formerly a Baptist minister in the north of England, who, taking me by the hand, said, 'Friend George, I am as thou art. I am for bringing all to the life and power of the ever-living God; and, therefore, if thou wilt not quarrel with me about my hat, I will not quarrel with thee about thy gown.' In this respect, I wish all, of every denomination, were thus minded.

"I find God has blessed my work in these parts. I am most cordially received by many who love the Lord Jesus. I have just been in company with a nobleman, who, I believe, truly fears God; and also with a lady of fashion, who discovers a Christian spirit. I already hear of great divisions; but Jesus knows how to bring order out of confusion.

"Be pleased to read this to all in Wine Street" (Bristol), "and remember me kindly to all who love the glorious Redeemer.

"I am, etc., "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[457]

[457] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 304; and "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 327.

In accordance with the intimation given in this letter, Whitefield met "The Associate Presbytery," at Dunfermline, on Wednesday, August 5, 1741. The ministers present were the Rev. Messrs. Ralph and Ebenezer Erskine, Moncrieff, Gibb, Thomas and James Mair, and Clarkson. Two elders were also present, namely, Messrs. James Wardlaw and John Mowbray.[458]

[458] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 333.

Three days after this conference was held, Whitefield gave the following account of it, to his friend Mr. Noble, of New York:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 8, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--'The Associate Presbytery' are so confined that they will not so much as hear me preach, unless I will join with them. Mr. Ralph Erskine, indeed, did hear me, and went with me into the pulpit of the Cannongate Church. The people were ready to shout for joy; but, I believe, it gave offence to his associates.

"I met most of them, according to appointment, on Wednesday last. A set of grave venerable men! They soon proposed to form themselves into a presbytery, and were proceeding to choose a moderator. I asked them for what purpose? They answered, to discourse, and set me right about the matter of church government, and the Solemn League and Covenant. I replied, they might save themselves that trouble, for I had no scruples about it; and that settling church government, and preaching about the Solemn League and Covenant, was not my plan. I then told them something of my experience, and how I was led out into my present way of acting. One, in particular, said he was deeply affected; and dear Mr. Erskine desired they would have patience with me; for that, having been born and bred in England, and having never studied the point, I could not be supposed to be so perfectly acquainted with the nature of their covenants. One, much warmer than the rest, immediately replied, 'that no indulgence was to be shewn me; that England had revolted most with respect to church government; and that I, born and educated there, could not but be acquainted with the matter now in debate.' I told him, I had never yet made the Solemn League and Covenant the object of my study, being busy about matters, as I judged, of greater importance. Several replied, that every pin of the tabernacle was precious. I said, that, in every building, there were outside and inside workmen; that the latter, at present, was my province; that if they thought themselves called to the former, they might proceed in their own way, and I should proceed in mine. I then asked them seriously, what they would have me to do? The answer was, that I was not desired to subscribe immediately to the Solemn League and Covenant, but to preach only for them till I had further light. I asked, why only for them? Mr. Ralph Erskine said, 'they were the Lord's people.' I then asked, whether there were no other Lord's people but themselves; and, supposing all others were the devil's people, they certainly had more need to be preached to; and, therefore, I was more and more determined to go out into the highways and hedges; and that, if the Pope himself would lend me his pulpit, I would gladly proclaim the righteousness of Jesus Christ therein. Soon after this, the company broke up; and one of these, otherwise venerable men, immediately went into the meeting-house, and preached upon these words, 'Watchman, what of the night? Watchman, what of the night? The watchman said, The morning cometh, and also the night; if ye will enquire, enquire ye: return, come.' I attended; but the good man so spent himself in the former part of his sermon, in talking against prelacy, the Common Prayer Book, the surplice, the rose in the hat, and such-like externals, that when he came to the latter part of his text, to invite poor sinners to Jesus Christ, his breath was so gone, that he could scarce be heard. What a pity that the last was not first, and the first last!

"The consequence of all this was an open breach. I retired; I wept; I prayed; and, after preaching in the fields, sat down and dined with them, and then took a final leave. At table, a gentlewoman said, she had heard that I had told some people that, 'The Associate Presbytery' were building a Babel. I said, 'Madam, it is quite true; and I believe the Babel will soon fall down about their ears.' But enough of this. Lord, what is man? what the best of men? but men at the best! I think I have now seen an end of all perfection. Our brethren in America, blessed be God! have not so learned Christ. Be pleased to inform them of this letter.

"Ever yours in our common Lord, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The only fact, that can be added to this simple statement, is found in the following extract from a manuscript written by Ebenezer Erskine:--

"As Mr. Whitefield shewed an inclination to proceed to a conference about toleration, it was proposed, that, seeing toleration of all sects is an opinion of his, it was thought fit to consider what is the form of government Christ has laid down in His word. And, agreeably to this, Mr. Whitefield put the question, Whether Presbyterian government be that which is agreeable to the pattern shewn in the mount? and, supposing that it is, whether it excluded a toleration of such as Independents, Anabaptists, and Episcopalians, among whom there are good men? Mr. Ebenezer Erskine said to him, 'Sir, God has made you an instrument of gathering a great multitude of souls to the faith and professing of the gospel throughout England, and also in foreign parts; and now it is fit that you should consider how that body is to be organised and preserved; which cannot be done without following the example of Paul and Barnabas, who, when they had gathered churches by the preaching of the gospel, visited them again, and ordained over them elders in every city; which you cannot do alone, without some two or three met together, in a judicative capacity, in the name of the Lord. Unto all which, Mr. Whitefield replied, that he reckoned it his present duty to go on preaching the gospel without proceeding to any such work. It was urged that, after his death,--the flock might be scattered, and fall into the hands of grievous wolves, without any to care for them. He said, that he, being of the communion of the Church of England, had none to join him in that work; and that he had no freedom to separate from the Church of England, until it excommunicated him."[459]

[459] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 335.

This is all the _authentic_ information that exists respecting the memorable conference at Dunfermline. It is certainly amusing, and invites criticism; but the reader must form his own judgment of the chief actors in this ecclesiastical assembly. Suffice it to remark here, that, Whitefield's friends of "The Associate Presbytery" became extremely wroth; "From that time, they not only disavowed all connection with him, but preached against him publicly, and even went so far as to stigmatise him as an agent of the devil."[460] This is not an unfounded assertion. In 1742, the Rev. Adam Gibb, one of the members of "The Associate Presbytery," who met Whitefield at Dunfermline on August 5, 1741, published a closely written pamphlet of seventy-five pages, with the following title: "A Warning against countenancing the Ministrations of Mr. George Whitefield, published in the New Church at Bristow, upon Sabbath, June 6, 1742. Together with an Appendix upon the same subject, wherein are shewn, that Mr. Whitefield is _no_ Minister of Jesus Christ; that his _call_ and _coming_ to Scotland are _scandalous_; that his practice is _disorderly_, and _fertile_ of disorder; that his _whole_ doctrine is, and his success _must_ be, _diabolical_; so that people ought to _avoid_ him, from _duty_ to God, to the Church, to themselves, to their fellow-men, to posterity, and to _him_. By Adam Gibb, Minister of the Gospel at Edinburgh." (12mo.) A few extracts from this sour pamphlet must be given.

[460] "Life of Rev. John Erskine, D.D.," p. 96.

"It is no unusual thing with Mr. Whitefield, in his Journals, to apply unto himself things said of and by the Christ of God. In the 'Account of God's Dealings with Him,' he holds himself out as comparable with Christ, at his birth in an inn, in his suffering of thirst, and in the transition from suffering to relief. The general scope of his Journals is to publish and celebrate himself; the _matter_ thereof being generally such as is for no man's advantage, nor worth any man's while to know. He goes through the world preaching as some _notable_ person, or as a general _quickener_ of ministers and people, while standing _co-ordinate_ with none of them; and it is well known, that much of his preaching is employed in publishing his own _sin_, _sufferings_, _exaltation_, _achievements_, and _concern_ for the salvation of men."

"As this foreigner" (Whitefield) "comes here without any Scripture mission or call, so his known and avowed _principles_ are _prelatical_, and thus contrary to the word of God. His _present_ ministrations have a _direct_ tendency to introduce among us a _latitudinarian_ scheme; and particularly to make men _sceptics_ as to the _discipline_ and _government_ of the house of God. True, indeed, this is propagated under a very specious pretence,--a _pretence_ of _universal charity_ for good men, that differ about these things. And now matters are come to that pass with many, that it is reckoned _uncivil_ and _uncharitable_ to make any ado about our _Reformation standards_ of discipline and government, though founded in the word of God."

"That Mr. Whitefield is no minister of Christ appears from the _manner_ wherein that office, he professes to bear, is _conveyed_ to him. He derives it from a _diocesan bishop_, who derives his office from the king, and the king professes not to be a church-officer at all."

"The awful _profanation_ of the Lord's day, which the noise of Mr. Whitefield's ministrations _introduces_, deserves especial consideration. It is well known, that, on this day, multitudes in Edinburgh wait publicly (and very indecently too) for his appearance, through several hours before the time appointed for it, and that while public worship is exercised through the city, where these people profess no scruple to join. The _profanity_ of this practice needs no proof, and the profanity of _countenancing_ it needs as little."

"The complex scheme of Mr. Whitefield's doctrine is _diabolical_, as proceeding through diabolical _influence_, and applied unto a diabolical _use_, against the Mediator's glory, and the salvation of men. This is the awful _point_ whereunto the whole articles of our charge against him are gathered."

"We conclude, that, all Mr. Whitefield's _hearers_ are _exposing_ themselves to _Satanical_ influence: and, from the preceding reasonings, it follows, that all who _espouse_ his way, must be either the formal _subjects_ of _such Satanical_ operation as we have been considering, or be _led_ by Satan unto _blind_, _unreasonable_, and _furious contending_ for that gloomy cause. Is not this, then, most _hellish hurt_, which they acquire in countenancing him?"

"How _awful_ is the condition and progress of this man, while _roaming_ about far and near, and warmly casting forth floods of doctrine calculated for transmitting _devils_ into the _hearts_ of men! At the same time, God is giving up many ministers, and multitudes of people, to run after him, over the belly of _reason_ and _religion_; and to publish their embarking with him, better than ever they did with the _Christ_ of God. Thus is he, in the judgment of God, become a _plague_ to their _heads_, _hearts_, and _eyes_, rendering them _blind_, _infatuated_, and _furious_ in a new career of apostasy from God. They are evidently given up to the lust of _Satan_, rendering them either _patients_, _apprentices_, or _journeymen_, with reference to the _drug_ of _Satanical_ doctrine that is now vended among us."

Such was the language used, concerning Whitefield, by one of the very men who, only ten months before, had done their utmost to induce him to identify himself with their "Associate Presbytery."[461] And to shew that he was not an exception among his brethren, it may be added, that, in 1744, "The Associate Presbytery" itself published a long official document of 138 pages, in which, after enumerating the sins of Scotland, they added:--

"The sins and provocations of this land are further increased by the kind reception that many, both ministers and people, have given to Mr. George Whitefield, a professed member and priest of the superstitious Church of England; and by the great entertainment that has been given to _latitudinarian tenets_, as propagated by him and others; whereby any particular form of church government is denied to be of Divine institution, and also, whereby, under a pretence of _catholic love_, a scheme is laid for uniting parties of all denominations in church communion, in a way destructive of any testimony for the declarative glory of Immanuel, as Head and King of Zion, and for the covenanted reformation of this Church and land."[462]

[461] It is only just to Mr. Gibb to say, that, in after years, he regretted the publication of his pamphlet. "At that time," said he, "my blood was too hot, and I was unable to write with becoming temper." ("Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 351.)

[462] Act of the Associate Presbytery for renewing the National Covenant of Scotland. December 23, 1743.

Another pamphlet published against Whitefield was the following: "A Letter, from a Gentleman in the Country to his Friend in Edinburgh, concerning Mr. Wh--f--d: wherein his Mission, Doctrine, and Character are impartially enquired into and examined. Edinburgh, 1741." (31 pp.) The writer wants to know Whitefield's authority for preaching in Scotland, and asks, "Was there really a necessity for sending down a young man, meanly educated, to teach the Scottish clergy their duty, and direct them to more accuracy, life, and zeal in the discharge of the several parts of their function?" He further asks, "Shall I believe, what is told me, that, though Mr. Whitefield has declared himself a member of the Church of England, yet, he has not so much as once, since he came to Scotland, begun or concluded his worship with the Lord's Prayer or the Doxology?" The general conclusion of the writer is, that Whitefield "has more of craziness than grace; and that this son of Levi takes far too much upon him."

To say the least, there was something pitiably mean in this action of the men who had invited Whitefield to visit Scotland. Because he declined to join their sect, they became his calumniating enemies. There can be little doubt that their bigotry enhanced Whitefield's popularity. He spent thirteen weeks in Scotland; and his letters, written during this period, will amply prove what has just been stated. At the risk of being prolix, somewhat copious extracts must be given. At least thirty towns had the benefit of his ministrations, though the first month seems to have been employed in Edinburgh and its immediate neighbourhood. He writes:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 8, 1741_.

"On Sunday evening" (last), "I preached in a field near the Orphan House, to upwards of fifteen thousand people; and on Monday, Friday, and Saturday evenings, to near as many. On Tuesday, I preached in the Cannongate Church; on Wednesday and Thursday, at Dunfermline; and, on Friday morning, at Queen's Ferry. Everywhere the auditories were large, and very attentive. Great power accompanied the Word. Many have been brought under convictions."[463]

[463] One of Whitefield's hearers wrote, under date of "Sunday, August 9, 1741," as follows: "Numbers of all ranks, all denominations, and all characters, come to hear him, though his sermons abound with those truths which would be unwelcome from the mouths of others. Three hours before noon he appoints for people under distress to converse with him." (Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield.")

To the Rev. Mr. Willison, minister at Dundee, he addressed the following:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 10, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I just now had the pleasure of your letter, for which be pleased to accept my hearty thanks.

"Glory be to free grace! Many are here brought under convictions. The glorious Emmanuel is pleased to clothe His word with power. I am amazed at His loving-kindness, and want heaven and earth to join with me in praising His holy name.

