CHAPTER XXVIII

CONCLUSION

On the 22d of March, 1896, Trumbull made an argument before the Supreme Court at Washington City. On the 11th of April, although ailing from an unknown malady, he went to Belleville to attend the funeral of his old and faithful friend, Gustave Koerner, and to make a brief address over the remains. This journey was made against the advice of his physician. At the conclusion of his remarks he became ill at his hotel in Belleville. There was a consultation of physicians, who reached the conclusion that he would be able to go home if he should go at once. He decided not to delay, and he reached home on the morning of April 13. Here another consultation of physicians took place at which a surgical operation was decided upon. This led to the discovery of an internal tumor which, in their judgment, could not be removed without causing immediate death. He lingered till the 5th of June. Before his death he made a calm and careful adjustment of his business affairs and gave to his children and grandchildren keepsakes that he had for years preserved for them. He passed away at the age of eighty-two years, seven months, and twelve days. His funeral, which was largely attended, took place from his house, No. 4008 Lake Avenue, and his remains were interred in Oakwoods Cemetery.

There was a meeting of the Bar Association of Chicago to prepare a memorial on his life and services. On this occasion Hon. Thomas A. Moran, former judge of the appellate court, said:

At the end of his career in the United States Senate, Judge Trumbull became a member of the Chicago Bar. He was thereafter continuously, and up to the time of his death, engaged in the active and laborious practice of his profession. The great place that he had held in the councils of the nation, the influence that he had exerted upon national legislation, and the esteem in which he was held by the lawyers and the statesmen of the country, entitled him to a lofty mien; but as is well known to us all who had the privilege of his acquaintance at the bar, while his demeanor was grave it was also modest, and his manner was marked by a gentleness that was most grateful to everybody with whom he came in contact. His sincerity and honesty in the presentation of his case, his respectful demeanor to any court in which he was engaged in a legal contest, constituted him a model that the lawyers of our bar might well imitate. He was in practice at the bar forty-four years after he ceased to be a judge of the supreme court of this state.... He was preëminently the grand old man of this country. In his intercourse with his fellow citizens he was a quiet, sincere, frank, honest American gentleman. Lyman Trumbull was one of the very great men of the nation.

Eulogistic remarks were made also by Senator John M. Palmer, ex-Senator James R. Doolittle, and Judge Henry W. Blodgett. Mr. Doolittle said that of the sixty-six members of the United States Senate who were there when Secession began, only four were then living. They were Harlan, of Iowa, Rice, of Minnesota, Clingman, of North Carolina, and himself (Doolittle).

Trumbull's forte was that of a political debater well grounded in the law. Here he stood in the very front rank, both as a Senator addressing his equals and as an orator on the hustings. He was always ready to discuss the questions which he was required to face. He had a logical mind, and the ability to think quickly and to choose the right words to express his ideas. He never wasted words in ornament or display. He never lost his balance when addressing the Senate, or a public audience. He had perfect self-possession. He never stood in awe of any other debater or hesitated to reply promptly to question or challenge. Nor did he ever lose his dignity in debate. Once he came near to calling Sumner a falsifier, when the latter had described him as recreant to the principles of human liberty; but he restrained himself in time to avoid an infraction of the rules of the Senate. And he afterwards came to the defense of Sumner when the latter was deposed, by his more subservient colleagues, from the chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign Relations. On this occasion Sumner came forward holding out both hands, and with tears in his eyes thanked him for his generosity.

His rare forensic gifts would have been unavailing without confidence in the justice of his cause, and a clear conscience which shone in his face and pervaded him through and through. Although not endowed with oratorical graces he grasped the attention of his audience at once, and he never failed to convince his hearers that he had an eye single to the public good. It was hard for him to separate himself from the Republican party in 1871-72, but he considered it a duty that he owed to the country to expose the rottenness then pervading the national administration. He did not have General Grant in mind when he moved the investigation of custom-house frauds in New York. He did not aim at him directly or indirectly, but at the system which had grown up before his election. Grant's mental make-up was such that he considered any fault-finding with federal office-holders a reproach to himself, as the head of the Government, and accordingly braced himself against it; and this habit grew on him through the whole eight years of his presidency. Yet Trumbull uttered no reproach against him during the campaign of 1872, or later.

It was commonly said that Trumbull's nature was cold and unsympathetic. This was a mannerism merely. He did not carry his heart upon his sleeve for daws to peck at, but he was an affectionate husband and father and grandfather, most generous to his parents, brothers, and sisters, and one of the most unselfish men I ever knew. His poor constituents, who were often stranded in Washington, needing help to get home, seldom applied to him for assistance in vain, and this kind of drain was pretty severe during his whole senatorial service. He was fond of little children. He was often seen playing croquet with his own and others in Washington City. Mr. Morris St. P. Thomas, a member of the Chicago Bar who shared Trumbull's office during his later years, says that he never knew a warmer-hearted man than Trumbull. He was kindness and consideration itself to the people in his office. He was never cross or short, and every young man there always felt that he could go into the judge's room whenever he liked, and sit down and tell him his troubles. Once it devolved upon Mr. Thomas to engage a stenographer for the office. Of the several applicants the best was an unprepossessing, hump-backed girl. "I told the judge about her--that she was the ablest applicant, but very unprepossessing in appearance." "Why," said he, at once, "that's the very reason to take her, poor girl!" And they kept her for years.[133]

In short, he was a high-minded, kind-hearted, courteous gentleman, without ostentation and without guile. In business affairs he was punctual, accurate, and spotless. He never borrowed money, never bought anything that he could not pay cash for, never gave a promissory note in his life, not even in the purchase of real estate where deferred payments are customary. The best blood of New England coursed in his veins and he never dishonored it, in either private or public life.

It is perhaps too early to assign to Trumbull his proper place in the roll of statesmen of the Civil War period. Those who come after us and can look back one hundred years, instead of fifty, will doubtless have a better perspective and a clearer vision than those who lived with the actors of that momentous struggle. Some things, however, we may be sure of. One is that the man who drew the Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery in the United States and all places under the jurisdiction thereof, will never be forgotten as long as the love of liberty survives in this land. Not that the Thirteenth Amendment would not have been passed and incorporated in our system even if Lyman Trumbull had not been a Senator, or if he had never been born. It was a consequence of the taking-up of arms against the Union in 1861 that slavery should come to an end somehow. All that Lincoln did, all that Trumbull did, all that Congress did, was to seize the occasion to give direction to certain irresistible forces then called into existence for blessing or cursing mankind. There were different ways of bringing slavery to an end. That of constitutional amendment was the best of all because it removed the subject-matter from the field of dispute at once and forever. Lincoln paved the way for it. He prepared the public mind for it by his two proclamations of emancipation. Trumbull and Congress and the state legislatures did the rest.

It may be fairly said that Trumbull took the lead in putting an end to arbitrary arrests in the loyal states where the courts of justice were open, and in prescribing the process of the suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_. This was a difficult problem to handle and it cost Trumbull some popularity, since the loyal spirit of the North was very touchy on the subject of Copperheads and easily inflamed against anybody who was accused of sympathy with them. The law finally passed seems now to be altogether just, and well suited to be put in practice again if occasion for it should arise.

Trumbull's place as one of the "Seven Traitors" who voted not guilty on the impeachment of Andrew Johnson is now universally considered a proud position, and I think that that of his neighbor and friend, James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, who earned the title of traitor a year or two earlier, is entitled to a place in the same Valhalla. Both are deserving of monuments at the hands of their respective states.

The reader of these pages cannot fail to discern a marked change in Trumbull's course on Reconstruction about midway of the struggle on that issue. Gideon Welles said, under date January 16, 1867, "He [Trumbull] has changed his principles within a year.[134] The facts are that he agreed with Lincoln's plan of Reconstruction, embodied it in the Louisiana Bill, reported it favorably from the Judiciary Committee, tried to pass it in the closing days of the Thirty-eighth Congress, but was prevented by the filibustering tactics of Sumner. After Johnson became President he adhered to that plan until Johnson vetoed the Freedmen's Bureau and Civil Rights Bills. He then believed that Johnson had betrayed the cause for which the nation had fought through a four years' war and that the freedom of the blacks would be endangered if Johnson were sustained by the loyal states. He accordingly went with his party, but with misgivings, halting now and then, putting blocks in the way of the radicals here and there. He ceased to be the leader of the Senate as he had hitherto been, on this class of questions, and he became a reluctant follower. When Sumner became angry and charged him in 1870 with betrayal of the cause of freedom, he hotly affirmed that he had voted for every measure for the equal rights of the freedmen that Congress had passed, including the three constitutional amendments. The truth was that he had put obstacles in the way of several measures that Sumner deemed indispensable, until it became plain that the Republican party was determined to pass them and that further resistance would be useless. Then he gave his assent to them. This course he pursued until the Anti-Ku-Klux Bill was agreed to, by the Judiciary Committee, in 1871. Against this measure he voted in the committee and in the Senate. He held it to be unconstitutional, and he used against it the same arguments in substance that Bingham had used in the House against the Civil Rights Bill; and both he and Bingham were right. Trumbull did not change his principles, but he made an error in common with his party and he corrected it as soon as he became convinced that it was an error. I am open to the same criticism."

Among interviews with men of note published in the Chicago press concerning the deceased was one with Mr. Joseph Medill, not a friendly critic but a political seer of the first class, who thought that Trumbull might have been President of the United States if he had voted, in the impeachment case, to convict Andrew Johnson.

If he had remained true to his party [said Mr. Medill], Judge Trumbull, I believe, would have died with his name in the roll of Presidents of the United States. I have always thought that he could have been the successor of Grant. He stood so high in the estimation of his party and the nation that nothing was beyond his reach. Grant, of course, came before everybody, but Trumbull was next, a man of great ability, undoubted integrity, and stainless reputation, pure as the driven snow and nearly as cold. He could have been President instead of Hayes, or Garfield, or Harrison.[1]

Following the interview with Mr. Medill is one with Mr. Henry S. Robbins, a member of Trumbull's law firm from 1883 until 1890. Mr. Robbins did not find Trumbull a cold man.

All the time we were together [said Mr. Robbins] I never heard him speak a cross word to a clerk in the office. Among children he was a child again. He and his little grandson, the child of Walter Trumbull, who died several years ago, were inseparable companions when the grandfather was at home. They played together and talked together like two little boys. All the children in the neighborhood where he lived were wont to come to him with their little troubles and always found him one who could enter into fullest sympathy with them. Judge Trumbull had no worldliness. He seemed to practice law as a mission, not as a vocation by which to make money. With his reputation and his ability combined he might have died a millionaire. It always gave him a pang to charge a fee, and when he fixed the charge it was usually about half what a modern lawyer would charge.[1]

Another partner, Mr. William N. Horner, said:

I came here from Belleville where Judge Trumbull formerly lived, and people down there--some of them at least--used to think that he was a cold man. I never found him so. I remember the first day we moved into these offices and while we were getting settled, Judge Trumbull worked harder than any of us. He was more solicitous for our comfort than he was for his own. He was always trying to do something for the comfort of others. He had all the gentleness and sweetness of disposition and patience of a woman.[135]

Mr. C. S. Darrow, who had charge of the Debs case in which Trumbull volunteered his services, said that

the socialistic trend of the venerable statesman's opinions in his later years sprang from his deep sympathies with all unfortunates; that sympathy that made him an anti-slavery Democrat in his early years, and afterwards a Republican. He became convinced that the poor who toil for a living in this world were not getting a fair chance. His heart was with them.[136]

A letter to myself from the widow of Walter Trumbull, who died in 1891, says:

After my husband died, I, with my two boys, lived with Judge Trumbull until his death; and I wish I could tell you how beautiful that home life was. He was so devoted to his family, so sweet and tender and thoughtful for us all. Others never realized this and often thought him cold. He was so great a man and yet so gentle and simple in his ways that little children clung to him.

Among the papers left by Trumbull was the following estimate of the character and career of Abraham Lincoln. It was addressed to his son Walter Trumbull and is here published for the first time:

MY DEAR SON: I have often been requested to give my estimate of Mr. Lincoln's life and character. His death at the close of a great civil war in which the Government of which he was the head had been successful, and the manner of his taking off, were not favorable to a candid and impartial review of his character. The temper of the public mind at that time would not tolerate anything but praise of the martyred President, and even now it is questionable whether the truthful history of his life by Mr. Herndon, his lifelong friend, and law partner for twenty years, will be received with favor. As I could not give any other than a truthful narration of Mr. Lincoln's character, as he was known to me, I have hitherto declined to write anything for the public concerning him. Having known him at different times as a political adversary and a political friend, my opportunities for judging his public life and character were from different standpoints. We were members of the Illinois House of Representatives in 1840. He was a Whig and I a Democrat, but we had no controversies, political or otherwise. Indeed, Mr. Lincoln took very little part in the legislation of that session. It was the period when, as related by Mr. Herndon, he was engaged in love affairs which some of his friends feared had well-nigh unsettled his mental faculties. I recall but one speech he made during the session. In that he told a story which convulsed the House to the great discomfiture of the member at whom it was aimed. Mr. Lincoln was regarded at that time by his political friends as among their shrewdest and ablest leaders, and by his political adversaries as a formidable opponent. Contemporary with him in the legislature of 1840 were Edward D. Baker, William A. Richardson, William H. Bissell, Thomas Drummond, John J. Hardin, John A. McClernand, Ebenezer Peck, and others whose subsequent careers in the national councils, on the field of battle, and in civil life have shed lustre on their country's history. It is no mean praise to say of Mr. Lincoln that among this galaxy of young men convened at the capital of Illinois in 1840, to whom may be added Stephen A. Douglas, although not then a member of the legislature, he stood in the front rank.

As a lawyer Mr. Lincoln was painstaking, discriminating, and accurate. He mastered his cases, and had a most happy and fascinating way of presenting them. He was logical, fair, and candid. It was said of him by one of the most eminent judges who ever presided in Illinois, that after Mr. Lincoln had opened a case he [the judge] fully understood both sides of it. Some of Mr. Lincoln's contemporaries at the bar were more learned, and better lawyers, but no one managed a case, which he had time to thoroughly study and understand, more adroitly. The breaking-up of the Whig and Democratic parties in 1854, growing out of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the opening of the territory to slavery, threw Mr. Lincoln and myself together politically. We were both opposed to the spread of slavery, and from the foundation of the Republican party till his death we were in political accord. I do not claim to have been his confidant, and doubt if any man ever had his entire confidence. He was secretive, and communicated no more of his own thoughts and purposes than he thought would subserve the ends he had in view. He had the faculty of gaining the confidence of others by apparently giving them his own, and in that way attached to himself many friends. I saw much of him after we became political associates, and can truthfully say that he never misled me by word or deed. He was truthful, compassionate, and kind, but he was one of the shrewdest men I ever knew. To use a common expression he was "as cunning as a fox." He was a good judge of men, their motives, and purposes, and knew how to wield them to his own advantage. He was not aggressive. Ever ready to take advantage of the public current, he did not attempt to lead it. He did not promulgate the article of war enacted by Congress forbidding army and navy officers from employing their forces to return slaves to their masters, under penalty of dismissal from the service, till more than six months after its passage. It was more than nine months after the enactment of a law by Congress declaring free all slaves of rebels captured, or coming within the Union lines, or found in any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the Union, that he issued the proclamation declaring free the slaves then within the rebel lines, all of whom, belonging to persons in rebellion, were made free by the act of Congress as soon as the Union forces occupied the country, and till then the proclamation could not be enforced. When applied to by a friend, just previous to the meeting of the convention at Baltimore which nominated him for a second term, to indicate what resolutions or policy he desired the convention to adopt, he declined to suggest any. These and many other illustrations might be given to show that Mr. Lincoln was a follower and not a leader in public affairs. Without attempting to form or create public sentiment, he waited till he saw whither it tended, and then was astute to take advantage of it. Some of Mr. Lincoln's admirers, instead of regarding his want of system, hesitancy, and irresolution as defects in his character, seek to make them the subject of praise, as in the end the rebellion was suppressed, and slavery abolished, during his administration, ignoring the fact that a man of more positive character, prompt and systematic action, might have accomplished the same result in half the time, and with half the loss of blood and treasure.

Mr. Lincoln was by no means the unsophisticated, artless man many took him to be. Mr. Swett, a lifelong friend and admirer, writing to Mr. Herndon, says: "One great public mistake of his character, as generally received and acquiesced in, is that he is considered by the people of this country as a frank, guileless, and unsophisticated man. There never was a greater mistake. Beneath a smooth surface of candor, and apparent declaration of all his thoughts and feelings, he exercised the most exalted tact, and the widest discrimination.... In dealing with men he was a trimmer, and such a trimmer as the world has never seen."[137]

Herndon in his "Lincoln," at page 471, says: "He had a way of pretending to assure his visitor that in the choice of his advisers he was free to act as his judgment dictated, although David Davis, acting as his manager at the Chicago Convention, had negotiated with the Pennsylvania and Indiana delegations, and assigned places in the Cabinet to Simon Cameron and Caleb Smith, besides making other arrangements which Mr. Lincoln was expected to satisfy."

