CHAPTER XXVII.

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM.

The Emperor Charles, proud of his victories, would not be satisfied until he also succeeded in securing the second leader of the League of Smalkald, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse. For this purpose he also employed Duke Maurice, which was especially disgraceful, because he was the son-in-law of the Landgrave. Maurice did not believe that the Emperor would capture the Landgrave treacherously, in order to lead him behind his victorious chariot, as he did with Duke John Frederick. The Landgrave yielded to persuasion, and upon his knees asked the Emperor's pardon; yet, notwithstanding all assurances to the contrary, he was seized and made a close prisoner. Thus the League of Smalkald was destroyed, and the Emperor found himself the mighty monarch of all he surveyed.

In the meantime, the Council of Trent had published several articles of religion, which were opposed to the acknowledged Evangelical truth; and the Pope had now also removed it from Trent to Italian soil, to Bologna, in order to have it completely in his power. This displeased the Emperor, who did not like to see the Pope assuming too powerful and prominent a position. On the 1st September, 1547, he had opened another diet at Augsburg, towards which many looked with great anxiety. Not only the Ecclesiastical Electors, but also the Protestant princes were induced, by his influence, to declare that they would submit to the Council, provided it should be removed back again to Trent, and the articles of religion would be reconsidered. John Frederick alone opposed this; while the Pope did the same on the other side, because he could not bear to see the growing power of the Emperor. But Charles had for years learned at least so much, that it would be utterly impossible to introduce into Germany a reformation such as the Papacy desired; and because he wished to hold all the reins, not only of the worldly, but also of the spiritual government, in his own hands, he proposed to undertake the Reformation of the German Church himself. He had entertained this project for a long time, as he also manifested by the Ratisbon book, and now he believed he could carry out his plans, almost without any opposition, as the German States were prostrate at his feet. He therefore proposed to these to appoint a number of able men to meet and deliberate for the present, upon a form of doctrine and discipline for the Church. In January, 1548, Duke Maurice had demanded the opinion of the Theologians of Wittenberg, in regard to this matter. On the 26th of January, they replied: "We see that it is intended to form an interim, which many States, who are now one with us in doctrine, will not receive, which will cause new and great wars. Therefore, we need the Grace of God and good counsel in this matter, which we dread very much. It would be burdensome besides, to afflict our Churches by new changes; and it would be Christian and beneficial to suffer them to remain in their present condition." As the Elector had summoned them to Augsburg, they declared they would hold themselves in readiness. In regard to the Council, which was to be continued in Trent, Melanchthon expressed himself to the following purpose: "I believe, that if we agree to holding it, we are also bound to obey its decrees. But as various articles are false and opposed to divine truth, I cannot advise their adoption, and thus burden my conscience. But if the Emperor should insist upon a General Council, the other side should also be heard. The Emperor should be urged to permit an accommodation in Germany, as had been advised in Spire. And both sides should present written opinions."

It is highly gratifying that Melanchthon behaved so valiantly in this matter. And this must be valued still more highly, when we remember that the Emperor had twice already demanded his delivery. But the Emperor had already formed his plans. It is very likely that the Elector JOACHIM II., of Brandenburg, presented a writing to him, which, like the notorious book of Ratisbon, endeavored to bring about an agreement between the Catholics and Protestants. There is very little doubt of the fact, that the Elector's Chaplain, John Agricola, had composed a considerable portion of this book. When he entered his carriage in Berlin, he is said to have remarked that he was now going to Augsburg as the Reformer of Germany, and everywhere praised this performance exceedingly. The Emperor placed this document in the hands of the two Catholic Theologians, Julius von Pflug and Helding, that, in connection with Agricola, they might revise it in such a manner that it might be introduced into Germany as a temporary form of doctrine and discipline of the Church. It is generally called the _Augsburg Interim_, that is to say, the Augsburg "in the mean time." Agricola was so highly pleased with it, that he could not praise and magnify its advantages too much. It granted the cup, marriage of the priests, and the possession of confiscated church property to the Protestants; and while it approximated their doctrine of the Church, the mass, and justification, it demanded that the rights of the Bishops, the seven Sacraments, transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, fasting, and ceremonies, should be retained. When Duke Maurice had received the book, he sent it to Melanchthon, who, from Altenburg, gave his opinion as follows: "It resembles the Ratisbon book, some articles being more stringent, others more moderate. What it says of the power of the Bishops needs limitation. It speaks in a very weak manner of faith and grace, although much better than the Council of Trent." Of the Pope and the Bishops, he says: "If the Pope has the true doctrine, we ought to obey him; but if he has not the true doctrine, our obedience must end." He expresses himself in a very decided manner against some points in the articles on the Sacraments, auricular confession, marriage, the mass, and invocation of saints, and says: "Finally, I am not willing to burden my conscience with this book, for the following reason: If the rulers would insist that the Pastors should adhere to this to the very letter, it would cause great persecution, sorrow, and offences, which would have such an injurious influence upon many persons, that they would not believe in any form of religion after it."