"I wish you would not trouble yourself or me by writing about the corruptions of the Church of England. I believe there is no Church perfect under heaven; but, as God is pleased to send me forth simply to preach the gospel to all, I think there is no need of casting myself out. The divisions in Scotland are affecting, and will occasion great searchings of heart."

To the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, of Aberdeen, he wrote:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 10, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your kind and obliging letter. I hope to come into the northern parts; but the precise time I cannot tell.

"I find it best simply to preach the pure gospel, and not to meddle at all with controversy. The present divisions are a sore judgment to Scotland. This is my comfort, Jesus is king. I have been with several of 'The Associate Presbytery,' but I see no hopes of accommodation. O that the power of religion may revive! Nothing but that can break down the partition wall of bigotry."

One of the noblemen with whom Whitefield became acquainted in Edinburgh was Lord Rae, to whom he wrote as follows:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 11, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--I hope this will find your lordship safe at your journey's end, rejoicing in God for giving His angels charge concerning you in the way. The Lord of all lords has dealt most lovingly with me since your departure hence. His power has been frequently made known in the great congregation, and many come to me daily, crying out, 'What shall I do to be saved?' I hope we shall see the kingdom of God come with power. This is the full desire of my soul. I am determined to seek after and know nothing else. Besides this, all other things are but dung and dross. O my Lord, why should we, who are pilgrims, mind earthly things? Why should we, who are soldiers, entangle ourselves with the things of this life? Heavenly-mindedness is the very life of a Christian. It is all in all."

Another nobleman, who became one of Whitefield's friends, was the Marquis of Lothian. The following is an extract from Whitefield's letter to him:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 12, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--I am surprised to find your lordship so condescending as to write to me. How bright does humility shine in great personages! I pray God to give your lordship grace to determine to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him crucified. He is the only centre of true happiness. In Him alone, solid, lasting joys are to be found. Having Jesus, I find, in Him I possess all things. But whither am I going? Your lordship will excuse me. I pray God to visit you with His great salvation. I thank your lordship for your intended benefaction to the poor Georgia orphans. I hope the glorious Emmanuel will accept it at your hands."

Another letter, apparently to Howell Harris, who probably was supplying Whitefield's pulpit at the Tabernacle, London, was as follows:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 13, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--'The Associate Presbytery' have been hard upon me; but I find no freedom any longer than I continue just as I am, and evangelize to all. I know not that I differ from you in one thing.

"Glory be to God for what He has done in London! He is doing great things here. I walk in the continual sunshine of His countenance. Every day, fresh seals are given of my ministry. This morning, God opened my mouth to speak to preachers of the gospel. Be pleased to accept this summary account of my proceedings. On Sunday morning, I preached to the orphans here; and in the evening to as many people as the Sunday before. Every day since, excepting Monday, I have preached, either in the churches or field, twice a day; and, yesterday, I collected upwards of £93 for the Georgia orphans. People are daily coming under deep convictions, and fresh invitations are sent me to preach at divers places round about. On Sunday, I purpose to preach in the country, and also the greater part of the following week, and shall return again about Friday to this city. O my brother, exhort all to praise the Lord!"

In a letter to David Erskine, of Stirling, one of the sons of Ebenezer Erskine, Whitefield seems to attribute the blame of the bigoted proceedings of the Dunfermline conference to others than to the two Erskine brothers:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 13, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--The treatment I met with from 'The Associate Presbytery' was not altogether such as I expected. It grieved me, as much as it did you. I could scarce refrain from bursting into a flood of tears. I wish all were like-minded with your honoured father and uncle. Matters then would not be carried on with so high a hand. Such violent methods, such a narrow way of acting, can never be the way to promote and enlarge the kingdom of the blessed Jesus. It surely must be wrong to fix such bounds to ourselves, as forbid even our hearing those who love the Lord Jesus in sincerity, and have also been owned of Him. Christ would not have done so. Supposing the scheme of government, which 'The Associate Presbytery' contend for, to be scriptural, yet forbearance and long-suffering ought to be exercised towards such as differ from them. I am persuaded, there is no such form of government, prescribed in the book of God, as excludes a toleration of all other forms whatsoever. If the New Testament outward tabernacle was to be built as punctual as the Old, as punctual directions would have been given about the building of it; whereas, it is only deduced by inference, and thus we see Independents, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians bring the same text to support their particular scheme; and, I believe, Jesus Christ thereby would teach us to exercise forbearance to each other. If the scheme of 'The Associate Presbytery' were to take effect, they must, out of conscience, restrain and grieve, if not persecute, many of God's children who could not come into their measures; and I doubt not but their present violent methods, together with the corruptions of the Assembly, will cause many to turn Independents, and set up particular churches of their own. This was the effect of Archbishop Laud acting with so high a hand; and whether it be presbytery or episcopacy, if managed in the same manner, it will be productive of the same effects.

"Blessed be God! I have not so learned Christ. I preach the simple gospel; and our glorious Jesus is pleased to attend it with His power. O dear sir, I love and honour your pious father. Remember me in the kindest manner to the good old man. I pray God, his last days may not be employed too much in the non-essentials of religion. My heart is knit to the family. God willing, I am to preach at Falkirk on Tuesday evening, and purpose to be at Stirling that night, and to preach twice there the next day. If it was thought advisable, I would collect for the Orphan House at Georgia in the afternoon."

In another letter, dated "Edinburgh, August 15, 1741," Whitefield speaks of more than "three hundred in the city seeking after Jesus," and says: "Every morning I have a levee of wounded souls. At seven in the morning, we have a lecture in the fields, attended not only by the common people, but persons of great rank. I have reason to think several of the latter sort are coming to Jesus. Little children also are much wrought upon. Congregations consist of many thousands. I preach twice daily, and expound in private houses at night, and am employed in speaking to souls under distress great part of the day."

On August 24, Whitefield tells James Habersham, his Orphan-house superintendent, that, he had collected, in Scotland, nearly £200, and had a prospect of collecting much more. He had "bought five hundred yards of cloth for the dear orphans' winter wear;" but was still hundreds of pounds in debt.

To Ralph Erskine, who had insinuated that Whitefield's wish to raise money for his orphans had made him a temporizer, the following was addressed:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 24, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your kind letter. I believe it proceeded from love; but, as yet, I cannot think the Solemn League and Covenant is obligatory upon me. Indeed, dear sir, you mistake if you think I temporize on account of the orphans. Be it far from me. I abhor the very thought of it. I proceed now, just as I have ever done since I entered the ministry; and, so far from not setting a hedge about our Lord's garden, if I were called to it, I should set a much closer hedge than that which 'The Associate Presbytery' are planting. I should enquire into people's experiences, before I admitted them to the Lord's table. I should have church members meet in church fellowship, and tell one another what God has done for their souls. You seem to think I am not open to light. That I may give you satisfaction, I am willing to confer with Mr. Wilson,[464] at Perth, where I am to be on Thursday, September 3. On Tuesday next, I purpose preaching at Dunfermline. I am engaged to sup at your colleague's house, but intend to lie at yours."

[464] "The Associate Presbytery's" professor of Divinity. See p. 505.

Towards the end of August, Whitefield appears to have made a preaching tour in the Scottish provinces.[465] In a letter dated "Perth, September 3," 1741, he says: "For nine days past, I have preached, twice every day, to very large and affected auditories, in many towns and villages." At Dundee, "good was done." At Crieff, he had "a most precious meeting." At Glasgow, he "preached ten times.[466] The congregations were very large, as were the contributions, and many were brought under the deepest convictions."[467] After his return to Edinburgh, the following was addressed to a friend in London:--

"EDINBURGH, _September 24, 1741_.

[465] The following was Whitefield's preaching plan, from Monday, August 24, to Tuesday, September 8:--

August 24, morning and afternoon at Edinburgh; 25, forenoon in Cannongate Church, and evening in the park; 26, Newbottle twice; 27, Whitburn; 28, Torphichen and Linlithgow; 29, twice at Falkirk; 30, Airth; 31, twice at Stirling; September 1, Culross and Dunfermline; 2, twice at Kinross; 3, Perth; 4 to 6, Dundee; 7, Kinglassie; and 8, Edinburgh. (Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield.")

[466] Most, if not all, of Whitefield's sermons at Glasgow were preached in the High Church yard; and at least eight of them were "taken from his own mouth, and published at the earnest desire of many of the hearers: namely, two sermons, delivered on Friday, September 11, from Jer. xxxii. 16 (pp. 20), and Luke xv. (pp. 20); two, on Saturday, September 12, from Luke iv. 18, 19 (pp. 28), and Acts ix. (pp. 40); two, on Sunday, September 13, from Jer. vi. 14 (pp. 24); Rom. xiv. 17 (pp. 35); one, on Monday, September 14, from 2 Tim. iii. 12 (pp. 28); and one, on Tuesday, September 15, from 1 Cor. i. 30 (pp. 39)."--_Notes and Queries_, vol. v., 1858, p. 340.

[467] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 319.

"On Sunday last, I preached here four times, twice in a church, and twice in the fields; in the evening, I collected £20 for the Royal Infirmary. On Monday morning, I visited the children in the three hospitals; and preached, in the evening, in the park. On Tuesday and Wednesday, I preached at Kinglassie, Aberdour, and Inverkeithing. On Thursday, I visited the prison; and, in the evening, preached to the children of the city, with a congregation of near twenty thousand, in the park."

To Lord Rae, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"GALASHIELS, _September 28, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--I have received your lordship's liberal benefaction for the orphans, for which, and all other favours, you have my hearty thanks. The innumerable instances of God's goodness quite melt me down. The word of God prevails more and more. Everywhere Jesus Christ is getting Himself the victory in poor sinners' hearts. I trust, your lordship's daughters will feel the power of Christ's blood. Happy they, who do feel it. They are sons and daughters of the Lord Almighty. What a rich person is the poorest Christian! He is joint-heir with Jesus Christ."

Another nobleman must be introduced. From the year 1741 to 1753, the Earl of Leven and Melville was His Majesty's Commissioner in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland,--the head of a family whose history had been closely connected with Presbyterian struggles and triumphs. He was a senator of the College of Justice, and one of the Lords of Police for Scotland. He married Mary, daughter of Colonel Erskine, of Carnock; and died on the 2nd of September, 1754.[468] The following was addressed to him:--

"EDINBURGH, _October 2, 1741_.

[468] Annals of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from 1739 to 1752.

"MY LORD,--Last night, I returned from the south country, and received your lordship's kind letter. My invitation to Coupar was in the name of many: who the persons were that signed the letter, I cannot tell. I have sent it enclosed in this. Had I known it to be more agreeable to your lordship, I would have appointed the meeting at Melville; but, I fear, as public notice has been given, it will now be impracticable. I cannot possibly stay with your lordship all Tuesday, having to preach at Dundee; but, in my return from Aberdeen, I hope to be at your lordship's house. I am glad you intend to be at Kinglassie. I shall have both sermons early; and hope the glorious Jesus will be with us in going to Melville.

"O, my lord, I want a thousand tongues to shew forth the Redeemer's praise. Having Him, though I have nothing else, I find I possess all things. I have not forgotten your lordship since I wrote last. You are and will be much upon my heart. I have heard of the piety of your lordship's ancestors. Take courage, my lord, and fear not to follow a crucified Jesus without the camp, bearing His reproach. Beware of honour, falsely so called. Dare to be singularly good; and be not ashamed of Jesus or His gospel. Look to Christ by faith, and your lordship's great possessions will not retard, but promote, your progress in the divine life. What sweet communion will you then enjoy with God, in your walks and gardens! They will then be a little paradise to your soul."

Wherever he was, Whitefield never forgot his orphans in Georgia. His establishment there was now large and prosperous. The buildings were completed. The summer crops had been plentiful. The family consisted of eighty-four persons, men, women, and children. Nineteen others were employed in cultivating the estate. They had upwards of a hundred head of cattle; and, during the year, had "planted upwards of twenty acres, and had cleared twenty acres more, to enjoy the conveniency of the air." "We live," wrote Mr. Habersham, "entirely within ourselves, except a few necessaries which we cannot do without, and are obliged to purchase elsewhere. Twice a day, we eat _hominy_[469] of our own raising, and, at present, without molasses. For dinner, we eat beef of our own stock, and peas for bread, of all which we have plenty, and shall have for three months to come. Our garden is very fruitful of greens, turnips, etc., and we expect a good crop of potatoes. In short, we have a sufficiency of wholesome food. Glory be to God! we daily see our heavenly Father's hand supplying us in this wilderness land; but I must have cash, not only to pay debts, but also to buy clothing and many other necessaries."[470]

[469] Indian corn boiled in water.

[470] Whitefield's Works, vol. iii., pp. 444, 445.

While the honoured guest of the Earl of Leven and Melville, Whitefield sent the following letter to his faithful superintendent in Georgia:--

"MELVILLE, _October 5, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I have, by the ship which brings you this, sent you £70 worth of different sorts of goods, to be disposed of, and the money to be applied to the use of the Orphan House. I have also sent six hundred yards of cloth, a present of my own, to make the boys and girls coats and gowns, some whereof I have had made up here. The other things were given by various persons. Amongst these, you will find some damask tablecloths, which I desire you will sell, they being too good, in my opinion, for our use. I have been enabled to pay my brother, and also Mr. N----'s bill of £300.[471] There is yet £200 to be paid; but very shortly, I hope to discharge that also.

[471] The following are the sums, which Whitefield collected for his Orphan House, during his present visit to Scotland:--

1741. £ _s._ _d._ Private benefactions, in money 149 18 2

COLLECTIONS. Aug. 12. Orphan House Park, Edinburgh 93 4 0 23. Ditto 38 13 1 26. Newbottle 9 5 6 29. Falkirk 5 10 0 29. Airth. 11 18 2 30. Stirling 21 17 0 31. Culross 16 16 6 31. Dunfermline 17 2 6 Sept. 1. Kinross 4 16 0 4. Perth 10 0 0 6. Dundee 14 14 0 10. Fintray 3 0 0 13. Glasgow 62 10 0 15. Ditto 17 19 6 17. Paisley 15 3 0 19. Inverkeithing 5 16 4 27. Galashiels 12 9 0 29. Maxtown 5 5 0 Oct. 1. Haddington 12 6 6 4. Kinglassie 5 0 0 13. Aberdeen 21 6 10 16. Montrose 9 13 4-1/2 18. Brechin 6 12 0 20. Forfar 2 0 0 ----------------- Total £572 16 5-1/2

"I have been in Scotland about two months; and God has been pleased to bless my ministrations in an abundant manner. The good that has been done is inexpressible. I am intimate with three noblemen, and several ladies of quality, who have a great liking for the things of God.[472] I am now writing in an earl's house, surrounded with fine furniture; but, glory be to free grace! my soul is in love only with Jesus.[473] I have some thoughts of visiting Ireland. Whether I shall do that, or come to America, in the spring, God only knows. I long to see you and the rest of my dear family. Thousands of prayers are put up for us, and thousands of lies are spread abroad against us."

