iii. 35, a passage of Pesikta: Ait Satan: Domine, permitte me tentare

Messiam et ejus generationem? Cui inquit Deus: Non haberes ullam adversus eum potestatem. Satanas iterum ait: Sine me, quia potestatem habeo. Respondit Deus: Si in hoc diutius perseverabis, Satan, potius (te) de mundo perdam quam aliquam animam generationis Messiæ perdi permittam. This passage at least proves that a temptation of the Messiah undertaken by the devil, was not foreign to the circle of Jewish ideas. Although the author of the above quotation represents the demand of Satan to have been denied, others, so soon as the imagination was once excited, would be sure to allow its completion.

[691] Deut. viii. 2 (LXX.) the people are thus addressed: μνησθήσῃ πᾶσαν τὴν ὁδὸν, ἥν ἤγαγέ σε Κύριος ὁ Θεός σου τοῦτο τεσσαρακοστὸν ἔτος ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ, ὅπως κακώσῃ σε καὶ πεῖρασῃ σε καὶ διαγνωσθῇ τὰ ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου, εἰ φυλάξῃ τὰς ἐντολάς αὐτοῦ ἢ οὔ.

[692] Ziegler, in Gabler’s n. theol. Journ., 5, 201; Theile, zur Biogr. J., § 23.

[693] See Wetstein, s. 270; De Wette, Kritik der mos. Geschichte, s. 245; the same in Daub’s and Creuzer’s Studien, 3, s. 245; v. Bohlen, Genesis, s. 63 f.

[694] Deut. viii. 3, καὶ ἐκάκωσέ σε καὶ ἐλιμανχόνησε σε, κ.τ.λ.

[695] S. Fabricius, Cod. pseudepigr. V. T., p. 398 ff.

[696] Gemara Sanh., as in note 3. The colloquy between Abraham and Satan is thus continued:

1. Satanas: Annon tentare te (Deum) in tali re ægre feras? Ecce erudiebas multos—labantem erigebant verba tua—quum nunc advenit ad te (Deus taliter te tentans) nonne ægre ferres (Job iv. 2–5)?

Cui resp. Abraham: Ego in integritate mea ambulo (Ps. xxvi. 11).

2. Satanas: Annon timor tuus, spes tua (Job iv. 6)?

Abraham: Recordare quæso, quis est insons, qui perierit (v. 7)?

3. Quare, quum videret Satanas, se nihil proficere, nec Abrahamum sibi obedire, dixit ad illum: et ad me verbum furtim ablatum est (v. 12), audivi—pecus futurum esse pro holocausto (Gen. xxii. 7), non autem Isaacum.

Cui resp. Abraham: Hæc est pæna mendacis, ut etiam cum vera loquitur, fides ei non habeatur.

I am far from maintaining that this rabbinical passage was the model of our history of the temptation; but since it is impossible to prove, on the other side, that such narratives were only imitations of the New Testament ones, the supposed independent formation of stories so similar shows plainly enough the ease with which they sprang out of the given premises.

[697] Note 1.

[698] Bertholdt, Christolog. Judæorum Jesu ætate, § 36, not. 1 and 2; Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth., s. 169 f.

[699] Compare with the above statement the deductions of Schmidt, Fritzsche, and Usteri, as given § 54, notes 1–3, and of De Wette, exeg. Handbuch, 1, 1, s. 41 ff.

[700] Fritzsche, p. 591.

[701] Olshausen, bibl. Comm., 1, s. 189 f.

[702] Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 38 f.; über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 7 f.

[703] De Wette, Einleitung in das N. T., § 98 u. 106.

[704] Paulus, exeg. Handb., 1, a, s. 39.

[705] Guerike, Beiträge zur Einleitung in das N. T., s. 33; Tholuck, Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 303.

[706] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung u. s. w., s. 9.

[707] Kern, über den Ursprung des Evang. Matthäi, in der Tübinger Zeitschrift, 1834, 2tes Heft, s. 198 ff. Comp. Hug, Einleit. in d. N. T., 2, s. 205 ff. (3te Ausg.).

[708] Tholuck, Comm. zum Evang. Joh., p. 207.

[709] Comp. Lücke, ut sup., s. 546.

[710] De Wette, Einleitung in das N. T., § 98.

[711] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 7.; Beiträge u. s. f., s. 38 ff.

[712] Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 207. Comp. Gabler’s Treatise on the Resurrection of Lazarus, in his Journal für auserlesene theol. Literatur, 3, 2.

[713] Hug, Einleit. in das N. T., 2, s. 210.

[714] Hug, ut supra, s. 211. f.

[715] Compare Weisse, die evang. Geschichte 1, s. 29 ff.

[716] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, 6, s. 463.

[717] This Schleiermacher has made evident, über den Lukas, s. 63.

[718] Sieffert, über den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evangeliums, s. 89.

[719] Olshausen, Fritzsche, in loc. Hase, Leben Jesu, § 62. Sieffert, ut supra.

[720] Sieffert, ut supra.

[721] What these mighty works were can only be made clear when we come to the chapter on the Miracles.

[722] Schleiermacher, ut supra, s. 64.

[723] Schleiermacher, ut supra, s. 63 f.

[724] Ordo temporum, p. 220 ff. ed. 2.

[725] Paulus, ut supra, 1, b, s. 407.

[726] Paulus, ut supra. Lightfoot, horæ, p. 765.

[727] Bibl. Comm. 1, 470.

[728] Hase, Leben Jesu, § 62.

[729] Ueber den Lukas, s. 93.

[730] Ut supra, 479; comp. 2, p. 214.

[731] Adv. Marcion, iv. 8.

[732] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 788 f.

[733] Lücke, Comm. zum Evang. Joh., 2, s. 6.

[734] Bengel, ordo temporum, p. 219 f.

[735] Hug, Einleit. in das N. T. 2, s. 229 ff.

[736] Paulus, Comm. zum Ev. Joh., s. 279 f. Exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 784 ff.

[737] Summaries of the different opinions are given by Hase, L. J., § 53; and by Lücke, Comm. z. Ev. Joh., 2, s. 2 ff.

[738] Exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 785.

[739] See Storr, über den Zweck der evang. Gesch. und der Briefe Johannis, s. 330.

[740] Winer, b. Realw. 1, s. 666.

[741] Clem. Alex. Stromat. 1, p. 174, Würzb. ed., 340 Sylburg; Orig. de principp. iv. 5, comp. homil. in Luc. 32.

[742] Iren. adv. hær. i. 1, 5. ii. 35, 38, on the Valentinians. Clem. hom. xvii. 19.

[743] Iren. ii. xxii. 5 f. Comp. Credner, Einl. in das N. T. 1, s. 215.

[744] Lightfoot and Tholuck in loc.

[745] Joseph. Antiq. xviii. iv. 2.

[746] Sueton. Tiber. c. lxxiii. Joseph. Antiq. xviii. vi. 10.

[747] Comp. Paulus, Leben Jesu, 1, a, 214 f.

[748] See especially the labours of Paulus in the Chronological Excursus of his Commentary and his exegetical Manual; of Hug, in the Einl. z. N. T. 2, s. 2, 233 ff.; and others, given by Winer in his bibl. Realwörterbuch 1, s. 667.

[749] Winer, ut sup.; comp. Kaiser, biblische Theologie, 1, s. 254. Anm.; die Abhandlung über die verschiedenen Rücksichten u. s. w., in Bertholdt’s krit. Journal, 5, s. 239.

[750] Olshausen 1, s. 24 ff.

[751] Schneckenburger’s Beiträge, s. 25 ff.

[752] All that relates to the idea of the Messiah as suffering, dying, and rising again, is here omitted, and reserved for the history of the Passion.

[753] Paulus, exeget. Handb. 1, 6, s. 465; Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 320.

[754] Thus after Herder, Köster e.g. in Immanuel, s. 265.

[755] Lücke, Comm. zum Joh., 1, s. 397 f.

[756] e.g. Grotius.

[757] Abenesra, see Hävernick, ut sup. Comm. zum Daniel, s. 244.

[758] Schöttgen, horæ, ii. s. 63, 73; Hävernick, ut sup., s. 243 f.

[759] See for the most important opinions, Hävernick, ut sup., s. 242 f.

[760] Let the reader bear in mind the designation of David’s elegy, 2 Sam. i. 17 ff. as ‏קֶשֶׁת‎ and the denomination of the Messiah as ‏צֶמַח‎. Had Schleiermacher considered the nature of Jewish appellatives, he would not have called the reference of υἰὸς τοῦ ἀ. to the passage in Daniel, a strange idea. (Glaubensl., § 99, s. 99, Anm.)

[761] That the expression οἱ ἑν τῷ πλοίῷ includes more than the disciples, vid. Fritzsche, in loc.

[762] There is a difficulty involved in the form of the question, put by Jesus to his disciples: τίνα με λέγουσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι εἶναι, τον υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου; i.e. what opinion have the people of me, the Messiah? This, when compared with the sequel, seems a premature disclosure; hence expositors have variously endeavoured to explain away its primâ facie meaning. Some (e.g. Beza) understand the subordinate clause, not as a declaration of Jesus concerning his own person, but as a closer limitation of the question: For whom do the people take me? for the Messiah? But this would be a leading question, which, as Fritzsche well observes, would indicate an eagerness for the messianic title, not elsewhere discernible in Jesus. Others, therefore, (as Paulus and Fritzsche,) give the expression υἱὸς τ. ἀ. a general signification, and interpret the question thus: Whom do men say that I, the individual addressing you, am? But this explanation has been already refuted in the foregoing section. If, then, we reject the opinion that the υἱὸς τ. ἀ. is an addition which the exuberant faith of the writer was apt to suggest even in an infelicitous connexion, we are restricted to De Wette’s view (exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 86 f.), namely, that the expression, ὁ υἱὸς τ. ἀ. was indeed an appellation of the Messiah, but an indirect one, so that it might convey that meaning, as an allusion to Daniel, to Jesus and those already aware of his Messiahship, while to others it was merely the equivalent of, this man.

[763] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 28 f.

[764] This distinction of two periods in the public life of Jesus is also made by Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth., s. 213. 536, and Schneckenburger ut sup.

[765] Schneckenburger, ut sup., s. 29.

[766] Fritzsche, in Matth. p. 309, comp. 352. Olshausen, s. 265.

[767] Fritzsche, p. 352. Olshausen, ut sup.

[768] The opposite view is held by the Fragmentist, who thinks the prohibition was intended to stimulate the popular eagerness.

[769] Fritzsche, s. 309.

[770] Comp. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 74.

[771] Comp. the excellent treatise of Paulus on the following question in the Einl. zum Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 28 ff.

[772] Even if a different reading be adopted for the parallel passage in Matthew (xix. 16 f.), it must remain questionable whether his statement deserves the preference to that of the two other Evangelists.

[773] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 130, 253.

[774] Olshausen, ut sup. 1, s. 108 ff.

[775] Bertholdt, Christol. Judæor. §§ 8. 35, 42.

[776] Bretschneider, Probab., p. 59.

[777] Porphyr. Vita Pythag., 26 f. Jamblich. 14, 63. Diog. Laert. viii. 4 f. 14. Baur, Apollonius von Tyana, pp. 64 f. 98 f. 185 f.

[778] See a notification and exposition of the passages in Lücke, Comm. zum Ev. Joh., 1, s. 211 ff.

[779] Winer, de Onkeloso, p. 10. Comp. De Wette, Einleit. in das A. T., § 58.

[780] Bertholdt, Christol. Judæor., §§ 23–25. Comp. Lücke ut sup., s. 244, note.

[781] Schöttgen, ii. s. 6 f.

[782] Targ. Jes. xvi 1: Iste (Messias) in deserto fuit rupes ecclesiæ Zionis. In Bertholdt, ut sup. p. 145.

[783] Sohar chadasch f. lxxxii. 4, ap. Schöttgen, ii. s. 440.

[784] Nezach Israël c. xxxv. f. xlviii. 1. Schmidt, Bibl. für Kritik u. Exegese, 1, s. 38: ‏משׂיח מפני תוהו‎. Sohar Levit. f. xiv. 56. Schöttgen, ii. s. 436: Septem (lumina condita sunt, antequam mundus conderetur), nimirum ... et lumen Messiæ. Here we have the pre-existence of the Messiah represented as a real one: for a more ideal conception of it, see Bereschith Rabba, sect. 1, f. iii. 3 (Schöttgen).

[785] Von dem Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 108–157.

[786] Comp. Fritzsche, in Matth., s. 114.

[787] Kuinöl, Comm. in Matt., p. 518. Olshausen also, p. 744, understands the discourse symbolically, though he attaches to it a different meaning.

[788] Paulus, exeget. Handb. 2, s. 613 f.

[789] Liebe, in Winer’s exeg. Studien, 1, 59 ff.

[790] So Reinhard, über den Plan, welchen der Stifter der christlichen Religion zum Besten der Menschheit entwarf, s. 57 ff. (4te Aufl.).

[791] Paulus, Leben Jesu 1, b, s. 85, 94, 106 ff.; Venturini, 2, s. 310 f.; Hase, Leben Jesu 1 ed. §§ 68, 84. Hase has modified this opinion in his 2nd edition, §§ 49, 50 (comp. theol. Streitschrift, 1, s. 61 ff.), though with apparent reluctance, and he now maintains that Jesus had risen above the political notion of the messianic kingdom before his public appearance.

[792] Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 606 f.

[793] De Wette, Bibl. Dogm., § 216.

[794] Bertholdt, Christol. Judæor., §§ 30 ff.

[795] Ibid., § 39.

[796] E.g. Reinhard, Plan Jesu, s. 14 ff.

[797] For an exaggeration in the Ebionite Gospel, vid. Epiphanius, hæres. xxx. 16.

[798] Bertholdt, ut sup. § 31.

[799] This is done the most concisely in the Wolfenbüttel Fragments, von dem Zweck u. s. f., s. 66 ff.

[800] Especially Fritzsche, in Matt., s. 214 ff.

[801] Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 2, s. 406 ff.

[802] Comp. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 273.

[803] Winer, b. Realw., 1 Bd. s. 426.

[804] Fritzsche, s. 214 ff.

[805] Reinhard, s. 15 ff. Planck, Geschichte des Christenthums in der Periode seiner Einführung, 1, s. 175 ff.

[806] De Wette, Bibl. Dogm., § 210.

[807] Fritzsche, s. 214.

[808] Vid. the Fragmentist, s. 69.

[809] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 600 f. Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 296, 312.

[810] Comp. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 598 f.

[811] Comp. Hase, L. J., s. 84. Rabbinical notions of the abrogation of the Law in Schöttgen, ii. s. 611 ff.

[812] Thus the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist, ut sup. s. 72 ff.

[813] Reinhard; Planck, Geschichte des Christenthums in der Per. seiner Einführung, 1, s. 179 ff.

[814] Paulus, Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 380 f. Hase, L. J., § 102.

[815] Olshausen, 1, s. 507.

[816] Hase, ut sup.

[817] Antiq. xx. vi. 1. For some rabbinical rules not quite in accordance with this, see Lightfoot, p. 991.

[818] Bertholdt, Christol. Judæor., § 7.

[819] Some erroneously attribute this meaning to their question; see in Lücke 1, s. 533.

[820] Bretschneider, ut sup. s. 47 ff. 97 f.

[821] Lücke, 1, s. 520 ff.

[822] Tholuck, in loc.

[823] Lücke and Tholuck, in loc. Hase, L. J., 67.

[824] E.g. Tholuck, in many passages.

[825] Comp. Schöttgen, horæ, i. s. 970 f. Wetstein, s. 863.

[826] Paulus, Leben Jesu, 1, a, 187; Comment. 4, in loc.

[827] Comp. Olshausen in loc., and Bretschneider, Probab., s. 50.

[828] Olshausen, Lücke, in loc.

[829] Comp. Bretschneider, ut sup. s. 49 f.

[830] Homil. ii. 6, comp. iii. 12.

[831] Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 371 f.

[832] Lightfoot, p. 1002.

[833] Lücke, 1, s. 542.

[834] Lücke, s. 540, note. Bretschneider, s. 52

[835] Comm. in Joan, tom. 13.

[836] Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth., s. 100; Lücke, Comm. z. Joh. 1, s. 388; Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 197; Hase, Leben Jesu, §§ 56, 61.

[837] Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 212.

[838] Paulus, Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 213; Sieffert, über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 72.

[839] See Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 189.

[840] Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 372.

[841] Paulus, ut sup.

[842] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 464.

[843] Gnomon, in loc.

[844] Paulus, Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 168.

[845] S. 385.

[846] Vid. Lücke, s. 389 f.

[847] Ut sup.

[848] P. 141.

[849] Storr, üeber den Zweck der ev. Gesch. und der Br. Joh., s. 350.

[850] Exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 449.

[851] Bibl. Comm. 1, p. 283.

[852] Ueber den Lukas, s. 70.

[853] This, with the legendary character of both narratives, is acknowledged by De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 37, 1, 2, s. 38 f.

[854] Neander is of the same opinion, L. J., s. 249 f.

[855] Uber den Ursprung des ersten kan. Ev., s. 73.

[856] Berliner Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik, 1834 Nov.; now in the Charakteristiken u. Kritiken, s. 264 f.

[857] According to De Wette, the copious draught of fishes was a symbolical miracle, typifying the rich fruits of the apostolic ministry.

[858] Porphyr. vita Pythagoræ, no. 25, ed. Kiessling; Jamblich. v. P. no. 36. ders. Ausg. It is fair to adduce this history, because, being less marvellous than the gospel narrative, it can hardly be an imitation, but must have arisen independently, and hence it evinces a common tendency of the ancient legend.

[859] Luke v. 5: δι’ ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς κοπιάσαντες οὐδὲν ἐλάβομεν. John xxi. 3: καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ νυκτὶ ἐπίασαν ουδέν.

[860] Comp. de Wette, exeg Handb., 1, 3, s. 213.

[861] Vid. Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 255.

[862] Sieffert, ut sup. p. 55.

[863] Kuinöl, ut sup. Paulus, exeg. Handb., 1, b, s. 513. L. J., 1, a, 240.

[864] Bertholdt, Einleitung, 3, s. 1255 f. Fritzsche, s. 340.

[865] Sieffert, s. 56; De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 91.

[866] Sieffert, s. 60.

[867] De Wette, ut sup.

[868] Exeg. Handb., 1, b, s. 510. L. J., 1, a, 240.

[869] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 76.

[870] Grätz, Comm. z. Matth. 1, s. 470.

[871] Augustin c. Faust. Manich. xvii. 1.

[872] iii. i. 4.

[873] Plutarch. de gloria Atheniens., at the beginning.

[874] Schulz, Ueber das Abendmahl, s. 308.

[875] Comp. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, p. 134.

[876] Ut sup., p. 77.

[877] De Wette, exeg. Handb. I, 1, p. 93.

[878] Paulus, exeg. Handb., 3, a, s. 48. Kuinöl, in Luc., p. 632.

[879] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 85.

[880] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 85.

[881] Ut sup., s. 88.

[882] Ep. Barnab. 8, and the Gospel of the Ebionites ap. Epiphanius, hær. xxx. 13.

[883] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 87.

[884] If ἡ πόλις Ἀνδρέου καὶ Πέτρου, John i. 45, mean the same as ἡ ἰδία πόλις, Matth. ix. 1, that is, the place where they were resident, there exists a contradiction on this point between John and the synoptists.

[885] Comp. Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 358.

[886] Comp. Lightfoot, in loc.

[887] Comp. Saunier, über die Quellen des Markus, s. 55 f.

[888] Comp. de Wette, in loc.

[889] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 556.

[890] This is probably a mere inference of Mark. Because Jesus excluded the multitude, and forbade the publication of the event, the Evangelist saw in it one of those secret scenes, to which Jesus was accustomed to admit only the three favoured apostles.

[891] In the ancient church it was thought that Jesus had communicated to these three individuals the γνῶσις, to be mysteriously transmitted. Vid. in Gieseler, K. G. 1, s. 234.

[892] Even Paulus, L. J. 1, a, s. 167 f., remarks that the fourth Evangelist seems to have had a design in noticing this circumstance.

[893] This has not escaped the acumen of Dr. Paulus. In a review of the first volume of the second ed. of Lücke’s Comm. zum Johannes, in Lt. Bl. zur allg. Kirchenzeitung, Febr., 1834, no. 18, s. 137 f., he says: “The gospel of John has only preserved the less advantageous circumstances connected with Peter (excepting vi. 68), such as place him in marked subordination to John [here the passages above considered are cited]. An adherent of Peter can hardly have had a hand in the Gospel of John.” We may add that it seems to have proceeded from an antagonist of Peter, for it is probable that he had such of the school of John, as well as of Paul.

[894] Vid. Lücke, Comm. zum Joh. 2, s. 708.

[895] Paulus, in his review of Bretschneider’s Probabilien, in the Heidelberger Jahrbüchern, 1821, no. 9, s. 138.

[896] Lücke, ut sup. s. 664.

[897] Bretschneider, Probabilia, p. 111 f.

[898] Comp. Paulus, ut sup. s. 137.

[899] Thus most of the expositors, Fritzsche, Matth., s. 359; Winer, Realwörterb. 1, s. 163 f. Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 98.

[900] Joseph., bell. jud. iv. iii. 9.

[901] Comp. Credner, Einleitung 1, s. 64; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 98 f.

[902] De Wette, ut sup.

[903] Ueber den Lukas, s. 88 f.

[904] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 307; Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung, s. 13 f.

[905] Tuf haarez, f. xix. c. iii.; Clem. hom. xviii. 4; Recognit. Clement. ii. 42; Epiphan. hær. i. 5.

[906] Schneckenburger, ut sup.; Gieseler, über Entstehung der schriftl. Evangelien, s. 127 f.

[907] Lightfoot, p. 786.

[908] De Wette, exeget. Handb., 1, 1, s. 99 f. 1, 2, s. 61. 1, 3, s. 220; Theile, zur Biogr. J., § 24. For the contrary opinion, see Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 498 f.

[909] All that relates to the sufferings, death, and resurrection of Jesus is here excluded.

[910] Augustin, de consens. ev. ii. 19; Storr, über den Zweck des Evang. u. d. Br. Joh., s. 347 ff. For further references see Tholuck’s Auslegung der Bergpredigt, Einl., § 1.

[911] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 47 ff. 1, 2, s. 44.

[912] Tholuck, s. 24; Paulus, exeg. Handb., 1, b, s. 584.

[913] Schulz, vom Abendmahl, s. 313 f.; Sieffert, s. 74 ff.; Fritzsche, s. 301.