Another popular mistake is to suppose Mr. Lincoln free from ambition. A more ardent seeker after office never existed. From the time when, at the age of twenty-three, he announced himself a candidate for the legislature from Sangamon County, till his death, he was almost constantly either in office, or struggling to obtain one. Sometimes defeated and often successful, he never abandoned the desire for office till he had reached the presidency the second time. Swett says, "He was much more eager for it [a second nomination] than for the first," and such was known to his intimate friends to be the fact, though his manner to the public would have indicated that he was indifferent to a second nomination. When first a candidate for the presidency Mr. Herndon tells us, "He wrote to influential party workers everywhere," promising money to defray the expenses of delegates to the convention favoring his nomination.

While ardently devoted to the Union, Mr. Lincoln had no well-defined plan for saving it, but suffered things to drift, watching to take advantage of events as they occurred. He was a judge of men and knew how to use them to advantage. He brought into his Cabinet some of the ablest men in the nation, and left to them the management of their respective departments. This country never had an abler head of the Treasury Department than Salmon P. Chase. To his skillful management of the finances the country was indebted for the means to carry on the war of the rebellion, and bring it to a successful issue. For the distinguished ability with which the State and War Departments were managed during the rebellion the country is greatly indebted to Mr. Seward and Mr. Stanton. Other members of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet were men of great executive ability. Lincoln was unmethodical and without executive ability, but he selected advisers who possessed these qualities in an eminent degree.

To sum up his character, it may be said that as a man he was honest, pure, kind-hearted, and sympathetic; as a lawyer, clear-headed, astute, and successful; as a politician, ambitious, shrewd, and farseeing; as a public speaker, incisive, clear, and convincing, often eloquent, clothing his thoughts in the most beautiful and attractive language, a logical reasoner, and yet most unmethodical in all his ways; as President during a great civil war he lacked executive ability, and that resolution and prompt action essential to bring it to a speedy and successful close; but he was a philanthropist and a patriot, ardently devoted to the Union and the equality and freedom of all men. He presided over the nation in the most critical period of its history, and lived long enough to see the rebellion subdued, and a whole race lifted from slavery to freedom. The fact that he was at the head of the nation when these great results were accomplished, and of his most cruel assassination, before there was time to fully appreciate the great work that had been done during his administration, will forever endear him to the American people, and hand his name down to posterity as among the best, if not the greatest, of mankind.

Another manuscript, addressed to Mrs. Gershom Jayne, the mother of the first Mrs. Trumbull, in answer to a communication from her, gives Trumbull's views on religion:

CHICAGO, Apr. 22, 1877.

DEAR MOTHER: I scarcely know how to reply to your texts of Scripture and your solicitude for me. If the fervent prayers of the righteous avail, it would seem as if yours and those of my departed Julia should have their influence, and I sometimes feel as if the spirit of my dear Julia was even now not far away. That I am not what I should be is too true: I feel it and I know it, and yet I trust the influence and prayers of those who have loved me have not been entirely thrown away. I have abundant reason to be thankful to our Heavenly Father for his protection and ten thousand kindnesses to me which I know I have not deserved. How often when the way was dark before me has an unseen hand carried me safely through! And yet, whilst ever ready to acknowledge my own imperfection and impotence, I suppose I know nothing of, or at best see but as through a glass dimly, that change of heart of which the converted speak, and which comes of a faith it has not been given me to possess. I certainly hope through the Saviour's interposition for a happy hereafter, but at the same time am obliged to confess that the way is to me dark and mysterious, and by no means as discernible as it appears to some others. I rejoice that they can see it clearly and wish that I could too....

Affectionately yours, LYMAN TRUMBULL.

Three sons of Lyman Trumbull reached mature years: Walter, Perry, and Henry. The latter died unmarried, January 20, 1895.

Walter, the eldest, was married September, 1876, to Miss Hannah Mather Slater. Three sons were born of this union. The first of these, Lyman Trumbull, Jr., died in infancy. The second, Walter S., was born in 1879, married Miss Marjorie Skinner, of Hartford, Connecticut, in 1905, and now resides in New York City. The third, Charles L., born in 1884, married in 1910 Miss Lucy Proctor, of Peoria, Illinois, and now resides in Chicago. Walter Trumbull died October 25, 1891.

Perry Trumbull was married to Mary Caroline Peck, daughter of Ebenezer Peck, judge of the United States Court of Claims, in 1879. Four children were born to them: (1) Julia Wright, married to H. Thompson Frazer, M.D., now resides at Asheville, North Carolina; (2) Edward A., married Anna Whitby, and resides at Seattle, Washington; (3) Charles P., married, resides at Las Vegas, New Mexico; (4) Selden, resides in Chicago. Perry Trumbull died December 10, 1902.

Mrs. Mary Ingraham Trumbull, widow of Lyman Trumbull, resides at Saybrook Point, Connecticut.

FOOTNOTES:

[133] Interview, June 13, 1910.

[134] _Diary of Gideon Welles_, III, 21.

[135] Chicago _Times_, June 26, 1896.

[136] Chicago _Times_, June 26, 1896.

[137] Herndon's _Life of Lincoln_, 537, 538.

THE END

INDEX

Throughout the Index, the Initial T., standing alone, represents the subject of the book.

Abolition movement, the, and the murder of Lovejoy, 10.

Act of March 27, 1868, purpose of, 328, 329; passed by Congress, and vetoed, 329; passed over veto, 330; its application to McCardle case glaringly unjust, 330.

Adams, Charles Francis, Seward's dispatches of April, 1861, and July, 1862, to, 210 _ff._; proposed for Liberal Republican nomination for President, 372, 373, 374, 381; his attitude regarding the nomination, 377, 378; defeated by Greeley, 383, 384; why Blair and Brown opposed him, 385 and _n._; a stronger candidate than T., 402, 403; xxi, 182, 389, 390.

Adams, Charles Francis, Jr., _The Trent Affair_, etc., 349 _n._; 353, 378.

Adams, John, xxiii.

Adams, John Quincy, xxii, 27, 103.

Adams, John Quincy, 2d, nominated for Vice-President by dissentient Democrats (1872), 394; declines, 394.

Akerman, Amos T., succeeds Hoar as Attorney-General, 350.

Alabama, admission of, xxix; and the 13th Amendment, 229; order for reconstruction of, 238.

Alabama Claims, T. on, 348; Grant's great service in settling, 362.

Aldrich, Cyrus, 68.

Alien and Sedition laws, xxiii.

Allen, G. T., 42, 43, 46 _n._

Allen, Robert, 13.

Allison, John, 69.

Allison, William B., Senator, 304, 346.

Altgeld, John P., Governor, and the Pullman strike, 414.

Alton, Ill., T. removes to, 21.

Alton riot, the, 8-10.

American Bottom, locus of slavery in Ill., in 1783, 23.

_American Historical Review_, quoted, 174.

American Railway Union, 413.

Ammen, Jacob, General, 206, 208.

Amnesty, Johnson's proclamation of, 239.

Amnesty bill, debated in Senate, 359; amended by Sumner, and rejected, 359; reintroduced and passed, 359, 360.

Anderson, Robert, Major, proposed recall of, from Sumter, 122, 123; 128, 155. _And see_ Sumter.

Andrew, John A., Governor, 287, 307 _n._

Anthony, Henry B., Senator, his attitude on ousting of Sumner from Foreign Affairs Committee, 347; 314, 364, 366, 367.

Anti Ku-Klux bill. _See_ Ku-Klux Bill

Anti-Nebraska Democrats, in Ill. legislature, 41 _ff._; and the Senatorial election of 1854, 46 _n._

Archer, William B., 69.

"Arm-in-Arm Convention." _See_ National Union Convention.

Armstrong, postmaster at St. Louis, 81.

Arnold, I. N., Congressman, 207.

Arrests, arbitrary, T's resolution of inquiry concerning, 191 _ff._; censured by Democratic Convention, 193; license to make, transferred to Stanton, 197; effect of change, 197, 198; action of Democrats on, 197; T. took lead in stopping, in loyal states, 422, 423. _And see_ Habeas corpus.

Arthur, Chester A., appointed Collector of New York, 368.

Asay, E. G., 208.

Ashley, James M., Congressman, 228 _n._

Atchison, David R., Senator, his advice to Missourians, 52; 49, 54.

Atkinson, Edward, 353.

Atzerodt, conspirator, 289.

Babcock, Orville E., sent by Grant to San Domingo, 342, 362, 369.

Bacon Academy, 3.

Badger, George E., 49.

Bailey, G., quoted on Dred Scott case, 83.

Baker, Edward D., Senator, 10, 132, 427.

Baker, Henry L., 42, 43, 46.

Baldwin, J. B., and Lincoln's offer to evacuate Sumter, 159, 160; his version contradicted by Botts, 160, 161; R. L. Dabney's account of interview of, with Lincoln, 161, 162.

Bancroft, George, wrote Johnson's first message, 244, 245.

Banks, Nathaniel P., General, 36, 87, 102, 232, 233.

Barney, Hiram, Collector of New York, 147, 181, 182.

Barrett, A. B., quoted, 117.

Bates, Edward, candidate for Republican nomination in 1860, 103; and enforcement of Confiscation Act, 177; 104, 150.

Bayard, James A., Senator, 200, 201, 228.

Bayard, Thomas F., Senator, 366.

Beecher, Henry W., 287.

Belknap, William W., General, 362.

Belleville, Ill., T. settles at, 5, 6; described by Dickens, 14, 15.

Belleville _Advocate_, the, 323.

Belmont, August, quoted, on Liberal Republican movement, 373, 374.

Benjamin, Judah P., Senator, on the Dred Scott case, 82; his reply to Douglas, 95, 96; contrasts Douglas and Lincoln, 96.

Benton, Thomas H., Senator, 126.

Bigelow, Israel B., quoted, 217.

Bigelow, John, his Diary quoted, 403 _n._

Bingham, John A., Congressman, opposes Civil Rights bill, 271, 272, 281; on Reconstruction Committee, 281; proposes amendment to Constitution, 282; amends Georgia bill, 298, 299; 196, 304, 309, 339, 424.

Bird, Frank W., quoted, on Cincinnati nominations, 385 _n._; 387.

Birney, James G., 37, 40.

Bishop, Mr., killed in Alton riot, 9.

Bissell, W. H., Governor, quoted, 10, 69, 70, 74, 88, 427.

Black, Jere. S., counsel for McCardle, 327.

Blaine, James G., interview of, with author, on revenue reform, 354.

Blair, Austin, Congressman, 397, 398.

Blair, F. P., General, Democratic candidate for Vice-President (1868), 333; and the Cincinnati convention, 385 and _n._; 37, 120, 382.

Blair, Gist, quoted, 220 _n._

Blair, Montgomery, quoted, on Cameron's appointment, 151; on Cameron's emancipation hobby, 172 _n._; his resignation as Postmaster General and Frémont's withdrawal, 220 and _n._; on reconstruction, 293; 83, 112, 157, 234, 307 _n._

Blatchford, Samuel J., Justice, 275.

Blodgett, Henry W., 419.

Blow, Henry T., 281.

Bonifant, U. S. Marshal, 195.

Booth, J. Wilkes, 289.

Border Ruffians. _See_ Missourians in Kansas.

Borders, Sarah, 28, 29.

Borie, Adolph, appointed Secretary of Navy, 337; resigns, 337.

Boston _Advertiser_, 300.

Botts, John Minor, his _Great Rebellion_ quoted on Lincoln's offer to evacuate Sumter, 159, 160; denies Baldwin's story, 160, 161.

Boutwell, George S., Congressman, appointed Secretary of Treasury, 336, 337; and the Leet and Stocking scandal, 364, 365; 281, 291, 304, 309, 339.

Bowles, Samuel, 86, 353, 387.

Bradley, Joseph P., Justice, 275, 276, 409.

Brainard, Daniel, 80.

Brayman, Mason, 13.

Breckinridge, John C., elected Vice-President (1856), 70; nominated for President (1860), by seceding delegates, 96.

Brinkerhoff, R., 353.

Brooks, Preston S., Congressman, his assault on Sumner, 65.

"Brother Jonathan," 2 _n._

Brown, Albert G., Senator, 63.

Brown, B. Gratz, elected governor of Mo. as a liberal, 352; candidate for Liberal Republican nomination, 377, 378; arrives at Cincinnati, 382; withdraws in favor of Greeley, 383; nominated for Vice-President, 384; divers views of his course, 384, 385 and _n._; nominated by Democrats, 394; 220, 285, 389, 402.

Brown, George T., 80.

Brown, John, his raid on Harper's Ferry, 96-100; author's impression of, 97; his own view of his mission, 97, 98; T. on moral and legal aspects of the raid, 98, 99; 53.

Brown, Joseph, 375.

Brown, William G., quoted, xxxiv.

Brown, W. H., 87.

Browning, Orville H., Secretary of Interior, his views on question of territorializing states, 291; 92, 194, 197, 285, 307.

Brownlow, W. G., reconstruction governor of Tenn., 237.

Bryan, Silas L., 375.

Bryan, William J., student in T.'s office, 407; author's meeting with (1893), 413.

Bryant, John H., quoted, 67 and _n._; 375.

Bryant, William Cullen, refuses to support Greeley, 385; correspondence with T. thereon, 386, 387; 139, 140, 141, 145, 287, 353, 375, 391.

Buchanan, James, elected President, 70; appoints Walker Governor of Kansas, 71; and the Lecompton Constitution, 73; his message to Congress on Topeka and Lecompton constitutions, answered by T., 76, 77, and by Douglas, 77; said to favor rejection of pro-slavery clause, 78; recommends admission of Kansas under Lecompton Constitution, 81; his message thereon discussed by T., 81, 82; Chief Justice Caton on his attitude toward Lecomptonism, 84, 85; and Justice McLean, 122, 123 and _n._; policy of his government toward secessionists, 127, 128; takes sides for the Union under pressure, 128; 74, 75, 113.

Buchanan Democrats in Ill., adopt name of National Democracy, 89; Lincoln quoted concerning, 90; their small poll, 91; their poll in 1860 even smaller, 96.

Buckalew, Charles R., Senator, 285, 329.

Buckingham, William A., Senator, 366.

Bull Run, first battle of, described by T. in letters to Mrs. T., 165-167.

Bullock, Rufus P., reconstruction governor of Georgia, 297, 298, 299, 300.

Burchard, Horatio C., Congressman, 354.

Burke, Edmund, 358.

Burlingame, Anson, 86, 88.

Burnside, Ambrose E., General, orders arrest of Vallandigham, 204; his proceedings against the Chicago _Times_, 206-209; his order revoked by Lincoln, 208; defeated at Fredericksburg, 211.

Butler, Benjamin F., Congressman, reports Georgia bill, 298; author of 10th article of impeachment, 311; 304, 309, 359, 362.

Butler, Fanny Kemble, xxxiv.

Butler, William, quoted, 148; 149, 151.

Cabinet, Pres. Johnson's, discussion of Tenure-of-Office bill by, 302, 303; unanimous in advising veto, 303, 311.

Cabinet officers, and the Tenure-of-Office Act, 301, 302.

Cadwalader, George, 195.

Calhoun, John, and the Lecompton Constitution, 73; 18, 75, 84.

Calhoun, John C., Senator, and the doctrine of Nullification, xxv and _n._, xxvii; 4.

Cameron, Simon, history of his inclusion in Lincoln's Cabinet, 142 _ff._; visits Lincoln at Springfield, 144; Lincoln promises portfolio to, 144, 429; urgent opposition to, from McClure, T., and others, 144, 145, 146, 147 _ff._; and Frémont, 172; his report in favor of freeing and arming slaves suppressed by Lincoln, 172 and _n._; and the War Department frauds, 178 _ff._; and T. A. Scott, 184, 185; Nicolay and Hay on causes of his leaving Cabinet, 185, 186; made Minister to Russia, 186; McClure on his dismissal, 186, 187; censured by House in Cummings affair, 186; his confirmation as Minister to Russia opposed by T. and others, 187, 188, but favored by Sumner, 188; his statement to Hamlin, 188; vote on Confirmation of, 189; how he repaid Sumner, 189; 108, 343, 371.

Carlile, John S., Senator, opposes habeas corpus suspension act, 199.