[472] Among these were Lady Mary Hamilton, Lady Jane Nimmo, Lady Dirleton, and Lady Frances Gardiner.

[473] Six weeks after this, Whitefield was married; but let that pass. His meaning here, of course, was that in _comparison_ with others he was "in love only with Jesus."

Of "the thousands of lies," the following, extracted from a letter written not long after Whitefield's visit, may be taken as a specimen:--

"Wherever he went, he had a gaping crowd around him, and had the address to make them part with their money. He was a pickpocket, and inflexible about the article of gathering money. He went off to England with a full purse, but with a ruined reputation among all except his bigoted admirers. Very few ministers enter into the spirit of Whitefieldism."[474]

[474] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 231.

Whitefield refers to the same sort of calumny in the following, which was to a friend in Edinburgh:--

"MELVILLE, _October 5, 1741_.

"The calumnies of evil men are not to be regarded. I value them not in the least. My largest donations have been from the rich. The mites, which the lower sort of people have given, I am persuaded will not prevent their paying their debts, and will not impoverish their families. Mr. W---- wishes there may be a contribution for myself; but I will not admit of any such thing. I make no purse. What I have, I give away. Freely I have received; freely I desire to give. 'Poor, yet making many rich,' shall be my motto still. My great and professed design is to bring poor sinners to Jesus Christ; but, as my orphan family is now large, and has daily to be provided for, without the least visible fund; and as I believe much glory will redound to God from the Orphan House, I think it my duty to speak to those who, for Christ's sake, are willing to afford help. I would have no one afraid of doing too much good, or think that a little given in charity will impoverish the country."

From Melville, Whitefield proceeded to Aberdeen, where he spent several days; and here a strange scene occurred. The two ministers of the Kirk were the Rev. Mr. Bisset and the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, with the latter of whom Whitefield had been in correspondence. In a long letter, Whitefield writes as follows:--

"ABERDEEN, _October 9, 1741_.

"At my first coming here, things looked a little gloomy; for the magistrates had been so prejudiced by one Mr. Bisset, that, when applied to, they refused me the use of the kirkyard to preach in. This Mr. Bisset is colleague with one Mr. Ogilvie, at whose repeated invitation I came hither. Though colleagues of the same congregation, they are very different in their natural tempers. The one is, what they call in Scotland, of a _sweet-blooded_; the other, of a choleric disposition. Mr. Bisset is neither a Seceder, nor quite a Kirkman, having great fault to find with both. Soon after my arrival, dear Mr. Ogilvie took me to pay my respects to him: he was prepared for this, and immediately pulled out a paper, containing a great number of insignificant queries, which I had neither time nor inclination to answer. The next morning, it being Mr. Ogilvie's turn, I lectured and preached. The magistrates were present; the congregation was very large; and light and life fled all around. In the afternoon, Mr. Bisset officiated; and I attended. He began his prayers as usual; but, in the midst of them, naming me by name, he entreated the Lord to forgive the dishonour that had been put upon him, by my being suffered to preach in that pulpit; and, that all might know what reason he had to put up such a petition, he, in about the middle of his sermon, not only urged that I was a curate of the Church of _England_, but also quoted a passage or two from my printed sermons, which, he said, were grossly _Arminian_. Most of the congregation seemed surprised and chagrined, and especially his good-natured colleague, Mr. Ogilvie, who immediately after sermon, without consulting me, stood up and gave notice that Mr. Whitefield would preach in about half an hour. The interval being so short, the magistrates returned into the sessions-house; and the congregation patiently waited, big with expectation of hearing my resentment. At the time appointed, I went up, and took no other notice of the good man's ill-timed zeal, than to observe, in some part of my discourse, that, if the good old gentleman had seen some of my later writings, wherein I had corrected several of my former mistakes, he would not have expressed himself in such strong terms. The people, being thus diverted from controversy with man, were deeply impressed with what they heard from the word of God. All were hushed, and more than solemn; and, on the morrow, the magistrates sent for me, and begged I would accept of the freedom of the city."[475]

[475] It is a remarkable fact, that, during his first visit to Scotland, in 1741, Whitefield received the compliment of honorary burgess tickets from four of the principal towns of the country--Stirling, Glasgow, Paisley, and Aberdeen. In 1742, the same honour was conferred upon him by Irvine; and, in 1762, by Edinburgh.

For the present, poor Mr. Bisset was vanquished. Besides expounding in private houses, Whitefield added five more sermons to the two already preached; many of his hearers "were brought under great convictions; and the people much regretted his departure."[476]

[476] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 334.

Leaving Aberdeen on Wednesday, October 13, Whitefield began his journey back to Edinburgh. On October 14, he preached at Stonhithe and Benham; on the 15th, thrice at Montrose; on the 16th and 17th, five times at Brechin; on the 18th, twice at Forfar; on the 19th, twice at Coupar, near the residence of Earl Leven, whose guest he was; and on the 20th and 21st, four times at Dundee, where, he says, "the concern among the hearers was very remarkable." A week after this, he set out for Wales, but, before he went, he preached and lectured, in Edinburgh, in three days, not fewer than sixteen times. Hence the following to John Cennick, his curate at the Tabernacle, London:--

"EDINBURGH, _October 27, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Although it be past eleven at night, I cannot miss a post. The Lord is doing great things here. On Sunday last (October 24), the Lord enabled me to preach four times, and to lecture, in the evening, in a private house. Yesterday, I preached three times, and lectured at night. To-day, Jesus has enabled me to preach seven times; once in the Church, twice at the Girls' Hospital, once in the Park, once at the Old People's Hospital, and afterwards twice in a private house. Notwithstanding, I am now as fresh as when I arose in the morning. Both in the church and park, the Lord was with us. The girls in the hospital were exceedingly affected, and so were the standers by. One of the mistresses told me, that she is now awakened in the morning by the voice of prayer and praise; and the master of the boys says, that they meet together every night to sing and pray, and that, when he goes to their rooms, to see if all be safe, he generally disturbs them at their devotions. The presence of God, at the Old People's Hospital, was wonderful. The Holy Spirit seemed to come down like a mighty rushing wind. Every day, I hear of some fresh good wrought by the power of God. I scarce know how to leave Scotland. I believe I shall think it my duty to pay the inhabitants another visit as soon as possible. Above £500 have been collected, in money and goods, for the poor orphans. To-morrow, I shall leave this place, and go through Wales in my way to London."

Before he left Edinburgh, Whitefield wrote another letter to Earl Leven, which, considering the high office held by that nobleman in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, was somewhat singular, but, at the same time, bravely faithful. His lordship had given Whitefield a horse, for his long journey through Wales to London.

"EDINBURGH, _October 26, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--It is now past eleven at night. All is wrapt in awful silence. My soul is in a quiet, composed frame. I have been giving your lordship's letter a second reading. The Holy Spirit seems to be moving upon your soul; and I trust you will now awake into a new world, and know what it is to live by faith. O that the stone of infidelity, which before lay at the door of your heart, may now be rolled away! O that you may rise, be loosed from your corruptions, and go about doing good! My lord, if you could be brought to love secret prayer, and to converse feelingly with God in His word, your heaven would begin on earth: you would enjoy more pleasure than in all manner of riches. What will those avail, if you are not rich towards God? As for praying in your family, I entreat you not to neglect it. You are bound to do it. Apply to Christ for strength to overcome your present fears. They are the effects of pride, or infidelity, or of both. After once or twice, the difficulty will be over.

"It rejoices me to think that I shall one day, perhaps, see a church in Melville House. Happy, happy are you, my lord, in having such a consort, who will forward you in every good word and work. As God shall enable me, I shall bear you both upon my heart. My riding upon your lordship's horse will often remind me to pray for the donor. I should be glad to hear, from time to time, what the Lord is doing for your soul. Since you have laid your commands upon me, I shall write as often as possible.

"It is late; the clock has struck twelve. Methinks, I could wish the cry was now made, 'Behold, the Bridegroom cometh!' My soul longs to go forth to meet Him. This evening, I was greatly refreshed in preaching on these words, 'This is my beloved, and this is my friend, O daughters of Jerusalem.' When shall I see Him as He is? Well may your lordship say, 'He is altogether lovely.' Eternity is too short to utter all His praise."

The reader has now the substance of Whitefield's own account of his first tour in Scotland. Many anecdotes in relation to it still exist, and the following may be taken as specimens.

When preaching at Dunfermline, it was known that Whitefield would make a collection for his Orphan House in Georgia. A gentleman, of some importance in the town, determined he would not be persuaded by the great orator to be a contributor, and, before leaving home, emptied his pockets of all his money. Whitefield, in the course of his sermon, mentioned the excuses often made for not practising beneficence, and, among others, dwelt upon the case of those who designedly came to religious services without their cash. The prudent gentleman at once borrowed of a friend half a guinea for the collector.[477]

[477] "Life of Rev. John Erskine, D. D.," p. 194.

Whitefield's power of riveting the attention of his auditors was marvellous. It is related, by one of his biographers, that a gentleman, who had been to hear him in the Orphan House Park, Edinburgh, was met, on his way home, by an eminent minister, under whom he usually sat. The minister, indignant at the aberration of this distinguished member of his flock, expressed his surprise that he should have gone to hear such a rambling preacher as Whitefield was. "Sir," replied the admonished gentleman, "when I hear you, I am planting trees all the time; but during the whole of Mr. Whitefield's sermon, I had no time for planting even one."[478]

[478] "Memoirs of Whitefield," by Seymour, p. 52.

In one of his journeys, Whitefield was told of a widow with a large family, whose landlord had distrained her furniture, and was about to sell it, unless her rent was paid. Whitefield's purse was never large, but his sympathy was great, and he, immediately, gave the five guineas which the helpless woman needed. The friend, who was travelling with him hinted, that the sum was more than he could reasonably afford; to which the gushing, if not perfectly accurate, reply was, "When God brings a case of distress before us, it is that we may relieve it." The two travellers proceeded on their journey, and, before long, encountered a highwayman, who demanded their money, which they gave. Whitefield now turned the tables on his friend, and reminded him how much better it was for the poor widow to have the five guineas than the thief, who had just robbed them. They had not long resumed their travel, before the man returned, and demanded Whitefield's coat, which was much more respectable than his own. This request was also granted, Whitefield accepting the robber's ragged habiliment till he could procure a better. Presently, they perceived the marauder again galloping towards them most furiously; and now, fearing that their lives were threatened, they also spurred their horses, and, fortunately, arrived at some cottages, before the highwayman could stop them. The thief was baulked, and, no doubt, was immensely mortified; for, when Whitefield took off the man's tattered coat, he found, in one of its pockets, a carefully wrapped parcel containing one hundred guineas.[479]

[479] _Gospel Magazine_, 1816, p. 172.

But enough of floating anecdotes, which may, or may not be true.

It must be owned that Whitefield rendered but little service to "The Associate Presbytery," at whose invitation he went to Scotland; but that was the fault, not of Whitefield, but, of the members of the Presbytery themselves. His labours were almost entirely those of an evangelist preaching in the fields, or of a brother minister, belonging to another church, courteously admitted to the pulpits of the established Kirk of Scotland. His services, however, were none the less successful because not confined to the Seceders. There cannot be a doubt, that, as the labours of the Wesleys and of Whitefield were the means of quickening the religious life of the Church of England, so the labours of Whitefield were, to a great extent, the means of arousing the dormant energies of the sister Church of Scotland. Whitefield, as well as Knox, deserves a monument on the Calton Hill. Some evidence of this has been already furnished, and much more will be found in succeeding pages. Whitefield's own account of his first visit to Scotland may seem extravagant, and scarcely deserving of implicit credence. To silence such suspicion, the following extracts from letters written at the time, will be as useful as they are welcome.

A week after Whitefield's departure, a friend wrote to him as follows:--

"EDINBURGH, _November 5, 1741_.

"In the Tolbooth Church," (where the Rev. Alexander Webster was minister,) "there has been at sacrament a hundred more than usual, whereof about thirty young ones had never been admitted before, and of these, eighteen were converted by your ministry."[480]

[480] _Weekly History_, November 28, 1741.

A fortnight later, another friend in Edinburgh said:--

"The seed sown by your ministry daily appears, and in new instances. I am told the first night a play was acted here this season there were but about six ladies at it; the second, two; and the third and last, none at all. The little children of this city cannot forget you. Their very hearts leap within them upon hearing your name."[481]

[481] Ibid., December 5, 1741.

In another letter, from a friend in Scotland, dated, "December 12, 1741," it is stated, that, Whitefield spent five days in Glasgow, and preached ten times in the High Church yard, to vast multitudes reckoned at from ten to fifteen thousand. Above sixty persons were converted by his preaching.[482]

[482] Ibid., December 12, 1741.

Six months after Whitefield's departure, a minister in Edinburgh wrote:--

"Since you left Scotland, numbers, in different places, have been awakened. Religion, in this sinful city, revives and flourishes. Ordinances are more punctually attended. People hear the word with gladness, and receive it in faith and love. New meetings, for prayer and spiritual conference, are being begun everywhere. Religious conversation has banished slander and calumny from several tea-tables. Praise is perfected out of the mouths of babes and sucklings. Some stout-hearted sinners are captivated to the obedience of Christ."[483]

[483] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. xxvii.