[914] Olshausen, Bibl. Comm., 1, s. 197; Kern, in der Tüb. Schrift, 1834, 2, s. 33.

[915] Schulz, ut sup. s. 315; Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 26; Credner, Einleit., 1, s. 69.

[916] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 89 f.

[917] Tholuck, p. 11, and my Review of the writings of Sieffert and others in the Jahrbuch f. wiss. Kritik, Nov. 1834; now in my Charakteristiken u. Kritiken, s. 252 ff.

[918] Comp. Tholuck, ut sup. s. 25 ff.; De Wette, exeget. Handb., 1, 1, s. 49.

[919] Storr, Ueber den Zweck u. s. w., s. 348 f. Olshausen.

[920] De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 2, s. 44 f.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 155 f., Anm.

[921] Homil. xv. 7; comp. Credner in Winer’s Zeitschrift f. wiss. Theologie, 1, s. 298 f.; Schneckenburger, über das Evangelium der Aegyptier, § 6.

[922] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung, s. 29.

[923] Ut sup. s. 90, Neander agrees with him, ut sup.

[924] The Rabbins also attached weight to these Mosaic blessings and curses, vid. Lightfoot, p. 255. As here we have eight blessings, they held that Abraham had beenblessed benedictionibus septem (Baal Turim, in Gen. xii. Lightfoot, p. 256); David, Daniel with his three companions, and the Messiah, benedictionibus sex. (Targ. Ruth. 3, ibid.) They also counted together with the twenty beatitudines in the Psalms, as many væ in Isaiah. (Midrasch Tehillim in Ps. i. ib.).

[925] Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 58. Neander tries to show, very artificially, a real connection of thought, s. 157, Anm.

[926] Olshausen in loc. The true reading is indicated by Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 58; Tholuck, ut sup. s. 11.

[927] This cause is overlooked by Schleiermacher, s. 205; comp. De Wette, in loc.

[928] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 90. Tholuck, s. 21.

[929] Tholuck, s. 12, 187; De Wette, in loc.

[930] Ut sup. 206 f.

[931] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 86.

[932] De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 48.

[933] Orig. de orat. xviii. and Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 2, s. 48 f.

[934] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 173; Olshausen, 1, s. 235; Sieffert, s. 78 ff. Neander, s. 235 f. note.

[935] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 69. 1, 2, s. 65.

[936] N.T. 1, 323. The parallels may be seen in Wetstein and Lightfoot.

[937] Comm. in Matt., p. 265.

[938] Comp. De Wette, 1, 1, s. 69 ff.; Neander, s. 237 ff.

[939] Comp. De Wette, 1, 2, s. 176.

[940] From vi. 19 to the end of the chapter even Neander finds no orderly association, and conjectures that the editor of the Greek Gospel of Matthew was the compiler of this latter half of the discourse (p. 169, note).

[941] Neander, ut sup.; De Wette, in loc.

[942] De Wette, 1, 2, s. 45.

[943] De Wette in loc. des Lukas.

[944] E.g. Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 1, s. 545.

[945] Schulz, ut sup. s. 308, 314; Sieffert, s. 80 ff.

[946] Olshausen, in loc. The latter bold assertion in Kern, Über den Ursprung des Evang. Matth., s. 63.

[947] Schulz, s. 315.

[948] Vid. De Wette, Archäol., § 265, and in loc.

[949] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 99.

[950] Schulz, s. 308; Sieffert, s. 82 ff.

[951] The satisfactory connexion which modern criticism finds throughout the 12th chap. of Luke, I am as little able to discover as Tholuck, Auslegung der Bergpredigt, s. 13 f., who has strikingly exposed the partiality of Schleiermacher for Luke, to the prejudice of Matthew.

[952] Vid. De Wette in loc.

[953] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 169 f.; Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 32 f.

[954] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 110. 1, 2, s. 62.

[955] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 314.

[956] Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 437.

[957] L. J. Chr., s. 175.

[958] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 33.

[959] Olshausen, s. 438.

[960] Schleiermacher, s. 120.

[961] Fritzsche, Comm. in Marc., s. 120, 128, 134; De Wette, in loc.

[962] Comp. Saunier, über die Quellen des Markus, s. 74; Fritzsche ut sup.; De Wette in loc.

[963] Schleiermacher, ut. sup. s. 192; Olshausen, 1, s. 431; Schneckenburger, ut sup. s. 33.

[964] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 2, s. 73 f.

[965] Analogies to these parables and apothegms are given out of the rabbinical literature by Wetstein, Lightfoot, and Schöttgen, in loc.

[966] Ueber den Lukas, s. 220.

[967] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 202 ff. Olshausen in loc.

[968] Ut sup.

[969] Schneckenburger has decided, Beiträge, No. V. where he refutes Olshausen’s interpretation of the parable, that this verse does not really belong to its present position, while with respect to the preceding verses from v. 9, he finds it possible to hold the contrary opinion. De Wette also considers that v. 13 is the only one decidedly out of place. He thinks it possible, by supplying an intermediate proposition, which he supposes the writer to have omitted, and which led from the prudent use of riches to faithfulness in preserving those entrusted to us, to give a sufficient connexion to v. 9 and 10–12, without necessarily referring the idea of faithfulness to the conduct of the steward. The numerous attempts, both ancient and modern, to explain the parable of the steward without a critical dislocation of the associated passages, are only so many proofs that it is absolutely requisite to a satisfactory interpretation.

[970] Comp. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 80.

[971] Ut sup. s. 208.

[972] Vid. Kuinöl, in loc.

[973] Comp. De Wette, 1, 2, s. 86 f.

[974] On the Essenes as contemners of riches (καταφρονητὰς πλούτου), comp. Joseph., b. j. ii. viii. 3; Credner, über Essener und Ebioniten, in Winer’s Zeitschrift, 1, s. 217; Gfrörer, Philo, 2, s. 311.

[975] Thus Kuinöl, Comm. in Luc., p. 635.

[976] Ueber den Lukas, 239 f. Neander agrees with him, L. J. Chr., p. 188.

[977] This is a reply to Neander’s objection, p. 191, note.

[978] How Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, p. 76, can pronounce the more complex form of the parable in Luke as not only the most fully developed but the best wound up, I am at a loss to understand.

[979] Comp. De Wette, I, I, s. 208 f.

[980] V. 12. Ἄνθρωπος τις εὐγενὴς ἐπορεύθη εἰς χώραν μακρὰν, λαβεῖν ἑαυτῷ βασιλείαν, καὶ ὑποστρέψαι. 14. οἱ δὲ πολίται αὐτοῦ ἐμίσουν αὐτὸν, καὶ ἀπέστειλαν πρεσβείαν ὀπισω αὐτοῦ, λέγοντες· οὐ θέλομεν τοῦτον βασιλεῦσαι ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς. 15. καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ ἐπανελθεῖν αὐτὸν λαβόντα τὴν βασιλείαν, καὶ εἶπε φωνηθῆναι αὐτῷ τοὺς δούλους—(καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς·) 27. —τοὺς ἐχθρούς μου ἐκείνους, τοὺς μὴ θελήσαντάς με βασιλεῦσαι έπ’ αὐτοὺς, ἀγάγετε ὧδε καὶ κατασφάξατε ἕμπροσθέν μου.

[981] Fritzsche, p. 656. This remark serves to refute De Wette’s vindication of the above particular in his exeg. Handb.

[982] Paulus, exeg. Handb 3, a, s. 210; Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 811.

[983] Vid. Fritzsche, ut sup.

[984] From the appendix to Schneckenburger’s Beiträgen, I see that a reviewer in the Theol. Literaturblatt, 1831, No. 88, has also conjectured that we have here a blending of two originally distinct parables.

[985] Comp. De Wette, 1, 1, s. 152.

[986] Ueber den Lukas, s. 153 f.

[987] Comp. De Wette, in loc.

[988] Vid. Fritzsche and De Wette, in loc.

[989] Saunier, über die Quellen des Markus, s. 111.

[990] Comp. De Wette, in loc., Matt.

[991] Vid. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, p. 155.

[992] Analogous passages from Jewish writings are given in Wetstein, Lightfoot, Schöttgen, in loc.

[993] Bemidbar R. ad. Num. v. 30, in Wetstein, p. 303.

[994] E.g. Paulus, L. J. 1, b, s. 46.

[995] For probable doubts as to the correctness of the position given to this discourse of Jesus, vid. Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 525, Anm.

[996] Paulus, ib. s. 50, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 599.

[997] In this passage, it is true that celibacy is at first recommended as good for the present distress; but the Apostle does not rest there; for at v. 32 ff. he adds, He that is unmarried careth for the things of the Lord—he that is married for the things of the world:—a motive to celibacy which must be equally valid under all circumstances, and which affords us a glimpse into the fundamental asceticism of Paul’s views. Comp. Rückert’s Commentary in loc.

[998] Vid. Gfrörer, Philo, 2, s. 310 f.

[999] A concise elucidation of them may be found in Hase, L. J. § 129.

[1000] Vid. Gemara Hieros. Berac. f. v. 4, in Lightfoot, p. 423, and R. Manasse Ben Isr. in Schöttgen, i. p. 180.

[1001] See his 4th Fragment, Lessing’s 4ten Beitrag, s. 434 ff.

[1002] L. J. 1, b, s. 115 ff.

[1003] Vid. Wetstein, in loc. Hengstenberg, Christol. 1, a, s. 140 f.; also Paulus himself, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 283 f.

[1004] Comp. De Wette, in loc.

[1005] Ueber den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 45, 47.

[1006] Paulus and Olshausen, in loc.

[1007] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 186.

[1008] Sieffert, über den Ursprung des ersten Ev., s. 117 f.

[1009] Comp. De Wette, 1, 1. s. 189.

[1010] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 313 f.; Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung, s. 54.

[1011] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 182, 196 f.; Olshausen, in loc., and the writers mentioned in the foregoing note.

[1012] Ut sup. 180.

[1013] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 189, 1, 2, s. 67, 76.

[1014] Joseph., b. j. iv. v. 4.

[1015] Eichhorn, Einleitung in das N.T., 1, s. 510 ff.; Hug, Einl. in das N.T., 2, s. 10 ff.; Credner, Einl., 1, s. 207.

[1016] Vid. Theile, über Zacharias Barachias Sohn, in Winer’s und Engelhardt’s neuem krit. Journ., 2, s. 401 ff.; De Wette, in loc.

[1017] Targum Thren. ii. 20, in Wetstein, s. 491.

[1018] Comp. De Wette, in loc.

[1019] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 321.

[1020] This “secret information” is very welcome to Dr. Paulus, because it gives a useful hint “as to many occurrences in the life of Jesus, the causes of which are not obvious” (L. J. 1, b, s. 141); that is Paulus, like Bahrdt and Venturini, though less openly, is fond of using such secret and influential allies as deus ex machinâ, for the explanation of much that is miraculous in the life of Jesus (the transfiguration, residence after the resurrection, etc.).

[1021] Orig. c. Cels. i. 62.

[1022] Let the reader bear in mind the kindred names Nicolaus and Nicolaitans.

[1023] Prob., p. 44. Bretschneider is right, however, in declaring against Kuinöl’s method of supplying a connexion between the discourses in John, by the insertion of propositions and intermediate discourses, supposed to have been omitted. Lücke judiciously admits (1, p. 446) that if, in John, something appears to be wanting between two consecutive expressions of Jesus, we are yet to suppose that there was an immediate connexion between them in the mind of the Evangelist, and it is this connexion which it is the task of exegesis to ascertain. In truth the discourses in the fourth gospel are never entirely wanting in connexion (apart from the exceptions to be noticed in § 81), though that connexion is sometimes very latent.

[1024] Bereschith R., sect 39 f. xxxviii. 2. Bammidbar R., s. 11 f. ccxi. 2. Tanchuma f. v. 2, in Schöttgen, i. s. 704. Something similar is said of Moses, from Schemoth R., ib.

[1025] Jevamoth f. lxii. 1, xcii. 1, in Lightfoot, p. 984.

[1026] E.g. Knapp, comm. in colloq. Christi cum Nicod. in loc.

[1027] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 183. L. J. 1, a, s. 176.

[1028] Lücke and Tholuck, in loc.

[1029]

III. 11: ὃ ἑωράκαμεν μαρτυροῦμεν καὶ I. 18: θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακε τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἡμῶν οὐ λαμβάνετε. 13: πώποτε. ὁ μονογενὴς υἱὸς, ὁ ὣν καὶ οὐδεὶς ἀναβέβηκεν εἰς τὸν εἰς τὸν κόλπον τοῦ πατρὸς οὐρανὸν, εἰ μὴ ὁ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἐκεῖνος ἐξηγήσατο. καταβὰς, ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὁ ὢν ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ. 11: —καὶ οἱ ἴδιοι αὐτὸν οὐ παρέλαβον.

[1030] Sup. § 46.

[1031] This is informed in the Probabilia, p. 46.

[1032] Ut sup. p. 476.

[1033] Comp. Bretschneider, ut sup.

[1034] De Wette adduces as examples of a similar procedure on the part of Jesus in the synoptical gospels, Matt. xix. 21, xx. 22 f. But these two cases are of a totally different kind from the one under consideration in John. We have here to treat of a want of comprehension, in the face of which it is surprising that Jesus instead of descending to its level, chooses to elevate himself to a still less attainable altitude. In the passages quoted from the synoptists, on the other hand, we have examples of an excessive self-valuation, too high an estimate of their ability to promote the cause of Jesus, on the part of the rich young man and of the sons of Zebedee, and Jesus with perfect propriety checks their egotistic ardour by the abrupt presentation of a higher demand. These instances could only be parallel with that of Nicodemus, if the latter had piqued himself on his enlightenment, and Jesus, by a sudden flight into a higher region, had sought to convince him of his ignorance.

[1035] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 96.

[1036]

III. 19: αὕτη δέ ἐστιν ἡ κρίσις, I. 9: ἦν τὸ φῶς τὸ ἀληθινὸν, τὸ ὅτι τὸ φῶς ἐλήλυθεν εἰς τὸν φωτίζον πάντα ἄνθρωπον, ἐρχόμενον κόσμον, καὶ ἠγάπησαν οἱ ἄνθρωποι εἰς τὸν κόσμον. 5: καὶ τὸ φῶς ἐν τῆ μᾶλλον τὸ σκότος ἢ τὸ φῶς. σκοτίᾳ φαίνει, καὶ ἡ σκοτία αὐτὸ οὐ κατέλαβεν. III. 16: ὅυτω γὰρ ἠγάπησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν κόσμον, ὥστε τὸν υἱὸν αὑτοῦ 1 John iv. 9: ἐν τούτῳ ἐφανερώθη ἡ τὸν μονογενῆ ἔδωκεν, ἵνα πᾶς ὁ ἀγάπη τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ἡμῖν, ὅτι τὸν πιστεύων εἰς αὐτὸν, μὴ ἀπόληται υἱὸν αὑτοῦ τὸν μονογενῆ ἀπέστειλεν ἀλλ’ ἔχη ζωὴν αἰώνιον. ὁ θεὸς εἰς τὸν κόσμον, ἵνα ζήσωμεν δι’ αὐτοῦ.

[1037] Paulus and Olshausen, in loc.

[1038] Tholuck (Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 335) adduces as examples of a similar unobserved fusion of a discourse quoted from a foreign source, with the writer’s own matter, Gal. ii. 14 ff. Euseb., H. E. iii. 1, 39. Hieron. Comm. in Jes. 53. But such instances in an epistle, a commentary or an historical work interspersed with reasoning and criticism are not parallel with those in an historical narrative of the nature of our fourth gospel. In works of the former kind, the reader expects the author to reason, and hence, when the discourse of another party has been introduced, he is prepared at the slightest pause to see the author again take up the argument. It is quite different with a work like our fourth gospel. The introduction, it is true, is put forth as the author’s own reasoning, and it is there quite natural that after a brief quotation from the discourse of another, v. 15, he should, at v. 16, resume the character of speaker without any express intimation. But when once he has entered on his narrative, which is strictly a recital of what has been done, and what has been said, all that he annexes without any mark of distinction (as e.g. xii. 37) to a discourse explicitly ascribed to another, must be considered as a continuation of that discourse.

[1039] Philo. Opp. ed. Mang. i. 44. apud Gfrörer, i. p. 122.

[1040]

Joh. v. 20: ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ φιλεῖ τὸν John iii. 35 (the Baptist): ὁ γὰρ υἱὸν καὶ πάντα δείκνυσιν αὐτῷ, ἃ πατηρ ἀγαπᾷ τὸν υἱὸν καὶ πάντα αὑτὸς ποιεῖ. δέδωκεν ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ.

24: ὁ τὸν λόγον μου 1 Joh. iii. 14: ἡμεῖς οἴδαμεν, ὅτι ἀκούων—μεταβέβηκεν ἐκ τοῦ θανάτου μεταβεβηκαμεν ἐκ τοῦ θανάτου εἰς εἰς τὴν ζωήν. τὴν ζωήν.

32: καὶ οἶδα, ὅτι ἀληθής ἐστιν ἡ Joh. xix. 35: καὶ ἀληθινή ἑστιν μαρτυρία, ἣν μαρτυρεῖ περὶ ἐμοῦ. αὐτοῦ ἡ μαρτυρία, κἀκεῖνος οἶδεν, ὃτι ἀληθῆ λέγει. Comp. xxi. 24. 1 34: ἑγὼ δὲ οὐ παρὰ ἀνθρώπου τὴν Joh. 3, 12. μαρτυρίαν λαμβάνω. 1 Joh. v. 9: εἰ τὴν μαρτυρίαν τῶν 36: ἐγὼ δὲ ἔχω μαρτυρίαν μείζω ἀνθρώπων λαμβάνομεν, ἡ μαρτυρία τοῦ τοῦ Ἰωάννου. θεοῦ, μείζων ἐστίν· ὅτι αὔτη ἐστιν ἡ μαρτυρία τοῦ θεοῦ, ἣν μεμαρτύρηκε 37: καὶ ὁ πέμψας με πατὴρ, αὐτὸς περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ. μεμαρτύρηκε περὶ ἐμοῦ. Joh. i. 18: θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακε Ib.: ὄυτε τὴν φωνὴν αὐτοῦ πώποτε. Comp. 1 Joh. iv. 12. ἀκηκόατε πώποτε, οὕτε τὸ εἶδος αὐτοῦ ἑωράκατε. 1 Joh. i. 10: καὶ ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἐστιν ἐν ὑμῖν. 38: καὶ τὸν λόγον αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἔχετε μένοντα ἐν ὑμῖν. 1 Joh. v. 12: ὁ μὴ ἔχων τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ζωὴν οὐκ ἔχει. 40: καὶ οὐ θέλετε ἐλθείν πρός με, ἵνα ζωὴν ἔχητε. 1 Joh. ii. 15: οὐκ ἔστιν ἡ ἀγάπη τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν αὐτῷ. 42: ὅτι τὴν ἀγάπην τοῦ θεοῦ οὐκ ἔχετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς. Joh. xi. 43: ἡγάπησαν γὰρ τὴν δόξαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων μᾶλλον, ἤπερ τὴν δόξαν 44: πῶς δύνασθε ὑμεῖς πιστεύειν, τοῦ θεοῦ. δόξαν παρὰ ἀλλήλων λαμβάνοντες, καὶ τὴν δόξαν τὴν παρὰ του μόνου θεοῦ οὐ ζητεῖτε·

[1041] Vid. the passages compared by Gfrörer, 1, s. 194, from Philo, de linguarum confusione.

[1042] Sup. § 14.

[1043] De profugis, Opp. Mang., i. s. 566, Gfrörer, 1, s. 202. What is farther said of the λόγος: ἀφ’ οὒ πᾶσαι παιδεῖαι καὶ σοφίαι ῥέουσιν ἀένναοι may be compared with John iv. 14, vi. 35, vii. 38.

[1044] See Lücke’s History of the interpretation of this passage in his Comm. 2, Appendix B, p. 727 ff.

[1045] Hase, L. J. § 99.

[1046] Comp. Bretschneider, Probab., pp. 56, 88 ff.

[1047] In relation to this chapter, I entirely approve the following remark in the Probabilia (p. 56): videretur—Jesus ipse studuisse, ut verbis illuderet Judæis, nec ab iis intelligeretur, sed reprobaretur. Ita vero nec egit, nec agere potuit, neque si ita docuisset, tanta effecisset, quanta illum effecisse historia testatur. Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 3, s. 6.

[1048] E.g. by Tholuck and Lücke. The latter, however, allows that it is rather an incipient than a complete parable. Olshausen also remarks, that the discourses of the Shepherd and the Vine are rather comparisons than parables; and Neander shows himself willing to distinguish the parable presented by the synoptists as a species, under the genus similitude, to which the παροιμίαι of John belong.

[1049]

x. 27: τὰ πρόβατα τὰ ἐμὰ τῆς x. 3: καὶ τὰ πρόβατα τῆς φωνῆς φωνῆς μου ἀκούει, αὐτοῦ ἀκούει.

κἀγὼ γινώσκω αὐτά· 14: καὶ γινώσκω τυ ἐμα

28: καὶ ἀκολουθοῦσί μοι. 4: καὶ τὰ πρόβατα αὐτῷ ἀκολουθεῖ.

Also κἀγω ζωὴν αἰώνιον δίδωμι αὐτοῖς corresponds to ἐγὼ ἠλθον, ἳνα ζωὴν ἔχωσι, v. 10, and καὶ οὐχ ἁρπάσει τις αὐτὰ ἐκ τῆς χειρός μου is the counterpart of what is said v. 12 of the hireling who allows the sheep to be scattered.

[1050] Comp. v. 44 with vii. 17; v. 46 with viii. 12; v. 47 with iii. 17; v. 48 with iii. 18, v. 45; v. 49 with viii. 28; v. 50 with vi. 40, vii. 17, viii. 28.

[1051] L. J., b, s. 142.

[1052] Lücke, Tholuck, Paulus, in loc.

[1053] Cyril, Erasmus. Tholuck’s expedient, which Olshausen approves, is to give ἐμαρτύρησεν the signification of the pluperfect, and to understand γὰρ as an explicative. But I do not see how this can be of any avail, for γὰρ and οὖν (v. 45) would still form a relation of agreement between two propositions, which one would have expected to be opposed to each other by μὲν and δὲ.

[1054] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 251, 56.

[1055] This idea is so entirely in the spirit of the ancient harmonists, that I can scarcely believe Lücke to be the first to whom it had occurred (Comm. 1, s. 545 f.).

[1056] Vid. sup. § 39.