Carlin, Thomas, 11.

Carpenter, Matthew H., Senator, counsel in McCardle case, 327, 329; 300, 358; report on Louisiana election, 405; speech before Electoral Commission, 411.

Carpetbaggers, and the San Domingo treaty, 350; 241.

Cass, Lewis, Senator, his Nicholson letter on squatter sovereignty, 94; 48, 63, 125.

Castle Pinckney, 129.

Catiline, steamer, 179, 180, 181, 182.

Caton, John D., quoted, on Buchanan's attitude toward Lecomptonism, 84, 85; 20.

Caulfield, B. G., 208.

Cavalry, fraudulent contracts for purchase of horses for, 182, 183.

_Century Magazine_, cited, 245 _n._, 307 _n._, 321 _n._

Chandler, Zachariah, Senator, and T.'s connection with the McCardle case, 331, 332; 150, 166, 233, 355, 363, 371.

Channing, William Ellery, xxxii.

Charleston Convention of 1860, 107.

Chase, Salmon P., Chief Justice, quoted, 67; and Cameron's dismissal, 186; presides at impeachment trial, 309; on the 11th article, 311; his ruling on evidence of Johnson's intent to make a case for the Supreme Court, overruled by the Senate, 313; vote for, in Cincinnati convention (1872), 383; T's estimate of, as Secretary of Treasury, 429, 430; 79, 102, 103, 107, 145, 147, 148, 150, 151, 170, 234, 240, 274, 289, 320, 372.

Cheever, Rev. George B., 220.

Cherokee Tract, the, 5.

Chesnut, James, 99.

Chicago, rioting at, in Pullman strike, 414; troops ordered to, 414; meeting at, addressed by T., 414, 415.

Chicago _Advance_, T.'s article in, on restriction of suffrage, 294.

Chicago Bar Association, and T.'s death, 418, 419.

Chicago _Evening Journal_, quoted, on T.'s speech on Chicago Times matter, 208; 93.

Chicago _Times_, publication of, forbidden by Burnside, 206-209; meeting of protest against the order, 207; the order revoked by Lincoln, 208; 415, 424, 425.

Chicago _Tribune_, quoted, on the duty of Senators in impeachment trial, 315, 316; 372, 389, 390.

Cincinnati, Liberal Republican Convention at (1872), 374 _ff._; how composed, 379, 380; difficulties of, on tariff question, result in compromise, 381, 382; Greeley nominated for President by, 383, 384.

Cincinnati _Commercial_, 372.

Citizens of U. S., definition of, in 14th Amendment, 283.

Civil Rights bill, introduced by T., 257; T.'s proposed amendment to, debated in Senate, 265 _ff._; passes Senate, 271, and House, 272; vetoed by Johnson, 272; passed over veto, 272, 273; held constitutional by Circuit Court of U. S., 274; in Supreme Court, 275 _ff._; Bingham's objections to, 281; relation of 14th Amendment to, 282, 283; T.'s course on, 424, 425.

Civil Rights Cases, 109 U. S., 275, 276.

Civil service, demoralization of, under Grant, 341, 342.

Civil-service reform, T. on, 359, 376.

Civil War, the, could not have been averted, xxi, xxii.

Clark, Daniel, Senator, 262, 264.

Clay, Clement C., Senator, his farewell speech in Senate, 121; 100.

Clay, Henry, xxvi, xxxi, 27, 39, 125.

Clayton, John M., 63 _n._

Cleveland, Grover, orders troops to Chicago, 414; 413.

Clifford, Nathan, Justice Sup. Court, 289, 409.

Clingman, Thomas L., Senator, 419.

Cochrane, John, General, nominated for Vice-President by anti-Lincoln Republicans (1864), 219, 220.

Cole, Cornelius, Senator, 314.

Coles, Edward, and the "Anti-convention"

Contest in Ill., 27, 28.

Colfax, Schuyler, elected Vice-President (1872), 333; and Grant, 393, 394; and the Crédit-Mobilier, 402; 80, 331, 359.

Collamer, Jacob, Senator, speech of, on Kansas affairs, 65; attacks T.'s Confiscation bill, 173, 174; 55, 102, 198.

Collins, James H., 30.

Colonization Society, xxxi.

Compromise of 1860, xxi, 34, 124, 125.

Confederate States. _See_ States, seceding.

Confiscation bill, concerning slaves only, introduced by T., and passed by Congress, 168.

Confiscation bill (II), introduced by T. (Dec. 1861), 173, 176; debated all the session, 173 _ff._; report of Conference committee on, adopted, 175; Lincoln proposes to veto, 175; passage of joint resolution interpreting, 175; the first step toward full emancipation, 176; trifling proceeds of confiscation under, 176; controversy over enforcement of, 176, 177.

Congress, adopts Missouri Compromise, xxx; passes Kansas-Nebraska bill, 37; Pres. Pierce's special message to, on Kansas affairs, 55; Pres. Buchanan's first message to, 76; Buchanan recommends admission of Kansas to, 81; passes first Confiscation bill, 168; debate on second Confiscation bill in, 173 _ff._; Pres. Johnson's first message to, 244, 245; power of, to pass laws for ordinary administration of justice in states, 258-260, 265 _ff._; attacked by Johnson, 286; radicals in, and the Milligan case, 289, 290; makes general of the army virtually independent of the President, 291; measures of reconstruction passed by, over vetoes, 291-295; and impeachment of Johnson, 303 _ff._; intensity of contest in, 312; and the McCardle case, 328-330; passes Act of March 27, 1868, over veto, 330; and the 15th Amendment, 338-340; Pres. Grant's message to, on Ku-Klux-Klans, 356; and the Amnesty bill, 359, 360; and the Crédit-Mobilier, 402. _And see_ House of Representatives, Reconstruction, Committee on, and Senate.

Congress of the Confederation, and Jefferson's ordinance concerning slavery (1784), xxviii, xxix; passes Ordinance of 1787, 24, 25, 29.

_Congressional Globe_ of 1860-61, 114.

Conkling, Roscoe, Senator, 281, 331, 339, 355, 362, 363.

Connecticut, opposed to nomination of Seward, 103.

Constitution of U. S., obstacles to ratification of, xxii and _n._; its "educational work," xxvi, xxvii; and the power to free slaves, 222, 223; projects of amending, in that regard, 223; the James F. Wilson resolution, 223; the Henderson resolution, 223, reported by T. in amended form, 224. _Amendment_ XIII, reported by T. in Senate, 224; his speech thereon, 224-226; favored by Henderson and R. Johnson, 227; adopted by both branches, 228; scene in House described by Julian, 228 and _n._; ratified by States, 229, 252; Seward's interpretation of, 229; discussed in connection with Freedmen's Bureau bill, 258, 260; and the Civil Rights bill, 267, 269, 270; construed by Supreme Court in U.S. v. Harris, 275, 358, and in Civil Rights Cases, 276, 277; T.'s connection with, 422. _Amendment_ XIV, construed by Supreme Court in U.S. v. Harris, 275, 358, and in Civil Rights Cases, 276; prepared and reported by Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 282, 283; provisions of, 283; passes both houses, 283; history of framing of, 284 _n._; Southern States refuse to ratify, and why, 287; and the power of Congress to enforce ordinary civil law in the states, 356, 357, 358. _Amendment_ XV, construed by Supreme Court in U.S. _v._ Harris, 276, 358; history of, 338-340; passed by Congress, 339; text of, 340; ratified by States, 340.

"Convention party," the, attempts to amend Illinois constitution to legalize slavery, 25, 26; defeat of, 27.

Cook, Burton C., 41, 43, 45, 46 _n._, 93.

Cook, Daniel P., in the "anti-convention" contest, 27, 28; Cook County, Ill., named for, 27.

Cooper Union, Liberal Republican meeting at, 376, 377.

Copperheadism, Vallandigham the incarnation of, 203.

Corbett, Henry W., Senator, 314.

Corning, Erastus, 205.

Corwin, Thomas, Congressman, 112, 117.

Cotton-gin, results of invention of, xxxii.

Cowan, Edgar, Senator, attacks T.'s Confiscation bill, 173; his great speech in favor of _habeas corpus_ suspension act, 201; on Civil Rights bill, 269, 271, 272; 146, 261, 262, 285, 286, 323.

Cox, Jacob D., appointed Secretary of Interior, 337, 338; why he resigned, 349, 350; 353, 373.

Crédit-Mobilier scandal, the, 401, 402.

Cresswell, John A. J., appointed Postmaster General, 337.

Crittenden, John J., Senator, his compromise measure, debated and rejected by Senate, 115-117; 48, 60, 66.

Crittenden Compromise, debated, 115, 116; T's speech against, 115, 123-138; rejected by Senate, 117; letters to T. from Illinoisans concerning, 117-119.

Cullom, Shelby M., Senator, quoted, 293; defeats T. for governor of Ill., 412.

Cummings, Alexander, one of Cameron's agents, 143, 178; the leading figure in War Dep't scandal, 178 _ff._; a candidate for office under Johnson, 181 _n._

Curry, J. L. M., letter of, to Doolittle, as to Southern views, 255, 256.

Curtin, Andrew G., Governor, vote for in Cincinnati Convention, 383; 106, 144, 374, 377, 378.

Curtis, Benjamin R., of counsel for Pres. Johnson, 309.

Curtis, George W., 338, 368.

Curtis Commission on Civil Service Reform, 376.

Dabney, Rev. R. L., his account of the Lincoln-Baldwin Interview, 161, 162.

"Danites." _See_ Buchanan Democrats.

Darrow, Clarence S., quoted, on T.'s "socialistic trend," 425, 426; 414.

Davidson, G. C., 179, 180.

Davis, David, and Cameron's appointment, 142 _ff._; bargains with delegates from Penn. and Ind., 142, 429; his influence with Lincoln, 143 and _n._; opinion of, in Milligan case, 289; candidate for Liberal Republican nomination at Cincinnati, 377, 378; his candidacy objected to by editors, 380, 381; and the Electoral Commission (1877), 409; 178, 384.

Davis, Garrett, Senator, on Civil Rights bill, 270; 161, 234.

Davis, Henry Winter, Congressman, opposes Lincoln's reëlection, 220.

Davis, Jefferson, and "Squatter Sovereignty," 94, 95; his resolutions aimed at Douglas's nomination, 95; not a hothead, 110; his speech of Jan. 10, 1861, 110; his last speeches in Senate, 114, 115; his farewell speech, 121; his Rise and _Fall of the Confederate States_, 123 _n._; 83.

Dawes, Henry L., Congressman, on purchases of cavalry horses, 182, 183; on corruption in government service, 184; replies to Cameron's statement to Hamlin, 188, 189; 304, 354.

Dayton, William L., Senator, 69, 142.

Debs, Eugene V., and the Pullman strike, 413-415; T. counsel for, 414, 415.

Delahay, M. W., opposition to his appointment as district judge, 213, 214; appointed, impeached, and resigns, 214; 100, 101 and _n._

Dement, Isaac T., on affairs in Kansas, 53.

Democratic National Convention at Baltimore (1860), nominates Douglas, 96; Southern delegates secede from, 96; 107; (1872) adopts platform and candidate of Liberal Republicans, 394.

Democratic party, in North, split by Kansas-Nebraska bill, 37.

Democrats, condemn suspension of habeas corpus and arbitrary arrests, 194, 197; in Senate, oppose habeas corpus suspension bill, 198, 199, and filibuster against it, 200-203; in North, protest against Vallandigham's trial and sentence, 205; in Congress, oppose 13th Amendment, 228, but not unanimously, 228 _n._; union of, with Liberal Republicans, suggested by M. D. Sands, 353; sympathy of, with that movement, 372 _ff._, 379; dissentient (in 1872), nominate O'Conor and Adams, 394.

Denver, John A., appointed Governor of Kansas, 73.

Develin, John E., 179.

Dexter, Wirt, 208.

Dickens, Charles, describes Belleville, Ill., in _American Notes_, 14, 15.

Disfranchisement, chief cause of bad conditions in South, 356.

Dixon, Archibald, Senator, and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 34; 49.

Dixon, James, Senator, opposes inquiry as to arbitrary arrests, 192, 193; his vote against Impeachment, 323; 247, 261, 264, 265, 285, 313.

Dodge, Augustus C., Senator, 35.

Dodge, Grenville M., General, 227, 334 _n._, 394.

Dodge, William E., 365.

Doolittle, James R., Senator, on Tenure-of-Office bill, 303; his vote against impeachment, 323; his resignation demanded, 323; 150, 194, 220, 233, 247, 261, 273 _n._, 285, 313, 329, 419, 423.

Dougherty, John, 18, 89, 90.

Douglas, Robert M., 32 _n._

Douglas, Stephen A., appointed to Ill. Supreme Court, 10; elected U. S. Senator, 19; his early career, 32 and _n._, 33; his position in the Democratic party, 33; his personal appearance, 33; his talents and character, 33; reports Nebraska bill, 33; accepts Dixon Amendment repealing Missouri Compromise, 34; offers amendment dividing the territory, 34; his reasons, 35, and why not convincing, 35, 36; not a pro-slavery man, 36; his reasons for repealing Missouri Compromise, 36, 37; Lincoln's reply to his Springfield speech (1854), 39, 40 and _n._; and the senatorial election of 1854, 46 _n._; his report on affairs in Kansas, 55; attached by T., 56; his sophistry, 57, 58, 62; his debate with T., 59 _ff._; declares T. not a Democrat, 60, 66; further debate with T. on Kansas, 63 _ff._; T. a match for, in debate, 65, 66; denounces Cabinet conspiracy regarding referendum on Lecompton Constitution, 72, 73; his motion for that action, 74, 75; his anti-Lecompton speech, 77, 78; for the first time, opposes wishes of South, 77; was he sincere? 77, 78; his lack of principle, 78; contemplates alliance with Republicans, 78-80; opposes English bill for admission of Kansas, 84; his attitude toward slavery, 78, 86; his aid indispensable in defeating Lecompton bill, 86; appeals to imagination of Eastern Republicans, 86; distrusted by Republicans of Ill., 86-88, 91, 92; his instability, 88; his campaign for reëlection in 1858, 89 _ff._; his health impaired, 89; reaffirms doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, 94; answered by J. Davis, 95; his speech of May 15, 1860, 95; answered by Benjamin, 95, 96; nominated for President at Charleston, and by one faction at Baltimore, 96; favors Crittenden Compromise, 116; his views on causes of disunion, 116, 117; his last days devoted to the Union, 152, 153; speaks to Ill. legislature, 153; his influence alone saves Southern Ill., 153; his death, 153; T.'s eulogy of, 153, 154; G. Welles's account of his attitude in 1861, and his interview with Seward, 163, 164; 42, 47, 49, 76, 85, 100, 104, 107, 108, 169, 427.

Douglass, Frederick, 236, 237.

Drake, Charles D., Senator, 296, 298, 352.

Dred Scott case, opinion of Supreme Court, criticized by T., 82; 64.

Drummond, Thomas, Justice, enjoins executor of Burnside's order against Chicago _Times_, 206; his order disregarded, 207; 10, 208, 427.

Dubois, Jesse K., quoted, 79, 87, 216, 217; 213, 375.

Duncan, Joseph, Governor, 11.

Dunning, William A., his _Reconstruction_, quoted, 274, 321 _n._; 244.

Durell, Edward H., Justice, and the contested election in Louisiana, 404.

Durkee, Charles, Senator, 150.

Dyer, Thomas, 91.

Eaton, Major, 178.

Edmunds, George F., Senator, 339, 346, 358, 363.

Edwards, Ninian, Governor, 11, 45.

Electoral Commission (1877), composition of, 409; decision of, 410, 411; its purpose, "not to do justice between man and man, but to save the Republic," 411.

Eliot, Thomas D., 172.

Ellsworth, Oliver, xxii _n._

Emancipation, Seward on actual date of, 222; doubt regarding President's power in relation to, 222, 223. _And see_ Slavery, Slaves.

Emancipation movement, history of, xxviii.

Emancipation Proclamation, issued, 200; distasteful to Democrats, 200; force and extent of, 222; doubt as to its legal effect, 229, 230.

Embargo, the, xxiv.

Emerson, Dr., Dred Scott's master, 82.

Emigrant Aid Co. (Worcester), 50, 59 _n._

Emigrant Aid societies, 59 _n._

Emory, William H., General. 9th article of impeachment based on alleged conversation of Johnson with, 310.

England, mission to, offered to T., 347, 348, and declined, 348; T.'s speech on claims against, 348, 349; and demands surrender of Mason and Slidell, 349 and _n._

English, William H., Congressman, his bill for admission of Kansas, passed by Congress, 83, 84, but rejected by people, 84.