In reference to the same city, Edinburgh, the Rev. Dr. Muir wrote:--

"More than twenty praying societies have been established in this place. Amongst them are several meetings of boys and girls. There are also several meetings of young women. There are numbers of young men, who meet for the purpose of glorifying God, and promoting Christian knowledge. A good number of old men, substantial, standing Christians, meet for edification and instruction, and are thereby often revived and very much refreshed. Upon the whole, we hope, there is such a flame kindled as shall never be extinguished. This is not all: for several country people are beginning to assemble together in little meetings, to worship God; particularly about two miles from this place, where several ploughmen and other illiterate persons meet for the most noble purposes, and greatly increase in numbers, grace, and knowledge. About Old Cambus, six miles from Dunbar, many are meeting together for social prayer and mutual conversation respecting matters of religion. There are several other societies for prayer prospering very well."[484]

[484] Prince's _Christian History_, No. xxxiv.

Another minister, the Rev. Mr. McCulloch, informed Whitefield, that fifty persons had been converted by his ten sermons in Glasgow; and that many others had been convinced of sin, and were seeking salvation.[485] The Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, at Aberdeen, stated, that Whitefield had been the means of reviving, in that city, "a just sense and concern for the great things of religion. I often think," says the writer, "that the Lord sent him here, to teach me how to preach, and especially how to suffer. His attachment to no party, but to Christ, appears to me a peculiar excellency in him. While he stayed among us, he answered our expectations so much, that he has scarce more friends anywhere than here, where, at first, almost all were against him. The word came with so much power, that, I hope, several of different denominations will bless the Lord for ever, that they ever heard him."[486]

[485] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. xiii.

[486] Ibid., No. xxvii.

The Rev. Mr. Willison, of Dundee, wrote:--

"Mr. Whitefield is hated, and spoken against by all the episcopal party and even the most of our clergy labour to diminish and expose him. But I look upon this youth, as raised up by God for special service, for promoting true Christianity in the world, and for reviving it where it is decayed. I see the man to be all of a piece; his life and conversation to be a transcript of his sermons. He is singularly fitted to do the work of an evangelist; and I have been long of opinion, that, it would be for the advantage of the world, were this still to be a standing office in the Church. I have myself been witness to the Holy Ghost falling upon him and his hearers oftener than once; not in a miraculous, though in an observable manner. Many here are blessing God, for sending him to this country, though Satan has raged so much against it. Though he is ordained a minister of the Church of England, he has always conformed to us, both in doctrine and worship, and lies open to conform to us in other points. God, by owning him so wonderfully, is pleased to give a rebuke to our intemperate bigotry and party zeal, and to tell us, that neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth anything, but the new creature."[487]

[487] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. xiii.

One more contemporaneous testimony must suffice. A gentleman, "eminent for learning and knowledge of the world," remarked:--

"Mr. Whitefield's soundness in the faith, his fervent zeal, and unwearied diligence in promoting the cause of Christ; the plainness and simplicity, the affection and warmth of his sermons, and the amazing power that accompanied them; together with his meekness, humility, and candid and catholic spirit, convinced the people that there was reason to think well of him. Conversions were become rare in Scotland; little liveliness was to be found even in real Christians; and bigotry and blind zeal were producing animosities and divisions, and turning away the attention of good men from matters of infinitely greater importance. The episcopal clergy gave him no countenance, though a few of their people did. In the Established Church of Scotland, some of the more rigid Presbyterians would not hold communion with him, on account of his connection with the Church of England, and because he assumed the office of an evangelist, peculiar, in their apprehension, to the first ages of the Church. Some were mightily dissatisfied with him for preaching the Calvinistic doctrines of election, original sin, efficacious grace, justification through faith, and the perseverance of the saints; and others, because he inveighed against the playhouse, dancing assemblies, games of chance, haunting taverns, vanity and extravagance in dress, and levity in behaviour and conversation. But, upon many in Edinburgh, of all ranks and ages, especially young people, deep impressions were made; and many of them waited on him privately, lamenting their former immoral lives, or stupid thoughtlessness about religion, and expressing their anxious concern about obtaining an interest in Christ, and the sanctifying influences of the Spirit."[488]

[488] Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield."

_SEVEN MONTHS IN ENGLAND._

NOVEMBER 1741 TO JUNE 1742.

Whitefield left Edinburgh on October 29, 1741, and rode on Earl Leven's horse, three hundred miles, to Abergavenny in Wales, for the purpose of marrying Mrs. James, a widow lady, who, up to this period of his history, is never even mentioned in any of Whitefield's letters. The marriage ceremony was performed at St. Martin's Chapel, near Caerphilly, in the parish of Eglws Ilan. The following is a copy of the register, in the handwriting of the Rev. John Smith, the then vicar of Eglws Ilan:--

GEORGE WHITEFIELD AND ELIZABETH JAMES, _Married, November 14, 1741_.[489]

[489] "Memoirs of Christmas Evans," p. 176.

Of Mrs. James's previous history, nothing has been published.[490] She was a friend of the Methodists, and of Wesley, as well as of Whitefield. Only six weeks before her marriage, Wesley was her guest, at Abergavenny, and writes, "She received us gladly, as she had done aforetime."[491] Exactly a month before she became Mrs. Whitefield, Wesley was again in the same neighbourhood, and was warmly attacked by his quondam friends, but now his Calvinistic foes, Thomas Bissicks and Joseph Humphreys. Mrs. James kindly interfered, and Wesley, not without reason, calls her "a woman of candour and humanity."[492]

[490] Her maiden name was Burnell. (Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield.")

[491] Wesley's Works, vol. i.; p. 319.

[492] Ibid., vol. i., p. 321.

Whitefield did everything religiously. On the day before his marriage, writing to Earl Leven, he remarks:--

"I find a restraint upon me now, so that I cannot write. God calls me to retirement, being to enter the marriage state to-morrow. I am persuaded your lordship will not fail to pray, that we may, like Zacharias and Elisabeth, walk in all the ordinances and commandments of the Lord blameless."

Five days subsequent to his marriage, he says, to a friend at Edinburgh, "On Saturday, I was married, in the fear of God, to one who, I hope, will be a helpmeet to me. I expect to be in London in about three weeks. My wife I shall leave in the country for some time."

To another friend in Edinburgh he writes: "Jesus was called to, Jesus was present at, the marriage." In a letter to James Habersham, he says: "The Lord has given me a wife. Her name was James, a widow, between thirty and forty years of age. She has been a housekeeper many years. Once gay; but, for three years last past, a despised follower of the Lamb of God. I left her about three weeks ago, and am going to settle affairs, and bring her up to London." Shortly after, writing to his friend Gilbert Tennent, he remarked: "About eleven weeks ago, I married, in the fear of God, one who was a widow, of about thirty-six years of age, and who has been a housekeeper for many years; neither rich in fortune,[493] nor beautiful as to her person, but, I believe, a true child of God, and one who would not, I think, attempt to hinder me in His work for the world. In that respect, I am just the same as before marriage. I hope God will never suffer me to say, 'I have married a wife, and therefore I cannot come.'"

[493] The _Gentleman's Magazine_, in announcing Whitefield's marriage, stated that his wife had a fortune of £10,000! (_Gentleman's Magazine_, 1741, p. 608.)

These are all the references which Whitefield makes to the new relationship into which he had so recently entered. Why did he marry? That is a question which cannot easily be answered, unless it be supposed that he wanted a matron for his Orphan House, in Georgia. Men like Whitefield and Wesley, almost always from home, ought to remain unmarried. Their wives, naturally enough, very often become _Xantippes_.

The _Gentleman's Magazine_, when it announced Whitefield's marriage, referred its readers to a prayer, in his last Journal, which was as follows:--

"Northampton, October 19, 1740. Mrs. Edwards" (wife of the celebrated Jonathan Edwards) "is a woman adorned with a meek and quiet spirit. She talked feelingly and solidly of the things of God, and seemed to be such a helpmeet for her husband, that she caused me to renew those prayers, which, for some months, I have put up to God, that He would send me a daughter of Abraham to be my wife. I find, upon many accounts, it is my duty to marry. Lord, I desire to have no choice of my own. Thou knowest my circumstances. Thou knowest I only desire to marry in and for Thee. Thou didst choose a Rebecca for Isaac; choose one for me, to be a helpmeet for me, in carrying on that great work committed to my charge! Lord, hear me! Let my cry come unto Thee!"

Southey flatly asserts that Whitefield's "marriage was not a happy one,"[494] but adduces no evidence in proof of this. Cornelius Winter also says: "Mr. Whitefield was not happy in his wife, but I fear some, who had not all the religion they professed, contributed to his infelicity. He did not intentionally make his wife unhappy. He always preserved great decency and decorum in his conduct towards her. Her death set his mind much at liberty. She certainly did not behave in all respects as she ought. She could be under no temptation from his conduct towards the sex, for he was a very pure man, a strict example of the chastity he inculcated upon others."[495] Great importance has been attached to this account, because Cornelius Winter was an inmate of Whitefield's house; but it is only fair to add, that Winter was not born until a year after Whitefield's marriage, and that his introduction to Whitefield's house was within a year and a half of Mrs. Whitefield's death. On the other hand, as the reader will hereafter find, Whitefield not unfrequently speaks of his wife in endearing terms; and, in 1768, he preached her funeral sermon, and praised her many virtues. She also, on more than one occasion, evinced qualities of mind deserving more than ordinary commendation. Three years after her marriage, whilst she and Whitefield were on their way to Georgia, the ship in which they sailed was threatened by an enemy. Guns were mounted, and chains put about the masts. The wildest confusion reigned, and Whitefield confessed that he was "naturally a coward;" but his wife "set about making cartridges," and did her utmost in having all things ready for the "fire and smoke."[496] At another time, when a mob gathered round her husband, and stones flew in all directions, and the great preacher began to fear, she, who was standing by his side, pulled his gown, and cried, with genuine heroism, "Now, George, play the man for God." Such a woman would almost seem to have deserved more attention than it was possible for her husband to pay her.

[494] "Life of Wesley."

[495] "Memoirs of Rev. C. Winter," by William Jay, p. 80.

[496] Whitefield's Works, vol. ii., p. 68.

Be that as it may, it is a fact, that, within a week after his marriage, Whitefield again started out on his evangelistic ramblings, leaving his newly wedded wife behind him in Wales.[497] A few extracts from his letters, written at this period, will illustrate the principles and actions of the man.

[497] The _Weekly History_, for November 28, 1741, says: "On Saturday, November 7, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield arrived at Abergavenny, where he preached several times, as also at Trevecca, Erwood, Pontypool, Waterford, etc. On Saturday last, he came to Bristol, where he has continued to preach twice every day, to crowded auditories; and visible success attends his labours."

Lady Dirleton was one of the "honourable women" with whom Whitefield became acquainted in Scotland; and to her he addressed the following:--

"BRISTOL, _November 22, 1741_.

"HONOURED MADAM,--Your ladyship enjoys great advantages, and glorious means of making progress in spiritual things. You are rich in this world's goods: may God make you rich in faith and good works! It gives me comfort to think, what sweet freedom I have enjoyed, when opening the Scriptures in your ladyship's house. Surely, God was with us of a truth. In Wales, we had much of the Divine presence. The people there are so hungry after the word, that they are resolved not to leave wrestling with the Most High, till He shall be pleased to send me thither. I think I can say, that God brings me nearer and nearer to Himself daily; and I will not rest, till I am moulded into the image of my bleeding Lord. I pray God, that your ladyship may be content with no degrees of holiness; but may be daily pressing forward, till you arrive at the mark of the prize of the high calling in Christ Jesus."

To a friend in Edinburgh, he wrote:--

"BRISTOL, _November 27, 1741_.

"I am resolved not to rest till everything, contrary to true, catholic, Christian love, be rooted out of my soul. Christ's blood and Spirit are able to do this for me. I only need to pray to God to make me willing to have it done. I believe I shall see greater things than ever. We cannot expect too great things from God."

To a friend in London, he remarked:--

"BRISTOL, _November 30, 1741_.

"I rejoice that your soul is thirsting for holiness. God grant it may never cease till you experience the full and glorious liberty of His children! I see plainly how Satan loves to drive to extremes. Since there is no such thing as having the in-being of sin destroyed, he would not have people press after a delivery from the power of it. This also is owing to the corruption of our hearts. The old man doth not love to be crucified and slain; but I hope the language of your heart and mine is this--

'Reign in me, Lord, Thy foes control, That would refuse Thy sway; Diffuse Thy image through my soul, And bring the perfect day.

Scatter the last remains of sin, And seal me Thine abode; O set me purified within, A temple meet for God.

My root of holiness Thou art, For faith hath made Thee mine; With all Thy fulness, fill my heart, Till I am wholly Thine.'

"No wonder, when we come to be thus minded, if carnal ministers, and carnal professors of all kinds, cry out against us. Nay, even some who have tasted that the Lord is gracious, having slumbered and slept, and mixed too much with the world, even such frequently fight against their privileges, and rest in an infant state of piety. But, I believe, the Lord will rouse them, and let the world know what the blood of Jesus can and will do. Blessed be His name! we have a growing church at Bristol. Yesterday, and several other times, the Lord has filled many, as with new wine. Sometimes, I scarce have known whether I have been in or out of the body; but, I find, the more I receive of grace, the more I desire to lie as a poor, very poor sinner, at the feet of Christ. Several have just now been with me, who have, this last week, drunk deep of Divine love. They are now full of the comforts of the Holy Ghost. Let us, my dear brother, live a life of great nearness to Jesus; and labour day by day to perfect holiness in the fear of God. There is a glorious rest to be entered into even here. May the Lord make us partakers of it!"

These are notable extracts. Their tone and language are remarkably different from the tone and language of Whitefield's previous correspondence. Strangely enough, though fresh from Calvinistic Scotland, he was evidently veering round to something like Wesley's doctrine of Christian perfection. In 1740, the two Wesleys had published a volume of "Hymns and Sacred Poems," with a preface, in which Wesley propounded his views of Christian holiness in language the strongest he ever used. Indeed, in after life, he himself modified several of the expressions in this remarkable preface, and honestly admitted that some of them were far too strong. The hymns, and especially the preface, when first published, greatly disturbed Whitefield's serenity, and, no doubt, partly led to the temporary estrangement between him and Wesley, which had then occurred. But, notwithstanding this, in the foregoing letter, Whitefield breathes out the desires of his soul, in three of the most forcibly worded verses in Wesley's book. It is true, he slightly alters the phraseology, and likewise injures it; but there is no material alteration of sentiment. The verses, as the Wesleys published them, were as follows:--

"Reign in me, Lord, Thy foes control, Who would not own Thy sway; Diffuse Thy image through my soul; Shine to the perfect day.