[1057] Paulus, L. J. 1, b, s. 158.

[1058] Lücke, 2, s. 478.

[1059] Tholuck, in loc.

[1060] Paulus, L. J. 1, b, s. 175; Lücke, Tholuck, Olshausen, in loc.; Hug, Einl. in das N. T. 2, s. 209.

[1061] Wegscheider, Einl. in das Evang. Joh., s. 271; Tholuck, Comm. s. 37 f.

[1062] Thus Eckermann, theol. Beiträge, 5, 2, s. 228; (Vogel) der Evangelist Johannes und seine Ausleger vor dem jüngsten Gericht, 1, s. 28 ff.; Wegscheider, s. 281; Bretschneider, Probabil., 33, 45, apud Wegscheider, ut sup. s. 281; Bretschneider, Probab., p. 33, 45.

[1063] De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., § 105; Tholuck, Comm. z. Joh., s. 38 f.; Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 344 ff.; Lücke, 1, s. 198 f.

[1064] Commentar, 4, s. 275 f.

[1065] Verosimilia de origine evangelii Joannis, opusc. p. 1 ff., Einleit. in das N. T., s. 1302 ff. This opinion is approved by Wegscheider, ut sup. p. 270 ff. and also Hug, 2. 263 f., and Tholuck, Comm. p. 38, think the supposition of early notes not to be altogether rejected.

[1066] Lücke, 1, s. 192 f.

[1067] Henke, programm. quo illustratur Johannes apostolus nonnullorum Jesu apophthegmatum et ipse interpres.

[1068] Bretschneider, Probab., p. 14 f.

[1069] Ut sup. p. 199.

[1070] Wegscheider, p. 286; Lücke, p. 195 f.

[1071] Wegscheider, p. 285; Lücke, ut sup.

[1072] Lücke, s. 124 f. 175. Kern, über den Ursprung des Evang. Matthäi, in der Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1834, 2, s. 109.

[1073] S. 39.

[1074] S. 197. “But lastly, why should we fear to adduce,” etc.

[1075] The aid promised to the disciples when brought before rulers and tribunals, Matt. x. 19 f., is quite distinct from a bringing to remembrance of the discourses of Jesus (John xiv. 26).

[1076] Bretschneider, Probab., p. 2, 3, 31 ff.

[1077] De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., § 103; Hase, L. J., § 7.

[1078] Lücke, ut sup. pp. 336, 337. Kern, ut sup.

[1079] Tholuck, ut sup.

[1080] Bretschneider, ut sup.

[1081] De Wette, ut sup. § 105.

[1082] Comp. Schulze, der schriftst. Charakter und Werth des Johannes. 1803.

[1083] Stronck—de doctrinâ et dictione Johannis apostoli, ad Jesu magistri doctrinam dictionemque exacte composita. 1797.

[1084] Lücke, Comm. z. Joh. 1, p. 200.

[1085] Ut. sup. p. 199.

[1086] In his review of the 2nd Ed. of Lücke’s Commentar., in the Litt. Blatt der allgem. Kirchenzeitung 1834, no. 18.

[1087] This peculiarity of the discourses in John cannot be better described than by Erasmus in his Epist. ad Ferdinandum, prefatory to his Paraphrase: habet Johannes suum quoddam dicendi genus, ita sermonem velut ansulis ex sese cohærentibus contexens, nonnunquam ex contrariis, nonnunquam ex similibus, nonnunquam ex iisdem, subinde repetitis,——ut orationis quodque membrum semper excipiat prius, sic ut prioris finis sit initium sequentis, etc.

[1088] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 303 ff.; Sieffert, über den Urspr. des ersten kanon. Evang. s. 58, 73, u. s.; Schneckenburger, über den Urspr. s. 73.

[1089] Olshausen, b. Comm. 1. s. 15.

[1090] See the above named critics, passim; and Hug, Einl. in das N. T. 2, s. 212.

[1091] Comp. Saunier, über die Quellen des Markus, s. 42 ff.

[1092] Kern, über den Urspr. des Ev. Matt. ut sup. s. 70 f.

[1093] I say, examine whether—not, consider it decided that—so that the accusation of opponents, that I use both the particularity and the brevity of narratives as proofs of their mythical character, falls to the ground of itself.

[1094] Ueber den Lukas, s. 74, and elsewhere.

[1095] Ut sup. s. 311.

[1096] Schleiermacher (s. 175) does not perceive the connexion of the discourse on the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, in Matthew (xii. 31 f.), though it links on excellently to the foregoing expression, ἐγὼ ἐν πνεύματι θεοῦ ἐκβάλλω τὰ δαιμόνια (v. 28). It is more easy, however, to understand this difficulty, than that he should think (s. 185 f.) that discourse better introduced in Luke (xii. 10). For here, between the preceding proposition, that whosoever denies the Son of Man before men, shall be denied before the angels of God, and the one in question, the only connexion is that the expression ἀρνεῖσθαι τὸν υἰὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου brought to the writer’s recollection the words εἰπεῶ λὸγος εἰς τὸν υίὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. One proof of this is that between the latter passage and the succeeding declaration, that the necessary words would be given to the disciples, when before the tribunal, by the πνεῦμα ἅγιον, the connexion consists just as superficially in the expression πνεῦμα ἅγιον. What follows in Matthew (v. 33–37), had been partly given already in the Sermon on the Mount, but stands here in a better connexion than Schleiermacher is willing to admit.

[1097] Luke makes the demand of a sign follow immediately on the accusation, and then gives in succession the answers of Jesus to both. This representation modern criticism holds to be far more probable than that of Matthew, who gives first the accusation and its answer, then the demand of a sign and its refusal; and this judgment is grounded on the difficulty of supposing, that after Jesus had given a sufficiently long answer to the accusation, the very same people who had urged it would still demand a sign (Schleiermacher, s. 175; Schneckenburger, über den Urspr. s. 52 f.). But on the other hand, it is equally improbable that Jesus, after having some time ago delivered a forcible discourse on the more important point, the accusation concerning Beelzebub, and even after an interruption which had led him to a totally irrelevant declaration (Luke xi. 27 f.), should revert to the less important point, namely, the demand of a sign. The discourse on the departure and return of the unclean spirit, is in Matthew (v. 43–45) annexed to the reply of Jesus to this demand; but in Luke (xi. 24 ff.) it follows the answer to the imputation of a league with Beelzebub, and this may at first seem to be a more suitable arrangement. But on a closer examination, it will appear very improbable that Jesus should conclude a defence, exacted from him by his enemies, with so calm and purely theoretical a discourse, which supposes an audience, if not favourably prepossessed, at least open to instruction; and it will be found that here again there is no further connexion than that both discourses treat of the expulsion of demons. By this single feature of resemblance, the writer of the third gospel was led to sever the connexion between the answer to the oft-named accusation, and that to the demand of a sign, which accusation and demand, as the strongest proofs of the malevolent unbelief of the enemies of Jesus, seem to have been associated by tradition. The first Evangelist refrained from this violence, and reserved the discourse on the return of the unclean spirit, which was suggested by the suspicion cast on the expulsion of demons by Jesus, until he had communicated the answer by which Jesus parries the demand of a sign.

[1098] Vid. Griesbach, Comm. crit. in loc.

[1099] Comp. Schleiermacher, s. 190 f.

[1100] De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 139.

[1101] Ueber den Urspr. s. 115.

[1102] For the proof of this interpretation, see Fritzsche, comm. in Marc. p. 97 ff.

[1103] Ueber den Lukas, s. 121.

[1104] Schneckenburger (über den Ur. s. 54) finds an attempt at dramatic effect in the εἰπέτις, and the ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα of Matthew, as compared with the εἶπον and περιβλεψάμενος κύκλῳ of Mark. This is a remarkable proof of the partial acumen which plays so distinguished a part to the disadvantage of Matthew in modern criticism. For who does not see that if Matthew had εἶπον, it would be numbered among the proofs that his narrative is wanting in dramatic life? As for the words ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα, there is nothing to be discovered in them which could give to them more than to the περιβλεψάμενος of Mark, the stamp of artificiality; we might as well attribute the latter expression to Mark’s already discovered fondness for describing the action of the eyes, and consequently regard it as an addition of his own.

[1105]

Answer to the announcement, viii. Answer to the woman, xi. 28: 21: μήτηρ μοῦ καὶ ἀδελφοί μοῦ μενοῦγγε μακάριοι (sc. οὐχ ἡ μήτηρ οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ τὸν λὸγον τοῦ θεοῦ μοῦ, ἀλλ’) οἱ ἀκούοντες τὸν λόγον ἀκούντες καὶ ποιοῦντες αὐτόν. τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ φυλάσσοντες αὐτόν.

[1106] Ut sup s. 177 f.

[1107] That which decided the Evangelist to place the visit after the parable of the sower, was probably not, as Schleiermacher thinks, a real chronological connexion. On the contrary, we recognize the usual characteristic of his arrangement, in the transition from the concluding sentence in the explanation of the parable: these are they who having heard the word, keep it, and bring forth fruit with patience, to the similar expression of Jesus on the occasion of the visit: those who hear the word of God and do it.

[1108] Ut sup. s. 152.

[1109] Schulz (üb. d. Abendm. s. 320) speaks consistently with the tone of the recent criticism on Matthew when he asserts, that he does not doubt for a moment that every observant reader will, without hesitation, prefer the representation of Mark, who, without mentioning the mother, confines the whole transaction to Jesus and the two apostles. But so far as historical probability is concerned, I would ask, why should not a woman, who was one of the female companions of Jesus (Matt. xxvii. 56), have ventured on such a petition? As regards psychological probability, the sentiment of the church, in the choice of the passage for St. James’s day, has usually decided in favour of Matthew; for so solemn a prayer, uttered on the spur of the moment, is just in character with a woman, and more especially a mother devoted to her sons.

[1110] Compare Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 283.

[1111] Paulus and Tholuck, in loc.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 388, Anm.

[1112] Ueber den Urspr. s. 108 ff.

[1113] Lücke, 1, s. 435 ff.; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 174 f.; i. 3, s. 40.

[1114] Ut sup. s. 109; comp. Schneckenburger, s. 26 f.

[1115] Lightfoot, s. 632, from Bab. Jevamoth, f. vi. 2.

[1116] Lücke, s. 438.

[1117] Lücke, s. 437; Sieffert, s. 110.

[1118] Comm. in Joh. tom. 10, § 17; Opp. 1, p. 322, ed. Lommatzsch.

[1119] Kuinöl, in loc.

[1120] Bretschneider, Probab. p. 43.

[1121] English Commentators, ap. Lücke, 1, s. 435 f., Anm.

[1122] Eng. Comm. ap. Lücke. According to Neander (s. 387, Anm.), Jesus, after his last entrance into Jerusalem, when the enthusiasm of the populace was on his side, must have shunned every act that could be interpreted into a design of using external force, and thus creating disturbances. But he must equally have shunned this at the beginning, as at the end, of his career, and the proceeding in the temple was rather a provocation of external force against himself, than a use of it for his own purposes.

[1123] Comm. in Joh. Tom. 10, 16, p. 321 f., ed. Lommatzsch.

[1124] Lücke, in loc.

[1125] Lücke, s. 413.

[1126] Ib. and Tholuck, in loc.

[1127] Olshausen, 1, s. 785.

[1128] Comm. 4, s. 164.

[1129] Hieros. Joh. tobh. f. lxi. 3, ap. Lightfoot, p. 411.

[1130] Lücke, Comm. 1, s. 410.

[1131] Ut sup., comp. also Woolston, Disc. 1.

[1132] Thus Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 766; L. J. 1, a, s. 292; Tholuck, Lücke, Olshausen, in loc.; Hase, L. J. § 96, Anm.

[1133] This difference struck Origen, who has given a critical comparison of these four narratives, to which, in point of acumen, there is no parallel in more modern commentaries. See his in Matth. Commentarior. series, Opp. ed. de la Rue, 3, s. 892 ff.

[1134] Origenes, ut sup.

[1135] Ib.

[1136] Ib.

[1137] Ib.

[1138] Comp. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 111.

[1139] Origenes and Schleiermacher. Winer, N. T. Gramm., s. 149.

[1140]

Luke vii. 38: τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ—ταῖς John xii. 3: ἐξέμαξεν ταῖς θριξὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὑτῆς ἐξέμασσε. θριξὶν αὑτῆς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ.

[1141] Kuinöl, Comm. in Matt., p. 687.

[1142] Sieffert, über den Ursprung, s. 125 f.

[1143] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 277.

[1144] Vid. Kuinöl, ut sup. p. 688; also Tholuck, s. 228.

[1145] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 582; 3, b, s. 466.

[1146] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung, u. s. f., s. 60. There is no trace in Mark’s account that the words συντρίψασα τὸ ἀλάβαστρον signify an accidental fracture; nor, on the other hand can they, without the harshest ellipsis, be understood to imply merely the removal of that which stopped the opening of the vessel, as Paulus and Fritzsche maintain. Interpreted without violence, they can only mean a breaking of the vessel itself. Is it asked with Paulus (Ex. Handb. 3. b. s. 471): To what purpose destroy a costly vessel? or with Fritzsche (in Marc. p. 602): To what purpose risk wounding her own hand, and possibly the head of Jesus also? These are questions which have a bearing on the matter considered as the act of the woman, but not as a narrative of Mark; for that to him, the destruction of a precious vessel should appear suited to the noble prodigality of the woman, is in perfect accordance with the exaggerating style which we have often observed in him.

[1147] Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 689.

[1148] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 466, and many others.

[1149] Ueber den Lukas, s. 111 ff.

[1150] Sieffert, ut sup. s. 123 f.

[1151] Schulz, ut sup. s. 320 f.

[1152] Schneckenburger, ut sup. s. 60.

[1153] Lücke, 2, s. 417; comp. Lightfoot, horæ, p. 468, 1081.

[1154] Schulz, ut sup.

[1155] Thus Grotius and Herder.

[1156] Ap. Wetstein, Paulus, Lücke, in loc.

[1157] Maimonides on Sanhedr. 7, 1.

[1158] Mischna, tr. Sanhedr. c. 10.

[1159] For a thorough discussion of this and the following points, vid. Paulus and Lücke in loc.

[1160] Probab., p. 72 ff.

[1161] Euseb. H. E. iii. 39: ἐκτέθειται δὲ (ὁ Παπίας) καὶ ἄλλην ἱστορίαν περὶ γυναικὸς ἐπὶ πολλαῖς ἁμαρτίαις διαβληθείσης ἐπὶ τοῦ Κυρίου, ἣν τὸ καθ’ Ἑβραίους εὐαγγέλιον περιέχει.

[1162] Lücke, 2, s. 217. Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 410.

[1163] Elsewhere also the two were confounded, vid. Fabricii Cod. apocryph. N. T. 1, s. 357, not.

[1164] 3, s. 379 f.

[1165] See the passages quoted in the first volume, Introd. § 14, notes 9, 10, to which may be added 4 Esdr. xiii. 50 (Fabric. Cod. pseudepigr. V. T. ii. p. 286), and Sohar Exod. fol. iii. col. 12 (Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 541, also in Bertholdt’s Christol. § 33, note 1).

[1166] See the rabbinical passages quoted in the 1st vol. ut sup.

[1167] That the σεληνιαζόμενοι associated with them by Matthew are only a particular species of demoniacs, whose malady appeared to be governed by the changes of the moon, is proved by Matt. xvii. 14 ff. where a δαιμόνιον is expelled from a σεληνιαζόμενος.

[1168] Compare the passages of ancient physicians, ap. Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 1, s. 191.

[1169] Rabbinical and other passages, ap. Winer, ut sup. s. 192.

[1170] Exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 475; comp. Hase, L. J. s. 60.

[1171] Ut sup. s. 191.

[1172] Grätz, Comm. z. Matth. 1, s. 615.

[1173] B. Comm. 1, s. 424. According to this, the passage relates to the Jewish people, who before the exile were possessed by the devil in the form of idolatry, and afterwards in the worst form of Pharisaism.

[1174] Thus Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 447.

[1175] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 566.

[1176] Ut sup. 1, b, s. 483; 2, s. 96.

[1177] Hence the words δαιμονᾷν, κακοδαιμονᾷν were used as synonymous with μελανχολᾷν μαίνεσθαι. Hippocrates had to combat the opinion that epilepsy was the effect of demoniacal influence. Vid. Wetstein, s. 282 ff.

[1178] Let the reader compare the ‏רוּחַ רָעָה מֵאֵת יְהוָֹה‎, which made Saul melancholy, 1 Sam. xvi. 14. Its influence on Saul is expressed by ‏בִּעֲתַתּוּ‎.

[1179] Vid. Creuzer, Symbolik, 3, s. 69 f.; Baur, Apollonius von Tyana und Christus, s. 144.

[1180] Bell. jud. vii. vi. 3.

[1181] Antiq. vi. xi. 2. On the state of Saul.

[1182] Philopseud., 16.

[1183] Vitæ Apollon. iv. 20, 25, comp. Baur, ut sup. s. 38 f. 42. Even Aristotle speaks of δαίμονί τινι γενομένοις κατόχοις. de mirab. 166, ed. Bekk.

[1184] Ut sup., bell. j.: τὰ γὰρ καλούμενα δαιμόνια—πονηρῶν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων πνεύματα, τοῖς ζῶσιν εἰσδυόμενα καὶ κτείνοντα τοὺς βοηθείας μὴ τυνχάνοντας.

[1185] Apoll. i. 18.

[1186] Ut sup. iii. 38.

[1187] Vid. Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 2, s. 427.

[1188] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 39; L. J. 1, a, s. 217. He appeals in support of this to Matt. xiv. 2, where Herod, on hearing of the miracles of Jesus, says: It is John the Baptist, he is risen from the dead. In this expression Paulus finds the rabbinical opinion of the ‏עיבור‎, which is distinct from that of the ‏גלגזל‎, or transmigration of souls properly so called, (that is, the passage of disembodied souls into the bodies of infants, while in the process of formation), and according to which the soul of a dead person might unite itself to that of a living one, and add to its power (vid. Eisenmenger 2, s. 85 ff.) But, as Fritzsche and others have shown, the word ἠγέρθη refers to an actual resurrection of the Baptist, and not to this rabbinical notion; which, moreover, even were it implied, is totally different from that of demoniacal possession. Here it would be a good spirit who had entered into a prophet for the strengthening of his powers, as according to a later Jewish idea the soul of Seth was united to that of Moses, and again the souls of Moses and Aaron to that of Samuel (Eisenmenger, ut sup.); but from this it would by no means follow, that it was possible for wicked spirits to enter into the living.

[1189] Justin, Apol. ii. 5., Eisenmenger, ut sup.

[1190] Homil. viii. 18 f., ix. 9 f.

[1191] Orat. contra Græcos, 16.

[1192] See his Commentatio de dæmoniacis quorum in N. T. fit mentio, and his minute consideration of demoniacal cases. So early as the time of Origen, physicians gave natural explanations of the state of those supposed to be possessed. Orig. in Matth. xvii. 15.

[1193] B. Comm. 1, s. 296, Anm.

[1194] S. 295 f.

[1195] S. 302, after the example of Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 474.

[1196] Homil. viii. 19.

[1197] Thus Asmodeus chooses Sara and her husband as objects of torment and destruction, not because either the former or the latter were particularly wicked, but because Sara’s beauty attracted him. Tob. vi. 12–15.

[1198] S. 294.

[1199] It fills s. 289–298.

[1200] I have endeavoured to present helps towards a scientific conception of the states in question in several essays, which are now incorporated in my Charakteristiken u. Kritiken. Comp. Wirth, Theorie des Somnambulismus. S. 311 ff.

[1201] See note 16, the passage quoted from Lucian.

[1202] Joseph., Antiq. viii. ii. 5.

[1203] Joseph., ut sup.

[1204] Gittin, f. lxvii. 2.

[1205] Justin Mart. dial. c. Tryph. lxxxv.

[1206] Exeg. Handb. 1, 6, s. 422; L. J. 1, a, s. 128.

[1207] Bibl. Comm. i. 296.

[1208] Comp. Bertholdt, Christol. Jud. §§ 36–41.

[1209] According to Pesikta in Jalkut Schimoni ii. f. lvi. 3 (s. Bertholdt, p. 185). Satan recognizes in the same manner the pre-existing Messiah at the foot of the throne of God with terror, as he qui me et omnes gentiles in infernum præcipitaturus est.

[1210] Fritzsche, in Marc., p. 35: In multis evangeliorum locis homines legas a pravis dæmonibus agitatos, quum primum conspexerint Jesum, eum Messiam esse, a nemine unquam de hac re commonitos, statim intelligere. In qua re hac nostri scriptores ducti sunt sententia, consentaneum esse. Satanæ satellites facile cognovisse Messiam, quippe insignia de se supplicia aliquando sumturum.

[1211] A favourite resort of maniacs, vid. Lightfoot and Schöttgen, in loc., and of unclean spirits, vid. rabbinical passages, ap. Wetstein.

[1212] The notion that the cutting himself with stones which Mark ascribes to the demoniac, was an act of penance in lucid moments, belongs to the errors to which Olshausen is led by his false opinion of a moral and religious point of view in relation to these phenomena. It is well known, however, that the paroxysms of such disorders are precisely the occasions on which a self-destructive fury is manifested.

[1213] Vid. the collection of such explanations, ap. Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 327.

[1214] Thus Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 309; Paulus, in loc. Hase, L. J. § 75.

[1215] Schulz, ut sup.

[1216] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 127.

[1217] Paulus, L. J. 1, a, s. 232.

[1218] Vid. Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 329.

[1219] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, 174.

[1220] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, 473; Olshausen, s. 302.

[1221] This even Paulus, s. 474, and Olshausen, s. 303, find surprising.

[1222] It is the narrative of the manner in which Apollonius of Tyana unmasked a demon (empusa), vit. Ap. iv. 35; ap. Baur, s. 145.

[1223] Ut sup. s. 128. When, however, he accounts for this incorrect supplement of Luke’s by supposing that his informant, being engaged in the vessel, had remained behind, and thus had missed the commencement of the scene with the demoniac, this is too laboured an exercise of ingenuity, and presupposes the antiquated opinion, that there was the most immediate relation possible between the evangelical histories and the facts which they report.

[1224] S. 305, Anm.

[1225] Clem. Horn. ix. 10.

[1226] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 332. According to Eisenmenger, 2, 447 ff., the Jews held that demons generally had a predilection for impure places, and in Jalkut Rubeni f. x. 2. (Wetstein) we find this observation: Anima idololatrarum, quæ venit a spiritu immundo, vocatur porcus.