Equal Rights Act (1875) held unconstitutional by Supreme Court, 275.

Europe, and Lincoln's death, 231.

Evarts, William M., of counsel for Pres. Johnson, 309.

Farragut, David G., Admiral, 221.

Federalist party, xxiii.

Fenton, Reuben E., 386, 390.

Fessenden, William P., Senator, Chairman of Reconstruction Committee, 281, 282; opposes conviction of Johnson, 313; abused by radicals, 313; "read out" of Republican party, 324; called upon to resist Greenback heresy in Maine, 324; his death and character, 324; T's eulogy of, 324, 325; 82, 83, 89, 102, 168, 194, 202, 287, 292, 316, 317, 335.

Field, Alexander P., 11.

Field, D. D., 147.

Field, Stephen J., Justice, 275, 289, 409.

Fillmore, Millard, candidate for Pres., in 1856, 70; 92, 108.

Finkelnburg, Gustavus A., Congressman, 354.

Fish, Hamilton, appointed Secretary of State, 335; letter of, to T., offering English mission, 347, 348; 362.

Flack, Horace E., history of the 14th Amendment, 284 _n._

Florida, and the 13th Amendment, 229; order for reconstruction of, 238; disputed returns from (1876), 408 _ff._

Flournoy, Charles G., 212.

Floyd, John B., Secretary of War, resigns, 128; 130.

Fogg, George G., 144, 146.

Foot, Solomon, Senator, 168, 261, 263.

Ford, Thomas, historian of Ill., quoted, 11; as governor, requests T.'s resignation as Secretary of State, 12 and _n._, 13; 18.

Foreign Relations, Senate Committee on, reorganization of, to punish Sumner, 343-347.

"Forever," meaning of, in Missouri Compromise Act, 62, 63 _n._

Forney, John W., 300, 342.

Forsyth, John, Senator, xxvii, 156.

Foster, Lafayette S., Senator, 189, 273.

Fouke, Philip B., 38.

Fowler, Joseph S., Senator, 285, 314, 316, 317.

Free-silver, T. a believer in, 413.

Free Soilers, in 1854, 40; nucleus of the Republican party, 41.

Free State men, in minority in Kansas in 1855, 49, 51; convention of, 55; refuse to take part in election of constitutional convention, 71, 72; elect majority of territorial legislature, 72.

Free trade, meaning of, in 1871, 355.

Freedmen's Bureau, powers of, 257, 258.

Freedmen's Bureau bill, introduced by T., 257; provisions of, 257, 258; vetoed by Johnson, 260, 261; fails to pass Senate over veto, 261; T.'s course on, 423.

Freeport, Ill., joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas at, 94 _n._, 96.

Frelinghuysen, Frederick T., Senator, 314, 316, 347 _n._

Frémont, John C, Republican nominee for Pres., 69; his defeat fortunate for the country, 70; candidate for nomination in 1860, 103; his order emancipating slaves revoked by Lincoln, 169, 170, 171; nominated for Pres. by Anti-Lincoln Republicans (1864), 219, 220; withdrawn, 220; connection between his withdrawal and Mr. Blair's retirement, 220 and _n._; 141, 194.

French, Augustus C, Governor, 18.

French Revolution, effect of, on parties in U. S., xxiii.

Fugitive Slave Law, 114.

Galloway, Samuel, quoted, 75; letter to T. on Republican grievances against Grant, 371.

Garfield, James A., General, 412.

Garrison, William L., his crusade mistakenly interpreted at the south, xxxiii; supports Lincoln's reconstruction plan, 235, 236; 388.

Gary, Mrs. F. C., letter of, to T., 278, and his reply, 279.

Gaston, William, Judge, 270.

Geary, John W., Governor, 53, 72.

"General order" system in N. Y. custom-house, 364 _ff._

Genius of Universal Emancipation, the, xxxi.

Georgia, and Garrison, xxxi; order for reconstruction of, 238; re-reconstruction of, 297-300; status of negroes in, 298; bill for reorganization of, 298, 299; T.'s attitude on treatment of, 298, 299, 300.

German vote, the, and the Republican nomination in 1860, 103.

Germans in St. Clair county, Ill., 38.

Gettysburg, battle of, and its effect on Vallandigham's ambition, 206.

Gillespie, Joseph, 10.

Gilman, Winthrop S., 9.

Godkin, Edwin L., quoted, 381, 382; refuses to support Greeley, 385; deprecates Schurz's contrary decision, 392, 393; and Greeley's defeat, 404; 353.

Godwin, Parke, quoted, against Greeley, 393.

Goodrich, Grant, quoted, 119.

Government bonds, falling off in subscriptions to, in autumn of 1861, 170.

Government contracts, House committee on, 178 _ff._; censures T. A. Scott, 184, 185.

Gowdy, W. C., 40 _n._

"Grandfather clause," the, in constitutions of southern states, 339.

Grant, Ulysses S., J. M. Palmer on his character and future, 216; his southern tour of inspection, and report, 252, 253, 254; Secretary of War _ad interim_, 305; retires in favor of Stanton after action of Senate, 306; his correspondence with Johnson, submitted to Reconstruction Committee, 306, 307; his reason for retiring, 307; Johnson on his attitude, 307 _n._; and the McCardle case, 327; nominated for Pres., and elected, 332, 333; his first cabinet a conglomerate, 333; and Washburne's appointment, 334; his agreement with J. F. Wilson, 334; compels Washburne to resign, 334; appoints Fish, 335; nominates Stewart for Treasury, 335, 336, then Boutwell, 336; his other appointments, 337, 338; his army-headquarters transferred to White House, 342; the San Domingo treaty, and quarrel with Sumner, 342 _ff._; removes Motley as minister to England, 347, 348; offers English mission to T., 347, 348; and civil-service reform, 349, 350; and Attorney-General Hoar, 350; and the Liberal movement in Mo., 355; shortcomings of his administration, the main cause of Liberal movement, 361; his failings in civil station reviewed, 361 _ff._; nominated because of his military renown, 361, 362; his great services on two occasions, 362; and the Leet and Stocking case, 365 _ff._; T. not personally hostile to, 369, 370; Republican dissatisfaction with, 370, 371, and opposition to, 372 _ff._; Sumner's speech against, 387, 388; his services overlooked by Sumner, 388; compared favorably with Greeley, 392, 393; renominated by Republicans, 393; not personally involved in Crédit-Mobilier scandal, 401; reëlected, 402; and the contest in La., in 1872, 405, 406 and _n._; his second administration, 407, 408; 212, 214, 215, 226, 227, 236 and _n._, 240, 308, 309, 330, 384, 408, 411, 420.

Gray, Horace, 275.

Gray, Robert A., 161.

Greeley, Horace, "puffs" Douglas, 80, 91, 92; candidate for Liberal Republican nomination, 377; his career and character, 378; editorial attitude toward his candidacy, 381; Brown withdraws in his favor, 382, 383; nominated, 384; effect of his nomination, 384 _ff._; Godkin and Bryant refuse to support, 385; T.'s letter in favor of, 386, 387; author's view of his nomination, 389, 390; refuses Schurz's advice to decline, 391; meeting of Liberal Republicans opposed to, 391, 392; Schurz's attitude toward, 392, 393; nominated by Democrats, 394; supported by T. in the campaign, 395 _ff._; T.'s tribute to, 399; his failings laid bare, 400; caricature by Nast, 400; on the stump in Ohio, etc., 400; his tariff views, 401; his stumping tour too late, 401; overwhelmingly defeated, 402; fatal effect of defeat on, 403; and _n._; his last letter to Schurz, 403; his death, 403; reflections on his fate, 404; 86, 87, 88, 141, 307 _n._, 369.

Green, James S., Senator, 114.

Greene, Francis V., General, quoted, 227.

Greenville Academy, 5.

Gregory, S. S., 414.

Grider, Henry, Congressman, 281.

Grier, Robert C. Justice Sup. Ct., 289.

Grimes, James W., Senator, denounces impeachment, 313; censured by radicals, 313; striken with paralysis, but votes against impeachment, 325; "though pure as ice," did not escape calumny, 326; quoted, on Republican corruption, 341; his character, 341; 150, 165, 166, 168, 189, 202, 281, 287, 316, 317, 338.

Grimshaw, Jackson, quoted, 213.

Grinnell, Moses H., collector of N. Y., 364; and Leet, 367, 368.

Groesbeck, William S., of counsel for Johnson, 309; 372.

Grosvenor, William M., 352, 353, 382, 383.

Guthrie, James, Senator, 271.

Habeas corpus, authority to suspend, given to Scott, 190; discussion of power to suspend, 191, 194; case of Merryman, 194-196; writ of, denied Vallandigham, 205; suspension of, authorized in Ku-Klux bill of 1871, 356, 357.

Habeas Corpus Suspension bill, passes House, 196; reported by T. to Senate, but fails to pass, 197; T. offers substitute for, 198, which is opposed by Democrats, 199, but passes Senate, 199; in conference, combined with Stevens's indemnity bill, 199; debated, filibustered against, and passed, 200-203; characterized, 203; violated by banishment of Vallandigham, 203 _ff._; and the Milligan case, 288, 289; invoked by McCardle, 327.

Hahn, Michael, chosen governor of La., under reconstruction, 232, 233.

Hale, Eugene, Congressman, as a revenue reformer, 354.

Hale, John P., Senator, speech of, on Kansas affairs, 65; xxi, 37, 38, 102, 189, 194.

Hall's carbines, fraudulent repurchases of, 184.

Halleck, Henry W., General, G. Welles on, 226; other opinions of, 227; 212.

Halstead, Murat, 380, 381, 384.

Hamilton, Alexander, xxiii.

Hamlin, Hannibal, Vice-President, 108, 109, 112, 141.

Hancock, Winfield S., General, 422.

Hardin, John J., 10, 427.

Harding, A. C, quoted, 118.

Harlan, James, Senator, 150, 189, 320, 338, 366, 419.

Harlan, John M., Justice Sup. Ct., his dissenting opinion in Civil Rights Cases, 276, 278; 275.

Harper's Ferry, Brown's raid on, 96-100.

Harris, Ira, Senator, 176, 262, 281.

Harris, N. Dwight, _Negro Servitude in Illinois_, 29 and _n._; 30, 31; on T., 31.

Harrison, William H., Governor, favors slavery in Northwest Territory, 24.

Hartford Convention, xxiv, xxv.

Harvey, J. E., divulges purpose to send supplies to Sumter, 155 _ff._; rewarded by Seward, 155, 157; Republican senators seek his recall from Portugal, 155, 156.

Hatch, O. M., Secretary of State of Ill., 87, 213.

Hay, John, his diary, quoted, 158, 190, 227. _And see_ Nicolay and Hay.

Hayes, Rutherford B., President, disputed election of, 406, 407 _ff._; declared elected by Electoral Commission, 411.

Hayne, Robert Y., Senator, xxii _n._, xxvi, xxvii, 3.

Heath, Randolph, 42.

Hecker, Fred, quoted, 215; 38.

Henderson, John B., Senator, proposes amendment to Constitution, forbidding slavery, 223; his resolution, amended, reported by T., 224; his speech in its favor, 227; the only one of the "Traitors" whom the Republican party publicly forgave, 326; 260, 314, 316, 317, 321 _n._; 362.

Hendricks, Thomas A., Senator, 228, 258, 262, 271, 285, 301, 329, 402.

Henn, Bernhart, Congressman, 35.

Herndon, William H., quoted, 75, 80, 89, 90, 91, 92, 107, 119, 214, 429; 87, 112, 143 _n._; 426, 428.

Herold, conspirator, 289.

Hewitt, Abram S., Congressman, 408, 409.

Hickox, Virgil, 13, 19.

Hill, Adams S., 341.

Hilton, Henry, and A. T. Stewart, 336.

Hoadley, George, 372, 382.

Hoar, E. Rockwood, appointed Attorney-General, 337, 338; cause of his resignation, 350; his recommendations for vacant judgeships, 350; his nomination to Supreme Court not confirmed, and why, 350; Grant asks his resignation, 350.

Hodge, Paymaster, 362, 363, 395.

Hoffman, John T., Governor, 379.

Hogeboom, Henry, 147.

Holden, W. H., 238.

Horner, William N., quoted, on T's character, 425.

House of Representatives, Kansas-Nebraska bill in, 37; rejects Lecompton bill, 83, but passes substituted English bill, 84; passes proposed Amendment to Constitution, forbidding interference with slavery, 117; passes Confiscation bill, 175; Committee on Government Contracts of, 178 _ff._; censures Cameron, 187; passes bill concerning political prisoners, 196; passes Stevens's indemnity bill, 198; debate on 13th Amendment in, 223, 228; debate on Civil Rights bill in, 271, 272, 281; passes 14th Amendment, 282, 283; Stevens's Reconstruction bill introduced in, 284, passed by, 291, 292, and passed over veto, 293, 294; passes bill admitting Tennessee, 295; Tenure-of-Office bill in, 301, and passed by, over veto, 303; votes against impeachment (Dec., 1867), 303, 304; impeachment voted by (Feb., 1868), 309; passes 15th Amendment, 338-340; Committee of Ways and Means of, 354; Committee of inquiry into navy frauds, characterized by T., 397, 398.

Hovey, Alvin P., Governor, 288.

Howard,Jacob M., Senator, on Civil Rights bill, 269, 270; on Reconstruction Committee, 281; proposes definition of "citizens" in 14th Amendment, 282, 283; 287, 298.

Howe, Samuel G., 343.

Howe, Timothy O., Senator, his view of the impeachment, 310; and the ousting of Sumner, 345, 346; 316, 320, 323, 343, 366.

Humphrey, James, 180.

Hunt, Gaillard, xxii _n._

Hunter, David, General, at first battle of Bull Run, 165; his order freeing slaves in certain states, revoked by Lincoln, 172.

Hunter, R. M. T., Senator, 49, 116.

Hurd, H. B., 98.

Hurlbut, S. A., quoted, 74.

Hutchins, Waldo, 390.

Illinois, new constitution of, adopted in 1847, 20; slavery in, when ceded to U.S., 23; earlier occupation of, 23; opposition to slavery in, organized by Lemen, 23, 24; territorial legislature of, violates Ordinance of 1787, 24, 25; provisions of constitution of, concerning slavery, 25; pro-slavery efforts to amend constitution, 25, 26; their failure, 27; T. elected to Congress from 8th district of, 37, 38; and Seward's candidacy, 103; campaign of 1860 in, 108 _ff._; office-seekers from, in 1861, 139; status of negroes in, 243; in the Cincinnati convention (1872), 389, 390; T. nominated for governor of, and defeated, 412.

Illinois legislature, and the proposed constitutional convention, 25, 26; and the Senatorial election of 1854, 39 _ff._, 46 _n._; condemns proceedings against Chicago _Times_, 209: reëlects T. as senator, 277.

Illinois State Bank, suspension of, 13.

Illinois Supreme Court, reconstruction of, 11; number of judges of, 20; T. elected judge of, 20; T. reëlected to, and resigns, 21; decision of, in Jarrot _v._ Jarrot, 29, 30.

Immigration, and attempted legalization of slavery in Ill., 26.

Impeachment, two theories of, 312; a judicial or political process? 312.

Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, first mention of, 303; House Judiciary Committee reports in favor of, 304; House rejects resolution providing for, 304; evidence submitted to Committee on Reconstruction, 306, which refuses to recommend, 308; resolutions of, adopted by House, 309; articles of, adopted, 309-311; managers appointed, 309; trial of, 309, 312 _ff._; conduct of managers of, 312, 313; material evidence excluded, 313; divers newspapers quoted concerning, 314-317; T. files opinion in, 318, 319; vote of acquittal on 11th, 2d, and 3d articles, 320, 321; end of the trial, 321; T.'s vote on, 423.

Indemnity, Stevens's bill of passes House, 198; combined with habeas corpus bill, 199; debated, filibustered against, and passed, 200-203.

_Independent Democrat_, the, 14.

Indiana, opposed to Seward, 103; in convention of 1860, 106, 107; election of Oct., 1872, in, 402.

Inflation bill, Grant's veto of, 362.

Ingraham, Mary, T.'s second wife, 412. _And see_ Trumbull, Mary (Ingraham).

Investigation and Retrenchment, Committee on, established by Senate, 364; personnel of, 366, 367; solves Leet and Stocking scandal, 367-369; characterized by T., 395, 396.

"Irrepressible Conflict," the, existed before it was so described, xxxiv.

Iverson, Alfred, Senator, 213.

Jackson, Andrew, xxv, xxvi, 76, 103, 124.

Janney, Mr., 161.

Jarrot _v._ Jarrot, decision of Supreme Court in, abolished Slavery in Ill., 29, 30.