Scatter the last remains of sin, And seal me Thine abode; O make me glorious all within, A temple built by God.

My inward holiness Thou art, For faith hath made Thee mine: With all Thy fulness fill my heart, Till all I am is Thine!"

Such was part of Wesley's hymn on "Christ our Sanctification. Stronger language, on the subject, he never used; and, yet, this was now the language of his friend Whitefield. If the views of the two were not perfectly identical, there certainly was a near approach, on the part of Whitefield, to the doctrine Wesley taught. Why was this? There can be little doubt, that, it was greatly owing to the brotherly influence of Howell Harris. To a large extent, Whitefield had been made the tool of excited partisans, both in London and in Bristol. The men were violently opposed to Wesley, but were too small to even think of conquering him, without Whitefield's aid. Whitefield was naturally unsuspicious, and, he was also fond of being regarded and consulted as a leader. Wesley's opponents knew all this, and used their opportunity for annoying him. Bitter complaints were made to Whitefield, respecting the doctrines that he taught. Whitefield, whose heart was always better than his head, became confused, and he was induced to strongly condemn some of Wesley's doctrines, without really understanding what they were. Estrangement followed; and, for the last six months, the two old friends had been divided. During Whitefield's visit to Scotland, Howell Harris seems to have acted as his curate, in London; where he also had an important interview with the Wesley brothers. Hence the following, addressed to Whitefield:--

"_October, 1741._

"DEAR BROTHER WHITEFIELD,--I believe that jealousies will not be entirely eradicated until correspondence with those who indulge a party-spirit, and are not like little children, ceases. I have seen, more than ever, since I came home, what carnal professors are.[498] The Lord has helped me to bear my testimony against sin, and to declare that all those who labour for deliverance from the dominion of sin, self, and unbelief, shall be set free; they shall so behold the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ, as to be changed into His image, from glory to glory, as by the Spirit of the Lord (2 Cor. iii. 18; Rom. vi. 14, viii. 2; 2 Peter i. 4; and 2 Cor. v. 15). When I mentioned this liberty from the power of sin, I was abused as one holding sinless perfection; and, I find, they have troubled you with this information. I have always stated, that the body of sin remains in believers, but that the power of it is destroyed. By dwelling on sanctification, we shall find self and carnal reason in arms against us; just the same as the pride of the Pharisees is against us, when we preach justification by faith. These opposers would be glad to influence you. They were in hopes to set brother Cennick and myself by the ears, but the Lord disappointed them.

[498] He had a serious encounter with Joseph Humphreys and Thomas Bissicks, about the time he thus wrote to Whitefield. Wesley, in reference to this dispute, observes, "H. Harris kept them at bay till about one o'clock in the morning. I then left them and Capt. T---- together. About three, they left off just where they began." (Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 321.)

"Now, as to brother Wesley. The Lord gave me, on a certain day, such earnestness to pray for him, and such faith that he would be led into all truth, that all my prejudices were removed, and I felt I could speak to him in love. Still, I had no thoughts of so doing, until he invited me to visit him. Then I opened my heart to him, and told him how the Lord taught me every truth. He allowed everything, and said, that we, through grace, shall not fall away. I saw room to hope, that the Lord would bring us together in truth.[499] As to free-will, he utterly denied it. He does really mean what he says. He did so openly, in Charles Square. 'God,' said he, 'is willing to save you all, if you will. What I mean by saying _if you will_, is, not if you have a faint wish to go to heaven, but, if you will submit to Christ, in all His offices, for salvation--if you are willing He should save you from sin, as well as hell; else you cannot be saved.'

[499] Probably this interview with Wesley was the same as that of which Wesley gives an account, in his Journal, under the date of October, 1741. He writes: "Howell Harris came to me. He said, as to the decree of reprobation, he renounced and utterly abhorred it. And as to the not falling from grace, 1. He believed that it ought not to be mentioned to the unjustified, or to any that were slack or careless, much less that lived in sin. 2. He did himself believe it was possible for one to fall away, who had been 'enlightened' with some knowledge of God, who had 'tasted of the heavenly gift, and had been made partaker of the Holy Ghost;' and wished we could all agree to keep close, in the controverted points, to the very words of Holy Writ. 3. That he accounted no man so justified as not to fall, till he had a thorough, abiding hatred of all sin, and a continual hunger and thirst after all righteousness. Blessed be thou of the Lord, thou man of peace! Still follow after peace and holiness." (Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 320.) See Letter, by Charles Wesley, endorsed "September 28, 1741, p. 482.

"Brother Charles Wesley came to town last Saturday night, and we providentially met. He owned he had no free-will until four years ago; that it was God who chose him first; and not he God: and that he is kept faithful by the faithfulness of God. He spoke tenderly of you, and seemed to be quite loving and teachable."[500]

[500] "Life and Times of Howell Harris," by Morgan, p. 93.

Harris's letter seems to have touched Whitefield, and to have filled his heart with a gush of warm affection, which found utterance in the following letter, which he, immediately, wrote to Wesley:--

"ABERDEEN, _October, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--I have for a long time expected that you would have sent me an answer to my last; but, I suppose, you are afraid to correspond with me, because I revealed your secret about the '_lot_.'" (See p. 469.) "Though much may be said for my doing it, yet I am sorry now that any such thing dropped from my pen, and I humbly ask pardon. I find I love you as much as ever; and pray God, if it be His blessed will, that we may be all united together.

"For some days, it has been upon my mind to write to you, and this morning I received a letter from brother Harris, telling me how he had conversed with you and your dear brother. May God remove all obstacles that now prevent our union! Though I hold particular election, yet I offer Jesus freely to every individual soul. You may carry sanctification to what degrees you will, only I cannot agree that the in-being of sin is to be destroyed in this life.

"Oh, my dear brother, the Lord has been much with me in Scotland. I every morning feel fellowship with Christ, and He is pleased to give me peace and joy in believing.

"In about three weeks, I hope to be at Bristol. May all disputings cease, and each of us talk of nothing but Jesus, and Him crucified! This is my resolution. The Lord be with your spirit!

"I am, without dissimulation, ever yours, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

When Whitefield arrived in Bristol, Wesley was recovering from a severe and dangerous fever; and, though neither of them mentions the fact, there can be little doubt, that the old friends met, and conversed together, as Whitefield proposed they should. As noticed in foregoing pages, Whitefield, to some extent, misunderstood and mis-stated Wesley's doctrine of Christian holiness; and as it is probable that explanations were given during the interview at Bristol, there is now no difficulty in understanding the alteration of tone and language in Whitefield's letters already quoted. Though in a mystic way still clinging to what he calls the "in-being of sin" in all believers, Whitefield was now, in reality, seeking the sanctification which Wesley taught.

On December 4, Whitefield arrived in London, from which he had been absent the last four months. Three days afterwards, he wrote as follows to James Habersham:--

"LONDON, _December 7, 1741_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I came hither last Friday, and received a packet of letters from Bethesda. When I read brother Grant's account of the circumstances of the family, I remembered what the Lord pressed upon my soul on shipboard: 'The bridegroom shall be taken from them, and then shall they fast in those days.' However, be not discouraged. Professor Francke's students were once obliged to sell their clothes to buy candles.

"The work of God advances here greatly. We have a large Society, consisting of several hundreds; and a noble place to meet in. I have called it a _Tabernacle_, because, perhaps, we may be called to move our tents.

"In Wiltshire, and at Kingswood, there are many good souls, and two new houses built. In Wales, the door is opened wider than ever. The work is very extraordinary in Scotland. I hear, daily, accounts of its continuance and increase.

"God is pleased to let me feel more of His power than ever. O that His whole mind were in me! I hunger and thirst after righteousness. Blessed be God! there is a promise that such shall be filled.

"The Lords see through Mr. Garden's enmity, and will have nothing to do with my Appeal; so that a hook is put into the leviathan's jaws.

"Ever, ever yours in Christ, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Such was Whitefield's letter _to_ America. _From_ America, he received one equally inspiriting. The Rev. Thomas Prince wrote to him as follows:--

"BOSTON, _December 6, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--Since my last, our exalted Saviour has been riding forth in His magnificence and glory, through divers parts of our land, in so triumphant a manner as hath never been seen or heard among us, or among any other people, since the days of the apostles. He is daily making His most resolute opposers to fall down under Him. Almost every week, we hear of new and surprising conquests. Some, who were like incarnate devils, are thrown, at once, into such extreme distress as no pen can possibly describe and, in two or three days, are turned into saints, full of divine adoration, and love, and joy unspeakable, and full of glory. Amazing works of this kind are now going on at Taunton, Middleborough, Bridgewater, Abington, York, Ipswich, Rowley, Cape Anne, Rittery, and Berwick. On a day of fasting and prayer at Portsmouth, the Spirit of God came down, and seized the people by scores and hundreds; and, in three days, there were a thousand in that town in deep distress about their souls."[501]

[501] "Some Remarks on a Pamphlet, entitled 'The State of Religion in New England.'" 1742. p. 29.

After spending a few days in London, Whitefield started out to join his newly wedded wife at Abergavenny. On his way, he spent about a week at Gloucester, where he wrote the two following letters, the first to Lord Rae in Scotland, and the second to his lay-curate, John Cennick, in London.

"GLOUCESTER, _December 19, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--In England, as well as in Scotland, the Redeemer is riding on from conquering to conquer. I have lately been at Bristol and London, and have had the pleasure of seeing the Church walk in the comforts of the Holy Ghost. I have preached here twice every day, for some days past. I am athirst for holiness. I see such beauty and transcendent excellencies in Christ, that I long to have His whole mind and image stamped upon my soul. Nothing can satisfy me but the highest degrees of sanctification and inward holiness. Here, I believe, I am laudably ambitious. My Saviour wills my sanctification. My Saviour would have me filled with all the fulness of God."

* * * * *

"GLOUCESTER, _December 22, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--Last Thursday evening, the Lord brought me hither. I preached immediately to our friends in a large barn, and had my Master's presence. On Friday and Saturday, I preached again twice. On Sunday, God opened a door for my preaching in St. John's, one of the parish churches. The late incumbent had been my grand opposer. He being dead, and the new minister not having taken possession, the power of the pulpit was in the churchwardens' hands. God inclined them to let me preach there on Sunday morning and yesterday afternoon. On Sunday afternoon, after I had preached twice at Gloucester, I preached at Mr. F----'s, six miles off; and again, at night, at Stroud. The people seem to be more hungry than ever, and the Lord to be more amongst them. Yesterday morning, I preached at Painswick, in the parish church; here in the afternoon; and again, at night, in the barn. God gives me unspeakable comfort, and uninterrupted joy. There seems to be a new awakening, and a revival of the work of God. To-morrow morning, I purpose to set out for Abergavenny."

Thus, after a long interval, was Whitefield allowed to occupy two of the pulpits of the Established Church. In four days, he had been to Abergavenny, and had come back to Bristol; where he wrote the following racy letter to a gentleman in London:--

"BRISTOL, _December 28, 1741_.

"DEAR MR. M----, Both my wife and I received your letters. I send this to thank you for them. I came from Abergavenny on Saturday night. My dear wife was pretty well; I expect her here on Friday.

"We shall bring no more goods to London than we shall use; but I know not what to say about coming to your house, for, I am told, you and your wife are dilatory, and that you do not rise sometimes till nine or ten in the morning. This will never do for me; and, I am persuaded, such conduct tends much to the dishonour of God, and to the prejudice of your own precious soul. Sometimes I have looked upon you with grief. You have busied yourself about the outward affairs of religion with respect to others, and, all the while, I fear, neglected the improvement of your own heart. I fear your present business will not answer; and, I am sure, you will have no solid comfort, till you look less abroad and more at home. Somebody said, you were like the Athenians, who desired to hear some new thing. I thought the observation was too just. You are jealous about principles, which is right; but, all the while, your own practice is not sufficiently watched over. I have heard you spend much time in coffee houses, and from your own house. I hope these things are not so. You will not be offended with me for this plain dealing. You know I love you; and, I am sure, this letter proceeds from love. The eyes of the world are now in an especial manner upon you. Labour, therefore, my dear brother, to get an abiding presence of God in your heart. Be willing to be searched. Pray that you may feel the full power of the Redeemer's blood. Be not slothful in business. Go to bed seasonably, and rise early. Redeem your precious time. Pick up all the fragments of it, that not one moment may be lost. Be much in secret prayer. Converse less with man, and more with God. Accept this advice, given in great love."

Another letter, of the same date, must have insertion. It is a striking fact, that, though all of them distinct, there were, at the same time, remarkable religious movements in America, England, Scotland, and Wales. The labours and successes of Howell Harris, in the last-mentioned country, have been already noticed. About half a score clergymen of the Established Church had practically identified themselves with him, and had become itinerant preachers. Among these, were the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, the Rev. William Williams, the Rev. Peter Williams, and the Rev. Howell Davies. A considerable body of lay-preachers, also, had sprung into existence; and the Methodist congregations and Societies of the principality were daily increasing in number and importance.[502] To these Welsh evangelists, in one of their assemblies, Whitefield addressed the following:--

"BRISTOL, _December 28, 1741_.

[502] "History of the Calvinistic Methodists in Wales," p. 8.

"MY DEAR BRETHREN IN CHRIST,--Though obliged to be absent in body, I write this to assure you of my being present in spirit. I wish you much of the presence of our glorious Head. I doubt not but you will find Him faithful to His promise, and, as you meet together in His name, He certainly will be in the midst of you. The affairs you meet about are affairs of the utmost importance. You ought to watch close, and to be instant in prayer; for you need much of the wisdom which cometh from above.

"One great matter is rightly to know to what particular office, and to what particular part, Jesus Christ has called each of you. For, I take it for granted, none of you will presume to run before you are called, or have evidences of your own conversion. Different persons have different gifts and graces. Some are called to awaken; others to establish and build up. Some have popular gifts fit for large auditories; others move best in a more contracted sphere, and may be exceeding useful in the private Societies. Those who are called to act in a public manner, I think, ought to give themselves wholly to the work, and go out without purse or scrip. Their Master will bear their charges. Others, who can only visit privately, may mind their secular employ, and give their leisure time to the service of the Church. Some of you are ministers of the Church of England; but, if you are faithful, I cannot think you will continue in it long. However, do not go out till you are cast out; and, when cast out for Jesus Christ's sake, be not afraid to preach in the fields. And whilst you remain in, O let not the children of God starve for want of the sacrament, though they may belong to another parish. The canon which forbids giving it to _strangers_ was only to prevent persons coming unprepared, without the minister's knowledge. It is regarded by none of the clergy; and nothing but the enmity of the old serpent excites them to mention it to any of you. For my own part, I should think it an honour to be put into the spiritual court, and to be excommunicated, for giving the children of God the sacrament at my church, when they cannot have it elsewhere. The Spirit of Christ and of glory, I am sure, would rest upon my soul.