[1227] Ut sup. s. 474, 485. Winer, b. Realw. 1, s. 192.

[1228] Fritzsche, in Matth., s. 330.

[1229] Paulus, ut sup. s. 475 f.

[1230] Olshausen, s. 307.

[1231] Paulus, s. 474.

[1232] Paulus, s. 485; Winer, ut sup.

[1233] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1234] Ibid.

[1235] Ullmann, über die Unsündlichkeit Jesu, in seinen Studien, 1, 1, s. 51 f.

[1236] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1237] Paulus.

[1238] Ullmann.

[1239] E.g. Woolston, Disc. 1, p. 32 ff.

[1240] Jamblich. vita Pythag. no. 36. ed. Kiessling.

[1241] In the Abhandlung über genetische oder formelle Erklärungsart der Wunder in Henke’s Museum, 1, 3, s. 410 ff.

[1242] Exeg. Beiträge, 2, 109 ff.

[1243] Antiq. viii. ii. 5.

[1244] Philostr. v. Ap. iv. 20; ap. Baur, ut sup. s. 39.

[1245] Schulz. s. 319.

[1246] As Schulz appears to do, ut sup.

[1247] See the passages quoted by Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 569, and by Winer, 1, s. 191 f.

[1248] Thus Fritzsche, in loc.

[1249] Schleiermacher, s. 150.

[1250] Köster, Immanuel, s. 197; Fritzsche, in loc.

[1251] De abstinent. ii. p. 204 and 417 f.; Vid. Winer, 1, s. 191.

[1252] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 471 f.

[1253] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 438; L. J. 1, a, s. 223; De Wette, bibl. Dogm. § 222, Anm. c.

[1254] Exeg. Handb. in loc.

[1255] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 429.

[1256] Bibl. Theol. 1, s. 196.

[1257] Among the transient disorders on which Jesus may have acted psychologically, we may perhaps number the fever of Peter’s mother-in-law, which Jesus is said to have cured, Matt. viii. 14 ff. parall.

[1258] It is so more or less by Eichhorn, in the allg. Bibliothek, 4, s. 435; Herder, von Gottes Sohn u. s. f., s. 20; Wegscheider, Einl. in das Evang. Joh., s. 313; De Wette, bibl. Dogm., § 269.

[1259] Exeg. Handb., 1, b, s. 698 ff.

[1260] Ut sup. s. 705, and elsewhere.

[1261] Compare Hase, L. J., § 86.

[1262] Paulus, L. J. 1, b, s. 68.

[1263] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 215.

[1264] Vid. Winer, Realw., Art. Blinde.

[1265] Gratz, Comm z. Matth. 2, s. 323.

[1266] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 44.

[1267] Schulz, Anmerkungen zu Michaelis, 2, s. 105.

[1268] Sieffert, ut sup. s. 104.

[1269] Ueber den Zweck der evang. Geschichte und der Briefe Joh., s. 345.

[1270] Ut sup. s. 237.

[1271] Paulus, L. J. 1, a, s. 249.

[1272] Natürl. Gesch. des Propheten von Naz. 2, s. 216.

[1273] Vid. vol. i. p. 81, note.

[1274] Elsewhere also we find proof that in those times the power of effecting miraculous cures, especially of blindness, was commonly ascribed to men who were regarded as favourites of the Deity. Thus Tacitus, Hist. iv. 81, and Suetonius, Vespas. vii. tell us, that in Alexandria a blind man applied to Vespasian, shortly after he was made emperor, alleging that he did so by the direction of the god Serapis, with the entreaty that he would cure him of his blindness by wetting his eyes with his spittle. Vespasian complied, and the result was that the blind man immediately had his sight restored. As Tacitus attests the truth of this story in a remarkable manner, Paulus is probably not wrong in regarding the affair as the contrivance of adulatory priests, who to procure for the emperor the fame of a miracle-worker, and by this means to secure his favour on behalf of their god, by whose counsel the event was occasioned, hired a man to simulate blindness. Ex. Handb. 2, s. 56 f. However this may be, we see from the narrative what was expected, even beyond the limits of Palestine, of a man who, as Tacitus here expresses himself concerning Vespasian, enjoyed favor e cœlis and an inclinatio numinum.

[1275] These are nearly the words of Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 312, 391.

[1276] De Wette, Beitrag zur Charakteristik des Evangelisten Markus, in Ullmann’s und Umbreit’s Studien, 1, 4, 789 ff. Comp. Köster, Immanuel, f. 72. On the other hand: comp. De Wette’s exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 148 f.

[1277] Pliny, H. N. xxviii. 7, and other passages in Wetstein.

[1278] Paulus, ut sup. s. 312 f. 392 ff.; Natürliche Geschichte, 3, s. 31 ff. 216 f.; Köster, Immanuel, s. 188 ff.

[1279] For the former explanation, Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s, 390 f.; for the latter, Olshausen, b, Comm. 1. s. 510.

[1280] Kuinöl, in Marc., p. 110.

[1281] Olshausen, s. 509.

[1282] Comp. De Wette, Kritik der Mosaischen Geschichte, s. 36 f.

[1283] Fritzsche, Comm. in Marc., p. xliii.

[1284] Vid. ap. Wetstein and Lightfoot, John ix. 6.

[1285] Thus Fritzsche, after Euthymius, in Marc., p. 304.

[1286] The former is the supposition of Kuinöl, the latter of Schott.

[1287] Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 1, s. 391, Anm. 1.

[1288] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 472.

[1289] Natürliche Gesch. 3, s. 215.

[1290] Vid. Tholuck and Lücke, in loc.

[1291] Vid. Paulus and Lücke, in loc.

[1292] Thus Euthymius and Paulus, in loc.

[1293] B. Comm. 2, s. 230, where, however, he refers the ἀπεσταλμένος to the outflow of the spirit proceeding from God.

[1294] S. 93.

[1295] Köster, Immanuel, s. 79; Bretschneider, Probab., s. 122.

[1296] Wetstein, in loc.

[1297] Nedarim f. xli. 1. (Schöttgen, 1, p. 93): Dixit R. Chija fil. Abba: nullus ægrotus a morbo suo sanatur, donec ipsi omnia peccata remissa sint.

[1298] Hase, L. J. § 73. Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 335.

[1299] Sanhedr. f. xci. 2, and Bereschith Rabba f. xxxviii. 1. (Lightfoot, p. 1050): Antonius interrogavit Rabbi (Judam): a quonam tempore incipit malus affectus prævalere in homine? an a tempore formationis ejus (in utero), an a tempore processionis ejus (ex utero)? Dicit ei Rabbi: a tempore formationis ejus.

[1300] Paulus Comm. 4, s. 264; Lücke, 2, s. 22.

[1301] This is done by Tholuck, in loc.

[1302] See the examples in Wetstein, N. T. 1, s. 284, and in Wahl’s Clavis.

[1303] Comp. Winer, Realw., and Fritzsche, in Matt. p. 194.

[1304] Winer, ut sup. Art. Dach.

[1305] Lightfoot, p. 601.

[1306] Woolston, Disc. 4.

[1307] 1, s. 310 f.

[1308] Köster, Immanuel, s. 166, Anm. 66.

[1309] This appears to be the meaning of Paulus, L. J. 1, a, s. 238. Otherwise exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 505.

[1310] Thus Lightfoot, Kuinöl, Olshausen, in loc.

[1311] Vid. Fritzsche, in Marc., p. 52.

[1312] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 498, 501.

[1313] Bengel, Gnomon, 1, 245, ed. 2. Paulus, s. 502, again takes an obvious fable in Livy ii. 36 for a history, capable of a natural explanation.

[1314] Paulus, ut sup. s. 501.

[1315] Ueber den Zweck der evang. Geschichte und der Briefe Joh., s. 351 f.

[1316] Schulz, ut sup. s. 317; Olshausen, 1, s. 322.

[1317] Exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 524 f.; bibl. Comm. 1, s. 324 f.; comp. Köster, Immanuel, s. 201 ff.

[1318] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 524 f. 530. L. J. 1, a, s. 244 f.; Venturini, 2, s. 204 ff.; Köster, ut sup.

[1319] Vid. Evangelium infantiæ arabicum, ap. Fabricius and Thilo.

[1320] See the observations of Paulus, Lücke, Tholuck, and Olshausen, in loc.

[1321] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 92.

[1322] Augustin, de consens. evang. i. 20; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 709; Köster, Immanuel, s. 63.

[1323] Ueber den Zweck Jesu, u. s. f., s. 351.

[1324] Vid. Lücke, 1, s. 552.

[1325] Fritzsche, in Matth. p. 310: discrepat autem Lucas ita a Matthæi narratione, ut centurionem non ipsum venisse ad Jesum, sed per legatos cum eo egisse tradat; quibus dissidentibus pacem obtrudere, boni nego interpretis esse.

[1326] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 92 f.

[1327] Kuinöl, in Matt., p. 221 f.

[1328] Tholuck, in loc.; Hase § 68, Anm. 2.

[1329] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 253 f.; Venturini, 2, s. 140 ff.; comp. Hase, § 68.

[1330] Lücke, 1, s. 550 f.

[1331] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 710 f.; Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 285 ff.

[1332] Clem. homil. ix. 21; Fritzsche, in Matth., 313.

[1333] Wetstein, N. T. 1, p. 349; comp. Olshausen, in loc.

[1334] Köster, Immanuel, s. 195, Anm.

[1335] Lücke, 1, s. 550.

[1336] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 268.

[1337] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 80 f.

[1338] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung, u. s. f., s. 50.

[1339] Schleiermacher, ut sup.

[1340] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 48 ff.

[1341] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 421.

[1342] Winer, b. Realw. 1, s. 796.

[1343] Paulus, ut sup. s. 49, 54; Köster, Immanuel, s. 185 f.

[1344] Ut sup. s. 83, ex Tract. Schabbat.

[1345] Schabbat, f. 12, ap. Schöttgen, i. p. 123.

[1346] See the passage last cited.

[1347] Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 427; in Mar., p. 79.

[1348]

1 Kings xiii. 4, LXX: καὶ ἰδοὺ Matth. xii. 10: καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄνθρωπος ἐξηράνθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ. ἐ͂ν τὴν χεῖρα ἔχων ξηράν (Mark, ἐξηραμμένην.) 6: καὶ ἐπέστρεψε τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς αὐτὸν, καὶ ἐγένετο 13: τότε λέγει τῷ ἀνθρωπῳ· ἔκτεινον καθὼς τὸ πρότερον. τὴν χεῖρα σου· καὶ ἐξέτεινε· καὶ ἀποκατεστάθη ὑγιὴς ὡς ἡ ἄλλη.

[1349] Tacit. Hist. iv. 81.

[1350] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 341 f.

[1351] Ut sup. s. 196.

[1352] Winer (bibl. Realw. 1, s. 796) says: We should be contented to refrain from seeking a natural explanation in individual cases (of the cures of Jesus), and ever bear in mind that the banishment of the miraculous out of the agency of Jesus can never be effected so long as the gospels are regarded historically.

[1353] Disc. 3.

[1354] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 263 ff. L. J. 1, a, s. 298.

[1355] Vid. Lücke and Tholuck, in loc.

[1356] Comp. with Comm. 4, s. 290, his Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 298.

[1357] Bretschneider, Probab., s. 69.

[1358] As by Hase, L. J. § 92.

[1359]

Mark ii. 9: (τί ἐστιν, εὐκοπώτερον, John v. 8: ἔγειραι, ἆρον τὸν εἰπεῖν——) ἔγειραι, καὶ ἆρόν σου τὸν κράββατόν σου, καὶ περιπάτει. κράββατον καὶ περιπάτει;

11:—ἔγειρα καὶ ἆρον τὸν κράββατόν σου 9: καὶ εὐθέως ἐγένετο ὑγιὴς ὁ καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς τὸν οἶκόν σου. ἄνθρωπος, καὶ ἦρε τὸν κράββατον αὑτοῦ καὶ 12: καὶ ἠγέρθη εὐθέως, καὶ ὤρας τὸν περιεπάτει. κράββατον ἐξῆλθεν ἐναντίον πάντων.

[1360] Ueber den Zweck des Evang. und der Briefe Joh., s. 351 ff.

[1361] Comm. in Matth. p. 263. Observe his argumentation: verba [N.B. Matthaei]: ἄρτι ἐτελεύτησεν, non possunt latine reddi: jam mortua est: nam, auctore [N.B. Luca] patri adhuc cum Christo colloquenti nuntiabat servus, filiam jam exspirasse; ergo [auctore Matthaeo?] nondum mortua erat, cum pater ad Jesum accederet.

[1362] Compare, on the subject of these vain attempts at reconciliation, Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 132, and Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 347 f.

[1363] Olshausen, in loc.

[1364] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 131 ff.; Schulz, über d. Abendmahl, s. 316 f.

[1365] Vid. Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. N. T. 2, p. 449 ff.

[1366] Homil. ii. 19.

[1367] Cap. x.

[1368] Ut sup. s. 129.

[1369] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 526, 31 f.; Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 132; Olshausen, 1, s. 327. Even Neander does not express himself decidedly against this interpretation of the words of Jesus; while with regard to the girl’s real condition, he thinks the supposition of a merely apparent death probable. L. J. Chr., s. 343. Comp. 338 f.

[1370] Comp. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 95; Weisse, die ev. Geschichte, 1, s. 503.

[1371] Comp. Neander. L. J., s. 342.

[1372] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 212.

[1373] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 716, Anm. and 719 f.

[1374] Ibid, ut sup. s. 723. Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 47.

[1375] Thus Hase also, L. J. § 87.

[1376] Venturini, 2, s. 293.

[1377] Comp. Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 103 f.

[1378] Paulus, Comp. 4, s. 535 ff.; L. J. 1, b, s. 55 ff.

[1379] Im the translation of the text in his Leben Jesu, 2, b, s. 46, Paulus appears to suppose, beside the message mentioned in the gospel, three subsequent messages.

[1380] Comp. C. Ch. Flatt, etwas zur Vertheidigung des Wunders der Wiederbelebung des Lazarus, in Süskind’s Magazin, 14tes Stück, s. 93 ff.

[1381] Journal für auserlesene theol. Literatur, 3, 2, s. 261, Anm.

[1382] Flatt, ut sup. 102 f.; De Wette, in loc.; Neander, s. 351 f.

[1383] Flatt, ut sup.; Lücke, Tholuck and De Wette, in loc.

[1384] Lücke, 2, s. 388.

[1385] Flatt, ut sup. s. 104 f.; Lücke, ut sup.

[1386] Flatt, s. 106; Olshausen, 2, s. 269.

[1387] Flatt, s. 97 f.

[1388] Compare on this subject, especially Flatt and Lücke.

[1389] Comm. 4, s. 437; in the L. J. 1, b, s. 57, and 2, b, s. 46, this conjecture is no longer employed.

[1390] Ut sup. s. 272 ff. Even Neander shows himself not disinclined to such a conjecture as far as regards v. 4 (s. 349). As Gabler believes that these expressions cannot have come from Jesus, but only from John, so Dieffenbach, in Bertholdt’s Krit. Journal, 5, s. 7 ff., maintains that they cannot have proceeded from John, and as he holds that the rest of the gospel is the production of that apostle, he pronounces those passages to be interpolations.

[1391] Disc. 5.

[1392] Bretschneider, Probab., s. 61.

[1393] 1, s. 276 f.

[1394] Comm. 2, s. 376. Also Neander, s. 346.

[1395] Tholuck, s. 202; Olshausen, 2, s. 260.

[1396] Ut sup.

[1397] Andachtsbuch, 1, s. 292 f. Exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 134.

[1398] S. 59 f. 79.

[1399] Comp. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 135.

[1400] This is what Neander maintains, L. J. Chr., s. 354. He objects that the fourth Evangelist must in any case have known of resuscitations of the dead by Jesus, even supposing the narrative in question to be an unhistorical exaggeration. But this objection is refuted by the observation, that, as an inducement to the formation of such a narrative, the general tradition that Jesus had raised the dead would be sufficient, and an acquaintance with particular instances as exemplars was not at all requisite.

[1401] This argument applies also to De Wette, who, while acknowledging that such an idea would be unsuitable in the mouth of Jesus, supposes nevertheless that it was really in his mind.

[1402] Dieffenbach, über einige wahrscheinliche Interpolationen im Evangelium Johannis, in Bertholdt’s krit. Journal, 5, s. 8 f.

[1403] Comm. z. Joh., 1te Aufl., 2, s. 310.

[1404] Thus the author of the Probabilia also argues, p. 61.

[1405] Disc. 5.

[1406] Comp. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 103 ff.

[1407] Saunier, über die quellen des Markus, s. 66 ff.

[1408] Comp. Winer bibl. Realw. d. A.

[1409] Let the reader recollect the well-known expression of Spinoza.

[1410] Whitby, Annot. in loc.

[1411] Thus Grotius and Herder; Olshausen also adopts this explanation under the form of conjecture, 2, s. 256 f., Anm.

[1412] See these arguments dispersed in Paulus and Lücke on this chapter; in Gabler, ut sup. p. 238 ff.; and Hase, L. J. § 119.—A new reason why Matthew in particular is silent on the resurrection of Lazarus, has been excogitated by Heydenreich (über die Unzulässigkeit der mythischen Auffassung, 2tes Stück, s. 42). The Evangelist, he says, omitted it, because it required to be represented and treated with a tenderness and liveliness of feeling, of which he did not think himself capable. Hence, the modest man chose to avoid the history altogether rather than to deprive it by his manner of narration, of its proper pathos and sublimity.—Idle modesty truly!

[1413] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr., s. 10.

[1414] Gabler, ut sup. s. 240 f.; also Neander, s. 357.

[1415] Comm. z. Joh. 2, s. 402.

[1416] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 139. In Schleiermacher’s Lectures on the Life of Jesus (if I may be permitted to refer to a work not yet printed), the silence in question is explained in the following manner. The synoptical Evangelists in general were ignorant of the relations of Jesus with the family of Bethany, because perhaps the apostles did not wish an intimate personal connection of this kind to pass into the general tradition, from which those Evangelists drew; and ignorance of the relations of Jesus with the family in general, of course included ignorance of this particular fact connected with them. But what motive could the apostles have for such reserve? Are we to infer secret, or even, with Venturini, tender ties? Must not such a private relation in the case of Jesus have presented much to edify us? The intimations which John and Luke afford us on this subject contain in fact much of this description, and from the narrative which the latter gives of the visit of Jesus to Martha and Mary, we see also that the apostles, in furnishing their accounts, were by no means averse to allow something of these relations to appear, so far as they could retain a general interest. Now in this light, the resurrection of Lazarus, as a pre-eminent miracle, was incomparably more valuable than that visit with its single aphorism “One thing is needful,” and involved less of the private relations of Jesus with the family of Bethany; the supposed effort to keep these secret, could not therefore have hindered the promulgation of the resurrection of Lazarus.

[1417] Kern, über den Ursprung des Evang. Matth., Tübing. Zeitschrift, 1834, 2, s. 110.

[1418] Bertholdt. Christol. Jud. § 35.

[1419] See the passages quoted from Tanchuma, Vol. I. § 14.

[1420] 1 Kings xvii. 23, LXX. καί ἔδωκεν αὐτὸ τῇ μητρὶ αὑτοῦ, Luke vii. 15: καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὸν τῇ μητρὶ αὑτοῦ.

[1421] Thus the author of the Abhandlung über die verschiedenen Rücksichten, in welchen der Biograph Jesu arbeiten kann, in Bertholdt’s krit. Journ., 5, s. 237 f., Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 202.—A resuscitation strikingly similar to that of the young man at Nain is narrated by Philostratus, of Apollonius of Tyana. “As according to Luke, it was a young man, the only son of a widow, who was being carried out of the city; so, in Philostratus, it is a young maiden already betrothed, whose bier Apollonius meets. The command to set down the bier, the mere touch, and a few words, are sufficient here, as there, to bring the dead to life” (Baur, Apollonius v. Tyana und Christus, s. 145). I should like to know whether Paulus, or any other critic, would be inclined to explain this naturally; if, however, it ought to be regarded as an imitation of the evangelical narrative (a conclusion which can hardly be avoided), we must have a preconceived opinion of the character of the books of the New Testament, to evade the consequence, that the resuscitations of the dead which they contain are only less designed imitations of those in the Old Testament; which are themselves to be derived from the belief of antiquity, that a victorious power over death was imparted to the favourites of the gods (Hercules, Esculapius, etc), and more immediately, from the Jewish idea of a prophet.

[1422] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 287.

[1423] Thus Paulus, exeg. Handb., 1, b, s. 468 ff.; Venturini, 2, s. 166 ff.; Kaiser, bibl. Theol., 1, s. 197. Hase, also, § 74, thinks this view probable.

[1424] Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 363, who for the rest here offers but a weak defence against the natural explanation.

[1425] Hase, ut sup.

[1426] Vid. Vol. 1, § 14, note 9.

[1427] Neander alters the fact, when he describes Jesus as falling asleep in the midst of the fury of the storm and the waves, and thus manifesting a tranquillity of soul which no terror of nature could disturb (s. 362). Luke says expressly, as they sailed he fell asleep: and there came down a storm, etc., πλεόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἀφὺπνωσε· καὶ κατέβη λαίλαψ κ.τ.λ., and according to the representation of the other Evangelists also, the sleeping of Jesus appears to have preceded the breaking out of the storm, since otherwise the timorous disciples would not have awaked him—they would rather not have allowed him to go to sleep.

[1428] Comp Saunier, über die Quellen des Markus, s. 82.

[1429] This may serve as an answer to Tholuck’s accusation, Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 110.

[1430] Ueber den Ursprung, u. s. f., s. 68 f.

[1431] According to Jamblich. vita Pyth, 135, ed. Kiessling, there were narrated of Pythagoras, ἀνέμων βιαίων χαλαζῶν τε χύσεως παραυτίκα κατευνήσεις καὶ κυμάτων ποταμίων τε καὶ θαλασσίων ἀπευδιασμοὶ πρὸς εὐμαρῆ τῶν ἑταίρων διάβασιν, instantaneous tranquillizings of violent winds and hailstorms, and soothings of the waves of rivers and seas, to afford easy transit to his companions. Comp. Porphyr. v. p. 29 same ed.

[1432] Ut sup. s. 491.

[1433] Paulus, Memorabilien, 6, Stuck, No. V.; exeg. Handb. 2, s. 238 ff.

[1434] Against the extremely arbitrary expedient which Paulus has here adopted, see Storr, Opusc. acad. 3, p. 288.