After a more thorough examination of the Interim, he published a still more decided and definite opinion from Klosterzelle, whither he had gone, because the Emperor had again demanded his delivery or exile. He pronounces a severer judgment in regard to the "deceitful article of faith and love." "In reality, this is its true meaning: faith is a mere preparation for justification, then cometh love, by which man is justified. That is as much as to say: man is just because of his own works and virtues, so that this light is taken away; man is just and accepted by God, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ, through faith." "Thus man is led away from Christ to depend upon himself, and thus loses the comfort he should find in the Son of God." He adds: "I pray that these things may be well considered, for they concern the glory of God and the harmony of all the Churches." And again: "If they wish to make a tolerable, Christian Interim, they ought doubtless to make a difference between those matters which are right and needful, and those which are unnecessary, wrong, and, besides this, impossible. Why do they wish to desolate the Churches on account of the needless and false masses for souls, invocations of the saints, &c.?" For although the Interim admitted that the mass is no sacrifice for sin, and does not purchase forgiveness of sins, yet it still retained these four errors: the _first_, that the priest offers the Son of God as a sacrifice in the mass; the _second_, that by this the people obtain the merits of Christ; the _third_, that departed saints are to be invoked; and the _fourth_, that this sacrifice is beneficial to the dead. "These are all terrible lies, and therefore these articles should not be agreed to."

Thus did Melanchthon express himself, and the other Theologians, Cruciger, Maior, and Pfeffinger, agreed with him. The Elector Maurice had not been pleased with the Interim from the beginning, and declared that he would not undertake anything of the kind without consulting his people. When he had, therefore, read Melanchthon's views, he demanded a full and dispassionate opinion from the Theologians. They went to Celle, and prepared one. On the 14th of April they sent it to the Elector, accompanied by a modest, yet determined letter. They again rejected the articles of justification, private masses, masses for souls, and the canons, while they agreed to confirmation, extreme unction, the power of the Bishops, private absolution without auricular confession, and several festivals and ceremonies, provided that work-holiness and the invocation of saints be abolished. Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius on the following day: "As long as I live I shall act as I did yesterday, and speak the same things, no matter where I shall be." "I have this consolation, that whatsoever cometh from God shall not perish. And I would not wish that our opinions should pass down to posterity if they are not of God."

He wrote a letter of justification to Minister VON CARLOWITZ on the 28th of April, which gained him the ill-will of many of Luther's friends. We shall communicate some portion of it: "When the prince has formed his resolutions, I shall not make any disturbance, although I may not approve of many things in them, but will either remain silent or go away, or bear whatever arises. I have also formerly borne an almost unbecoming servitude when Luther suffered himself to be led more by his nature, which was inclined to fight, than by his dignity, and the general welfare. And I know that we must silently and modestly bear and cover many defects in the affairs of State, even as we must bear the evil effects of a storm. But you tell me that I am not merely required to be _silent_, but to approve of the Interim." He proceeds to show the minister that he is by no means quarrelsome, but had always been moderate and advising peace, so that the very persons who now appear in Augsburg as peacemakers, had calumniated him at court on account of his moderation. "And afterwards others, for almost twenty years, called me frost and ice; others again, that I agreed with the enemy. I recollect even, that one accused me of striving after a Cardinal's hat." But that notwithstanding all this, he had adhered to essentials in doctrine, cutting off all useless questions. He did not wish a change of doctrine, or the expulsion of worthy men, and that he could only think of it with the greatest sorrow. He now discusses the separate articles of the Augsburg book, how much he would yield, and what he would adhere to. But, if he should be regarded an obstinate fool, because he did not agree to all the articles, he would bear it, and imitate those who had preferred the truth to life in far less important things than these." We can easily discover his love of peace in all this, but also that he was determined not to yield in important points. While many of the more decided Protestants misinterpreted his constant yielding, he drew upon himself the highest displeasure of the Emperor, who again wished his expulsion, but without gaining his purpose. Melanchthon about this time wrote to JEROME WELLER: "In the consciousness of having desired what is right, we shall bear all that may fall upon us. For, in obedience to the divine commandment, we have sought the truth, which was indeed buried in thick darkness, and we have brought many good things to the light of day. Therefore let us also hope that God will hear our groans. We have experienced the uncertainty of the help of man."

But the Interim did not only displease the Protestants, but the Catholic Electors and Bishops declared in Augsburg that they would adhere to the old state of things, but would not object to it if his Imperial Majesty would bring back the apostates to the right way.

When Melanchthon had returned to Wittenberg, he, by request, prepared an opinion concerning the demand of the Bishops, that their jurisdiction should be restored to them; in which he plainly declares, that it was impossible to enter into an agreement with the persecutors; "and even if we would patch at it, it would be a peace like that between wolves and sheep." "But as for myself, I declare that we have just and needful reasons for avoiding their false doctrine and abuses. For this is God's eternal and unchangeable commandment: Flee Idolatry."... That the Bishops say of the Augsburg Confession, that it was never lived up to, I do not understand whom or what they mean. But it is certain that in the Churches of Saxony, and as far as Denmark, nothing more or different has been adopted than the doctrine contained in said "Augsburg Confession." The Interim was finally read to the States in the middle of May. The Catholics were not pressed to adopt it, but the Protestants were required to adhere to it until the Council should have published its decrees. Thus the Emperor succeeded in carrying out his own wishes; the Elector of Brandenburg signed it unconditionally, but Maurice only under certain conditions. The Margraves WOLFGANG, and JOHN VON CUSTRIN, and the prisoner JOHN FREDERICK, refused to sign, as faithful witnesses of the truth, who would not permit it to be tampered with. The Protestant cities raised a general opposition to it; the cities of southern Germany alone yielded to force, as threats and abuse were employed against them. About 400 ministers of the Gospel in these cities remained faithful to the truth, and were banished. The cities of northern and eastern Germany greatly distinguished themselves by their resistance, especially Magdeburg, which now called itself the chancery of God. The Protestants could with great justice say of the Interim:

"Blest is the man, who can put trust in God, And does not consent to the Interim, For it is but a rogue in disguise."[23]