"As for those who are not ordained, I cannot say much, only pray that each may take his proper place. If Brother Lewis could come over and help us, it would be well. The Church here wants more labourers. It is proper, somebody should be always in Wiltshire and Kingswood. I wish also you could meet monthly; if not all together, yet in little bodies, as you lie nearest to each other. I am about to settle a monthly meeting in Bristol and London, where correspondents' letters are to be read, and prayer made accordingly. If you had monthly meetings, each exhorter or labourer might communicate his success; an abstract might be sent to England; and we, in return, would send you an abstract of our affairs. Unity would thereby be promoted, love increased, and our hands strengthened.

"All this may be done without a formal separation from the Established Church, which I cannot think God calls for as yet; only, I think, if a brother or sister has a mind to communicate among the Dissenters, and has freedom to receive in the Church too, they ought to be left at their liberty.

"Thus, my dear brethren, I have given you what occurred to my mind. I am ashamed whilst I am writing, knowing my insufficiency to advise. But you will accept in love, from one who desires to be the servant of all. It may be, hereafter, God may bring me to you, and we may enjoy sweet fellowship together. In the meanwhile, I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace. I entreat your most earnest prayer in behalf of, dear brethren, your most affectionate, though most unworthy, brother and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[503]

[503] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1826, p. 469.

There is much in this important letter which deserves attention; but the intelligent reader can easily form his own opinions on the topics it embraces.

As usual, Whitefield was greatly occupied with his Orphan-house affairs. His scheme, as he himself originally propounded it, was benevolently comprehensive.

"An orphan house," he wrote in 1739, "is much wanted at Savannah; for there are many orphans, who, now being obliged to live in the families about town, lose all the advantages they receive at school.

"Besides, it will be a great encouragement to people to go to the colony, when they are assured their children will be provided for after their decease; and it will be an unspeakable comfort to parents already there, who fear nothing so much as having their children left destitute when they are dead.

"Further, if the Indians, who live near the town, can be persuaded to send their children, it seems to be the only probable means to bring about their conversion.

"It may be further considered, that the children, to be maintained in the Orphan House, are to be bred up to manual labour from their very infancy; and that the persons to be employed in their education, it is to be hoped, have the glory of God at heart, and desire no other gratuity than food and raiment.

"Part also of the Orphan House is to be set apart for an infirmary, where sick servants and poor people, who now are in great danger of perishing for want of necessaries, are to be taken in and provided for; which must be a great ease and assistance, not only to the servants, but to masters and mistresses of families, who cannot afford to have physicians, or to furnish sick servants with things convenient."[504]

[504] Preface to "Account of Money received and expended for the Poor of Georgia."

All must admit the benevolent character of Whitefield's project. The difficulties he had to encounter were enormous. Again and again, he was in danger of being arrested for the debts that he had incurred in the erection of his large building. Providence, however, provided for his necessities; and now his Orphanage was opened, and his plans were being carried out. He had many friends; but he also had some enemies. Among the latter was a Mr. Nesbit, who had recently returned to England from Carolina, where he had lived thirty years. In three letters, published in the _Scots' Magazine_ for 1741, Mr. Nesbit alleged, that "the extraordinary expense, in building the Orphan House, might have been saved, by appropriating one or more of the empty houses in Savannah," where Whitefield "might have had his choice of hundreds." Mr. Nesbit continues: "The colony of Georgia has been dwindling away for two or three years past, by reason of the oppressions the people have suffered. Of the thousands sent over by the Trustees, only a few families remain, and they are waiting an opportunity to get out of the arbitrary government of the place. Savannah is now two-thirds desolate; and, except the few people in that town, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty or seventy miles of the Orphan House. Of what use can an hospital be in a desert and abandoned country? or how can such a house be maintained in that situation, exposed to Spaniards, Indians, and runaway negroes?" Another of Mr. Nesbit's complaints was that Whitefield had "paid £3 for each cow and calf, whereas the price in Carolina was only thirty shillings;" and that the keeping of his live stock was costing twice as much as it ought to cost. "Thousands of pounds," says the censor, "have been expended on the Orphan House, and it is not above half finished. Mr. Whitefield has paid twice as much for his boards, planks, and scantlings, as he should have done."

It is not unlikely that simple-minded Whitefield was cheated by the worldly-wise colonists with whom he had business transactions; but that he did his best cannot reasonably be doubted. Nesbit's letters were published while Whitefield was in Scotland, and was making collections for the Orphanage. Whitefield wrote two replies, one dated September 26, and the other October 3, 1741; and both were published in the _Scots' Magazine_. A brief extract from the second must suffice. In answer to the allegation that the expense of building might have been saved by using empty houses in Savannah, Whitefield writes:--

"I tried this experiment while the Orphan House was building. I gave Mr. Douglas £35 a year for his house, the largest in Savannah. I had the use of the parsonage, the Germans' house, and another house besides; all of which, put together, were scarcely sufficient; and, if I had had to pay rent for them all, they would have cost upwards of £50, if not £60, per annum. Judge you, then, whether it was not better to build one large, convenient house, than to be at such an annual expenditure for rent, and to undergo the inconvenience of living in separate houses.

"I fear you have been misinformed that, excepting a few people in Savannah, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty or seventy miles of the Orphan House; for, within four or five miles, there are Mr. Fallowfield's plantation, Mr. Parker's plantation (both magistrates of Savannah), Colonel Stevens's plantation, Mr. Mercer's plantation, with some others a little farther distant; besides three hundred Saltzburghers not above forty miles distant from us."

Whitefield adds:--

"The Orphan House has been the support of the northern parts of the colony. It has been the means of bringing several children out of a state little better than slavery. It has enabled many a man to pay his debts. Above all, it has been the means, under God, of bringing many a poor soul to the knowledge of the Lord Jesus, which was my chief end in building it. Whilst I have this single end in view, I fear neither Spaniards' swords, nor the scourges of men's tongues. My motto is 'the Burning Bush.' You know, that burnt, but was not consumed."

Such was a part of Whitefield's answer to Mr. Nesbit. At the end of the year, he published "An Account of Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia" (8vo. 45 pp.), with a preface, dated December 23, 1741. Extracts from this have been already given; but, as a further refutation of Mr. Nesbit's allegations, the following extract from a letter, written by a gentleman from Boston, who had visited the Orphan House, will, it is hoped, interest the reader. The letter is dated "Bethesda, January 1, 1742."

"The Orphan House is pleasantly situated, and, with the buildings belonging to it, presents a much handsomer prospect than is given by the draught annexed to the public accounts. The great house is now almost finished; and nothing has hindered but the want of glass, which they daily expect from Bristol, and some bricks to carry up another stack of chimneys, which would have been done before, if a vessel that was bringing bricks and other stores had not been taken by the Spaniards. They have cut a fine road to Savannah, through a thicket of woods; and, that it might be passable, were obliged to make ten bridges and crossways. They have also cleared forty acres of land, twenty of which were planted the last year; the other twenty were for the benefit of the air. They have also a large garden at the front of the house, brought into pretty good order. If the colony be allowed negroes, as it is thought it must and will be, they can, with about twenty negroes to manure the plantation, which contains five hundred acres, raise much more provision than a larger family than this can expend. They have already a fine live stock; and, in a few years, it is to be hoped, they will be able to support themselves.

"The economy observed here is as follows: The bell rings in the morning at sunrise, to wake the family. When the children arise, they sing a short hymn, and pray by themselves. Then they go down to wash, and, by the time they have done that, the bell calls to public worship, when a portion of Scripture is read and expounded, a psalm sung, and the exercise begun and ended with prayer. Then they breakfast, and afterwards go, some to their trades, and the rest to their prayers and schools. At noon, they all dine in the same room, and have comfortable and wholesome diet provided. A hymn is sung before and after dinner; then, in about half an hour, to school again; an interval which affords time enough for recreation. A little after sunset, the bell calls to public duty again, which is performed in the same manner as in the morning. After that they sup, and are attended to bed by one of their masters, who then prays with them. On the Sabbath day, they all dine on cold meat provided the day before, that none may be kept from public worship, which is attended four times a day in summer, and three in the winter. The children are kept to reading between whiles. Many have reported that the place is very unhealthy; but I believe it is quite otherwise; a remarkable proof of which is, that not one of the family has died, and but three or four in the hospital. Many, who now think the erecting of the Orphan House a mad scheme, would alter their sentiments were they here. Innumerable difficulties have been overcome, and affairs now wear a pleasant aspect. Upon the whole, I think the institution to be of God; therefore, it doth and will prosper."

The reader has here as full a description of the Orphan House in 1741, as can well be given.

Nearly all the printed attacks on Whitefield, during the year 1741, have been already noticed; but it may be added, that, in this year, the following tracts were published by his friend Wesley, not exactly against Whitefield, but against the doctrines he held:--1. "Serious Considerations on Absolute Predestination. Extracted from a late Author."[505] (12mo. 24 pp.) 2. "The Scripture Doctrine concerning Predestination, Election, and Reprobation. Extracted from a late Author." (12mo. 16 pp.) 3. "A Dialogue between a Predestinarian and his Friend." (12mo. 7 pp.) 4. "Christian Perfection: a Sermon preached by John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford." (12mo. 12 pp.)

[505] The "late author" was Robert Barclay. Wesley says, "We presented a thousand of Barclay to Mr. Whitefield's congregation on Sunday, April 19, 1741." (Wesley's Works, xii., p. 102.)

The Bishop of London, also, in his Charge to the Clergy of his Diocese, had a fling at the erratic evangelist, telling his reverend brethren, that, Whitefield had slandered the Church and clergy; for he had "publicly spread and avowed, in a very unworthy and licentious manner, that the generality of the clergy of the Church of England were shamefully remiss and negligent in the _pastoral_ office."

And once more: An anonymous author published an 8vo. pamphlet of thirty-six pages, with the title, "The Controversy concerning Free-will and Predestination, set in a _true light_, and brought to a _short issue_. Recommended to Mr. Whitefield and his followers." In his preface, the writer taunts Whitefield "as an oracle, most _implicitly_ believing that he is _inspired_ by the Holy Ghost." He continues: "With undaunted assurance, Mr. Whitefield takes upon him to instil this abominable doctrine of Predestination into his hearers and admirers--a doctrine which runs counter to revelation, and to the blessed nature of God; which depreciates the merits and satisfaction of Jesus Christ in the grand atonement; which sets the Divine attributes out of harmony; which makes prayer useless, and the command to pray an imposition; which makes God partial, arbitrary, despotic, unjust, and cruel; and which makes the Christian priesthood and sacraments, at least, insignificant. Who can reasonably doubt, that there is a plot of Satan and his emissaries, to promote infidelity by this; and, perhaps, to make way for popery, on the principle, _Divide et impera_--divide and govern"?

The author dates his pamphlet, "November 24, 1741," and concludes it with the following lines:--

"Why is this _wrangling world_ thus _toss'd_ and _torn_? _Free-grace_, _free-will_, are both together born. If God's _free-grace_ rule in and over me, His _will_ is _mine_, and so my _will_ is _free_."

Whitefield closed the year 1741 in Bristol, and spent nearly the whole of the first month of 1742 in the same city. He preached twice every day; and was still ardently desiring holiness. At the beginning of the year, he went to hear Charles Wesley preach; and he also commenced the monthly meeting, which he had mentioned in his letter to the Welsh evangelists. Hence the following to a friend, in London:--

"BRISTOL, _January 2, 1742_.

"My soul is thirsting after the Redeemer's love. I care not how the old man be crucified, and cut to pieces, so that I may put on the new man, which is created after God in righteousness and true holiness. Great, very great things has Jesus done for me, a worthless worm; but I see infinitely greater things lying before me. There is an inexhaustible fulness in Jesus Christ, out of which I hope to draw to the endless ages of eternity. Oh the meekness, the love, and purity in Jesus! Why should we be dwarfs in holiness?

"Yesterday I went to hear Mr. Charles. I believe the Lord helped him in some parts of his discourse. I would be free; I would meet more than half-way; but we are all too shy. The Lord fill his soul with more of the disinterested love of Jesus!

"To-night, I begin a general monthly meeting to read corresponding letters. Pray, give thanks for the success of the gospel in my unworthy hands."

Whitefield left Bristol on January 22, and on the same day preached twice at Tockington, a small village in Gloucestershire. On the 23rd, he preached "to many thousands at Stroud, with wondrous power." On the 25th, he reached Gloucester, where he remained a fortnight, preaching twice, and sometimes oftener, every day. The following are extracts from letters, written during this visit to his native city. To John Cennick, in London, he wrote:--

"GLOUCESTER, _January 28, 1742_.

"Our congregations here are larger than at Bristol. The word proves sharper than a two-edged sword. Every sermon is blessed. I am just now going to Chalford. To-morrow, I expect my wife. Sinless perfection, I fear, will be propagated in these parts. The Lord, in His due time, will root out that pernicious weed. God willing, I shall examine Hampton Society to-night. I think to do the same in Wiltshire. I want to be in London as soon as may be."

On the same day, he wrote to Gilbert Tennent:--

"God has been very good to me since my arrival in England. I found, when I came at first, I had all my work to begin again. Brother Wesley had so prejudiced the people against me, that those who were my spiritual children would not so much as come and see me. Nay, they have gone by me, whilst preaching in Moorfields, and stopped their ears. I was also embarrassed by Brother Seward's death. He died without making any provision for me; and, at the time, I was much indebted for the Orphan House. All this was to humble me, and prepare me for future blessings. The Lord has enabled me, blessed be His name! to keep steady to my principles and usual practice. A new and numerous church has been raised in London. In Essex, the Lord was wonderfully with me. Everywhere, the congregations increase. In Bristol, God enabled me to fight my way through. We have hired a large room, and have expounded there twice a day. In Scotland, the work, for its beginning, is greater than in New England. Through the tender mercies of our God, I have been carried, as on eagles' wings, through a variety of outward and inward troubles, the greatness of which none knows but God and my own soul. I am glad that matters are settling so amicably at Philadelphia. What a pity it is that we should fall out in the way to heaven! I would do anything except defiling my conscience, and giving up what I think is truth, to prevent it. The Associate Brethren are much to be blamed. I never met with such narrow spirits."