[1435] The former by Bolten, Bericht des Matthäus, in loc; the latter in Henke’s neuem Magazin, 6, 2, s. 327 ff.

[1436] Comp. Paulus and Fritzsche, in loc.

[1437] See the excellent passage in Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth., p. 505.

[1438] Mark’s inclination to exaggerate shows itself also in his concluding sentence, v. 51, (comp. vii. 37): and they were sore amazed in themselves beyond measure and wondered; which will scarcely be understood to import, as Paulus supposes (2, s. 266), a disapproval of the excessive astonishment.

[1439] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 68 f.; Weisse, die evang. Geschichte, 1, s. 521.

[1440] Vid. Lücke and Tholuck.

[1441] Homil. in Joann. 43.

[1442] In De Wette’s objection, that the opinion of an exaggeration of the miracle in John, is discountenanced by the addition that they were immediately at the land (ex. Handb. 1, 3, s. 79), there appears to me only a misunderstanding; but his assertion that in John the manner in which Jesus goes over the sea is not represented as a miracle (s. 78), is to me thoroughly incomprehensible.

[1443] Bretschneider, Probab., p. 81.

[1444] See the passages in Wetstein, p. 417 f.

[1445] Jamblich, vita Pythagoræ, 136; comp. Porphyr. 29.

[1446] Lucian, Philopseudes, 13.

[1447] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr., s. 68.

[1448] See the examples in Wetstein, in loc.

[1449] Die h. Schrift des n. Bundes, 1, s. 314, 2te Aufl.

[1450] Paulus, ex. Handb. 2, 502 ff. Comp. Hase, L. J. § 111.

[1451] Comp. Storr, in Flatt’s Magazin, 2, s. 68 ff.

[1452] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 200. Comp. Hase, ut sup.

[1453] Olshausen, 1, s. 512. This theologian, in the note on the same page, observes, that according to the words, We have taken no bread, Matt. xvi. 7, the disciples, even after the second feeding, were not alive to the fact, that there was no necessity for providing themselves with food for the body in the neighbourhood of the Son of Man. But this instance is not to the point, for the circumstances are here altogether different. That from the miraculous feeding of the people when they were accidentally belated in the wilderness, the disciples did not draw the same convenient conclusion with the biblical commentator, can only redound to their honour.

[1454] Ibid.

[1455] Gratz, Comm. z. Matth. 2, s. 90 f.; Sieffert, über den Ursprung, s. 97.

[1456] Thiesz, Krit. Commentar, 1, s. 168 ff.; Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 311. Comp. Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 523.

[1457] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 145; Sieffert, ut sup. s. 95 ff.; Hase, § 97. Neander is undecided, L. J. Chr., s. 372 ff., Anm.

[1458] Comp. Saunier, ut sup. s. 105.

[1459] Paulus, ex. Handb. 2, s. 315; Olshausen, ut sup.

[1460] Olshausen, s. 513.

[1461] See the proof in De Wette, Kritik der mos. Gesch., s. 220 ff., 314 ff.

[1462] Thus Olshausen, in loc. after Pfenninger. Comp. Hase, § 97.

[1463] This lamentable observation of mine, according to Olshausen, has its source in something worse than intellectual incapacity, namely, in my total disbelief in a living God: otherwise assuredly it would not have appeared so great a difficulty to me that the Divine causality should have superseded human operations (s. 479, der 3ten Aufl.).

[1464] Jesus Messias, 2, Bd. No. 14, 15 and 20.

[1465] For this reason Neander (s. 377) passes over the miracle with a few entirely general remarks.

[1466] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 205 ff.

[1467] Olshausen, in loc.

[1468] Against Neander’s attempt at reconciliation, compare De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 77.

[1469] This indication has been recently followed up by Weisse. He finds the key to the history of the miraculous multiplication of the loaves, in the question addressed by Jesus to the disciples when they misunderstand his admonition against the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees. He asks them whether they did not remember how many baskets they had been able to fill from the five and again from the seven loaves, and then adds, How is it that ye do not understand that I spake it not to you concerning bread, etc. (Matt. xvi. 11). Now, says Weisse, the parallel which Jesus here institutes between his discourse on the leaven, and the history of the feeding of the multitude, shows that the latter also is only to be interpreted parabolically (s. 511 ff.). But the form of the question of Jesus: πόσους κοφίνους (σπυρίδας) ἐλάβετε; how many baskets ye took up, presupposes a real event; we can form no conception, as we have already remarked in relation to the history of the temptation, of a parable in which Jesus and his disciples would have played a principal part; moreover, the inference which Jesus would convey is, according to the text, not that because the present narrative was figurative, so also must be the interpretation of the subsequent discourse, but that after the earlier proof how superfluous was any solicitude about physical bread where Jesus was at hand, it was absurd to understand his present discourse as relating to such.

[1470] Vid. Vol. I. § 14.

[1471]

2 Kings iv. 43, LXX.: τί δῶ John vi. 9: ἀλλὰ ταῦτα τί ἐστιν εἰς τοῦτο ἔνώπιον ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν; τοσούτους; Ibid. v. 44: καὶ ἕφαγον, καὶ Matt. xiv. 20: καὶ ἔφαγον πάντες, κατέλιπον κατὰ τὸ ῥῆμα Κυρίου. καὶ ἐχορτάσθησαν, καὶ ἦραν τὸ περισσεῦον τῶν κλασμάτων, κ.τ.λ.

[1472] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 237 f.

[1473] Joma f. 39, 1: Tempore Simeonis justi benedictio erat super duos panes pentecostales et super decem panes προθέσεως, ut singuli sacerdotes, qui pro rata parte acciperent quantitatem olivæ, ad satietatem comederent, imo ut adhuc reliquiæ superessent.

[1474] Comp. De Wette, ex Handb. 1, 1, s. 133 f.

[1475] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 74.

[1476] Neander is of opinion that an analogy may be found for this miracle yet more easily than for that of the loaves—in the mineral springs, the water of which is rendered so potent by natural agencies, that it produces effects which far exceed those of ordinary water, and in part resemble those of wine! (s. 369.)

[1477] In Joann. tract. 8: Ipse vinum fecit in nuptiis, qui omni anno hoc facit in vitibus.

[1478] Thus Augustine, ut sup. approved by Olshausen: sicut enim, quod miserunt ministri in hydrias in vinum conversum est opere Domini, sic et quod nubes fundunt, in vinum convertitur ejusdem opere Domini.

[1479] Even Lücke, 1, s. 405, thinks the analogy with the above natural process deficient and unintelligible, and does not know how to console himself better than by the consideration, that a similar inconvenience exists in relation to the miracle of the loaves.

[1480] Chrysost. hom. in Joann. 21.

[1481] Woolston, Disc. 4.

[1482] P. 42.

[1483] Tholuck, in loc.

[1484] Comm. 4, s. 151 f.

[1485] Von Gottes Sohn u. s. f. nach Johannes Evangelium, s. 131 f.

[1486] C. Ch. Flatt, über die Verwandlung des Wassers in Wein, in Süskind’s Magazin, 14. Stück, s. 86 f.; Olshausen, ut sup. s. 75 f.; comp. Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 372.

[1487] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1488] Lücke also thinks this symbolical interpretation too far-fetched, and too little supported by the tone of the narrative, s. 406. Comp. De Wette, ex. Handb. 1, 3, s. 37.

[1489] [A Wirtemberg wine Maas, or measure, is equal to about 3½ pints English, or more exactly 3·32.—Tr.]

[1490] Wurm, de ponderum, mensurarum etc. rationibus, ap. Rom. et Græc., p. 123, 126. Comp. Lücke, in loc.

[1491] Homil. in Joann. in loc.

[1492] Tholuck, in loc.

[1493] This argument is valid against Neander also, who appeals to the faith of Mary chiefly as a result of the solemn inauguration at the baptism (s. 370).

[1494] Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 1, s. 135. Comp. also Calvin, in loc.

[1495] E.g. by Woolston, ut sup.

[1496] Flatt, ut sup. s. 90; Tholuck, in loc.

[1497] Olshausen, in loc.

[1498] Comp. also the Probabilia, p. 41 f.

[1499] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 150 ff.; L. J. 1, a, s. 169 ff.; Natürliche Gesch. 2, s. 61 ff.

[1500] Compare on this point, Flatt, ut sup. s. 77 ff. and Lücke, in loc.

[1501] He makes the word μεθύσκεσθαι, v. 10, refer to John also.

[1502] Lücke, s. 407.

[1503] Bibl. Theol. 1, s. 200.

[1504] In the passages cited Vol. I. § 14, out of Midrasch Koheleth, it is said among other things: Goël primus—ascendere fecit puteum: sic quoque Goël postremus ascendere faciet aquas, etc.

[1505] A natural explanation of this miracle is given by Josephus in a manner worthy of notice, Antiq. iii. 1, 2.

[1506] We may also remind the reader of the transmutation of water into oil, which Eusebius (H. E. vi. 9.) narrates of a Christian bishop.

[1507] Compare the Probabilia, ut sup.

[1508] De Wette thinks the analogies adduced from the Old Testament too remote; according to him, the metamorphosis of wine into water by Bacchus, instanced by Wetstein, would be nearer to the subject, and not far from the region of Greek thought, out of which the gospel of John arose. The most analogous mythical derivation of the narrative would be to regard this supply of wine as the counterpart to the supply of bread, and both as corresponding to the bread and wine in the last supper. But, he continues, the mythical view is opposed, 1, by the not yet overthrown authenticity of the fourth gospel; 2, by the fact that the narrative bears less of a legendary than a subjective impress, by the obscurity that rests upon it, and its want of one presiding idea, together with the abundance of practical ideas worthy of Jesus which it embodies. By these observations De Wette seems to intimate his approval of a natural explanation, built on the self-deception of John; an explanation which is encumbered with the difficulties above noticed.

[1509] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 157 ff.

[1510] L. J. § 128.

[1511] Augustin. de verbis Domini in ev. sec. Joann., sermo 44: Quid arbor fecerat, fructum non afferendo? quæ culpa arboris infæcunditas?

[1512] Disc. 4.

[1513] Orig. Comm. in Matt., Tom. xvi. 29: Ὁ δὲ Μάρκος ἀναγράψας τὰ κατὰ τὸν τόπον, ἀπεμφαῖνόν τι ὡς πρὸς τὸ ῥητὸν προσέθηκε, ποιήσας, ὅτι—οὐ γὰρ ἦν καιρὸς σύκων.—Εἴποι γὰρ ἃν τις· εἰ μὴ ὁ καιρὸς σύκων ἦν, πῶς ἦλθεν ὁ Ἰ. ὡς εὑρήσων τι ἐν αὐτῇ. καὶ πῶς δικαίως εἶπεν αὐτῇ· μηκέτι εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα ἐκ σοῦ μηδεὶς καρπὸν φάγῃ; comp. Augustin ut sup. Mark, in relating this event, adds something which seems not to tally well with his statement, when he observes that it was not the season for figs. It might be urged: if it was not the season for figs, why should Jesus go and look for fruit on the tree, and how could he, with justice, say to it, Let no man eat fruit of thee for ever?

[1514] Toupii emendd. in Suidam, 1, p. 330 f.

[1515] Heinsius and others, ap. Fritzsche, in loc.

[1516] Maji Obs., ib.

[1517] Dahme, in Henke’s n. Magazin, 2. Bd. 2. Heft, s. 252. Kuinöl, in Marc, p. 150 f.

[1518] Vid. Kuinöl, in loc.

[1519] Paulus, exeg. Handb., 3, a, s. 175; Olshausen, b, Comm. 1, s. 782.

[1520] As Sieffert thinks, Ueber den Urspr., s. 113 ff. Compare my reviews, in the Charakteristiken und Kritiken, s. 272.

[1521] Vid. Paulus, ut sup. s. 168 f.; Winer, b. Realw. d. A. Feigenbaum.

[1522] Bell. Jud. III. x. 8.

[1523] Ullman, über die Unsündlichkeit Jesu, in his Studien, 1, s. 50; Sieffert, ut sup. s. 115 ff.; Olshausen, 1, s. 783 f.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 378.

[1524] Paulus, ut sup. s. 170; Hase, L. J. § 128; also Sieffert, ut sup.

[1525] Heydenreich, in the Theol. Nachrichten, 1814, Mai., s. 121 ff.

[1526] Comm. in Matt. p. 637.

[1527] Comm., in Marc. p. 481: Male—vv. dd. in eo hæserunt, quod Jesus sine ratione innocentem ficum aridam reddidisse videretur, mirisque argutiis usi sunt, ut aliquod hujus rei consilium fuisse ostenderent. Nimirum apostoli, evangelistæ et omnes primi temporis Christiani, qua erant ingeniorum simplicitate, quid quantumque Jesus portentose fecisse diceretur, curarunt tantummodo, non quod Jesu in edendo miraculo consilium fuerit, subtiliter et argute quæsi verunt.

[1528] Μὴ ἀκριβολογοῦ διατί τετιμώρηται τὸ φυτὸν, ἀναίτιον ὄν· ἀλλὰ μόνον ὂρα τὸ θαῦμα, καὶ θαύμαζε τὸν θαυματουργόν.

[1529] Ambrosius, Comm. in Luc, in loc. Neander adopts this opinion, ut sup.

[1530] Conceptions of the narrative in the main accordant with that here given, may be found in De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 176 f.; 1, 2, s. 174 f., and Weisse, die evang. Gesch., 1, s. 576 f.

[1531] Vom Erlöser der Menschen nach unsern drei ersten Evangelien, s. 114.

[1532] In a treatise on the history of the Transfiguration, in his neuesten theol. Journal, 1. Bd. 5. Stück, s. 517 ff. Comp. Bauer, hebr. Mythol. 2, s. 233 ff.

[1533] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 534 f.

[1534] Olshausen, ut sup. s. 537.

[1535] Olshausen, 1, s. 539; comp. s. 178.

[1536] Thus Tertull. adv. Marcion, iv. 22; Herder, ut sup. 115 f., with whom also Gratz agrees. Comm. z. Matth. 2, s. 163 f., 169.

[1537] Comp. Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 552; Olshausen, 1, s. 523.

[1538] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1539] Rau, symbola ad illustrandam Evv. de metamorphosi J. Chr. narrationem; Gabler, ut sup. s. 539 ff.; Kuinöl, Comm. z. Matth. p. 459 ff.; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 474 f.

[1540] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 319; Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 148 f.; comp. also Köster, Immanuel, s. 60 f.

[1541] Bauer has discerned this, ut sup. s. 237; Fritzsche, p. 556; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 56 f.; Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 1, s. 536; and Paulus also partly, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 447 f.

[1542] Paulus, exeg. Handb., 2, 436 ff.; L. J. 1, b, s. 7 ff.; Natürliche Geschichte, 3, s. 256 ff.

[1543] Ut sup.

[1544] Paulus, exeg. Handb., s. 446; Gratz, 2, s. 165 f.

[1545] Comp. De Wette, Einleitung in das N. T. § 79.

[1546] Thus Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 62 ff.

[1547] Neander, because he considers the objective reality of the transfiguration doubtful, also finds the silence of the fourth Evangelist a difficulty in this instance (s. 475 f.).

[1548] Olshausen, s. 533, Anm.

[1549] Vid. Rau, in the Programme quoted in Gabler, neuestes theolog. Journal, 1, 3, s. 506; De Wette, in loc. Matth.

[1550] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 553; Olshausen, 1, s. 541. Still less satisfactory expedients in Gabler, ut sup. and in Matthäi, Religionsgl. der Apostel, 2, s. 596.

[1551] This even Paulus admits, 2, s. 442.

[1552] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 149.

[1553] This is an answer to Weisse’s objection, s. 539.

[1554] Comp. Jalkut Simeoni, p. 2 f. x. 3, (ap. Wetstein, p. 435): Facies justorum futuro tempore similes erunt soli et luna, cælo et stellis, fulguri, etc.

[1555] Bereschith Rabba, xx. 29, (ap. Wetstein): Vestes lucis vestes Adami primi. Pococke, ex Nachmanide (ibid.): Fulgida facta fuit facies Mosis instar solis, Josuæ instar lunæ; quod idem affirmarunt veteres de Adamo.

[1556] In Pirke Elieser, ii. there is, according to Wetstein, the following statement: inter docendum radios ex facie ipsius, ut olim e Mosis facie, prodiisse, adeo ut non dignosceret quis, utrum dies esset an nox.

[1557] Nizzachon vetus, p. 40, ad Exod. xxxiv. 33 (ap. Wetstein): Ecce Moses magister noster felicis memoriæ, qui homo merus erat, quia Deus de facie ad faciem cum eo locutus est, vultum tam lucentem retulit, ut Judæi vererentur accedere: quanto igitur magis de ipsa divinitate hoc tenere oportet, atque Jesu faciem ob uno orbis cardine ad alterum fulgorem diffundere conveniebat? At non præditus fuit ullo splendore, sed reliquis mortalibus fuit simillimus. Qua propter constat, non esse in eum credendum.

[1558] From this parallel with the ascent of the mountain by Moses may perhaps be derived the interval—the ἡμέραι ἓξ—by which the two first Evangelists separate the present event from the discourses detailed in the foregoing chapter. For the history of the adventures of Moses on the mountain begins with a like statement of time, it being said that after the cloud had covered the mountain six days, Moses was called to Jehovah (v. 16). Although the point of departure was a totally different one, this statement of time might be retained for the opening of the scene of transfiguration in the history of Jesus.

[1559] Vide Bertholdt, Christologia Judæorum, § 15, s. 60 ff.

[1560] Debarim Rabba, iii. (Wetstein): Dixit Deus S. B. Mosi: per vitam tuam, quemadmodum vitam tuam posuisti pro Israelitis in hoc mundo, ita tempore futuro, quando Eliam prophetam ad ipsos mittam, vos quo eodem tempore venietis. Comp. Tanchuma f. xlii. 1, ap. Schöttgen 1, s. 149.

[1561] This narrative is pronounced to be a mythus by De Wette, Kritik der mos. Gesch. s. 250; comp. exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 146 f.; Bertholdt, Christologia Jud. § 15, not. 17; Credner, Einleitung in das N. T. 1, s. 241; Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 319, at least admits that there is more or less of the mythical in the various evangelical accounts of the transfiguration, and Fritzsche, in Matt. p. 448 f. and 456 adduces the mythical view of this event not without signs of approval. Compare also Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 459, and Gratz, 2, s. 161 ff.

[1562] Plato also in the Symposion (p. 223, B. ff. Steph.), glorifies his Socrates by arranging in a natural manner, and in a comic spirit, a similar group to that which the Evangelists here present in a supernatural manner, and in a tragic spirit. After a bacchanalian entertainment, Socrates outwatches his friends, who lie sleeping around him: as here the disciples around their master; with Socrates there are awake two noble forms alone, the tragic and the comic poet, the two elements of the early Grecian life, which Socrates united in himself: as, with Jesus, the lawgiver and prophet, the two pillars of the Old Testament economy, which in a higher manner were combined in Jesus; lastly, as in Plato both Agathon and Aristophanes at length sleep, and Socrates remains alone in possession of the field: so in the gospel, Moses and Elias at last vanish, and the disciples see Jesus left alone.

[1563] Weisse, not satisfied with the interpretation found by me in the mythus, and labouring besides to preserve an historical foundation for the narrative, understands it as a figurative representation in the oriental manner, by one of the three eye-witnesses, of the light which at that time arose on them concerning the destination of Jesus, and especially concerning his relation to the Old Testament theocracy and to the messianic prophecies. According to him, the high mountain symbolizes the height of knowledge which the disciples then attained; the metamorphosis of the form of Jesus, and the splendour of his clothes, are an image of their intuition of the spiritual messianic idea; the cloud which overshadowed the appearance, signifies the dimness and indefiniteness in which the new knowledge faded away, from the inability of the disciples yet to retain it; the proposal of Peter to build tabernacles, is the attempt of this apostle at once to give a fixed dogmatical form to the sublime intuition. Weisse is fearful (s. 543) that this his conception of the history of the transfiguration may also be pronounced mythical: I think not; it is too manifestly allegorical.

[1564] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 160.

[1565] Kuinöl and Gratz, in loc.

[1566] Thus e.g. Lightfoot, in loc.

[1567] Wetstein, Olshausen, in loc., Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 164, 214.

[1568] Vid. De Wette, in loc.

[1569] Fritzsche, in Marc. p. 415: Marcus Matthæi, xix. 1, se auctoritati h. l. adstringit, dicitque, Jesum e Galilæa (cf. ix. 33) profectum esse per Peraeam. Sed auctore Luca, xvii. 11, in Judæam contendit per Samariam itinere brevissimo.

[1570] Paulus, 2, s. 293, 554. Comp. Olshausen, 1, s. 583.

[1571] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 159.

[1572] Paulus, 2, s. 294 ff.

[1573] Paulus, ut sup. 295 f., 584 f.

[1574] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 161 f.; Sieffert, über den Urspr., s. 104 ff. With the former agrees, in relation to Luke, Olshausen, ut sup.

[1575] Tholuck, Comm. z. Joh., s. 227; Olshausen, 1, s. 771 f.

[1576] Tholuck and Olshausen, ut sup.

[1577] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 92 ff., 98 ff.; Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 244 f.

[1578] Schleiermacher, ut sup.

[1579] Comp. Lücke, 2, s. 432, Anm.

[1580] Hase, L. J. § 124.

[1581] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 172.

[1582] Paulus, 3, a, s. 115; Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 541.

[1583] Olshausen, 1, s. 776.

[1584] Comm. in Matth., p. 630. His expedient is approved by De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 173.

[1585] Paulus, ut sup. s. 143 f.

[1586] Glassius, phil. sacr., p. 172. Thus also Kuinöl and Gratz, in loc.

[1587] N. T. Gramm., s. 149.

[1588] Eichhorn, allgem. Bibliothek, 5, s. 896 f.; comp. Bolten, Bericht des Matthäus, s. 317 f.

[1589] Vide Fritzsche, in loc. This is admitted by Neander also, s. 550, Anm.

[1590] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 310 f.; Sieffert, über den Urspr., s. 107 f.

[1591] That the above motive will not suffice to explain the conduct of Jesus, Paulus has also felt; for only the despair on his part of finding a more real and special motive, can account for his becoming in this solitary instance mystical, and embracing the explanation of Justin Martyr, whom he elsewhere invariably attacks, as the author of the perverted ecclesiastical interpretations of the Bible. According to Justin, the ass designated ὑποζύγιον (that is under the yoke), is a symbol of the Jews; the ass never yet ridden, of the Gentiles (Dial. c. Tryph. 53); and Paulus, adopting this idea, endeavours to make it probable that Jesus, by mounting an animal which had never before been ridden, intended to announce himself as the founder and ruler of a new religious community. Exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 116 ff.