Jayne, Gershom, T.'s father-in-law, 15.

Jayne, Mrs. Gershom, T.'s letter to, on religion, 430, 431.

Jayne, Julia M., marries T., 15. _And see_ Trumbull, Julia (Jayne).

Jayne, William, quoted, 106, 107; 108, 109, 111, 150, 379.

Jefferson, Thomas, and slavery, xxviii, 23, 24; the proposed ordinance relating thereto (1784), xxviii, xxix and _n._; quoted, on Missouri Compromise, xxx; xxiii, xxiv.

Johnson, Andrew, popularity of, in Tenn., 214; his early radicalism and anti-Southern feeling, 236; gradual change in his attitude, 236; opposes unrestricted negro suffrage, 236, 237; adopts Lincoln's plan of reconstruction and his Cabinet, 237; executive orders of, reorganizing governments of all seceding states, 237, 238; issues amnesty proclamation, 239; Phillips makes first attack on, 239, 240; defended by N. Y. _Tribune_ and _Times_, 240, 241; his first message to Congress, written by Bancroft, 244; the message praised by N. Y. _Times_ and _Nation_, 244, 245; his early history, 245 and _n._; in Senate of U.S., 246; as public speaker and debater, 246; his speech against secession, 246; Stephens and Seward on, 246; his speech of Aug. 29, 1866, 246; attacked by Sumner, 246, 247; and Terry's order concerning vagrancy law of Va., 247; and reports of Grant and Schurz on conditions in the South, 252, 253, 254; vetoes Freedmen's Bureau bill, 260, 261, 423; vetoes Civil Rights bill, 272, 423; his veto message answered by T., 272; his course discussed, 273, 274; his combativeness, 273 and _n._, 274; majority against, in Congress, increased by elections of 1866, 277; sustained by T. until veto of Civil Rights bill, 277; signs bill readmitting Tenn., 285; "National Union Convention" of supporters of, 285, 286; his attack on Congress, and its sequel, 286; policy of, and the Milligan case, 289; and the Cabinet meeting of Jan. 8, 1867, 290; Northern view of his plan of reconstruction, 293; vetoes Reconstruction bill, 293, and divers supplementary bills, 293, 294; his power of removal aimed at by Tenure-of-Office bill, 301, 302; impeachment of, now generally condemned, 303; first mention of impeachment of, 303, 304; House rejects impeachment resolutions, 304; requests Stanton's resignation, 304, 305; suspends him and appoints Grant _ad interim_, 305; correspondence of, with Grant, submitted to committee, 306, 307; his lack of tact, 306; wishes to make up a case for Supreme Court, 307; quoted by Truman as to his Cabinet, 307 _n._; advised to let Stanton alone, but attempts to remove him, 308; names Thomas Secretary _ad interim_, 308; his action causes change in public feeling, 309; House votes to impeach, 309; his trial, 309, 312 _ff._; summary of articles, 309-311; his answer, 311; evidence of his purpose to make a case for Supreme Court not admitted, 312, 313; acquitted, 320, 321; vetoes Act of March 27, 1868, 329; T.'s vote on impeachment of, 423; 181 _n._, 229, 278.

Johnson, Reverdy, Senator, favors 13th Amendment, 227; on Civil Rights bill, 270; 247, 264, 281.

Jonas, A., quoted, 74, 79, 92.

Jones, George W., 35.

Judd, Norman B., expects seat in Lincoln's Cabinet, 148; his character, 149; favored by T., 149; interview of, with Lincoln, 149, 150; receives Prussian mission as a salve, 151, 152; quoted, as to T.'s feeling against Lincoln, 217; as to European admiration of Lincoln, 231; on other subjects, 74, 80, 91; 15, 41, 43, 45, 46 _n._, 69, 87, 93, 142.

Julian, George W., Congressman, describes scene in House on adoption of 13th Amendment, 228 and _n._; xxi.

Kansas, did Douglas intend it to be a slave state? 35, 36; affairs in, in 1855, 49 _ff._; prospect of slavery in, 49; Reeder appointed governor, 49; invaded by Missourians, 49; election of Whitfield, 49, 50; second invasion of Missourians, 50 _ff._; "Border Ruffian" legislature of, enacts Slave code, 54, 55; Shannon appointed governor, 55; Free State convention In, 55; Pres. Pierce's special message on affairs in, 55; reports of Senate Committee on Territories thereon, 55 _ff._; debate on affairs in, in Senate, 55 _ff._; T.'s letter to Turner on affairs in, 71; Walker appointed governor, 71; Constitutional Convention at Lecompton, 72; Cabinet Conspiracy concerning referendum on Lecompton Constitution, 72, 73; legislature declares for submission of the whole Constitution, 73; admission of, thereunder, recommended by Buchanan, 81; administration bill, passed by Senate, but repealed by House, 83; English bill, passed by Congress, but rejected by people, 83, 84; reign of terror in, 126; proposed suffrage amendment to Constitution of, rejected, 295.

Kansas-Nebraska bill, its original form, 33, 34; as amended, 34, 35; passed by Congress, 37; effect of passage of, on parties at the North, 37; T. organizes opposition to, in Ill., 37, 38; opposed by Lincoln, 39; and the Senatorial election in Ill., in 1854, 39 _ff._; attacked by T., 56; 125, 126, 131.

Keim, William H., 195.

Kellogg, William P., and the governorship of La., 404, 405, 406, 408; 410, 411.

Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, xxiii.

King, Preston, Senator, 122.

King, Rufus, xxii _n._

Koerner, Gustave, quoted, 103, 118, 212, 213; interview of, with Lincoln, 149, 150; and the Russian mission, 151, 152; appointed Minister to Spain, 152; T. writes to, on impeachment, 323; his death and funeral, 418; 29, 30, 37, 88, 379.

Ku-Klux bill, held unconstitutional by Supreme Court, 275, 358; 424.

Ku-Klux-Klan, in Georgia, 298, 300; Grant's special message on, 356; Congress passes bill relating to, 356, which is opposed by T. and Schurz, 356, 357, 358.

Labor laws enacted by seceding states during reconstruction, 242; brought before Congress, 247; character of, 247.

Lambert, W. H., 110 _n._

Lane, Henry S., Senator, 106, 166.

Lane, James H., Senator, 53, 101 _n._

Larned, E. C, T.'s letters to, on compromise, 113, 114.

Lea, M. Carey, letter of, to T., on Frémont emancipation episode, 170, and T.'s reply, 171, 172.

Lecompton constitution, slavery clause of, alone to be submitted to people, 72, 73; declared valid by Buchanan, 76; condemned by T., 76, 77; admission of Kansas under, urged by Buchanan, 81; disappears with rejection of English bill by the people, 83.

Lee, S. Phillips, 169.

Leet and Stocking scandal, 364 _ff._; Senate orders inquiry into, 355-367; solution of, 367-369.

Lemen, Rev. James, organizes opposition to slavery in Northwest Terr., 23, 24.

Lewis, B., quoted, 107.

Lewis, John F., 161.

Liberal Republican movement (1872) started in Mo., 351; progress of, 351 _ff._; Schurz a leader in, 352; revenue reform an element in, 352, 353; how viewed by Grant and his friends, 355; shortcomings of Grant's administration the main cause of, 361. _And see_ Cincinnati, Convention at.

Liberal Republicans, demand universal Amnesty with impartial suffrage, 356; call for national Convention of, 372, which meets at Cincinnati, 374 _ff._; leading candidates for presidency among, 377; division among, after Greeley's nomination, 385 _ff._; meeting of dissentients, 391, 392. _And see_ Missouri.

_Liberator_, the, established by Garrison (1831), xxxi; attempts to suppress, xxxii.

Lincoln, Abraham, in Ill. legislature of 1840, 10; his marriage, 15; and the Kansas-Nebraska bill, 37; and the Senatorial election of 1854, 39, 43 _ff._; effect of repeal of Missouri Compromise on, 39; his speech at Peoria in reply to Douglas, 39, 40 and _n._; defeated by T., 45, 46 _n._; letter of, to Washburne, on the result, 45, 46; possible results of his election, 47; urges T. to attend first Republican national convention, 69; receives votes for Vice-President, 69; writes T. on the ticket, 69, 70; on Douglas's attitude on Lecompton, 74; on Republican praise of Douglas, 87; Palmer on candidacy of, for Senate, 88; campaign of, for senatorship (1858), 89 _ff._; on Buchanan Democrats, 90; on prospects for 1860, 92; his relations with T., 93; his debate with Douglas at Freeport, 94 _n._; commends T.'s speech on John Brown raid, 100; on Delahay's candidacy for Senate, 100, 101 _n._; his status in 1860, 102; a possible candidate for Republican nomination, 102 _ff._; on the various candidates, 104, 105; his radicalism, 105; nominated, 106; comments of Illinoisans on his candidacy, 106, 107; on Republican prospects, 108; his vote in Ill., 109; and the ratification at Springfield, 109, 110; on South Carolina's attitude, 110, 111; opposed to compromise on extension of slavery, 111; proposes resolutions on slavery, etc., 112; on rumors of Buchanan's purpose to surrender forts, 112, 113; his Cooper Institute speech, 115; and the office-seekers, 139; the making of his Cabinet, 139 _ff._; and Seward, 139-141; offers State Department to Seward, 141; the Cameron affair, 142 _ff._; his instructions against pre-convention contracts, 142; Davis's influence over, 143 and _n._; promises Cameron a portfolio, 144; anti-Cameron appeal to, by McClure and T., 144, 145; his reply to T., 145; tries to buy Cameron off, 145, 146; T.'s further remonstrance to, 146, 147; and Judd, 148, 149; interview with Koerner, 149, 150; and the Harvey dispatch to Gov. Pickens, 155 _ff._; makes Harvey Minister to Portugal, 155, 157, 158; his previous consent to evacuate Sumter, to prevent secession of Va., 158 _ff._; his interviews with Baldwin and Botts, 159, 160, 161; absurdity of Dabney's account, 162; revokes Frémont's emancipation order, 169; effect of his action, 169; letters of Lea and T. on the crisis, 170-172; T.'s view of his character, 171; suppresses Cameron's pro-emancipation report, 172 and _n._; revokes Hunter's order, 172; proposes to veto T.'s Confiscation bill, 176; his objections removed by resolution, 175, 176; orders Wallace to desist from confiscation, 177; and Cameron, 185; nominates Cameron as minister to Russia, 186; assumes responsibility in Cummings affair, 187; authorizes Scott to suspend habeas corpus, 190; his action approved, 191; transfers authority to Stanton, 197; proclaims martial law as to certain classes, 200; issues Emancipation Proclamation, 200; commutes Vallandigham's sentence to banishment, 204; replies to protest of Northern Democrats, 205; his only evasion, 205; revokes Burnside's order suppressing Chicago _Times_, 207, 208; criticized by N. Y. _Tribune_, 309 _n._; and certain dispatches of Seward to Adams, 210 _ff._; requested to demand Seward's resignation, 211; his comment, 212; and Delahay, 214; Palmer on his prospect of renomination, 214, 215, 216; first evidence of personal difference between T. and, 217, 218; T.'s opinion of his administration, 218; feeling in Congress adverse to his reëlection, 218, 219; denounced by Wilson, 219; basis of opposition to, 219; renominated, but fears defeat, 219; requests Blair's resignation, and why, 220 and _n._; T. favors his reëlection, 220, 221; reëlected by favor of Union victories, 221; and Halleck, 226; his death, 231; European opinion of, 231; his view of status of seceding states embodied in proclamation of Dec. 8, 1863, 232; letter of, to Gov. Hahn of La., 233; his address of Apr. 11, 1865, on reconstruction, 234, 235; his plan adopted by Johnson, 237; had his life been spared, 286; his plan of reconstruction definitely abandoned, 291; T.'s estimate of his character and career, 430; xxi, 65, 67, 240, 245, 246, 423.

Lincoln, Mary (Todd), 42, 46.

Lloyd, Henry D., 414, 417.

Lodge, H. C, Senator, _Daniel Webster_, xxii _n._, xxv _n._

Logan, John A., General and Senator, 75, 277, 304, 309, 339, 344, 363, 409.

Logan, Stephen T., 43, 44, 142, 220.

Louisiana, election in, under Lincoln's reconstruction order, 232; Hahn chosen governor, 232, 233; constitutional convention in, 233; U. S. Senators chosen under new free constitution, 233; resolutions recognizing new government of, defeated by Sumner, 233, 234; contested election of 1872 in, 404, 405; Senatorial investigation thereof, 405; disputed returns from, in 1876, 408 _ff._

Louisiana purchase, Federalist opposition to, xxiii, xxiv.

Louisville _Courier-Journal_, interview with T. in, 369, 370; 372.

Lovejoy, Rev. Elijah P., murder of, described by T., 8-10; its effect on Abolition movement, 10; xxxiii.

Lovejoy, Rev. Owen, Congressman, 43.

Lundy, Benjamin, xxxi.

McCardle, William H., arrest and imprisonment of, 327; remanded on habeas corpus, 327; appeals, 327; T. appears against in Supreme Court, 327, 328; his appeal dismissed, under Act of March, 1868, 329, 330; T.'s connection with case of, criticized, 330, 331.

McClellan, George B., General, inaction of, 169; 171, 172, 219.

McClernand, John A., 10, 11, 427.

McClure, A. K., his _Lincoln and Men of War-Time_, quoted, 143; opposes Cameron's appointment, 144; 374.

McClurg, Joseph, 352.

McCulloch, Hugh, Secretary of Treasury, opinion of, on question of territorializing states, 290.

McDougall, James A., Senator, 166, 228, 285.

McDowell, Irwin, General, at first Bull Run, 165, 167.

McEnery, John, and the governorship of La., 404, 405.

McLean, John, Justice Sup. Ct., candidate for Republican nomination (1860), 103; shakes his fist in Buchanan's face, 122, 123; 69, 104, 105.

McLean, Mrs. John, 121.

McPike. H. G., quoted, 107, 118; T.'s letter to, on Lincoln's reëlection, 218.

Madison, James, xxii _n._, xxxi.

Magruder, Allan B., 161, 162.

Magruder, Benj. D., Chief Justice of Ill., quoted, 21, 22.

Mails, irregularity of, in early 19th century, 7.

Malaria, Trumbull family afflicted by, 19.

Managers of impeachment, overmatched by defendant's counsel, 309; their conduct of the trial, 312, 313; bring pressure to bear on Senators, 313.

Mann, A., Jr., 140, 141.

Marble, Manton, quoted, 373.

Mason, James M., Senator, threatens dissolution of Union, 70, 71; moves for committee of inquiry into John Brown raid, 98; 53, 116, 134, 349 and _n._

Massachusetts, slavery in, xxvii.

Massachusetts legislature, Anti-Embargo resolutions of, xxiv.

Mather, Rev. Richard, 2.

Matteson, Joel A., Governor, 43, 44, 46 and _n._, 60.

Matteson, O. B., 179.

Matthews, Stanley, Justice of Sup. Ct., 275, 372.

Maynard, Horace, Congressman, quoted, 293.

Medill, Joseph, quoted, on T.'s character and possible future, 424, 425.

Meigs, Montgomery C, Q.-M. Gen., 185.

Merryman, John, summary arrest of, 194-196.

Methodist Church, the, and the impeachment trial, 317.

Miles, Nelson A., General, 167.

Military commission, trial of civilians by, divided opinion of Supreme Court on, in Milligan case, 289.

Miller, Samuel F., Justice Sup. Ct., 275, 289, 409.

Milligan case, decided by majority of Supreme Court, 288, 289; grounds of decision, 288, 289, and its consequences, 289; radicals angered by, 289, 290; 327.

Minnesota, proposed suffrage amendment to constitution of, repealed, 295.

Mississippi, order for reconstruction of, 238; fails to adopt new constitution promptly, 295; new conditions imposed on, 296.

Missouri, admission of, xxix, xxx, during the war, 351; continued political warfare in, after the war, 351; state constitution of 1865, 351; division in Republican party of, results in Schurz's election as senator, 351, 352; success of Liberal republican movement in, 352; liberal movement in, how viewed by Grant, 355; state convention of Liberal Republicans of, adopts platform and calls national Convention, 372; its platform defended by T., 376; vote of, in Cincinnati convention, 383.

Missouri Compromise, history of, xxx; repeal of, causes T.'s return to politics, 32; not repealed by original Nebraska bill, 34; Dixon amendment for repeal of, adopted by Douglas, 34; repeal of, and Lincoln, 39; meaning of "forever" in, 62, 63 _n._; repeal of, 125, 126; and the Crittenden Compromise, 131.

_Missouri Democrat_, the, 142, 352.