To a friend, at New Brunswick, he remarked:--

"What have you to do but to walk humbly with your God, and daily to aspire after the whole mind that was in Jesus? I find but few truly labouring after this. For my own part, I am ashamed to think how unlike I am to my Saviour. I see such beauty in Him, that I long to be conformed to His image. Blessed be God! the work in our hands everywhere increases. I am supported and encouraged, quickened and comforted, day by day. Jesus loves and blesses me."

On February 5, he wrote again to Gilbert Tennent:--

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--On Tuesday, I received yours. I thank you for your kind caution. My mistakes often humble me. Never did Jesus send out a more weak and worthless wretch. I have not freedom now to continue writing a journal, as usual. I shall proceed, for the future, in a more compendious way."

Whitefield here makes a statement of great importance. From December 28, 1737, to March 11, 1741; he had written a copious journal of his experiences, labours, and successes; and had published far more of it than was expedient. Both friends and foes--in England, Scotland, and America--had assailed him on this account, and not without reason. Even he himself acknowledged the justice of these attacks, when, in 1756, he published a new edition of his Journals, "revised, corrected, and _abridged_." Unfortunately, in an evil hour, he resolved to throw aside his diary. Yes, _unfortunately_; for it cannot be denied, that, diaries, properly written, by remarkable men, like Whitefield, are an incalculable boon. Who could have adequately appreciated Wesley's character, labours, and success, without his _Journals_? And, to some extent, the same may be said of Whitefield. There is a difference, however. Whitefield's long and numerous letters, unlike Wesley's, were autobiographical. His life cannot be written without his letters; but with them such a work is not impossible. From his return to England in 1741, he ceased to write Journals; but, to the end of life, he never lost his passion for writing about himself, in correspondence with his friends.

One of the Oxford Methodists, the Rev. William Chapman, was settled as a clergyman in Bath; and, to him, Whitefield addressed the following:--

"GLOUCESTER, _February 5, 1742_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--Yesterday, I preached three times, and visited a private Society in the evening. To-day, I was enabled to preach three times, with great power. Here there is such an awakening, as I never saw in these parts before. It is pleasant to hear the people come and tell how God wrought upon them by my unworthy ministry two years ago. The fruits of the Spirit are now apparent in their lives. Letters from Scotland bring blessed tidings, as also from Philadelphia. O the blessed effects of field preaching! O that I were humble, and thankful! Help me, my dear friend, to entreat the Redeemer to make me as a little, a _very little child_. At the beginning of next week, I hope to be in Bath; but cannot tell exactly the day. I thank my friends for their kind intention to meet me; but I had rather avoid it. The less parade the better. Let us stand still, and see the salvation of God. He will not bless what doth not come from Himself."

Whitefield seems to have spent about a fortnight in Bath and its neighbourhood. He then set out for London, and, on the road, wrote the following almost ecstatic letter to a distinguished lady with whom he had become acquainted in Scotland. Lady Mary Hamilton was sister to William, third Marquis of Lothian, the Countess of Home, Lady Cranstown, and Lady Ross. Her ladyship's mother was daughter of Archibald Campbell, the unfortunate Earl of Argyll, who was beheaded in 1635. She had married Alexander Hamilton of Ballincrieff, member of Parliament for the county of Linlithgow, and Post-Master General of Scotland. Mr. Hamilton, as well as his wife, was partial to Whitefield's preaching, and always received him at his house with every mark of polite attention. For six-and-twenty years, until her death, in 1768, Lady Mary was one of Whitefield's correspondents.[506] His letter to this noble lady cannot fail to be read with interest.

[506] "Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 101.

"THALES, NEAR READING, _February 23, 1742_.

"HONOURED MADAM,--I am now upon the road to London. This morning your acceptable letter came to hand. Though somewhat wearied, I would fain answer it before I retire to rest.

"Blessed be God! who causes your ladyship to be never less alone, than when alone. O Madam, what a Comforter is the Holy Ghost! What sweet company is Jesus Christ! What a privilege is it to have fellowship with the great Three-One! A world lying in wickedness knows nothing of it. Everything yields comfort when the Spirit breathes upon it.

"I am amazed that God should work by my hands; but Jesus is love. He yet delights to honour me. I have lately seen the Redeemer riding in His strength, and getting Himself the victory in poor sinners' hearts. O that our Jesus may set the world in a flame of love! Hasten that time, O blessed Jesus! O let Thy kingdom come!

"I have heard from my dear orphans to-day. They have been reduced to straits; but the Lord has stirred up a wealthy friend or two to assist them. I find there has been a fresh awakening among them. I am informed that twelve negroes, belonging to a planter lately converted at the Orphan House, are savingly brought home to Jesus Christ.

"I am glad to hear that the work goes on in Scotland. The Lord, I trust, will ripen your soul apace for glory. He has various ways of perfecting His saints. Methinks, I see your ladyship sitting in your chair, and ravished with the Redeemer's beauty. Sometimes you are, as it were, washing His feet with your tears; at other times, sitting by faith at His feet, and hearing or reading His word. Sometimes your heart is too big to speak; then again, out of the abundance of your heart, your mouth poureth forth hallelujahs. Sometimes you are lost in wonder; and at all times longing to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. This, I trust, is the life your ladyship lives. This is life indeed. They who live otherwise are dead whilst they live. They call for our compassion and prayers; for who has made the difference? Distinguishing grace! O the unsearchable riches of Christ! I could speak of Him for ever. The Lord be with your spirit, and abundantly bless both you, Mr. Hamilton, and your child!"

On arriving in London, Whitefield wrote to his friend Mr. Noble, of New York, as follows:--

"LONDON, _February 26, 1742_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Before yours came to hand, the Lord had given me an enlarged heart, and unfeigned love and freedom, to converse with all His dear children, of whatever denomination. I talk freely with the Messrs. Wesley, though we widely differ in a certain point. Most talk of a catholic spirit; but it is only till they have brought people into the pale of their own church. This is downright sectarianism, not catholicism. How can I act consistently, unless I receive and love all the children of God, whom I believe to be such, of whatever denomination they may be? Why should we dispute when there is no probability of convincing? I am persuaded, the more the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts, the more all narrowness of spirit will subside and give way. Besides, so far as we are narrow-spirited, we are uneasy. Prejudices, jealousies, and suspicions make the soul miserable. But enough of this. My dear brother Noble is of my mind; only let me give you one caution. Take heed that your getting acquainted with any new set of Christians does not lead you insensibly to despise others of your old acquaintance. Watch, and deal very tenderly with all; otherwise you will grow reserved and artful, and will lose a simple, open, guileless spirit, before you are aware."

To the same effect is the following letter to the Rev. William Chapman, of Bath:--

"LONDON, _March 4, 1742_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I hope you are not offended, because you did not see me in Bath again. The glorious Emmanuel pointed out my way hither. Since I came, He has been wonderfully kind to me, and to His people. I am much assisted daily, in preaching to poor sinners the unsearchable riches of Christ. Life and power fly all around, and the Redeemer is getting Himself the victory daily in many hearts. O that my dear Mr. Chapman may be made a flaming fire, and a spiritual father to thousands!

"I despair of a greater union among the churches, till a greater measure of the Spirit be poured from on high. Hence, therefore, I am resolved simply to preach the gospel of Christ, and leave others to quarrel by and with themselves. To contend, where there is no probability of convincing, only feeds and adds fuel to an unhallowed fire. Love, forbearance, long-suffering, and frequent prayer to the Lord Jesus, is the best way to put it out. O love--true, simple, Christian, undissembled love--whither art thou fled?"

The treatment he received from the Church of England, and from Presbyterians in Scotland, and his differences with the Wesleys, were not the only things that troubled Whitefield. His evangelistic friends in Wales were not perfectly harmonious; and there can hardly be a doubt that this was one of the incidents which led him to write as he did in the foregoing letters. Whitefield hated disputations; and yet, even some of his dearest friends were sometimes in danger of being divided by their religious contests. Hence the following extract from a letter, written by Howell Harris to Whitefield's wife:--

"LANWORTHADD, _March 24, 1742_.

"Our Society of ministers and exhorters go on sweetly. We had some disputes the last time we met; but we never parted with such broken hearts and wet cheeks. The Lord pities us, and will set us free from those strong corruptions, that set us together by the ears, and divide us, and cool our love to each other."[507]

[507] The _Weekly History_, June, 5, 1742.

Whitefield sighed for union; and, by keeping apart from controversy, and simply testifying the gospel of the grace of God, he did his utmost to make professing Christians a loving brotherhood. Sometimes, the prospect of this began to brighten; and, at all times, he had reason to exult on account of new conversions. The following extracts from letters, that he wrote in the month of April, will be welcome:--

"LONDON, _April 6, 1742_.

"O what a blessing it is to be redeemed from a vain conversation! O that every poor sinner felt it! Then would the children of God agree in one, and divisions would be at an end. Blessed be our Lord! there is a greater prospect of union than ever. It is what my soul longs after, and labours for. It is a great pity that poor pilgrims should fall out in their way to heaven; but this will be, till we get more of the Divine Spirit.

"I believe there is such a work begun, as neither we nor our fathers have heard of. The beginnings are amazing; how unspeakably glorious will the end be! In New England, the Lord takes poor sinners by hundreds, I may say by thousands. In Scotland, the fruits of my poor labours are abiding and apparent. In Wales, the word of the Lord runs and is glorified; as also in many places in England. In London, our Saviour is doing great things daily. We scarce know what it is to have a meeting without tears. Our Lord always meets with us. I sleep and eat but little, and am constantly employed from morning till midnight; and, yet, I walk and am not weary, I run and am not faint. O free grace! It fires my soul, and makes me long to do something more for Jesus. It is true, indeed, I want to go home; but here are so many souls ready to perish for lack of knowledge, that I am willing to tarry below, as long as my Master has work for me to do."

To John Cennick, now evangelizing in Whitefield's native county, he wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, _April 8, 1742_.

"I rejoice to hear that the Lord is with you, and that He was pleased to bless my poor labours in Gloucestershire. I would have you to dispute as little as possible. Awakened souls should be told to look continually to the Lord Jesus. Our Lord is with us much in London. I preach twice daily. Our Society grows."

Whitefield longed for union; Wesley, for the present, seems to have been indifferent concerning it, and was also beset with those who wished to make him think that Whitefield was not sincere. The following is a significant entry in Wesley's Journal:--

"1742. April 23. I spent an agreeable hour with Mr. Whitefield. I believe he is sincere in all he says concerning his earnest desire of joining hand in hand with all that love the Lord Jesus Christ. But, if (as some would persuade me) he is not, the loss is all on his own side. I am just as I was. I go on my way, whether he goes with me, or stays behind."[508]

[508] Wesley's foolish friends fortunately failed in their efforts to keep Whitefield and himself apart. Within three weeks after this, Wesley writes again: "1742, May 12. I waited on the Archbishop of Canterbury, with Mr. Whitefield, and again on Friday; as also on the Bishop of London. I trust, if we should be called to appear before princes, we should not be ashamed." (Wesley's Journal.)

Whitefield had now spent nearly two months of wintry weather in the metropolis, and, of course, his ministry had been mainly confined to his wooden meeting-house, in the neighbourhood of Moorfields. At length, the sun was again shining, the birds were singing, and the breezes balmy. It was time for Whitefield to resume his "field-pulpit," and to use the bright blue heavens as his sounding-board. During the Easter holidays, commencing on Easter Monday, April 19, Whitefield preached six or seven sermons in his old open-air cathedral, Moorfields;[509] and, writing to a friend in Philadelphia, remarked, "We have had a glorious _Easter_, or rather a _Pentecost_." The scenes witnessed on these three memorable days--Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday--are described by himself in two letters, written three weeks afterwards. The letters are here thrown into one continuous narrative.

[509] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 383.

"LONDON, _May 11, 1742_.

"With this, I send you a few of the many notes I have received from persons who were convinced, converted, or comforted in Moorfields, during the late holidays. For many weeks, I found my heart much pressed to preach there at this season, when Satan's children keep their annual rendezvous.

"I must inform you, that Moorfields is a large, spacious place, given, as I have been told, by one Madam Moore, for all sorts of people to divert themselves in. For many years past, from one end to the other, booths of all kinds have been erected, for mountebanks, players, puppet-shows, and such-like.

"With a heart bleeding with compassion for so many thousands led captive by the devil at his will, on Easter Monday,[510] at six o'clock in the morning, attended by a large congregation of praying people, I ventured to lift up a standard amongst them, in the name of Jesus of Nazareth. Perhaps, there were about ten thousand waiting, not for me, but for Satan's instruments to amuse them. I was glad to find that, for once, I had, as it were, got the start of the devil. I mounted my field-pulpit,[511] and almost all flocked immediately around it. I preached on these words, 'As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness,' etc. They gazed, they listened, they wept. All was hushed and solemn; and I believe many felt themselves stung with deep conviction of their past sins.

[510] Most of Whitefield's biographers say _Whit-Monday_; but this is a mistake. In 1742, Easter Sunday fell on April 18th; and Whit-Sunday, on June 6th, nearly a month after the date of this letter.

[511] Whitefield's "field-pulpit" was in existence, at the Tabernacle, Moorfields, as recently as 1839. (See "Services at the Centenary of Whitefield's Apostolic Labours, 1839," p. 22.) It so happens, however, that, in this very year 1876, another pulpit, or perhaps the same, is on view in the great Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia. The following is taken from the London _Watchman and Wesleyan Advertiser_, of June 14, 1876: "The portable pulpit of George Whitefield, which belongs to the American Tract Society, is on view at the Centennial Exhibition. It is made of pine wood, and is so contrived that it can be easily taken apart and put together. The great preacher delivered more than two thousand sermons from this pulpit in the fields of England, Wales, and America; and he once remarked that the gospel had been preached from it to more than ten millions of people."