[1592] Natürliche Gesch. 3, s. 566 f.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 550, Anm.

[1593] Weisse, s. 573.

[1594] Apol. i. 32: τὸ δὲ δεσμεύων πρὸς ἄμπελον τὸν πῶλον αὐτοῦ—σύμβολον δηλωτικὸν ἦν τῶν γενησομένων τῷ Χριστῷ καὶ τῶν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ πραχθησομένων. πῶλος γάρ τις ὄνου εἱστήκει ἔν τινι εἰσόδῳ κώμης πρὸς ἄμπελον δεδεμένος ὃν ἐκέλευσεν ἀγαγεῖν αὐτῷ κ.τ.λ. Binding his colt to a vine—was a symbol indicative of what would happen to Christ; for there stood at the entrance of a certain village, bound to a vine, an ass’s colt, which he ordered them to bring to him, etc.

[1595] Vid. Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 146.

[1596] Midrasch Rabba, f. xcviii.

[1597] On account of this silence of the fourth Evangelist, even Neander (ut sup.) is in this instance inclined to admit, that a more simple event, owing to the disproportionate importance subsequently attached to it, was unhistorically modified.

[1598] Comp. Paulus, in loc.

[1599] The citation given by Matthew is a combination of a passage from Isaiah with that of Zechariah. For the words Tell ye the daughter of Zion, εἴπατε τῇ θυγατρὶ Σιὼν, are from Isa. lxii. 11; the rest from Zechariah ix. 9, where the LXX. has with some divergency: ἰδοὺ ὁ βασιλεύς σου ἔρχεταί σοι δίκαιος καὶ σώζων αὐτὸς πραῢς καὶ ἐπιβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ ὑποζύγιον καὶ πῶλον νέον.

[1600] Hitzig, über die Abfassungszeit der Orakel, Zach. ix.–xiv. in the Theol. Studien, 1830, 1, s. 36 ff. refers the preceding verse to the warlike deeds of this king, and the one in question to his pacific virtues.

[1601] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 121 ff.

[1602] Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, s. 274 ff.

[1603] In the passage cited Introd., § 14, from Midrasch Coheleth, the description, pauper et insidens asino in Zechariah, is in the very first instance referred to the Goël postremus. This ass of the Messiah was held identical with that of Abraham and Moses, vid. Jalkut Rubeni f. lxxix. 3, 4, ap. Schöttgen, i. s. 169; comp. Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 2, s. 697 f.

[1604] Sanhedrin f. xcviii. 1 (ap. Wetstein): Dixit R. Alexander: R. Josua f. Levi duobus inter se collatis locis tanquam contrariis visis objecit: scribitur Dan. vii. 13: et ecce cum nubibus cœli velut filius hominis venit. Et scribitur Zach. ix. 9: pauper et insidens asino. Verum hæc duo loca ita inter se conciliari possunt: nempe, si justitia sua mereantur Israëlitæ, Messias veniet cum nubibus cœli: si autem non mereantur, veniet pauper, et vehetur asino.

[1605] His predictions concerning particular circumstances of his passion, uttered shortly before its occurrence, in the last days of his life, can only be considered farther on, in the history of those days.

[1606] Comp. Olshausen, bibl. Comm., 1, s. 528.

[1607] Gesenius, Jesaias, iii. 137 ff.; Hitzig, Comm. zu Jes., s. 550.

[1608] Gesenius, ut sup. s. 158 ff.; Hitzig, s. 577 ff.; Vatke, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 528 ff.

[1609] De Wette, Comm. zu den Psalmen, s. 514 ff.; 3te Aufl.

[1610] Ibid. s. 224 ff.

[1611] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 677 ff., and De Wette in loc.

[1612] See this view developed by Fritzsche, Comm. in Marc, p. 381 f.

[1613] Vid. Fritzsche, ut sup.

[1614] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 415 ff.; Ammon, bibl. Theol. 2, s. 377 f.; Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 246. Fritzsche also, ut sup. and Weisse, 1, s. 423, partly admit this.

[1615] Bertholdt, Einleitung in d. N. T. 1305 ff.; Wegscheider, Einl. in das Evang. Johannis, s. 271 f.

[1616] Daniel, übersetzt und erklärt von Bertholdt, 2, s. 541 ff., 660 ff.; Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, p. 339 ff.

[1617] De Wette, de morte Christi expiatoria, in his Opusc. Theol., p. 130; Hase, L. J. § 06.

[1618] Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Junger, s. 114 ff. 153 f.

[1619] Ueber den Zweck und die Wirkungen des Todes Jesu, in the Göttingischen Bibliothek, 1, 4, s. 252 ff.

[1620] See the list in De Wette, ut sup. s. 6 ff. The most important voices for the existence of the idea in question in the time of Jesus, have been noticed by Stäudlin in the above treatise, 1, s. 233 ff., and by Hengstenberg, Christologie des A. T., 1, a, s. 270 ff., b, s, 290 ff; for the opposite opinion, by De Wette, ut sup. p. 1 ff.

[1621] Comp. De Wette, bibl. Dogm, § 201 f.; Baumgarten Crusius, bibl. Theol. § 54.

[1622] Vid. De Wette, ut sup. § 189 ff.

[1623] Comp. De Wette, ut sup. § 193.

[1624] Gfrörer, Philo, 1, s. 495 ff.

[1625] A passage to this effect out of the law (νόμος) properly so called, would be difficult to find: De Wette, de morte, p. 72, refers to Isa. ix. 5; Lücke, in loc. to Ps. cx. 4; Dan. vii. 14, ii. 44.

[1626] Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 179 f.

[1627] Vid. De Wette, de morte Chr. p. 73 f.

[1628] Comp. Gesenius, Jesaias 2, Th. s. 66; De Wette, Einleitung in das A. T. § 59, 3te Ausg.

[1629]

Literal translation according to Targum of Jonathan: Quemadmodum Hitzig, lii. 14:—As many were per multos dies ipsum exspectârunt amazed at him, so disfigured, not Israëlitae, quorum contabuit inter human, was his appearance, and his gentes adspectus et splendor (et form not that of the children of evanuit) e filiis hominum, etc. men, etc.

liii. 4:—But he bore our Idcirco pro delictis nostris ipse infirmities, and charged himself deprecabitur, et iniquitates with our sorrows, and we esteemed nostræ propter eum condonabuntur, him stricken, smitten of God and licet nos reputati simus contusi, afflicted. plagis affecti et afflicti.

Origen also relates, c. Celsus, i. 55, how a person esteemed a wise man among the Jews, λεγόμενος παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις σοφὸς, maintained, in opposition to his Christian interpretation of the passage in Isaiah, that this was prophesied concerning the whole nation, which had been dispersed and afflicted, in order that many might become proselytes, ταῦτα πεπροφητεῦσθαι ὡς περὶ ἑνὸς τοῦ ὅλου λαοῦ, καὶ γενομένου ἐν τῇ διασπορᾷ, καὶ πληγέντος, ἳνα πολλοὶ προσήλυτοι γένωνται.

[1630] Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 182 f.; Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 2, s. 758.

[1631] Ap. Schöttgen, 2 s. 181 f.

[1632] De Wette, de morte Chr. expiatoria, ut sup. s. 50.

[1633] vii. 29.

[1634] Schöttgen, 2, s. 509 ff.; Schmidt, Christologische Fragmente, in his Bibliothek, 1, s. 24 ff.; Bertholdt, Christol. Jud., § 13.

[1635] Schmidt, ut sup.; Bertholdt, ut sup., § 16.

[1636] Pesikta in Abkath Rochel, ap. Schmidt, s. 48 f.

[1637] Sohar, P. II. lxxxv. 2, ap. Schmidt, § 47 f.

[1638] Gemara Sanhedrin, f. xcviii. 1; ap. De Wette, de morte Chr., p. 95 f., and ap. Hengstenberg, s. 292.

[1639] Sohar, P. II. f. lxxx. ii. 2; ap. De Wette, s. 94: Cum Israëlitæ essent in terra sancta, per cultus religiosos et sacrificia quæ faciebanto, omnes illos morbos et pœnas e mundo, sustulerunt; nunc vero Messias debet auferre eas ab hominibus.

[1640] Vid. Bertholdt, ut sup. § 17.

[1641] De Wette, de morte Chr., p. 112; comp. 53 ff.

[1642] Hase, L. J. § 108.

[1643] Ibid.

[1644] Ibid. and § 109.

[1645] See his animated and impressive treatise, vom Zweck, u. s. f., s. 121 ff. Comp. Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 224 ff., and De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 143.

[1646] Thus especially Herder, vom Erlöser der Menschen, s. 133 ff. Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 227. Comp. Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth., p. 444 f.

[1647] LXX.: ὑγιάσει ἡμᾶς μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας· ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ ἐξαναστησόμεθα, καὶ ζησόμεθα ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ.

[1648] Comp. Süskind, einige Bemerkungen über die Frage, ob Jesus seine Auferstehung bestimmt vorhergesagt habe? in Flatt’s Magazin, 7, s. 203 ff.

[1649] Paulus, ut sup. 2, s. 415 ff.; Hase, L. J. § 109.

[1650] E.g. Lücke, 1, s. 426; comp., on the contrary, Tholuck, in loc.

[1651] Vid. Tholuck, ut sup.

[1652] Henke, Joannes apostolus nonnullorum Jesu apophthegmatum in evang. suo et ipse interpres. In Pott’s and Ruperti’s Sylloge Comm. theol. 1, s. 9; Gabler, Recension des Henke’schen Programms im neuesten theol. Journal, 2, 1, s. 88; Lücke, in loc.

[1653] Thus, besides Henke in the above Programm, Herder, von Gottes Sohn nach Johannes Evang., s. 135 f.; Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 165 f.; L. J. 1, a, s. 173 f.; Lücke, and De Wette, in loc.

[1654] Storr, in Flatt’s Magazin, 4, s. 199.

[1655] Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc.

[1656] Hence Neander remains suspended in indecision between the two, s. 395 f.

[1657] Thus Kern, die Hauptthatsachen der evang. Gesch., Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1836, 2, s. 128.

[1658] Thus Olshausen.

[1659] Kern says, indeed, that a similar doubleness of meaning is found elsewhere in significant discourse; but he refrains from adducing an example.

[1660] Probab., p. 23 ff.

[1661] Comp. Neander, s. 396, Anm.

[1662] Paulus, exeg. Handb. in loc.

[1663] Comp. Fritzsche and Olshausen, in loc.

[1664] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 97 ff. Schulz, über das Abendm., s. 317 f.

[1665] Süskind, ut sup. s. 184 ff.

[1666] Vid. Lücke, in loc.

[1667] Vid. de Wette, Comm. über die Psalmen, s. 178.

[1668] Compare, on the import and connexion of this discourse, Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 695 ff; De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 197 ff; Weizel, die unchristliche Unsterblichkeitslehre, in the theol. Studien und Kritiken, 1836, s. 599 ff.—In agreement with these commentators I append the following division of the passage in Matthew:

I. Signs of the end, τέλος, xxiv. 4–14.

a. More remote signs, the beginning of sorrows, ἀρχὴ ὠδίνων, 4–8. b. More immediate signs, the actual sorrows, 9–14.

II. The end, τέλος, itself, xxiv. 15–25, 46.

a. Its commencement with the destruction of Jerusalem, and the great tribulation θλῖψις which accompanies it, 15–28. b. Its culminating point: the advent of the Messiah, together with the assembling of his elect, 29–31. (Here follow retrospective observations and warnings, xxiv. 32-xxv. 30.) c. Close of the τέλος with the messianic judgment, 31–46.

[1669] Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 184, 201 ff., 207 ff.

[1670] The former adv. hæres. v. 25; the latter, Comm. in Matth. in loc. Compare on the different interpretations of this passage the list in Schott, Commentarius in eos J. Chr. sermones, qui de reditu ejus ad judicium—agunt, p. 73 ff.

[1671] Bahrdt., Uebersetzung des N. T., 1, s. 1103, 3te Ausg.; Eckermann, Handb. der Glaubenslehre, 2, s. 579, 3, s. 427, 437, 709 ff; and others in Schott, ut sup.

[1672] This is the opinion of Lightfoot, in loc., Flatt, Comm. de notione vocis βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν, in Velthusen’s und A. Sammlung 2, 461 ff.; Jahn, Erklärung der Weissagungen Jesu von der Zerstörung Jerusalems u. s. w., in Bengel’s Archiv. 2, 1, s. 79 ff., and others, cited in Schott, s. 75 f.

[1673] Thus especially Jahn, in the treatise above cited.

[1674] Kern, Hauptthatsachen der evang. Geschichte, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 2, s. 140 ff.

[1675] Thus Storr, Opusc. acad. 3, s. 34 ff.; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 346 f. 402 f.

[1676] Ut sup. s. 188.

[1677] Storr, ut sup. s. 39, 116 ff.

[1678] Paulus, in loc.

[1679] Vid. Kuinöl in Matt., s. 649.

[1680] Comp. the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist, ut sup. s. 190 ff. Schott, ut sup. s. 127 ff.

[1681] Kern, ut sup. s. 141 f. That Jesus conceived the epoch at which he spoke to be separated from the end of the world by a far longer interval than would elapse before the destruction of Jerusalem, Kern thinks he can prove in the shortest way from v. 14, of the 24th chapter of Matthew, where Jesus says, And this gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all nations, and then shall the end come. For such a promulgation of Christianity, he thinks, it is “beyond contradiction” that a far longer space of time than these few lustrums would be requisite. As it happens, the apostle Paul himself presents the contradiction, when he represents the gospel as having been already preached to that extent before the destruction of Jerusalem, e.g. Col. i. 5: τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, (6) τοῦ παρόντος—ἐν παντὶ τῷ κόσμῳ—(23)—τοῦ κηρυχθέντος ἐν πάσῃ τῇ κτίσει τῇ ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανὸν. Comp. Rom. x. 13.

[1682] The former is chosen by Süskind, vermischte Aufsätze, s. 90 ff.; the latter by Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 653 ff.

[1683] See his Commentarius, in loc.

[1684] Ueber das Abendmahl, s. 315 f.

[1685] Ueber den Ursprung des ersten kanon. Evangel., s. 119 ff. Also Weisse, ut sup.

[1686] Ueber den Lukas, s. 215 ff., 265 ff. Here also his opinion is approved by Neander, s. 562.

[1687] Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 865; Kern, ut sup. s. 138 ff. Comp. Steudel Glaubensl. s. 479 ff.

[1688] [“Die Weltgeschichte ist das Weltgericht:” Schiller. Tr.]

[1689] Comp. especially Weizel, die Zeit des jüngsten Tags u. s. f. in den Studien der evang. Geistlichkeit Würtembergs, 9, 2, s. 140 ff., 154 ff.

[1690] According to Kern, the appearing of the Son of Man in the clouds, signifies “the manifestation of everything which forms so great an epoch in the development of the history of mankind, that from it, the agency of Christ, who is the governing power in the history of mankind, may be as clearly recognised as if the sign of Christ were seen in the heavens. The mourning of all the tribes of the earth is to be understood of the sorrow with which men will be visited, owing to the judgment, κρίσις, which accompanies the propagation of the kingdom of Christ, as consisting in an expulsion of ungodliness out of the world, and the annihilation of the old man.” Still further does Weisse allow himself to be carried away by the allegorizing propensity: Christ “commiserates those who are with child and who give suck, i.e. those who would still labour and produce in the old order of things; he further pities those whose flight falls in the winter, i.e. in a rude, inhospitable period, which bears no fruit for the spirit.” (Die evang. Gesch. 2, s. 592.)

[1691] Hengstenberg, Christologie des A. T., 1, a, s. 305 ff.

[1692] Exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 403. Comp. also Kern, Hauptthatsachen, ut sup. s. 137.

[1693] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 865 ff.

[1694] Ueber den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 119. Weisse advances a similar opinion, ut sup.

[1695] Compare also my Streitschriften, 1, 1, conclusion.

[1696] Comp. e.g. Gratz, Comm. zum Matth. 2, 444 ff.

[1697] Antiq. xx. viii. 6 (comp. bell. jud. ii. xiii. 4.): And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them, suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them.

[1698] Bell. jud. v. xii. 1, 2.

[1699] More ample comparisons of the results mentioned by Josephus and others, with the prophecy, see in Credner, Einleit. in das N. T. 1, s. 207.

[1700] Bertholdt, Daniel übersetzt und erklärt, 2, s. 668 ff.; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s, 340 f.; De Wette, Einleit. in das A. T., § 254 ff.

[1701] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 247; Credner, Einl. in das N. T. 1, s. 206 f.

[1702] De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., § 97, 101. Exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 204, 1, 2, s. 103.

[1703] Paulus, Fritzsche, De Wette in loc.

[1704] B. j. V. xii. 1: To encompass the whole city round with his army, was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude and the difficulty of the situation; and on other accounts dangerous.

[1705] B. j. V. xi. 1 ff, xii. 1.

[1706] Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 509 ff.; Bertholdt, § 13; Schmidt, Biblioth. 1, s. 24 ff.

[1707] Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 525 f.

[1708] Antiq. X. xi. 7. After having interpreted the little horn of Antiochus, he briefly adds: In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the government of the Romans, and that our country should be made desolate by them. He doubtless supposed that the fourth, iron monarchy, Dan. ii. 40, represented the Romans, since, besides attributing it to a dominion over all the earth, he explains its destruction by the stone as something still future, Ant. X. x. 4: Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the King; but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future. Now Daniel ii. 44 interprets the stone to mean the heavenly kingdom, which would destroy the iron one, but would itself endure for ever,—a messianic particular, on which Josephus does not choose to dilate. But that, correctly interpreted, the iron legs of the image signify the Macedonian empire, and the feet of iron mixed with clay, the Syrian empire which sprang out of the Macedonian, see De Wette, Einleit. in das N. T., § 254.

[1709] Vid. Joseph., Antiq. xii. v.

[1710] Vid. Hase, L. J., § 130.

[1711] The passages bearing on this subject are collected and explained in Schott, Commentarius, etc., p. 364 ff. Comp. Lücke, in loc. and Weizel, urchristl. Unsterblichkeitslehre, in the Theol. Studien, 1836, s. 626 ff.

[1712] Vid. Tholuck, in loc.

[1713] Comp. Tholuck, ut sup.

[1714] Thus Lücke, and also Tholuck, in loc.; Schott, p. 409.

[1715] Olshausen, 1, s. 870.

[1716] Fleck, de regno divino, p. 483.

[1717] Winer’s bibl. Realwörterb.

[1718] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr., s. 9 f. Lücke, 1, s. 133, 159, 2, s. 402.

[1719] Comp. besides the critics above cited, Hug, Enleit. in das N. T. 2, s. 215.

[1720] For the most correct views on this point see Lücke, 2, s. 407 ff.

[1721] As the author of the Probabilia thinks, s. 94.

[1722] Hug, ut sup. s. 221.

[1723] Kuinöl, in loc.

[1724] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 579 f.

[1725] Lücke, in loc.

[1726] Lightfoot, in loc.

[1727] Probabil. ut sup.

[1728] Vol. II. § 62.

[1729] Olshausen gives us more precise information concerning the descent of the traitor, when he says (bibl. Comm. 2, s. 458 Anm.): “Perhaps the passage, Gen. xlix. 17, Dan shall be a serpent, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse’s heels, so that his rider shall fall backward, is a prophetic intimation of the treachery of Judas, whence we might conclude that he was of the tribe of Dan.”

[1730] That, according to the account in John, Judas first went to the chief priests from the meal, is acknowledged by Lightfoot also (horæ, p. 465), but he on this account regards the meal described by John as earlier than the synoptical one.

[1731] Comm. z. Joh. 2, s. 484.

[1732] Vol. II. § 89.

[1733] See these and the following reasons in Olshausen, 2, s. 458 ff.

[1734] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1735] Such an argument may be gathered from what Olshausen says, 2, s. 387, 388.

[1736] Ueber den Lukas, s. 88.

[1737] Orig. c. Cels., ii. 11 f.

[1738] Comp. Probabil., p. 139.

[1739] Still farther back we find, not the knowledge of Jesus concerning his betrayer, but an important meeting between them, in the apocryphal Evangelium infantiæ arabicum, c. xxxv. ap. Fabricius 1, p. 197 f., ap. Thilo, 1, p. 108 f. Here a demoniacal boy, who in his attacks bit violently at everything around him, is brought to the child Jesus, attempts to bite him, and because he cannot reach him with his teeth gives him a blow on the right side, whereupon the child Jesus weeps, while Satan comes out of the boy in the form of a furious dog. Hic autem puer, qui Jesum percussit et ex quo Satanas sub forma canis exivit, fuit Judas Ischariotes, qui illum Judæis prodidit.

[1740] Iren. adv. hær. I. 35: Judam proditorem—solum præ ceteris cognoscentem veritatem perfecisse proditionis mysterium, per quem et terrena et cælestia omnia dissoluta dicunt. Epiphan. xxxviii. 3: Some Cainites say, that Judas betrayed Jesus because he regarded him as a wicked man πονηρὸν, who meant to destroy the good law: ἄλλοι δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν, οὐχι φασιν, ἀλλὰ ἀγαθὸν αὐτὸν ὤντα παρέδωκε κατὰ τὴν ἑπουράνιον γνῶσιν ἔγνωσαν γάρ, φησιν, οἱ ἄρχοντες, ὅτι, ἐὰν ὁ Χριστὸς παραδοθῇ σταυρῷ, κενοῦται αὐτῶν ἡ ἀσθενὴς δύναμις· καὶ τοῦτό, φησι γνούς ὁ Ἰούδας, ἔπευσε καὶ πάντα ἐκίνησεν ὤστε παραδοῦναι αὐτὸν, ἀγαθὸν ἔργον ποιήσας ἡμῖν εἰς σωτηρίαν. καὶ δεῖ ἡμᾶς ἐπαινεῖν καὶ ἀποδιδόναι αὐτῷ τὸν ἔπαινον, ὅτι δι’ αὐτοῦ κατεσκευάσθη ἡμῖν ἡ τοῦ σταυροῦ σωτηρία καὶ ἡ διὰ τῆς ποιαύτης ὑποθέσεως τῶν ἄνω ἀποκάλυψις.

[1741] Theophylact, in Matth. xxvii. 4.

[1742] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 249. Klopstock gives a similar representation in his Messias.