Missourians, and Kansas, 35; invade Kansas, 49; threaten Gov. Reeder, 50, 51; Atchison's advice to, 52; in Kansas, 56, 57, 58, 65.

Monroe, James, President, 103.

Moran, Thomas A., Judge, on T.'s public services, 419.

Morgan, Edwin D., Governor, 178, 261, 265, 314, 321.

Morrill, Justin S., Congressman, 168, 281.

Morrill, Lot N., Senator, 263.

Morrison, J. L. D., 41.

Morton, Oliver P., Senator, 298, 307 _n._, 339, 346, 355, 363, 371, 376, 405, 406 and _n._

Motley, J. Lothrop, minister to England, removed, 347, 348.

Moultrie, Fort, 129.

Murphy, Thomas, appointed collector of N. Y., 362, 363; and the Leet and Stocking case, 365, 368; 371.

_Nation_, the, praises Johnson's first message, 244, 245; quoted, on T. and the Georgia bill, 299, 300; on Republican abuse of the "Seven traitors," 316, 317; on conference of revenue reformers, 353, 354; on Liberal Republican movement, 355, 356; on Leet and Stocking case, 368, 369; on opposition to Grant, 370, 371; on Cooper Union meeting, 376, 377; on Schurz's attitude toward Greeley, 392; and the defeat of Greeley, 404; 273, 372.

National Union Convention of Johnson men, 285, 286, 323.

Nationalism, and the Constitution, xxvi, xxvii.

Nebraska, bill to organize territory of, reported by Douglas, 33, 34. _And see_ Anti-Nebraska Democrats, and Kansas-Nebraska bill.

Negro suffrage, omitted from new constitution of La., 233; Garrison opposes imposition of, in the South, 235; Pres. Johnson opposed to, 236, 237; vote of Johnson's Cabinet on, as applying to provisional governments, 238; not included in executive orders, 238, 239; W. Phillips's views on, 239, 240, traversed by N. Y. _Tribune_, 240, and _Times_, 240, 241; in Northern States in 1866, 243; question of, not acute in early 1866, 261; Howard argues against, 287; made a permanent condition of reconstruction, 292 and _n._; Northern opinion concerning, 293; in Republican convention of 1868, 332, 333; finally embodied in 15th Amendment, 338-340.

Negroes, T. appears for in attempts to regain freedom, 28 _ff._; right of, to bring actions in U. S. courts, 64; condition of, in South, under reconstruction, 241-243; status of, in Northern states, in 1866, 243; debate on granting civil rights to, 265 _ff._

Nelson, Samuel, Justice Sup. Ct, 289.

Nelson, Thomas A.R., of counsel for Johnson, 309.

Nesmith, James W., Senator, 261, 285.

New England, why opposed to Louisiana Purchase, xxiii, xxiv.

New England Emigrant Aid Co., attacked by Douglas, 35; blamed by Pierce and Douglas for disorders in Kansas, 26 _ff._; defended by T., 58, 59.

New Jersey, opposed to Seward, 103; legislature of, elects Stockton Senator, 262; validity of his election challenged, 262-265.

New York, "compromisers" from, 122; and the 15th Amendment, 340; majority against Greeley in, 402.

New York _Evening Post_, quoted, on exclusion of negroes from suffrage, 239; on the impeachment trial, 314, 315; 91, 372, 375.

New York Free Trade League, 353.

New York _Herald_, quoted, on Cincinnati convention, 390; 50, 378.

New York Republicans oppose Seward's inclusion in Lincoln's Cabinet, 139 _ff._; T.'s Interview with, 140, 141.

New York _Times_, quoted, on T.'s debate with Douglas, 66; on Seward's dispatch to Adams, 211; on Johnson's first message, 244.

New York _Tribune_, quoted, in T.'s debate with Douglas, 66; praises Douglas, 87; and the Vallandigham case, 205, 206, 209 _n._; on Lincoln's revocation of order suppressing Chicago _Times_, 209 _n._; defends Johnson against Phillips, 240; 91, 92, 239, 314, 315, 372.

New York _World_, circulation of, in Burnside's department, forbidden by him, 206; 373.

Newman, Professor, 235.

Nicholson letter, on squatter sovereignty, 94.

Nicolay, John G., quoted, 75.

Nicolay (John G.) and Hay (John), _Abraham Lincoln_, on Lincoln's offer to evacuate Sumter, 159; on Cameron's leaving the Cabinet, 185, 186; quoted, 143, 162, 220.

Niles, Nathaniel, 30.

North, the, took up arms to preserve the Union, xxi, xxii; slavery in, xxviii.

North Carolina, attempt at reconstruction in, 238; qualifications of electors in, 238; election of August, 1872, in, 399, 400.

Northern States, negro suffrage in, 243.

Northern view of reconstruction, 293.

Northwest, the, its claim to consideration, 132, 133.

Northwestern Territory, slavery in, before 1787, 23, 24; provisions of Ordinance of 1787, concerning slavery in, 24; main source of immigration to, 24.

Norton, Daniel S., Senator, his vote against impeachment, 323; 261, 285, 313.

Nourse, George A., 68.

Noyes, William C., 140, 141.

Nullification, in South Carolina, xxv, xxvi; in Mass. (1885), xxvi.

Nye, James W., Senator, 360.

O'Conor, Charles, nominated for Pres. by dissentient Democrats (1872), but declines, 394.

Ogden, William B., 207.

Oglesby, Richard J., General, succeeds T. in Senate, 407; 277.

Ohio, in convention of 1860, 107; proposed suffrage amendment to constitution of, rejected, 295; and the 15th Amendment, 340; and the call for a Liberal Republican convention, 372; election of Oct., 1872, in, 402.

"Old Public Functionary" (Buchanan), 122.

Opdycke, George, 147, 178.

Ord, Edward O. C., General, orders arrest of McCardle, 327.

Ordinance of 1787, provisions of, concerning slavery, 24; violated by territorial legislature of Ill., 24, 25; attempts to repeal 6th article of, 25; kept slavery out of Ill., 28.; and the 13th Amendment, 224.

Osgood, Uri (Illinois senate), 41, 42, 43.

Otis, Harrison G., Mayor of Boston, and the _Liberator_, xxxii.

Owen, Robert Dale, principal author of 14th Amendment, 282.

Palmer, John M., General, on Republican alliance with Douglas, 87, 88; on Lincoln's prospect of renomination, 214, 215, 216; on Grant's character and future, 216; on Liberal Republican movement, 377; 21, 41, 43, 45, 46 _n._, 93, 109, 277, 373, 419.

Parker, Rev. Theodore, 78.

Parks, Sam C., quoted, 46 _n._, 75, 119.

Particularism, and the Constitution, xxvi.

Patterson, James W., Senator, 343, 362, 363, 364, 367, 371.

Payne, conspirator, 289.

Pearce, James A., Senator, 194.

Peck, Ebenezer, quoted, 74, 80, 119, 147, 148; 13, 87, 150, 427, 431.

Peck, Rev. John M., 27, 28.

Peirpoint, Francis M., recognized as Governor of Va., under reconstruction, 237; 161.

Pendleton, George H., Congressman, and the "Greenback" movement, 324.

Pennsylvania, opposed to Seward, 103; in convention of 1860, 106, 107; in Liberal Republican movement, 374; election of Oct. 1872, in, 402.

People's party, issues T's speech at Chicago as campaign document, 415; T. draws resolutions for meeting of, 415-417.

Philadelphia, National Union Convention at, 285, 286.

Phillips, D. L., quoted, 75, 89; 213.

Phillips, Wendell, opposes reëlection of Lincoln, 220; savagely attacks Johnson, 239, 240; reproved by N. Y. _Tribune_, 240, and _Times_, 240, 241; 388.

Piatt, Donn, _Memories of Men who saved the Union_, quoted, 222.

Pickens, Francis W., Governor, 121, 155, 156, 157, 158. _And see_ Harvey.

Pierce, Edward L., _Life of Sumner_, quoted, 292 _n._, 347 _n._; 66.

Pierce, Franklin, President, makes Reeder Governor of Kansas, 49; removes Reeder and appoints Shannon, 55; his special message on Kansas affairs, 55; xxi, 37, 52, 54, 65, 73, 83, 246.

Poland, Luke D., Senator, 262, 304.

Pomeroy, Samuel C., Senator, 202, 203.

Poore, Ben: Perley, 342.

"Popular sovereignty," 39.

Porter, Horace, General, 366.

Postage in early 19th century, 7, 20.

Pottawatomie massacre, the, 97.

Powell, Lazarus W., Senator, opposes habeas corpus suspension bill, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202; 116.

Protection, meaning of, in 1871, 354.

Pullman Co., strike of employees of, 413-415.

Randall, Alexander W., Postmaster General, 285.

Randall, J. G., 174 and _n._

Randolph, John, of Roanoke, and article 6 of Ordinance of 1787, 25; xxxi.

Raum, Green B., quoted, 67 and _n._

Rawlins, John A., General, appointed Secretary of War, 337; 330.

Ray, C. H., quoted, 74, 75, 87, 148, 243, 261; 79, 80, 151.

Ray, P. Ormon, Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 37 _n._

Raymond, Henry J., Congressman, 272.

Read, John M., 108.

Reconstruction, Lincoln's plan of, set forth in proclamation of Dec. 8, 1863, 232; the La. attempt at, 233, 234; Lincoln's address on, Apr. 11, 1865, 235; his plan endorsed by Garrison, 235, 236, and adopted by Johnson, 237; in Va., 237; in Tenn., 237, 238; in Ark., 238; in No. Carolina, and other seceding states, 238; Shaffer and Ray on conditions in those States under, 242, 243; the _Nation_ on Johnson's plan of, 244, 245; Lincoln's plan of, definitely abandoned, 291; supplementary measure of, passed by Congress, vetoed, and passed over veto, 294; drastic provisions of, 294; further measures of, passed over vetoes, 295; a failure, 341; change in T.'s course on, 423, 424.

Reconstruction, House Committee on, inquires into suspension of Stanton, 306; refuses to recommend impeachment, 308.

Reconstruction, Joint Committee on, members of, 281; amendment to Constitution proposed to, by Bingham and Stevens, 282; reports 14th Amendment, 283, 284.

Reconstruction bill (Stevens's) establishing military government in South, 291, 292; amended by provision for negro suffrage, 292; passed by Congress, vetoed, and passed over veto, 293, 294.

Reeder, Andrew H., appointed Governor of Kansas, 49; confirms elections of Whitfield as Delegate to Congress, 49, 50; and the Missourian invaders, 50, 51, 53, 54; removed by Pierce, 55; 56, 59, 63, 108, 150.

Religion, T.'s views on, 430, 431.

Republican National Convention (_1856_), 69; (_1860_), nominates Lincoln, 105, 106; (_1868_) on negro suffrage, 332, 333; its negro-suffrage plank too brazen to be long maintained, 338; (_1872_), nominates Grant and Wilson, 393; platform of, 394.

Republican party, first national convention of, 69, 70; rumored alliance of Douglas with, 78-80; still inchoate in 1860, 102; candidate for presidential nomination of, in 1860, 102 _ff._; T.'s views concerning, 103, 104; T.'s view of duty of, in 1861, 113, 114; T.'s position in, in campaign of 1866, 273; control of, shifted to radical wing by veto of Civil Rights bill, 277; power of that wing of, increased by refusal of South to ratify 14th Amendment, 287; lead of, in Congress, assumed by Sumner and Stevens, 291; definitely abandons Lincoln's plan of reconstruction, 291; generally adopts Sumner's view of impeachment, 312; treatment of "traitor" Senators by, 322-326; Henderson alone forgiven, 326; corruption in, in 1870, 341 _ff._; division in, in Mo., 351 _ff._; both sections of, in Mo., adopt "Anti-tariff" resolution, 352; defeated in Congressional elections of 1874, 408; T.'s separation from, 420.

Republicans of the first period, xxiii.

Republicans, Eastern, favor Douglas's re-election to Senate, 86; and the Lincoln-Douglas campaign, 91, 92; in Ill., distrust Douglas, 86, and prefer Lincoln for Senator, 86; those opposed to Lincoln, nominate Frémont and Cochrane (1864), 219, 220.

Retrenchment, Joint Committee on, report of, 362, 363; and the Leet and Stocking case, 364 _ff._

Revenue reform, an element in Liberal Republican movement, 352, 353; conference of advocates of, 353, 354; in the Cincinnati convention, 381, 382.

Reynolds, John, Governor, and the pro-slavery attempt to amend the constitution of Ill., 26; quoted, 28; 6 _n._, 11, 38.

Rhode Island, opposed to Seward, 103.

Rhodes, James F., _History of the U. S._, quoted on "anti-impeachment" Senators, 322; on La. returning board, 408; cited, 406 _n._

Richardson, William A., Senator, 10, 197, 201, 427.

Riddle, A. G., _Recollections of War-Time_, quoted, 228 _n._; 219.

Robbins, Henry S., T.'s partner, 407; quoted, on T.'s character, 425.

Robertson, Thomas J., 359.

Robeson, George M., appointed Secretary of the Navy, 337; action in the Secor case, 396, 397, 398.

Ross, Edmund G., Senator, immortalized by his vote against impeachment, 322; his later years, and death in poverty, 322; 299, 314, 317.

Russia, Cameron appointed Minister to, 186, 187-189.

San Domingo treaty, opposed by Sumner, 342, 343; Wade commission, 343, and its report, 386; attempt to secure ratification of, 360.

Sands, Mahlon D., convokes conference of revenue reformers, 353.

Saulsbury, Willard, Senator, 201, 228, 249, 250, 267, 268, 272.

Scates, Walter B., Judge, quoted, 213; 21, 375.

Schenck, Robert C., Congressman, 165, 166, 167.

Schurz, Carl, Senator, report of, in his Southern tour, 253-255; his report has great influence, 254; his later doubts as to his conclusions, 254 _n._; succeeds Henderson in Senate, 351, 352; a leader in Liberal Republican movement, 352; opposes Ku-Klux-Klan bill, 356, 358; his speech a masterpiece, 358; on Leet and Stocking case, 365, 366; chairman of Cincinnati Convention, 383; his view of nomination, 384, 385; how connected with course of Blair and Brown, 385 and _n._; his attitude toward Greeley's candidacy, 391, 392; urges him to decline, 391; Godkin and Godwin remonstrate with, 392, 393; in the campaign, 399; Greeley's farewell letter to, 403; 107, 189, 343, 344, 353, 359, 363, 369, 371, 373, 377, 378, 389, 402.

Scott, Dred, not consciously a party to suit brought in his name, 82, 83. _And see_ Dred Scott case.

Scott, Thomas A., censured by House Committee, 184, 185; 172 _n._, 186.

Scott, Winfield, General, has authority from Lincoln to suspend habeas corpus, 190; 121, 122, 128, 171.

Scripps, John L., 87.

Secession movement, history of, 125 _ff._

Secors, the, and the Navy Dep't, 397, 398.

Senate of U. S., debates Kansas-Nebraska bill, 34, and passes it, 37; T. takes his seat in, 48; debates on affairs in Kansas in, 55 _ff._, 63, 64, 65, 76 _ff._, 81, 82, 83; passes Lecompton bill, 83, and substituted English bill, 84; debate on popular sovereignty in, 94; debate on Davis's anti-Douglas resolutions in, 95, 96, and on John Brown raid, 98-100; J. Davis's last speeches in, 110, 114, 115; debates Crittenden Compromise, 115-117, and rejects it, 117; passes proposed amendment to constitution forbidding interference with slavery, 117; Douglas's death announced to, by T., 152, 153; struggle in, over confirmation of Cameron as Minister to Russia, 187-189; debate in, on arbitrary arrests, 190 _ff._; passes bill concerning political prisoners, 197; debates habeas corpus suspension bill, 198 _ff._; Democratic filibuster thereon, 200-203; debates 13th Amendment, 223 _ff._; debates Louisiana bill, 233, 234; Sumner's attack on Johnson in, 246, 247; debate on Wilson bill in, 247-250; calls for Schurz's report on Southern affairs, 253; debates Freedmen's Bureau bill, 258-260, but fails to pass it over veto, 261; Stockton election contest in, 261-265; debates Civil Rights bill, 265-270, and passes it over veto, 272; passes 14th Amendment, 283; passes bill admitting Texas, 284; amendment looking to negro suffrage offered in, 287; adopts Sumner's negro-suffrage amendment to Reconstruction bill, 292, and passes bill over veto, 293, 294; pass bills readmitting divers States, 296, 297; debates Georgia bill, 298, 299; debates Tenure-of-Office bill, 301, 302, and passes it over veto, 303; non-concurs in removal of Stanton, 305, 306; trial of Johnson impeachment in, 309-314, 318-320; acquits him on three counts, 320, 321; debate on T.'s connection with McCardle case, 331, 332; debates and passes 15th Amendment, 338-340; debate in, on ousting Sumner from Foreign Affairs Committee, 343 _ff._; debates Ku-Klux-Klan bill, 356-358, and Amnesty bill, 359, 360, and Hodge resolution, 362-364; orders inquiry into Leet and Stocking scandal, 365, 366; discusses make-up of committee, 366, 367; T.'s speech on Mo. convention of 1872, 376; Sumner's anti-Grant speech in, 387, 388; orders investigation of La. election, 405; T.'s last speech in, 405.