"Being thus encouraged, I ventured out again at noon: but what a scene! The fields, the whole fields, seemed, in a bad sense of the word, all white, ready, not for the Redeemer's, but, for Beelzebub's harvest. All his agents were in full motion, drummers, trumpeters, merry-andrews, masters of puppet-shows, exhibitors of wild beasts, etc., etc.,--all busy in entertaining their respective auditories. I suppose, there could not be less than twenty or thirty thousand people.

"My pulpit was fixed on the opposite side, and immediately, to their great mortification, they found the number of their attendants sadly lessened. Judging that, like St. Paul, I should now be called, as it were, to fight with beasts at Ephesus, I preached from these words: 'Great is Diana of the Ephesians.' You may easily guess, that there was some noise among the craftsmen, and that I was honoured with having stones, dirt, rotten eggs, and pieces of dead cats thrown at me, whilst engaged in calling them from their favourite, but lying vanities. My soul was indeed among lions; but far the greater part of my congregation seemed to be turned into lambs.

"This encouraged me to give notice, that I would preach again at six o'clock in the evening. I came, I saw, but what? Thousands and thousands more than before, still more deeply engaged in their unhappy diversions; but, among them, some thousands waiting as earnestly to hear the gospel. This was what Satan could not brook. One of his choicest servants was exhibiting, trumpeting on a large stage; but, as soon as the people saw me, in my black robes, and my pulpit, I think, all of them, to a man, left him and ran to me. For a while, I was enabled to lift up my voice as a trumpet. God's people kept praying; and the enemy's agents made a kind of roaring at some distance from us. At length, they approached nearer, and the merry-andrew (who complained that they had taken many pounds less that day on account of my preaching) got upon a man's shoulders, and, advancing near the pulpit, attempted, several times, to strike me with a long, heavy, whip; but always, with the violence of his motion, tumbled down. Soon afterwards, they got a recruiting sergeant, with his drum, etc., to pass through the congregation. I gave the word of command, and ordered that way might be made for the king's officer. The ranks opened, while all marched quietly through, and then closed again. Finding those efforts to fail, a large body, on the opposite side of the field, assembled together, and, having got a large pole for their standard, advanced towards us with steady and formidable steps, till they came very near the skirts of our congregation. I saw, gave warning, and prayed to the Captain of our salvation for support and deliverance. He heard and answered; for, just as they approached us, with looks full of resentment, they quarrelled among themselves, threw down their pole, and went their way, leaving, however, many of their company behind. I think, I continued in praying, preaching, and singing (for the noise, at times, was too great to preach), about three hours.

"We then retired to the Tabernacle. My pocket was full of notes from persons brought under concern. I read, them, amidst the praises and spiritual acclamations of thousands, who joined with the holy angels in rejoicing that so many sinners were snatched, in such an unlikely place and manner, out of the very jaws of the devil. This was the beginning of the Tabernacle Society. Three hundred and fifty awakened souls were received in one day; and, I believe, the number of notes exceeded a thousand.

"The battle, that was begun on Monday, was not quite over till Wednesday evening, though the scene of action was a little changed.

"Being strongly invited, and a pulpit being prepared for me by an honest Quaker, a coal merchant, I ventured, on Tuesday evening, to preach in Marylebone Fields, a place almost as much frequented by boxers, gamesters, and such-like, as Moorfields. A vast congregation was assembled, and, as soon as I got into the field-pulpit, their countenances bespoke the enmity of their hearts against the preacher. I opened with these words: 'I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ; for it is the power of God unto salvation to every one that believeth.' I preached in great jeopardy; for the pulpit being high, and the supports not well fixed in the ground, it tottered every time I moved, and numbers of enemies strove to push my friends against the supports, in order to throw me down. But the Redeemer stayed my soul upon Himself, and I was not much moved, except with compassion for those to whom I was delivering my Master's message.

"Satan, however, did not like thus to be attacked in his strongholds, and I narrowly escaped with my life; for, as I was passing from the pulpit to the coach, I felt my hat and wig to be almost off. I turned about, and observed a sword just touching my temples. A young rake, as I afterwards found, was determined to stab me, but a gentleman, seeing the sword thrust near me, struck it up with his cane, and so the destined victim providentially escaped. Such an attempt excited abhorrence. The enraged multitude seized the man, and had it not been for one of my friends, who received him into his house, he must have undergone a severe discipline.

"The next day, I renewed my attack in Moorfields; and, after the mob found that pelting, noise, and threatenings would not do, one of the merry-andrews got up into a tree, very near the pulpit, and shamefully exposed his nakedness before all the people. Such a beastly action quite abashed the serious part of my auditory; but hundreds, of another stamp, instead of rising up to pull down the unhappy wretch, expressed their approbation by repeated laughs. I must own, at first it gave me a shock. I thought Satan had now almost undone himself; but, recovering my spirits, I appealed to all, since now they had such a spectacle before them, whether I had wronged human nature, in saying, after pious Bishop Hall, 'that man, when left to himself, is half a devil and half a beast;' or, as the great Mr. Law expressed himself, 'a motley mixture of the beast and devil.'

"Silence and attention being thus gained, I concluded with a warm exhortation; and closed our festival enterprises by reading fresh notes that were put up, and by praising and blessing God, amidst thousands at the Tabernacle, for what He had done for precious souls, and on account of the deliverances He had wrought out for me and His people.

"I cannot help adding, that, several little boys and girls were fond of sitting round me on the pulpit, while I preached, and handing to me the people's notes. Though they were often struck with the eggs, dirt, etc., thrown at me, they never once gave way; but, on the contrary, every time I was struck, turned up their little weeping eyes, and seemed to wish they could receive the blows for me."

This is a simple and strange story. Seldom do the annals of the Christian Church present a more remarkable example of the power of gospel truth. Here were assembled thousands, "the devil's castaways," as Whitefield would have called them,--the very scum of London's teeming population, many of them clad in rags, and almost all of them labelled with the marks of vice and wretchedness; and, yet, even in such a congregation, hundreds become penitent, and begin to call upon God for mercy. Even the wildest mob only need "the truth as it is in Jesus" simply and faithfully proclaimed, for there is always in that glorious truth a something which meets the yearnings of the most degraded soul. Whitefield's Easter-tide services, in the midst of the Moorfields mobs, were not unworthy of the name he gave them--"_a glorious Pentecost_."[512]

[512] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 383.

Whitefield continued the services thus begun; and no wonder. The following announcement was made in the _Weekly History_, of May 8, 1742:--

"This evening, about six o'clock, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield purposes to preach at Charles Square, by Hoxton.[513] To-morrow, about five p.m., at Kennington Common; and, on Tuesday next, about six p.m., at St. Marylebone Fields. He preached, in Moorfields, every day in the holiday week; some days twice, and some thrice. The auditories were very large and attentive, and, for the most times, very quiet. Many souls have been wrought upon during the last week's preaching, and several of them of the most abandoned sort. The Society, in London, is in great order, and great grace is among its members. For some time past, there have been about twenty souls each week added to it. In about three weeks, Mr. Whitefield purposes setting out for Scotland, with an intent to visit Ireland also. He has been in London about two months, and has preached twice, and sometimes thrice, every day."

[513] Charles Square, Hoxton, was a favourite preaching place of the first Methodists. The following, taken from the _New Weekly Miscellany_, pretends to describe one of these preaching scenes: "When the teacher ascends the place appointed for him, he uses all the gestures of a mountebank, or posture-master. His constant hearers are frequently about two thousand,--all of them the scum of the people, and consisting of near ten women to one man. Of the rest of the people, some are coming only to look on, and satisfy their curiosity; and others are going off as soon as their curiosity is satisfied. Some are laughing, others swearing; some are selling gin, and others ballads. Some take the opportunity of vending the printed controversies between Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Wesley; others are in a maze to see religion brought into such contempt and ridicule by men in gowns. The houses of the gentlemen living in the Square are filled with their acquaintances, from the city, as though they had come to see bears or monkeys. One of the gentlemen said, he would get a French horn, for his diversion during the time of these preaching performances. The story took air, and near a hundred of the gang stood before his house, as if they intended to assault it; while the preacher, in his gown, looked at the gentleman, and said, 'You unbeliever! you are certainly damned!'"

Whitefield embarked for Scotland on May 26, and arrived in Edinburgh on the 3rd of June. During his eight days' voyage, he employed himself, as usual when on shipboard, in writing letters to his friends.

One of these was the Rev. Mr. Meriton, a clergyman in the Isle of Man, who, ten months before, had become acquainted with Wesley in London,[514] and who seems to have spent the last years of his life chiefly in accompanying the two Wesleys in their preaching excursions, and in assisting them in the chapels they had built. He died in 1753. To him Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"On board the _Mary and Ann_, bound to Scotland, _May 26, 1742_.

[514] Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 302.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--I received your letter on Saturday last, and felt great concern while perusing it. One thing especially pleased me. I found that a report, I had lately heard concerning you, was false; for I had been told, that the bishop, seeing your zeal, had, at last, ordered the clergy to open the church doors for you, and that now you had done with appearing openly in the defence of the glorious gospel. Blessed be God! this is not true; though I find both you and your people have been greatly discouraged. I see no way of extricating yourself, but by acting up to the dictates of your own conscience, and leaving the consequences to the great Head and King of the Church. Up then, and be doing; and the Lord will be with you. If you cannot preach freely in the Isle of Man, go whithersoever the Lord shall be pleased to lead you. Our commission is very extensive: 'Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.' We want labourers much in England. If our ascended Saviour has given you popular gifts, and freedom and authority in speaking without notes, you need not fear. He will assist you, and make you a blessing to many souls.

"Your being a minister of the Established Church will be an advantage, and your age also will give you yet more authority; but an unction from the Holy One is the best qualification. I would, therefore, persuade you to ask God, again and again, what He would have you to do. I am apt to think, He will not restore to you the comforts of the Holy Ghost, until you give up yourself simply to follow the dictates of His providence and Spirit. Then, let men or devils say and do their worst. How can we know God's power, unless we try it? Not that I would have you, dear friend, do anything rashly. No: 'He that believeth doth not make haste.'

"I wonder not that your brother's love is grown cold. It is hard for one in his station, unless he be thoroughly inured to contempt, and will give God leave to act in His own way, to withstand a whole body of lukewarm, prejudiced, envious, malignant clergy. These have always been the greatest opposers of true, vital religion. These were our Saviour's most bitter enemies. These will be ours also, if we come forth in His Spirit, and preach by His power. But, blessed be God! I can say, by happy experience, our glorious Emmanuel will make us more than conquerors over them all. He has continually fought my battles for me, and, I am persuaded, will do so to the end."

Such was Whitefield's letter to this Methodist clergyman in the Isle of Man. There can be little doubt, that it greatly contributed towards securing for the Wesleys one of the most brave-hearted of their clerical helpers, the Rev. John Meriton. A good deal might be said concerning the last ten years of his life; but this is not the place for it.

The following was (probably) written to John Bray, the London Moravian, a former friend of the Wesleys and of Whitefield, and who, at this particular time, was, like the Rev. John Meriton, in doubt how to act.[515] The London Moravians were now in a state of considerable agitation, and Bray, the brazier in Little Britain, London, as well as Meriton, the clergyman, in the Isle of Man, seems to have desired the benefit of his old friend's advice.

[515] See "Memoirs of James Hutton," pp. 109, 110.

"_May 27, 1742._

"MY DEAR BROTHER B.,--Your letter was sweet to my heart. I will now endeavour to answer it.

"I need not tell you I love you. God has often borne witness to our fellowship, by giving us His presence. What has happened of late to disunite, will, in the end, I am persuaded, only promote a closer union. I feel my heart more and more disposed to love and honour all denominations of believers. In all societies of Christians, under heaven, there must necessarily be persons of a different standing in the school of Christ. Those who are not solidly established in the love of God will fall too much in love with the outward form of their particular church, be it what it may; but as the love of God gets the ascendancy, the more they will be like Him and His holy angels, and will, consequently, rejoice when souls are brought to Jesus, whatever instruments may be made use of for that purpose. I wish there was more confidence among us all; but I see that none but the Spirit of God can outwardly unite us, and, therefore, I have now given it up into the Redeemer's hand. Only this I pray, that I may be one of the first, and not the last, in bringing back the King. If I have, at any time, set improper bounds to the Spirit of God, I desire to be very low and broken-hearted for it. I am sure it has not been done willingly."

In the same strain, Whitefield wrote to a minister at Leominster.

"_May 27, 1742._

"If the Lord give us a true catholic spirit, free from sectarian zeal, we shall do well. I am sorry to hear that there is so much narrowness among some of the brethren in Wales. Brother Harris complains sadly of it. I hope you will be kept free, and not fall into disputing about baptism, or other non-essentials; for, I am persuaded, unless we all are content to preach Christ, and to keep off from disputable things, wherein we differ, God will not bless us long. If we act otherwise, however we may talk of a catholic spirit, we shall only bring people over to our own party, and there fetter them."

Another letter addressed to Howell, Harris, and to the same effect, must suffice.

"_May 29, 1742._

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--I am heartily sorry that such a narrow spirit prevails in Wales. But what shall we say? The Redeemer's love alone can unite and keep His flocks together. Disputing with bigots and narrow-spirited people will not do. I intend, henceforth, to say less to them, and pray more and more to our Lord for them. Blessed be God! the partition wall is breaking down daily in some of our old friends' hearts in London. I exhort all to go where they can profit most. O, my brother, I find that nothing but the wisdom from above can teach us how to build up souls.

"In London, we have public Societies twice a week, and a general meeting for reading letters once a month. Our Lord has been much with us. We seem to move on now in gospel dignity, and are terrible as an army with banners. The Easter holidays were high days indeed. My wife does not forget her friends in Wales. I expect great things in Scotland. Adieu! Forget not to pray for your affectionate brother pilgrim,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It is evident, from these, and other letters, previously-inserted, that Whitefield was a man of one business. He was an evangelist at large. He discarded controversy. He made no attempt to reform or to institute churches. His sole object was "to testify the gospel of the grace of God," and to be useful in saving souls.

He arrived in Scotland on the 3rd of June, and here he spent the next five months.

END OF VOL. I.

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