[1743] K. Ch. L. Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge, 1, Thl. 2ter Versuch, s. 18 ff.; comp. Schmidt’s Bibliothek, 3, 1, s. 163 ff.

[1744] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 451 ff. L. J. 1, b, s. 143 ff.; Hase, L. J., § 132. Comp. Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 33.

[1745] Schmidt, ut sup.

[1746] Hase.

[1747] Paulus.

[1748] Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 578 f.

[1749] Vol. II. § 88; comp. Hase, ut sup.

[1750] [The German Thaler (Rixthaler) is equivalent to about three shillings. Tr.]

[1751] Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, s. 318 ff.

[1752] Even Neander thinks this a possible origin of the above statement in the first gospel, s. 574, Anm.

[1753] L. J. Chr., s. 573.

[1754] Comp. also Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 759 f.

[1755] Ueber die Anordnung des letzten Paschamahls Jesu, in his neust. theol. Journal, 2, 5, s. 441 ff.

[1756] Bell. jud. vi. ix. 3.

[1757] Thus Gabler, ut sup.; Paulus, exeg. Handb., 3, b, s. 781; Kern, Hauptthatsachen, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, s. 3 f.; Neander, s. 583.

[1758] Beza, in Matth. xxvi. 18, correctly, save that he supposes too special a reference to the approaching sufferings of Jesus, thus represents the object of this prediction: ut magis ac magis intelligerent discipuli, nihil temere in urbe magistro eventurum, sed quæ ad minutissimas usque circumstantias penitus perspecta haberet.

[1759] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 385 f. Comp. in opposition to this De Wette, in loc.

[1760] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 321; Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 280; Weisse, die evang. Gesch., s. 600 f.

[1761] Vid. Theile, über die letzte Mahlzeit Jesu, in Winer’s and Engelhardt’s neuem krit. Journal, 2, s. 169, Anm., and zur Biographie Jesu, § 31.

[1762] Thus Lightfoot, horæ, p. 463 ff.; Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 2, s. 273 ff.; also Venturini 3, s. 634 ff.

[1763] An insufficient outlet from this difficulty is pointed out by Lightfoot, p. 482 f.

[1764] Fragm. ex Claudii Apollinaris libro de Paschate, in Chron. Paschal, ed. du Fresne. Paris, 1688, p. 6 f. præf.

[1765] See especially Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc.; Kern, Hauptthatsachen, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, s. 5 ff.

[1766] Diss. de verâ notione cœnæ Domini, annexed to Cudworth, syst. intell., p. 22, not. 1.

[1767] See these counter observations particularly in Lücke and de Wette, in loc.; in Sieffert über den Ursprung, s. 127 ff., and Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 2, s. 238 ff.

[1768] Antiq. II. xiv. 16.

[1769] Fritzsche, vom Osterlamm; more recently, Rauch, in the theol. Studien und Kritiken, 1832, 3, s. 537 f.

[1770] Comp. De Wette, theol. Studien und Krit. 1834, 4, s. 939 f.; Tholuck, Comm. z. Joh. s. 245 f.; Winer, ut sup.

[1771] Calvin, in Matth. xxvi. 17.

[1772] Grotius, in Matth. xxvi. 18.

[1773] Iken, Diss. philol. theol., vol. 2, p. 416 ff.

[1774] Vid. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 486 ff.

[1775] Michaelis, Anm. zu Joh. 13.

[1776] Sieffert, ut sup.; Hase, L. J., § 124; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 149 ff; Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 31.

[1777] Theile, in Winer’s Krit. Journal, 2, s. 157 ff.; Sieffert and Lücke, ut sup.

[1778] Pesachin f. lxv. 2, ap. Lightfoot, p. 654: Paschate primo tenetur quispiam ad pernoctationem. Gloss.: Paschatizans tenetur ad pernoctandum in Hierosolyma nocte prima. On the other hand, Tosaphoth ad tr. Pesachin 8: In Paschate Aegyptiaco dicitur: nemo exeat—usque ad mane. Sed sic non fuit in sequentibus generationibus,—quibus comedebatur id uno loco et pernoctabant in alio. Comp. Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 9.

[1779] Tract. Sanhedr. f. lxxxix. 1, ap. Schöttgen, i. p. 221; comp. Paulus, ut sup. s. 492.

[1780] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 763 f.; comp. 755; Lücke, 2, s. 614.

[1781] Sanhedr. f. xliii. 1, ap. Schöttgen, ii. p. 700.

[1782] Ueber die ursprüngliche Bedeutung des Passahfestes u. s. w., Tübinger Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1832, 1, s. 90 ff.

[1783] Ut sup. s. 167 ff.

[1784] Sieffert, ut sup. s. 144 ff.; Lücke, s. 628 ff.; Theile, zur Biogr. Jesu, § 31; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 149 ff.; comp. Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 580 ff. Anm.

[1785] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 763; Kern, über den Urspr. des Ev. Matth. in der Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1834, 2, s. 98.

[1786] Comp. Suicer, thesaur. 2, s. 613.

[1787] Another view as to the cause of the error in the fourth gospel is given in the Probabilia, s. 100 ff.; comp. Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 1, s. 446 f. Anm.

[1788] Paulus, 3, b, s. 499; Olshausen, 2, s. 294.

[1789] Lücke, 2, s. 484 f.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 583, Anm.

[1790] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1791] Sieffert, über den Urspr., s. 152.

[1792] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 310, 381 f.

[1793] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 497.

[1794] Meyer, Comm. über den Joh., in loc.

[1795] L. J. Chr., s. 587, Anm.

[1796] Sieffert, s. 152 ff.

[1797] Comp. Lücke, s. 468.

[1798] Die Hauptthatsachen der evang. Gesch. Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, s. 12.

[1799] Hase, L. J., § 133; Kern, Hauptthatsachen, s. 11; Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 31.

[1800] Sieffert, s. 153; Paulus and Olshausen, in loc. For the opposite opinion comp. De Wette, 1, 1, s. 222, 1, 2, s. 107.

[1801] Vol. II. § 83.

[1802] The conjecture as to the origin of this anecdote in the Probabilia, s. 70 f. is too far-fetched.

[1803] Comp. De Wette, in loc.

[1804] Ueber den Lukas, s. 275.

[1805] Olshausen, 2, s. 380.

[1806] Thus Lücke, Paulus, Olshausen.

[1807] Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 707.

[1808] This is Olshausen’s expedient, 2, s. 402. Against it see Sieffert, s. 148. f.

[1809] Ut sup. s. 147 ff.

[1810] Comm. über die Gesch. des Leidens und Todes Jesu, in loc.

[1811] See De Wette, in loc.

[1812] Vid. Lücke and Tholuck, in loc.

[1813] P. 62: reliqui quidem narrant evangelistæ servatorem scivisse proditionis consilium, nee impedivisse; ipsum vero excitâsse Judam ad proditionem nemo eorum dicit, neque convenit hoc Jesu.

[1814] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 538. L. J. 1, b, s. 192. Hase, L. J., § 137.

[1815] Comp. Lightfoot and Paulus, in loc.

[1816] Comp. on this subject especially, Lightfoot, horæ, p. 474 ff., and Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 511 ff.

[1817] Süskind, in the treatise: Hat Jesus das Abendmahl als einen mnemonischen Ritus angeordnet? in his Magazin 11, s. 1 ff.

[1818] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 527.

[1819] Ueber das Abendmahl, s. 217 ff.

[1820] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 2, a, s. 39; Stephani, das h. Abendmahl, s. 61.

[1821] Vol. II. § 81.

[1822] Paulus, ut sup. s. 519 ff.; Kaiser, ut sup. s. 37 ff.

[1823] Orig. c. Cels. ii. 24: λέγει (ὁ Κέλσος)· τί οὖν ποτνιᾶται, καὶ ὀδύρεται, καὶ τὸν τοῦ ὀλέθρου φόβον εὔχεται παραδραμεῖν, λέγων κ.τ.λ.: He says (i.e. Celsus): Why then does he supplicate help, and bewail himself, and pray for escape from the fear of death, saying, etc. Julian, in a Fragment of Theodore of Mopsuestia, ap. Münter, Fragm. Patr. græc. Fasc. 1, p. 121: ἀλλὰ καὶ τοιαῦτα προσεύχεται, φήσιν, ὁ Ἰ., οἶα ἄθλιος ἄνθρωπος, συμφορὰν φέρειν εὐκόλως οὐ δυνάμενος, καὶ ὑπ’ ἀγγέλου, θεὸς ὢν, ἐνισχύεται. Jesus, says he, also presents such petitions as a wretched mortal would offer, when unable to bear a calamity with serenity; and although divine, he is strengthened by an angel.

[1824] Gramond. hist. Gall. ab. exc. Henr. IV. L. iii. p. 211: Lucilius Vanini—dum in patibulum trahitur—Christo illudit in hæc eadem verba: illi in extremis præ timore imbellis sudor: ego imperterritus morior.

[1825] Evang. Nicod. c. xx. ap. Thilo, 1, s. 702 ff.: ἐγὸ γὰρ οἶδα, ὅτι ἄνθρωπός ἐστι, καὶ ἥκουσα αὐτοῦ λέγοντος· ὅτι περίλυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου ἕως θανάτου.

[1826] Ibid. s. 706. Hades replies to Satan: εἰ δὲ λέγεις, ὅτι ἥκουσας αὑτοῦ φοβουμένου τὸν θάνατον, παίξων σε καὶ γελῶν ἔφη τοῦτο, θέλων, ἵνα σε ἀρπάσῃ ἐν χειρὶ δυνατῇ.

[1827] Orig. c. Cels. ii. 25.

[1828] Hieron. Comm. in Matth. in loc.: Contristabatur non timore patiendi, qui ad hoc venerat, ut pateretur, sed propter infelicissimum Judam, et scandalum omnium apostolorum, et rejectionem populi Judæorum, et eversionem miseræ Hierusalem.

[1829] Calvin, Comm. in harm. evangg. Matth. xxvi. 37: Non—mortem horruit simpliciter, quatenus transitus est e mundo sed quia formidabile Dei tribunal illi erat ante oculos, judex ipse incomprehensibili vindicta armatus, peccata vero nostra, quorum onus illi erat impositum, sua ingenti mole eum premebant. Comp. Luther’s Hauspostille, die erste Passionspredigt.

[1830] Lightfoot, p. 884 f.

[1831] Thiess, Krit. Comm. s. 418 ff.

[1832] Ut sup. s. 549, 554 f., Anm.

[1833] Schuster, zur Erläuterung des N. T., in Eichhorn’s Biblioth. 9, s. 1012 ff.

[1834] Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 2, s. 322 ff.; Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 719.

[1835] Ullmann, über die Unsündlichkeit Jesu, in his Studien, 1, s. 61. Hasert, ib. 3, 1, s. 66 ff.

[1836] Ullmann, ut sup.

[1837] Hasert, ut sup.

[1838] Luther, in der Predigt vom Leiden Christi im Garten.

[1839] Ambrosius in Luc., Tom. x. 56.

[1840] In Matthaei’s N. T., p. 447.

[1841] Lightfoot, ut sup.

[1842] Venturini, 3, 677, and conjecturally Paulus also, s. 561.

[1843] Eichhorn, allg. Bibl. 1, s. 628; Thiess, in loc.

[1844] Comp. on this subject and the following, Gabler, neust. theol. Journal, 1, 2, s. 109 ff. 3, s. 217 ff.

[1845] Comp. Julian, ap. Theod. of Mopsuestia in Münter’s Fragm. Patr. 1, p. 121 f.

[1846] Ueber den Lukas, s. 288; comp. De Wette, in loc. and Theile, zur. Biogr. Jesu, § 32. Neander also appears willing silently to abandon this trait and the following one.

[1847] Ancoratus, 31.

[1848] Vid. Wetstein, s. 807.

[1849] De part. animal. iii. 15.

[1850] Vid. ap. Michaelis, not. in loc., and Kuinöl, in Luc., p. 691 f.

[1851] Paulus, ut sup. s. 549.

[1852] Theile, in Winer’s and Engelhardt’s krit. Journal, 2, s. 353; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 616 f.

[1853] Comp. Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 1, s. 611.

[1854] Olshausen, 2, s. 429.

[1855] Lücke, 2, s. 591.

[1856] Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 65 f.

[1857] Comm. 1, s. 177 f.

[1858] Lücke, 2, s. 392 ff.

[1859] Olshausen, 2, s. 429 f.

[1860] Commentatio critica, qua Evangelium Joannis genuinum esse—ostenditur, p. 57 ff.

[1861] Probab. p. 33 ff.

[1862] Goldhorn, über das Schweigen des Joh. Evangeliums über den Seelenkampf Jesu in Gethsemane, in Tzschirner’s Magazin. f. christl. Prediger, 1, 2, s. 1 ff.

[1863] Vid. the Review of Usteri’s Comm. crit., in Winer’s and Engelhardt’s n. krit. Journal, 2, s. 359 ff.

[1864] Hase, L. J., § 134; Lücke, 2, s. 591 f., Anm.

[1865] Against the offence which it has pleased Tholuck (Glaubw. s. 41) to take at this expression (Verwischen), comp. the Aphorismen zur Apologie des Dr. Strauss und seines Werkes, s. 69 f.

[1866] L. J. 1, b, s. 165 f.

[1867] Vom Zweck J. und seiner Jünger, s. 124.

[1868] 2, s. 588 f.

[1869] Ut sup.

[1870] Vid. Lücke, in loc.; Hase, L. J., § 135.

[1871] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 567.

[1872] Lücke, 2, s. 599; Hase, ut sup.; Olshausen, 2. s. 435.

[1873] How can Lücke explain the omission of the kiss of Judas in the Gospel of John from its having been too notorious a fact? and how can he adduce as an analogous instance the omission of the transaction between the betrayer and the Sanhedrim by John? for this, as something passing behind the scenes, might very well be left out, but by no means an incident which, like that kiss, happened so conspicuously in the foreground and centre of the scene.

[1874] So says the Jew of Celsus, Orig. c. Cels. ii. 9: ἐπειδὴ ἡμεῖς ἐλέγξαντες αὐτὸν καὶ καταγνόντες ἠστιοῦμεν κολάζεσθαι, κρυπτόμενος μὲν καὶ διαδιδράσκων ἐπονειδιστότατα ἑάλω. When we, having convicted and condemned him, had determined that he should suffer punishment; concealing himself, and endeavouring to escape, he experienced a most shameful capture.

[1875] Lücke, 2, s. 597 f.; Olshausen, 2, s. 435; Tholuck, s. 299. The reference to the murderer of Coligny is, however, unwarranted, as any one will find who will look into the book incorrectly cited by Tholuck: Serrani commentatorium de statu religionis et reip. in regno Galliæ, L. x. p. 32, b. The murderer was not in the least withheld from the prosecution of his design by the firmness of the noble old man. Comp. also Schiller, Werke, 16 Bd. s. 382 f., 384; Ersch and Gruber’s Encyclopädie, 7 Band, s. 452 f. Such inaccuracies in the department of modern history cannot indeed excite surprise in a writer who elsewhere (Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 437) speaks of the duke of Orleans, Louis Philippe’s father, as the brother of Louis XVI. How can a knowledge so diversified as that of Dr. Tholuck be always quite accurate.

[1876] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 570.

[1877] Ibid.

[1878] As Lücke, Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc.

[1879] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 290.

[1880] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 576.

[1881] Paulus, ut sup. s. 577; Olshausen, 2, s. 244.

[1882] Thus e.g. Erasmus, in loc.

[1883] Thus Winer, N. T. Gramm., § 41, 5; Tholuck and Lücke, in loc.

[1884] Winer, Gramm., § 57, 4.

[1885] Thus Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 295.

[1886] Schleiermacher, ut sup.; comp. Fritzsche, in loc. Matth.

[1887] Vol. II. § 67. Vol. III. § 114.

[1888] Ut sup.

[1889] Matthew does not mention the blindfolding, and appears to imagine that Jesus named the person who maltreated him, whom he saw, but did not otherwise know.

[1890] Vid. Gesenius, in loc.

[1891] Matth. xxvi. 63; comp. Mark xiv. 61: ὁ δὲ Ἰ. ἐσιώπα.

Matth. xxvii. 12: οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο.

Matth. xxvii. 14; comp. Mark xv. 5: καὶ οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτῷ πρὸς οὐδὲ ἓν ῥῆμα, ὥστε θαυμάζειν τὸν ἡγεμόνα λίαν.

Luke xxiii. 9: αὐτὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτῷ.

John xix. 9: ὁ δὲ Ἰ. ἀπόκρισιν οὐκ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ.

[1892] Vol. II. § 74.

[1893] Thus Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 289; Olshausen, 2, s. 445.

[1894] Thus Paulus, ut sup. s. 577 f.

[1895] Comp. Weisse, die evang. Geschichte, 1, s. 609.

[1896] Bengel, in the Gnomon.

[1897] Paulus, ut sup. s. 578.

[1898] Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 2, s. 343.

[1899] Paulus and Olshausen, in loc.; Schleiermacher, ut sup. 289; Neander, s. 622, Anm.

[1900] Comp. de Wette, in loc.

[1901] Thesaurus, vid. ἀπάνχω.

[1902] Grotius.

[1903] Heinsius.

[1904] Perizonius.

[1905] Thus the Vulgate and Erasmus. See in opposition to all these interpretations, Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 473 ff.

[1906] Œcumenius, on the Acts, I.: ὁ Ἰούδας οὐκ ἐναπέθανε τῇ ἀνχόνῃ, ἀλλ’ ἐπεβίω, κατενεχθεὶς πρὸ τοῦ ἀποπνιγῆναι. Comp. Theophylact, on Matth. xxvii. and a Schol. Ἀπολιναρίου ap. Matthæi.

[1907] Thus, after Casaubon, Paulus, 3, b, s. 457 f.; Kuinöl, in Matth. 747 f.; Winer, b. Realw. Art. Judas, and with some indecision Olshausen, 2, s. 455 f. Even Fritzsche is become so weary on the long way to these last chapters of Matthew, that he contents himself with this reconciliation, and, on the presupposition of it, maintains that the two accounts concur amicissime.

[1908] 2 Band, 2 Stück, s. 248 f.

[1909] L. J., § 132. Comp. Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 33.

[1910] Vid. Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 748.

[1911] Vid. Schmidt’s Biblioth., ut sup. s. 251 f.

[1912] Paulus, 3, b, s. 457 f.; Fritzsche, p. 799.

[1913] Vid. De Wette, in loc.

[1914] In other parts of the N. T. also we find passages from this psalm messianically applied: as v. 4, John xv. 25, v. 9; John ii. 17; and John xix. 28 f., probably v. 21.

[1915] Still for other conjectures see Kuinöl, in loc.

[1916] § 119.

[1917] Hitzig, in Ullmann’s and Umbreit’s Studien, 1830, 1, s. 35; Gesenius, Wörterbuch; comp. Rosenmüller’s Scholia in V. T. 7, 4, s. 320 ff.

[1918] Tertull. Apologet. c. xxi.: Ea omnia super Christo Pilatus, et ipse jam pro sua conscientia Christianus, Cæsari tum Tiberio nunciavit. c. v.: Tiberius ergo, cujus tempore nomen Christianum in seculum introit, annunciatum sibi ex Syria Palæstina, quod illic veritatem illius Divinitatis revelaverat, detulit ad Senatum cum prærogativa suffragii sui. Senatus, quia non ipse probaverat, respuit. For further details on this subject, see Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. N. T. 1, p. 214 ff., 298 ff.; comp. 2, p. 505.

[1919] Œcumen. ad Act. i.: τοῦτο δὲ σαφέστερον ἱστορεῖ Παπίας, ὁ Ἰωάννου τοῦ ἀποστόλου μαθητής· μέγα ἀσεβείας ὑπόδειγμα ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κόσμῳ περιεπάτησεν Ἰούδας. Πρησθεὶς γὰρ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τὴν σάρκα, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι διελθεῖν, ἁμάζης ῥᾳδίως διερχομένης, ὑπὸ τῆς ἁμάξης ἐπίεσθη, ὥστε τὰ ἔνκατα αὐτοῦ ἐκκενωθῆναι.

[1920] Vid. sup.

[1921] In Münter’s Fragm. Patr. 1, p. 17 ff. For the rest the passage is of very similar tenor with that of Œcumenius, and is partly an exaggeration of it: τοῦτο δὲ σαφέστερον ἱστορεῖ Παπίας, ὁ Ἰωάννου μαθητὴς, λέγων οὔτως ἐν τῷ τετάρτῳ τῆς ἐξηγήσεως τῶν κυριακῶν λόγων· μέγα δὲ ἀσεβείας ὑπόδειγμα έν τούτῳ τῷ κόσμῳ περιεπάτησεν ὁ Ἰούδας· πρησθεὶς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τὴν σάρκα, ὥστε μηδὲ ὁπόθεν ἃμαξα ῥᾳδίως δίερχεται, ἐκεῖνον δύνασθαι διελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ αὐτὸν μόνον τὸν ὄνκον τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ· τὰ μὲν γὰρ βλέφαρα τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτοῦ (Cod. Venet.: φασὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξοιδῆσαι, ὡς αὐτὸν μὲν καθόλου τὸ φῶς μὴ βλέπειν) μηδὲ ὑπὸ ἰατροῦ δίοπτρας ὀφθῆναι κ.τ.λ. Μετὰ πολλὰς δὲ βασάνους καὶ τιμωρίας ἐν ἰδίῳ, φασὶ, χωρίω τελευτήσαντος κ.τ.λ.. Papias, the disciple of John, gives a clearer account of this (in the fourth section of his exegesis of our Lord’s words) as follows: Judas moved about in this world a terrible example of impiety, being swollen in body to such a degree that where a chariot could easily pass he was not able to find a passage, even for the bulk of his head. His eyelids, they say, were so swelled out that he could not see the light, nor could his eyes be made visible even by the physician’s dioptra, etc. After suffering many torments and judgments, dying, as they say, in his own field, etc.

[1922] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 231 f.; 1, 4, s. 10 f.

[1923] According to Babl. Sanhedrin, ap. Lightfoot, p. 486, this mode of procedure would have been illegal. It is there said: Judicia de capitalibus finiunt eodem die si sint ad absolutionem; si vero sini ad damnationem, finiuntur die sequente.