Seward, William H., speech of, on Kansas affairs, 64; the "logical candidate" in 1860, 102; opposition to nomination of, 102, 103; too radical for some states, 103; T. and Lincoln on candidacy of, 103, 104, 105; his inclusion in Cabinet opposed, 139 _ff._; State Dep't. offered to, 141; and Cameron's appointment, 143; and the Harvey despatch to Gov. Pickens, 155 _ff._; and Harvey's appointment to Portugal, 155, 157; his assurance to Confederate envoys as to evacuation of Sumter, 156; his purpose, to defeat relief of Sumter, 157; had induced Lincoln to agree to evacuation to prevent secession of Va., 158; sends Magruder to Va. convention, 161; and Douglas, in April, 1861, 163, 164; his aims patriotic but futile, 164; assumes power to order arbitrary arrests, 190 _ff._; his dispatches of Apr. 1861, and July, 1862, to Adams, 210 _ff._; his attitude toward Lincoln's war policy, 210; unjustly blamed for non-success of Union arms, 210, 211, 212; committee of Republican Senators urge Lincoln to demand his resignation, 211; Lincoln's comment thereon, 212; on real date of emancipation, 222; his construction of 13th Amendment confirmed by Supreme Court, 229; on Johnson as a speaker, 246; opinion of, on matter of territorializing States, 290; prepares Johnson's veto message of Tenure-of-Office bill, 303; 48, 79, 82, 84, 86, 88, 106, 107, 108, 112, 116, 118, 119, 145, 146, 147, 150, 151, 170, 172, 181 _n._, 182, 197, 238, 307, 430.

Seymour, Horatio, elected Governor of N. Y., 197; Democratic nominee for Pres. (1868), 333; 355.

Shaffer, J. W., quoted, on conditions in seceding states, 242, 243.

Shannon, Wilson, succeeds Reeder as Governor of Kansas Terr., 55.

Sheahan, James W., 79.

Sheridan, P. H., General, 221.

Sherman, John, Senator, on Tenure-of-Office bill, 301, 302, 303; his view of impeachment, 309, 310; and evidence of Johnson's intent, 313; on Sumner and the Foreign Affairs Committee, 344, 345; on Caucus secrets, 345, 346; 102, 248, 249, 292, 316, 320, 363, 371, 409.

Sherman, William T., General, quoted, on conditions in La. (1859), xxxv, 165, 166, 221, 257, 308.

Shields, James, Senator, 39, 43.

Shiloh, battle of, 334.

Simpson, Matthew, Methodist bishop, and the impeachment trial, 317, 320.

Slave trade, extension of, deemed a vital necessity in the South, xxxiv.

Slavery, how involved in the War, xxi, xxii; history of, in the U. S., xxvii _ff._; change in Southern view of, xxxii, xxxiii; in Ill., early history of, 23 _ff._; provisions of Ordinance of 1787 concerning, violated by legislature, 25; prohibited by State Constitution, 25; attempts to perpetuate in Ill., 28-30; and the Kansas-Nebraska bill, 34 _ff._; in Lecompton Constitution, 72, 76; Douglas's attitude toward, 78, 86; in territories, doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, 94 and _n._, 95; resolutions concerning, proposed by Lincoln, 112; proposed Amendment to Constitution forbidding interference with, passes both Houses, 117; T.'s review of question of, 124 _ff._; T.'s view of effect of 13th Amendment on, 249, 250, 251, 258, 259, 260. _And see_ Constitution (Amendment XIII), and Squatter Sovereignty.

Slaves, premature attempts to emancipate, by Frémont, 169, 170, Cameron, 172, Hunter, 172; T.'s confiscation bill, 173 _ff._, the first step toward full emancipation, 176.

Slidell, John, 80, 349, and _n._

Smith, Caleb, Secretary of the Interior, 142, 148, 149, 151, 429.

South, the, and the right of Secession, xxx; and the Missouri Compromise, xxx; condition of, in second quarter of 19th century, xxxii, xxxiii; changing view of slavery in, xxxii, and of the slave trade, xxxiv.

South Carolina, and Nullification, xxv, xxvi; attitude of, in 1861, 110; forts in, Lincoln's attitude concerning, 112, 113; and the 13th Amendment, 229; disputed returns from (1876), 408.

Southern States. _See_ States seceding.

Spaulding, Rufus P., Congressman, moves for inquiry into suspension of Stanton, 306; 304.

Spencer, Charles S., threatens T. for his attitude on impeachment, 315.

Spoils system, T. on iniquities of, 349.

Springfield (Ill.) _Journal_, 142.

Springfield (Mass.) _Republican_, 372.

_Squatter Sovereign_, the, quoted, 51.

Squatter Sovereignty, doctrine of, reaffirmed by Douglas, 94; denied by Jefferson Davis, 94.

Stallo, J. G., 373.

Stanbery, Henry, Attorney-General, opinion of, on question of territorializing states, 290, 291; of counsel for Johnson, 309; 327.

Stanton, Edwin M., Secretary of War, and arbitrary arrests, 197; general jail delivery by, 198; opinion of, on question of territorializing states, 290, 291; and the Cabinet section of Tenure-of-Office bill, 302; advises veto, and assists Seward in preparing veto message, 303; declines to resign as Secretary of War, 305; suspended, 305; denies power of Pres. to suspend him, 305; surrenders office to Grant, 305; resumes office, after Senate's action, 306; his embarrassing position, 308; Johnson attempts to remove, 308; refuses to turn over office to Thomas, 308; change in popular feeling concerning, 308, 309; attempted removal of, basis of first 8 articles of impeachment, 309, 310; claims to be protected by Tenure-of-Office Act, 310; evidence of his advice to Johnson as to that act, excluded, 313; articles based on removal of, not voted on, 320; relinquishes office, 321; his conduct condemned, 321; 177, 186, 189, 237, 318, 319, 330, 430.

Stanton, F. P., acting Governor of Kansas, removed by Buchanan, 73.

_State Register_, the, 13, 14.

State sovereignty, xxii, xxv.

States, admitted in pairs, xxix.

States, seceding, opposing views as to status of, 231, 232; Sumner and Stevens against Lincoln, 231, 232; reconstruction of, mapped out before 39th Congress met, 237, 238; witches' caldron in, under reconstruction, 241; labor problem in, 241, 242; new labor laws of, 242, and their effect in the North, 242; Shaffer quoted on conditions in, 242, 243; reports of Grant and Schurz on conditions in, 252-254; Committee on Reconstruction on status of, 284; Stevens reports bill to restore political rights of, 284, 285; except Tenn., refuse to ratify 14th Amendment, 287; cause and consequence of their refusal, 287; Stevens's bill to make military authority supreme in, 291, 292; constitutions adopted by, in 1868, 295, 296.

Stephens, Alex. H., on Johnson's speech against secession, 246.

Stetson, Francis L., letter of, to author, 40 _n._

Stevens, Simon, 184.

Stevens, Thaddeus, his bill of indemnity for arbitrary arrests, 198; his views of status of seceding states, 231; on Reconstruction Committee, 271; proposes amendments to Constitution, 282; reports bill to restore political rights of states, 284; his bill making military authority supreme in the South, 291, 292; author of 11th article of impeachment, 311; 184, 260, 278, 287, 304, 306, 308, 309.

Stewart, Alex. T., nominated by Grant as Secretary of Treasury, 335, and why, 335, 336; ineligible, 336; on the "general order" system, 365.

Stewart, William M., Senator, 261, 262, 264, 265, 298, 339, 366.

Stockton, John P., elected Senator from N. J., 261, 262; his election contested, 262-265; unseated for partisan reasons, 265.

Storey, Wilbur F., and the Chicago _Times_, 206-208.

Stoughton, E. W., 411.

Stringfellow, J. H., quoted, 54.

Strong, Moses M., 208.

Stuart, John T., 32.

Sturtevant, J. M., quoted, 118.

Suffrage, in seceding states, restriction of, 294.

Summers, George W., 158, 159, 161, 162.

Sumner, Charles, his speech on Kansas affairs, 64; Brooks's assault on, 65; quoted, in T.'s debate with Douglas, 66; and Cameron, 188, 189; his view of status of seceding states, 231; opposes recognition of new state government of La., 233, and defeats it, 234; attacks Johnson, 246, 247; and the 14th Amendment, 283; secures adoption of negro suffrage as permanent element of reconstruction, 292 and _n._; Northern views concerning, 293; dispute with T. on Va. bill, 297; T. opposes ousting of, from Foreign affairs Committee, 297, 344, 420; his theory of impeachment, 312; and Stanton, 321; and the San Domingo treaty, 342; charged with bad faith by Grant, 342, 343; deposed as Chairman of Foreign affairs committee, 343-347; Sherman's advice to, 345; interview of author with, 347; on attitude of Anthony, 347; Motley's removal a blow at, 347; moves his Equal Rights bill as amendment to Amnesty bill, 360; and Grant's administration, 361; his speech against Grant, 387, 388; his attitude toward Greeley's nomination, 388; chastised by Garrison, 388; 79, 102, 211, 228 _n._, 236, 260, 264, 278, 285, 287, 291, 298, 313, 363, 366, 367, 370, 371, 378, 385 _n._, 423, 424.

Sumter, Fort, J. Davis's views concerning, 110; Buchanan's reported purpose to surrender, 112, 113; effect on Douglas of attack on, 115; Harvey divulges plans to send supplies to, 155_ ff._; Seward determined to prevent relief of, 156, 157; Lincoln's earlier promise to evacuate, 158 _ff._; attack on, aroused forces that finally destroyed slavery, 164; attack on, and emancipation, 222; 128, 129.

Sunderland, Rev. Byron, 121.

Supreme Court of U. S., and the second clause of 13th Amendment, 229; construes 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments, in U. S. _v._ Harris, 275, 276, 358; holds Ku-Klux Act unconstitutional, 275; holds Equal Rights Act (1875) unconstitutional, 275, 276; and the Civil Rights Act, 277; divided decision of, in Milligan Case, 288, 289; proposed legislation concerning, 328; its jurisdiction as affected by Act of Mch. 27, 1868, 329, 330; dismisses McCardle's appeal, 330; and the Debs case, 414.

Surratt, Mary E., 289.

Swayne, Noah H., Justice Sup. Ct., 274, 289, 409.

Swett, Leonard, quoted, 428, 429; 69, 144.

Talcott, Wait, quoted, 118.

Tallmadge, James, Congressman, and the admission of Missouri, xxix, xxx.

Tallmadge, N. P., 48.

Taney, Roger A., Chief Justice Sup. Ct., on the power to suspend habeas corpus, 195, 196.

Tarr, Campbell, 161.

Taylor, John, of Caroline, xxii, _n._

Ten Eyck, John C., Senator, 262.

Tennessee, loyal state government in, recognized by Johnson, 237; bill for readmission of, 285.

Tenure-of-Office bill, purpose of, 301; not at first intended to apply to cabinet officers, 301; passes Congress, 301; cabinet advises veto of, 301; vetoed, and passed over veto, 303; and the Stanton case, 306, 309; unconstitutionality of, alleged by Johnson's counsel, 311, 313.

Territorializing states, opinions of Johnson's advisers on question of, 290, 291.

Terry, Alfred H., General, and the legislature of Va., 247.

Texas, opposition in Mass. & admission of, xxvi; order for reconstruction of, 238; fails to adopt new constitution promptly, 295; new conditions imposed on, 296.

Thayer,Eli, 50.

Thomas, Jesse B., Senator, Author of Missouri Compromise, xxx.

Thomas, Lorenzo, appointed Secretary of War _ad interim_, 308; Stanton refuses to give way to, 308; his appointment the basis of certain articles of impeachment, 309, 310, 320, 321; 318, 319.

Thomas, Morris St. P., quoted, 21 _n._, 421.

Thomas, William B., 374.

Thompson, Jacob, Secretary of Interior, and the Lecompton Constitution, 73.

Thompson, John B., quoted, 36.

Thurman, Allen G., Senator, 367.

Tilden, Samuel J., and the Election of 1876, 406, 407 _ff._; T. of counsel for, in La. case, 409, 410; Electoral Commission decides adversely to, 411; legally elected, 411.

Tillson, John, quoted, 107.

Tipton, Thomas W., Senator, 300, 343, 344, 345, 346, 363, 371.

Tompkins, D. D., 179.

Toombs, Robert, Senator, 58, 83, 121.

Topeka Constitution, condemned by Buchanan and upheld by T., 76, 77.

Toucey, Isaac, 130.

Traveling in U. S., in 1847, 20.

Treat, Samuel H., Justice, 13, 20.

Truman, Benj. C, quoted, 245 _n._; 307 _n._

Trumbull, Julia (Jayne), T.'s first wife, letters of, to Walter T., 121-123; T.'s letters to, on Harvey dispatch, 15, 157, 158, and on first battle of Bull Run, 165-167; her personality, 169; her death, 326.

TRUMBULL, LYMAN, birth (1813) and ancestry, 1-3; education, 3; school-teaching in Georgia, 4, 5; reads law there, 5; goes to Illinois (1837), and settles at Belleville, 5, 6; practices law, 7 _ff._; describes murder of Lovejoy, 8-10; his early attitude toward slavery, 10; in State legislature, 10; his qualities as a debater, 10; appointed Secretary of State, 11; his resignation requested by Gov. Carlin, and why? 12 and _n._, 13; his resignation splits the Democratic party, 13, 14; resumes practice, 14; marries Julia M. Jayne, 15; describes river floods, and murder of Joseph Smith, 16; family affairs, 16, 17, 19, 20; candidate for Democratic nomination for governor, 18; defeated by Ford's influence, 18; nominated for Congress, and defeated (1846), 18, 19; his professional earnings, 20; elected Judge of Ill. Supreme Court (1848), 20; removed to Alton, 21; reëlected judge (1852), but resigns (1853), 21; Chief Justice Magruder on his judicial opinions, 21, 22. Engaged as counsel for negroes, claiming their freedom, 28; case of Sarah Borders, 28, 29; in Jarrot _v._ Jarrot, wins a victory which practically puts an end to slavery in Ill., 29; N. D. Harris quoted on his efforts, 30, 31; his return to politics due to repeal of Missouri Compromise, 32; takes stump in opposition to Kansas-Nebraska bill, 37, 38; Anti-Nebraska candidate for Congress in 8th district, 38, and elected, 38; in Senatorial election of 1854, receives votes of Anti-Nebraska Democrats on early ballots, 43, 44; elected by votes of Lincoln men, to defeat Gov. Matteson, 44, 45, 46 _n._; regarded as a traitor by regular Democrats, 45; Lincoln's attitude toward his election, 45, 46. Takes his seat in Senate, 48; protest against his election overruled, 48, 49; letter from J. C. Underwood to, on Kansas affairs, 52, 53; and from I. T. Dement, 53; his speech on report of Committee on Territories endorsing Pres. Pierce's view of Kansas affairs, 56 _ff._; exposes Douglas's sophisms, 57, 58; a welcome reinforcement to Republicans in Senate, 567; Douglas declares him not a Democrat, 59; his answer to Douglas's tirade against him, 60, 61; Douglas's reply, 61, 62; his construction of "forever" in the Missouri Compromise, 62, 63; further debate with Douglas on Kansas, 63, 64; effect of these debates on his reputation, 65; his intellect and personality compared with Lincoln's, 65; divers views of his first appearance in debate, quoted, 66, 67; letter from G. B. Raum to, 67; campaigns in Minnesota, 68; attends Republican National Convention of 1856, 69; colloquy with Mason, on destruction of the Union, 70; letter of, to J. B. Turner, on conditions in 1857, 71; divers reports to, on effect of Douglas's Anti-Lecompton stand, 74, 75; demolishes Buchanan's message on Kansas affairs, 76, 77; letters to, on possible alliance of Douglas with Republicans, 79, 80; Democratic overtures to, 80, 81; speaks on Buchanan's claim that slavery lawfully exists in Kansas, 81, 82; letters to, from Lincoln and others, voicing Republican distrust of Douglas in Ill., 87, 88, and, generally, on the campaign of 1858, 90-92; his cordial relations with Lincoln, 93; takes part in debate on resolution for committee of inquiry into John Brown's raid, 98-100; his notable speech, 98, 99, and Lincoln's praise thereof, 100; letter from Lincoln on Delahay matter, 100, 101.

His view of candidates for Republican nomination in 1860, 103; writes to Lincoln thereon, 103, 104; thinks Seward cannot be elected, 104, and believes McLean alone can beat him, 104; Lincoln his first choice, 104; Lincoln, in reply, avows his own ambition, and discusses other candidates, 104, 105; divers letters to, on Lincoln's nomination, 106-107; post-nomination letters of Lincoln to, 108; speaks for Lincoln at ratification meeting, 109, 110; confidential letters of Lincoln to, against compromise, 111, 112, and on Buchanan's reputed purpose to surrender So. Carolina forts, 112; his own views on compromise set forth in letter to E. C. Larned, 113, 114; his speech on Crittenden Compromise (March 2, 1861), 115, 116, and _n._, 123-138; urged by constituents to stand firm, 117-119; writes Gov. Yates, advising military preparations, 120; declines to listen to "Compromisers" from N. Y., 122; his troubles with office-seekers, 139; in N. Y. meets remonstrants against Seward's inclusion in Cabinet, and reports to Lincoln, 139, 140; Lincoln's reply, 141; Greeley's advice to, 141; advises Lincoln not to appoint Cameron, 145, 146, 147; is urged to use his influence to that end, 147, 148; favors Judd for seat in Cabinet, 148, 149, 150; reëlected senator (Jan. 1861), 152; announces death of Douglas, 152; his eulogy of Douglas, 153, 154; the Harvey dispatch to Gov. Pickens, commented on in letter to Mrs. T., 155,156.

Witnesses first battle of Bull Run, and describes it in letter to Mrs. T., 165-167; his reconstructed telegram, 168; his first Confiscation Act passed by Congress, 168; his physical aspect, etc., in 1861, 168; his family, 169; letter of M. C. Lea to, on financial affairs, 170, and his reply, 171; brings in his second Confiscation Act, 173; his report thereon, 173; history of the bill in Congress, 173-176; speaks on War Dep't. frauds, 184; leads opposition to confirmation of Cameron's nomination as minister to Russia, 187; votes against confirmation, 189; introduces resolution of inquiry concerning arbitrary arrests in loyal states, 191, 192; his colloquy with Dixon of Conn., 192, 193; his resolution shelved, 194; reports from Judiciary Committee House bill on same subject, 197; offers substitute for that bill, which is opposed by Democrats, but finally passed, 198, 199; offers substitute for Stevens's bill to indemnify Pres. for arbitrary arrests, 199; reports from conference his substitute combined with his habeas corpus bill, 200; his report concurred in, after Democratic filibuster, 201, 202; his speech at meeting of protest against the order forbidding the publication of Chicago _Times_, 207, 208, 209; letter of Judge White to, regarding certain dispatches of Seward to Adams, 210, 211, and his reply, 211, 212; one of committee to urge Lincoln to get rid of Seward, 211; divers letters to, relating to the war, 212, 213, 215, 216, 217; and Delahay's appointment to a judgeship, 213-214; letters of J. M. Palmer to, concerning the election of 1864, 214, 216; first evidence of personal difference between Lincoln and, 217, 218; deems the government inefficient in putting down the rebellion, 218; falsely accused of refusing to speak in favor of Lincoln's reëlection, 220.

Reports to the Senate as a substitute for Henderson's proposed Constitutional Amendment what later became the 13th Amendment, 224; his speech thereon, 225-226; his authorship thereof, his title to immortality, 230; and the new Senators from La., 233; reports resolution recognizing Hahn government of La., 233; breaks temporarily with Sumner, 234; letter of Shaffer to, on conditions in South, 242, 243, and of Ray, on Reconstruction, 243; his speech on postponement of Wilson bill invalidating certain acts, etc., of seceding states, 248-251; colloquy with Saulsbury, 250; introduces Freedmen's Bureau and Civil Rights bills, 257; speaks, in debate on the former, on construction of second clause of 13th Amendment, 258-260; colloquy with Henderson, 260; letter from Ray, on negro suffrage, 261; favors Stockton in N. J. election contest, 261 _ff._; in debating his Amendment to Civil Rights bills, speaks again on power of Congress to pass laws for ordinary administration of justice in States, 265-267; answered by Saulsbury, 267-268; quotes Gaston as to citizenship of free negroes, 270; his great speech in reply to Johnson's message vetoing Civil Rights bill, 272; the _Nation_, quoted, on his speech, 273; his leading position in the campaign of 1866, 273; opposed to Ku-Klux bill of 1871, 275, 356, 357, 358; reëlected Senator (1866), 277; sustains Johnson until veto of Civil Rights bill, 277, 278; letter of Mrs. F. C. Gary to, 278, and his reply, 279; not active in drawing 14th Amendment, 284 _n._; his influence as against radical measures lessened by refusal of Southern states to ratify 14th Amendment, 287; on Stevens's Reconstruction bill, votes against Sumner's amendment making negro suffrage a permanent condition of reconstruction, 292, but supports bill with that amendment, 292; at fault in so doing, 292; votes to pass bill over veto, 294; votes to pass supplementary registration of voters bill over veto, 294; writing in Chicago _Advance_, denies power of Congress to regulate suffrage in states, 294, 295; reports bill for readmission of Va., but opposes amendments applying new conditions, 296; has a lively dispute with Sumner, 296, 297, but supports him strongly in the later movement to oust him from chairmanship of Com. on Foreign Relations, 297, 344, 420; supports Bingham proviso to the Georgia bill, 298, and makes a powerful speech thereon, 299; the _Nation's_ high praise of the speech and its author, 299, 300; votes for Tenure-of-Office bill, as amended, 302; abused for his stand against conviction of Johnson, 313, 315, 323; Spencer's threat, 315; N. Y. _Evening Post_, Chicago _Tribune_, and _Nation_, quoted, as to abuse of the "traitors," 314-317; his written opinion on the case against Johnson, 318, 319; J. F. Rhodes quoted on the action of the seven, 322; his only reply to his vilifiers, 323, 324; his eulogy of Fessenden, 324, 325; death of Mrs. Trumbull, 326.

Retained for the War Dep't. in the matter of McCardle's petition for habeas corpus, 327; appears before Supreme Court, 327, 328; votes to pass over veto the Act of March 27, 1868, which the Supreme Court held to apply _ex post facto_ to McCardle case, 329, 330: his action criticized, 330, 332; his acceptance of counsel fees attacked by Chandler as being connected with his vote on impeachment, 330, 331; his defense, 331, 332; the Chandler charge would not down, 332; supports Vickers's amendment to 15th Amendment, 338, and opposes Wilson's amendment, 339; letter of Grenier to, on Republican corruption, 341; offered English mission, 347; his reason for declining, 348; in speech at Chicago, discusses claims of U.S. against England, 349, and the urgent need of reform of the Civil service, 349, 350; indorses Cox's stand, 349, 350; casts only vote in Judiciary Committee in favor of Hoar's confirmation as Supreme Court Justice, 350; votes against tacking Sumner's Equal Rights bill to Amnesty bill, 359; offers amendment for general investigation of public service to Conkling's resolution concerning Hodge, 362; his remarks thereon, 363; not appointed on investigating committee, 366, 367; not moved by personal hostility to Grant, 369; interview with, in _Courier-Journal_ on his relations with Grant (Dec. 1871). 369 and _n._, 370; letter of S. Galloway to, on Grant, 371; mentioned by Stanley Matthews as possible candidate of Liberal Republicans, 372; J. H. Bryant and others urge him to become a candidate, 375; his replies somewhat non-committal, 375; defends Mo. Liberal Republican platform as Republican doctrine, 376; on civil service reform, 376; letter of Palmer to, offering his support, 377; in letter to author, gives qualified assent to use of his name, 378, 379; letter of author to, on his candidacy, 379; his strength impaired by division of vote of Ill. at Cincinnati, 380; opinions of editors as to candidates, 381; vote for, in the convention, 383, 384; his supporters decide to support Greeley, 384; letter of W. C. Bryant to, urging him not to support Greeley, 386, and his reply, 386, 387; how Greeley's nomination was brought about, 389, 390; how Trumbull received the news, 390, 391; takes active part in campaign, 394 _ff._; his speech at Springfield, Ill., denouncing Republican corruption, 395-399; his tribute to Greeley, 399; if nominated, could have been elected, 402; Adams, the stronger candidate, 402, 403; his speech on La. election of 1872, his last speech in the Senate, 405, 406.

His official career ended by defeat of Greeley, 407; defeated for reëlection by Oglesby, 407; resumes practice of law, 407; one of the "visiting statesmen" sent to La. to watch canvass of votes (1876), 409; of counsel for Tilden before Electoral Commission, 409-411; marries Mary Ingraham, 412; Democratic candidate for governor of Ill. (1880), 412; defeated by Cullom, 412; entertains W. J. Bryan in 1893, 413; inclined to free silver, 413; his geniality, and vigor of mind and body, 413; appears for Debs before Supreme Court, on petition for habeas corpus, 414; his speech in Chicago published as Populist campaign document, 414, 415; no more radical than present-day "Progressive" doctrines, 415; draws declaration of principles for Populist national conference, 415-417; his death (June 5, 1896), 418; Judge Moran quoted on his career, 419; eminent as a political debater, well grounded in the law, 419, 420; his character and talents reviewed and discussed, 419-422; "a high-minded, kind-hearted, courteous gentleman, without ostentation, and without guile," 421; his place among the statesmen of his time discussed, 422; his connection with the 13th Amendment, 422; his opposition to arbitrary arrests unpopular, 422, 423; his position as one of the "Seven Traitors" a proud one, 423; change in his course on Reconstruction, 423, 424; Medill quoted as to effect of vote in impeachment trial on his future, 424, 425; his partners quoted, as to his kindliness, 424; Darrow on the "socialistic trend" of his opinions, 425; letter of his daughter-in-law to author, 426; his estimate of Lincoln's character and career, 426-430; his views on religion, in letter to his mother, 430, 431; his descendants, 431, 432.

Trumbull, Mary (Ingraham), T.'s second wife, 413, 432.

Trumbull, Walter, T.'s son, 18, 19, 121-123, 169, 425, 426, 431.

Trumbull family, the, 1, 2, 431, 432.

Turner, J. B., 71.

Turner, matter of, in Circuit Court of U.S., 274.

Underwood, John C, quoted, 52, 53.

Union Pacific R. R., 402.

United States _v._ Harris, 106 U. S., 275, 276, 358.

United States _v._ Rhodes (Circuit Court), 274.

Vagrancy law of Va., 247.

Vallandigham, Clement L., "the incarnation of Copperheadism," 203; his speech of Jan. 14, 1863, 203, 204; his arrest ordered by Burnside, 204; tried by military commission, 204; his sentence of imprisonment commuted to banishment to the South, 204; all proceedings against, after arrest, illegal under habeas corpus suspension act, 205; nominated for governor of Ohio, but defeated, 206; 288.

Van Buren, John, 379.

Van Buren, Martin, xxi, 32, 37.

Van Tyne, C. H., _Letters of Daniel Webster_, xxiv _n._

Van Winkle, Peter G., Senator, on Civil Rights bill, 269; 261, 302, 314.

Van Wyck, Charles H., Congressman, 181, 182, 184.

Vermont, in convention of 1860, 106.

Vickers, George, Senator, 338.

Villard, Oswald G., _John Brown_, 52 _n._

Virginia, efforts to prevent secession of, 158 _ff._; Lincoln's plan of reconstruction in, adopted by Johnson's Cabinet, 237; Peirpoint recognized as Governor of, 237; vagrancy law of, 247; additional conditions imposed on readmission of, 296, 297.

Virginia Resolutions of 1798, xxiii.

"Visiting statesmen," and the contested election of 1876, 408, 409.

Wade, Benjamin F., Senator, opposed to Lincoln's renomination, 220; 102, 107, 108, 111, 150, 166, 233, 287, 332, 343.

Waite, Morrison R., Chief Justice Sup. Ct., 275.

Walker, Robert J., appointed governor of Kansas, 71; and the Lecompton Convention, 71, 72; denounces Cabinet conspiracy, 73; resigns, 73; 81, 82.

Wall, James W., Senator, 200.

Wallace, Lew, General, attempts to usurp powers of Attorney-general under Confiscation Act, 176, 177.

War Department, frauds in, 178 _ff._

War of 1812, xxiv.

Warren, Hooper, 27, 28.

Washburne, Elihu B., appointed Secretary of State, 333; a strong partisan of Grant, 333; his qualifications, 333; terms of his appointment, 334; resigns, 334; 45, 46, 168, 281, 304, 407.

Washington, Bushrod, xxxi.

Washington _Chronicle_, 300.

Washington, George, xxiii.

Washington, gathering of troops at, in Jan., 1861, 121, 122.

Watterson, Henry, 372, 373.

Wayland, Rev. Francis, xxxii.

Ways and Means, Committee of, 354.

Webster, Daniel, quoted, xxiv and _n._; xxii _n._, xxv _n._, xxvi, xxvii, 27, 39, 125.

Weed, Thurlow, and Cameron's appointment, 143; and the War Dep't. frauds, 179, 180; 108, 112, 139, 141, 146, 151, 181, 182; 184.

Welk, Jesse W., 101 _n._, 143 _n._

Welles, Gideon, quoted, on Cameron's appointment, 142, 144, 146, 151; on the Harvey dispatch, 157, 158; on Douglas's attitude in April, 1861, 163, 164; on Cameron's emancipation hobby, 172 _n._; on Cummings, 181 _n._; on inefficiency of Union armies, 212; on Halleck, 226; on Cabinet meeting of Jan. 8, 1867, 290 _ff._; opinion of, on question of territorializing states, 290; on Stanton and the Tenure-of-Office Act, 303; on Methodist pressure on Senator Willey, 319, 320; on divers matters, 273 _n._, 313, 314, 324, 423.

Wells, David A., 353, 377, 379.

Wentworth, John, 90, 93.

Whigs, the, and the Kansas-Nebraska bill, 41.

White, Andrew D., 343.

White, Horace, and Lincoln's Peoria speech, 39; his recollections of the Lincoln-Douglas campaign, 89, quoted, 92; impressions of John Brown, 97; on Douglas's speech to Ill. legislature, 153; his friendly relations with T., 168, 169, 413; and the ousting of Sumner, 346, 347; interview with Blaine, 354; on the outlook at Cincinnati (1872), 378; letter from T. to, and his reply, 379; chairman of platform committee at Cincinnati, 382; his view of the result, 385, and of Greeley's nomination, 389, 390; thinks Adams or T. could have been elected, 402, 403; last meeting with T., 413.

Whitfield, pro-slavery Delegate in Congress from Kansas, 49, 50.

Whitney, Henry C, quoted, 143 _n._

Wigfall, Louis T., Senate, colloquy with T. in debate on Crittenden Compromise, 129, 130; 133, 134.

Wilkinson, Morton S., Senator, 150, 189.

Willey, Waitman T., Senator, Methodist pressure on, in impeachment trial, 317, 320; votes "guilty," 320; had agreed to vote "not guilty" if necessary, 321; 261, 302, 314.

Williams, Archibald, 45.

Williams, George H., Senator, 281, 298, 299, 328, 329.

Wilmot, David, Congressman, 146, 150.

Wilson, Henry, his speech on Kansas affairs, 65; quoted on possible alliance of Douglas with Republicans, 79; his resolution on suspension of habeas corpus, 190, 191; opposes bill authorizing Pres. to suspend habeas corpus, 197; his denunciation of Lincoln, 219; brings in bill to nullify new labor laws in seceding states, 247, 248; T.'s speech thereon, 248-251; nominated for Vice-Pres., 393, and elected, 402; 86, 87, 189, 194, 197, 198, 296, 298, 314, 315, 338, 344, 363.

Wilson, James F., Congressman, proposes amendment to Constitution, prohibiting slavery, 223; "slated" for State Dep't under Grant, 334 and _n._, declines, 334; his character, 335; 304, 309.

Wilson, James H., General, 337.

Wirt, William, 331.

Wood, John, 92.

Wool, John E., General, 178, 181.

World's Columbian Exposition, 412.

Wright, Silas, 91.

Wright, William, Senator, 261, 263, 264.

Yates, Richard, Governor, letter from, to T., 218; letter from T. to, 120, 121; 107, 109, 111, 150, 197, 220.

Yulee, David L., Senator, 99.

End of Project Gutenberg's The Life of Lyman Trumbull, by Horace White