[1924] Besides this passage of John: ἡμὶν οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἀποκτεῖναι οὐδένα, It is not lawful for us to put any man to death, there is no other authority for the existence of this state of things than an obscure and variously interpreted tradition, Avoda Zara f. viii. 2 (Lightfoot, p. 1123 f.): Rabh Cahna dicit, cum ægrotaret R. Ismaël bar Jose, miserunt ad eum, dicentes: dic nobi, ô Domine, duo aut tria, quæ aliquando dixisti nobis nomine patris tui. Dicit iis —— quadraginta annis ante excidium templi migravit Synedrium et sedit in tabernis. Quid sibi vult hæc traditio? Rabh Isaac, bar Abdimi dicit: non judicârunt judicia mulctativa. Dixit R. Nachman bar Isaac: ne dicat, quod non judicârunt judicia mulctativa, sed quod non judicârunt judicia capitalia. With this may be compared moreover the information given by Josephus, Antiq. xx. ix. 1, that it was not lawful for Ananus (the high priest) to assemble the Sanhedrim without the consent of the procurator. On the other hand the execution of Stephen (Acts vii.) without the sanction of the Romans might seem to speak to the contrary; but this was a tumultuary act, undertaken perhaps in the confidence that Pilate was absent. Compare on this point Lücke, 2, s. 631 ff.

[1925] De bell. Jud. II. ix. 3.

[1926] As Lücke supposes, s. 631.

[1927] Calvin, in loc.

[1928] Lücke and Tholuck, in loc.

[1929] Comp. Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 252.

[1930] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 291.

[1931] Dial. cum Tryph. 103.

[1932] It is doubted whether this custom, of which we should have known nothing but for the N. T., was of Roman or Jewish origin; comp. Fritzsche and Paulus, in loc, and Baur, über die ursprungliche Bedeutung des Passahfestes, u. s. f., Tüb. Zeitschr. f. Theol. 1832, 1, s. 94.

[1933] According to one reading, the full name of this man was Jesus Barabbas, which we mention here merely because Olshausen finds it “remarkable.” Bar Abba meaning Son of the father, Olshausen exclaims: All that was essential in the Saviour appears in the murderer as caricature! and he quotes as applicable to this case the verse: ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus. For our own part, we can only see in this idea of Olshausen’s a lusus humanæ impotentiæ.

[1934] In the Evang. Nicodemi and in later ecclesiastical historians she is called Procula Πρόκλη. Comp. Thilo. Cod. Apocr. N. T., p. 522, Paulus, exeg. Handb., 2, b, s. 640 f.

[1935] Cap. II. s. 520, ap. Thilo.

[1936] Ignat. ad Philippens. iv.: φοβεῖ δὲ τὸ γύναιον, ἐν ὀνείροις αὐτὸ καταταράττων καὶ παύειν πειρᾶται τὰ κατὰ τὸν σταυρόν. (The devil) terrifies the woman, troubling her in her dreams, and endeavours to put a stop to the things of the cross. The Jews in the Evang. Nicodemi, c. II. p. 524, explain the dream as a result of the magic arts of Jesus: γόης ἐστι—ἰδοὺ ὀνειρόπεμπτα ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκά σου, He is a magician—see, he has sent messages in a dream to thy wife.

[1937] E.g. Theophylact, vid. Thilo, p. 523.

[1938] Vid. Paulus and Kuinöl, in loc. They especially adduce the dream of Cæsar’s wife the night before his assassination.

[1939] Comp. Sota, viii 6.

[1940] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 808.

[1941] Comp. in particular the passages cited by Wetstein, on Matth. xxvii. 26.

[1942] Paulus, ut sup. s. 647.

[1943] From the explanation of Paulus, s. 649 f., it appears highly probable that the στέφανος ἐξ ἀκανθῶν was not a crown of sharp thorns, but one taken from the nearest hedge, in order to deride Jesus by the vilissima corona, spineola (Plin. H. N. xxi. 10).

[1944] A similar disguising of a man, in derision of a third party, is adduced by Wetstein, (p. 533 f.) from Philo, in Flaccum.

[1945] Thus Paulus, Kuinöl, Tholuck and Olshausen in their Commentaries; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 634.

[1946] Fritzsche, in Marc. 684: Significat Joannes, Jesum suam crucem portavisse, donec ad Calvariæ locum pervenisset.

[1947] Joseph., Antiq. xiv. vii. 2.

[1948] It is used in the former way by Grotius; in the latter, by Olshausen, 2. s. 481.

[1949] Comp. Paulus, Fritzsche, and De Wette, in loc.

[1950] Vid. Paulus and Fritzsche, in loc. Winer, bibl. Realw. art. Golgotha.

[1951] Wassenbergh, Diss. de trajectionibus N. T. in Balcknaer’s scholæ in 11. quosdam N. T. 2, p. 31.

[1952] Comp. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 295; Winer, N. T. Gramm., s. 226, and Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 814.

[1953] Apol. i. 35. Dial. c. Tryph. xcvii.

[1954] Christologie des A. T. 1, a, s. 182 ff.

[1955] Paulus, exeg. Handbuch 3, b, s. 669–754; Bähr, in Tholuck’s liter. Anzeiger für christl. Theol. 1835, No. 1–6. Comp. also Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 636, Anm.

[1956] Adv. Marcion, iii. 19.

[1957] Mostellaria, ii. 1.

[1958] Vid. Kuinöl, Paulus, in loc.

[1959] Sanhedrim, f. xliii. 1, ap. Wetstein, p. 635: Dixit R. Chaja, f. R. Ascher, dixisse R. Chasdam: exeunti, ut capite plectatur, dant bibendum granum turis in poculo vini, ut alienetur mens ejus, sec. d. Prov. xxxi. 6: date siceram pereunti et vinum amaris anima.

[1960] Vid. Fritzsche, in loc.

[1961] Comp. Paulas, in loc.

[1962] Thus Kuinöl, in Luc., p. 710 f.; Tholuck, s. 316.

[1963] Comp. also Bleek, Comm. zum Hebräerbrief, 2, s. 312, Anm.; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 198.

[1964] Kuinöl, in Luc. p. 710.

[1965] Olshausen, p. 484; Neander, s. 637.

[1966] Thus Chrysostom and others.

[1967] Beza and Grotius.

[1968] Paulus, s. 763; Winer, N. T. Gramm., s. 143; Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 817.

[1969] Vid. Thilo, Cod. apocr. 1, s. 143. Further apocryphal information concerning the two malefactors crucified with Jesus is to be found in the evang. infant. arab. c. xxiii. ap. Thilo, p. 92 f.; comp. the note p. 143; in the evang. Nicod. c. ix. 10, Thilo, p. 581 ff.; c. xxvi. p. 766 ff.

[1970] Paulus and Kuinöl, in loc.

[1971] Confessio Judæi ægroti, ap. Wetstein, p. 820:—da portionem meam in horto Edenis, et memento mei in seculo futuro, quod absconditum est justis. Other passages are given, ib., p. 819.

[1972] Cetuboth, f. ciii. ap. Wetstein, p. 819: Quo die Rabbi moriturus erat, venit vox de cœlo, dixitque: qui præsens aderit morienti Rabbi, ille intrabit in paradisum.

[1973] Vid. Wetstein, in loc. Matth.

[1974] Quoted in Wetstein, p. 536; compare, however, the correction of the text in Paulus, ex. handb. 3, b, s. 751.

[1975] Tholuck, in loc.

[1976] E. G. Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 36, Anm. 13.

[1977] Expositors observe in connexion with this particular, that the coat of the Jewish high priest was also of this kind. Jos. Antiq. iii. vii. 4—The same view of the above difference nas been already presented in the Probabilia, p. 80 f.

[1978] Apol. i. 35.

[1979] Adv. Marcion, ut sup.

[1980] Justin, Apol. i. 50, and elsewhere, even speaks of apostacy and denial on the part of all the disciples after the crucifixion.

[1981] Vid. Calvin, Comm. in harm. evv. in Matth. xxvii. 46; Olshausen, in loc.

[1982] Thus Paulus, Gratz, in loc. Schleiermacher, Glaubenslehre, 2, s. 154, Anm.

[1983] Such is the inference drawn by the author of the Wolfenbüttel Fragments, von Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 153.

[1984] Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 66 f.

[1985] According to Olshausen, s. 495, there is no syllable in this speech by which such a meaning is intimated; on the contrary, a secret horror had already diffused itself over the minds of the scoffers, and they trembled at the thought that Elias might appear in the storm. But when one who attempts to give a beverage to Jesus is dissuaded under the pretext of waiting to see if Elias would come to save him, εἰ ἔρχεται Ἠλίας, σώσων αὐτὸν, this pretext is plainly enough shown to be meant in derision, and hence the horror and trembling belong only to the unscientific animus of the biblical commentator, which makes him contemplate the history of the passion above all else, as a mysterium tremendum, and causes him to discover even in Pilate a depth of feeling which is nowhere attributed to this Roman in the gospels.

[1986] Credner, Einleitung in das N. T. 1, s. 198.

[1987] Thus Rettig, exegetische Analekten, in Ullmann’s und Umbreit’s Studien, 1830, 1, s. 106 ff.; Tholuck, Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 307 ff.; comp. on the various attempts at reconciliation Lücke and De Wette, in loc. Joh.

[1988] The Evang. Nicodemi makes the Jews very absurdly maintain: there happened an eclipse of the sun in the ordinary course ἔκλειψις ἡλίου γέγονε κατὰ τὸ εἰωθός, c. xi. p. 592, ap. Thilo.

[1989] Thus Paulus and Kuinöl, in loc.; Hase, L. J. § 143; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 639 f.

[1990] Comp. Fritzsche and De Wette, in loc. Matth.

[1991] Tertull. Apologet. c. xxi.; Orig. c. Cels. ii. 33, 59.

[1992] Euseb. can. chron. ad. Ol. 202, Anm. 4; comp. Paulus, s. 765 ff.

[1993] Serv. ad Virgil. Georg. i. 465 ff.: Constat, occiso Cæsare in Senatu pridie Idus Martias, solis fuisse defectum ab hora sexta usque ad noctem.

[1994] Echa R. iii. 28.

[1995] R. Bechai Cod. Hakkema: Cum insignis Rabbinus fato concederet, dixit quidam: iste dies gravis est Israëli, ut cum sol occidit ipso meridie.

[1996] Succa, f. xxix. 1: Dixerunt doctores: quatuor de causis sol deficit: prima, ob patrem domus judicii mortuum, cui exequiæ non fiunt ut decet, etc.

[1997] Vid. Fritzsche, in loc.; comp. also De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 238; Theile, zur Biogr. Jesu, § 36.

[1998] Hieron. ad Hedib. ep. cxlix. 8 (comp. his Comm. in loc.): In evangelio autem, quod hebraicis literis scriptum est, legimus, non velum templi scissum, sed superliminare templi miræ magnitudinis corruisse.

[1999] The possibility of this is admitted by Neander also, but with the presupposition of some fact as a groundwork (s. 640 f.).

[2000] Ueber den Lukas, s. 293. Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 240.

[2001] Georg. i. 463 ff.

[2002] When Hase, § 143, writes: “The earth trembled, mourning for her greatest Son,” we see how the historian in speaking of this feature, which he maintains to be historical, involuntarily becomes a poet; and when in the second edition the author qualifies the phrase by the addition of an “as it were:” it is further evident that his historical conscience had not failed to reproach him for the license.

[2003] Only such must be here thought of, and not sectatores Christi, as Kuinöl maintains. In the Evang. Nicodemi, c. xvii., there are indeed adherents of Jesus, namely, Simeon (Luke ii.) and his two sons, among those who come to life on this occasion; but the majority in this apocryphal book also, and as well in the ἀναφορὰ Πιλάτου (Thilo, p. 810), according to Epiphanius, orat. in sepulchrum Chr. 275, Ignat. ad Magnes. IX. and others (comp. Thilo, p. 780 ff.), are Old Testament persons, as Adam and Eve, the patriarchs and prophets.

[2004] Comp. the various opinions in Thilo, p. 783 f.

[2005] Comp. especially Eichhorn, Einl. in d. N. T. 1, s. 446 ff.

[2006] Stroth, von Interpolationen im Evang. Matth. In Eichhorn’s Repertorium, 9, s. 139. It is hardly a preferable expedient to regard the passage as an addition of the Greek translator. See Kern, Ueber den Urspr. des Evang. Matth. s. 25 and 100.

[2007] Thus Paulus and Kuinöl, in loc. The latter calls this explanation a mythical one.

[2008] Leben Jesu, § 148.

[2009] Ueber den Urspr. s. 67.

[2010] Paulus, exeg. Handb., 3, b. s. 798.

[2011] Dial. c. Tryph. cxiii.

[2012] See the collection of passages relative to this subject in Schöttgen, 2, p. 570 ff.; and in Bertholdt’s Christologia, § 35.

[2013] See the passages collected by Wetstein.

[2014] See this idea further developed in the Evang. Nicod. c. xviii. ff.

[2015] The instances are collected in Paulus, exeg. Handb., 3, b. s. 781 ff.; Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 1, s. 672 ff.; and Hase, § 144.

[2016] According to Tertullian by the former, according to Grotius by the latter; see Paulus, s. 784, Anm.

[2017] Thus Gruner and others ap. Paulus, s. 782 ff.; Hase, ut sup.; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 647.

[2018] Orig. c. Cels. ii. 36: τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων νεκρῶν σωμάτων τὸ αἷμα πήγνυται, καὶ ὕδωρ καθαρὸν οὐκ ἀποῤῥει· τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τὸν Ἰησοῦν νεκροῦ σώματος τὸ παράδοξον, καὶ περὶ τὸ νεκρὸν σῶμα ἦν αἷμα καὶ ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τῶν πλευρῶν προχυθέν. Comp. Euthymius in loc. ἐκ νεκροῦ γὰρ ἀνθρώπου, κἄν μυριάκις νύξῃ τις, οὐκ ἐξελεύσεται αἷμα. ὑπερφυὲς τοῦτο τὸ πρᾶγμα, καὶ τρανῶς διδάσκον, ὅπι ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ὁ νυγείς.

[2019] Schuster, in Eichhorn’s Bibl. 9, s. 1036 ff.

[2020] Gruner, Comm. de morte J. Chr. vera, p. 47; Tholuck, Comm. z. Joh. s. 318.

[2021] Comp. Hase, ut sup.

[2022] Winer, ut sup.

[2023] Comp. the similar statement of an anatomist in De Wette, in loc. and Tholuck ut sup.

[2024] Wetstein and Olshausen, in loc.; comp. Hase, ut sup.

[2025] Lücke, in loc.

[2026] Thus Less, Auferstehungsgeschichte, s. 95 f.; Tholuck, in loc. According to Weisse (die evang. Gesch. 1, s. 102, 2, s. 237 ff.) the Evangelist referred to a passage of the apostolic epistle, under a misapprehension of its meaning, namely, to 1 John v. 6: οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἐλθὼν δὶ ὕδατος καὶ αἵματος, Ἰ. ὁ Χρ.· οὐκ ἐν τῷ ὕδατι μόνον, ἀλλ’ ἐν τῷ ὕδατι καὶ τῷ αἵματι.

[2027] Comp. Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 253.

[2028] Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, p. 340.

[2029] Vid. ap. Rosenmüller, in loc.; Schöttgen, 2, p. 221; Bertholdt, § 17, not. 12.

[2030] Comp. Joseph, b. j. iv. v. 2. Sanhedrin, vi. 5, ap. Lightfoot, p. 499.

[2031] Vid. Lipsius, de cruce, L. II. cap. 14.

[2032] Comp. Winer, 1, s. 802.

[2033] Sanhedrin, ap. Lightfoot, p. 499.

[2034] Ulpian, xlviii. 24, 1 ff.

[2035] Vol. II. § 80.

[2036] Michaelis, Begräbniss- und Auferstehungsgeschichte, s. 68 ff.

[2037] Thus Grotius; Less, Auferstehungsgeschichte, s. 165.

[2038] See the fifth Fragment, in Lessing’s viertem Beitrag zur Geschichte und Literatur, s. 467 f. Comp. concerning these differences also Lessing’s Duplik.

[2039] Michaelis, ut sup. s. 102 ff.

[2040] Kuinöl, in Luc. p. 721.

[2041] Thus Tholuck, in loc.

[2042] See the Fragments, ut sup. s. 469 ff.

[2043] Michaelis, ut sup. s. 99 f.; Kuinöl and Lücke leave open the choice between this expedient and the former.

[2044] Comp. De Wette, in loc. Matth.

[2045] Michaelis, ut sup. s. 45 ff.

[2046] Kuinöl, in Matth. p. 786; Hase, § 145; Tholuck, Comm. s. 320.

[2047] A confusion of the κῆπος garden near to the place of execution, where according to John Jesus was buried, with the garden of Gethsemane, where he was taken prisoner, appears to have given rise to the statement of the Evang. Nicodemi, that Jesus was crucified ἐν τῷ κήπῳ, ὅπου ἐπιάσθη in the garden where he was apprehended, C. ix. p. 580, ap. Thilo.

[2048] Τῇ ἐπαύριον, ἥτις ἐστὶ μετὰ τὴν παρασκευὴν (the next day, that followed the day of the preparation), is certainly a singular periphrasis for the sabbath, for it is a strangely inappropriate mode of expression to designate a solemn day, as the day after the previous day: nevertheless we must abide by this meaning so long as we are unable to evade it in a more natural manner than Schneckenburger in his chronology of the Passion week, Beiträge, s. 3 ff.

[2049] The former, ut sup. s. 437 ff.; the latter in the exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 837 ff. Comp. Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 253.

[2050] Michaelis, Begräbniss- und Auferstehungsgeschichte, s. 206; Olshausen 2, s. 506.

[2051] Michaelis, ut sup.

[2052] Olshausen overlooks the latter point when he (ut sup.) says the watch had not received the command to prevent the completion of the interment.

[2053] Olshausen indeed is here still so smitten with awe, that he supposes Pilate to have been penetrated with an indescribable feeling of dread on hearing this communication from the Sanhedrists, s. 505.

[2054] Olshausen, s. 506.

[2055] Michaelis, ut sup. s. 198 f.

[2056] Stroth, in Eichhorn’s Repertorium, 9, s. 141.

[2057] Kern, über den Ursprung des Ev. Matth. Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1834, 2, s. 100 f.; comp. 123. Compare my Review, Jahrbücher f. wiss. Kritik, Nov. 1834; now in the Charakteristiken u. Kritiken, s. 280.

[2058] Hase, L. J., § 145.

[2059] Comp. Theile, zur Biogr. Jesu, § 37; Weisse, die Evang. Gesch. 2, s. 343 f.

[2060] Comp. Theile, ut sup.

[2061] Comp. Fritzsche, in loc., and Kern, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1834, 2, s. 102 f.

[2062] Kuinöl, in Marc. p. 194 f.

[2063] Michaelis, ut sup. s. 112.

[2064] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr. des ersten kanon. Evang., s. 62 f. Comp. the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist in Lessing’s viertem Beitrag, s. 472 ff. On the other hand, Lessing’s Duplik, Werke, Donauösch. Ausg. 6. Thl. s. 394 f.

[2065] De Wette, in loc.

[2066] Michaelis, s. 150 ff.

[2067] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 825.

[2068] Michaelis, s. 117.

[2069] Michaelis, s. 146.—Celsus stumbled at this difference respecting the number of the angels, and Origen replied that the Evangelists mean different angels: Matthew and Mark the one who had rolled away the stone, Luke and John those who were commissioned to give information to the women, c. Cels. v. 56.

[2070] Paulus, in loc. Matth.

[2071] I subjoin the table sketched by the Fragmentist (ut sup. s. 477 f.)

“1. Luke xxiv. 12: Peter ran to the grave, ἔδραμεν. John xx. 4: Peter and John ran, ἔτρεχον.

2. Luke v. 12: Peter looked in, παρακύψας. John v. 5: John looked in, παρακύψας.

3. Luke v. 12: Peter saw the clothes lying alone, βλέπει τὰ ὀθόνια κείμενα μόνα. John v. 6, 7: Peter saw the clothes lie, and the napkin not lying with the clothes: θεωρεῖ τὰ ὀθόνια κείμενα, καὶ τὸ σουδάριον οὐ μετά τῶν ὀθονίων κείμενον.

4. Luke v. 12: Peter went home, ἀπῆλθε πρὸς ἑαυτὸν. John v. 10: Peter and John went home again, ἀπῆλθον πάλιν πρὸς ἑαυτούς.”

[2072] Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 800 f.

[2073] Progr. de fontibus, unde Evangelistæ suas de resurrectione Domini narrationes hauserint. Opusc. acad. ed. Gabler, Vol. 2, p. 241 ff.

[2074] Comp. Schneckenburger, ut sup. s. 64 f., Anm.

[2075] On this subject comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 245; Ammon, Fortbildung des Christenthums zur Weltreligion, 2, 1, s. 6; Theile, zur Biogr. Jesu, § 37.

[2076] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 321 f.; Schneckenburger, ut sup. s. 61 ff.

[2077] Vol. II. § 74.

[2078] Concerning this sense of ἐπίστευσεν, and its not being contradicted by οὔπω γὰρ ἤδεισαν τὴν γραφὴν κ.τ.λ. (v. 9), see the correct view in Lücke, in loc.

[2079] Weisse is of a different opinion, ut sup. s. 355, Anm.

[2080] As Paulus, Fritzsche, Credner, Einleitung, 1, § 49. Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 199 f. A middle view in Hug, Einl. in d. N. T. 2, § 69.

[2081] Orig. c. Cels. v. 52: ὁ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ παῖς, ὡς ἕοικεν. οὐκ ἐδύνατο ἁνοῖζαι τὸν τάφον, ἁλλα’ ἑδεήθη ἄλλου ἀποκινήσοντος τὴν πέτραν.

[2082] Schuster, in Eichhorn’s allg. Biblioth. 9, s. 1034 ff.: Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 779.

[2083] Friedrich, über die Engel in der Auferstehungsgeschichte. In Eichhorn’s allg. Bibl. 6, s. 700 ff. Kuinöl, ut sup.

[2084] Thus a treatise in Eichhorn’s allg. Bibl. 8, s. 629 ff., and in Schmidt’s Bibl. 2, s. 545 f.; also Bauer, hebr. Myth. 5, s. 259.

[2085] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 829, 55, 60, 62.

[2086] Fritzsche, in Marc. in loc., Nemo—quispiam primi temporis Christianis tam dignus videri poterat, qui de Messia in vitam reverso nuntium ad homines perferret, quam angelus, Dei minister, divinorumque consiliorum interpres et adjutor. Then on the differences in relation to the number of the angels, etc.: Nimirum insperato Jesu Messiæ in vitam reditui miracula adjecere alii alia, quæ Evangelistæ religiose, quemadmodum ab suis auctoribus acceperant, literis mandârunt.

[2087] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 254 ff.

[2088] In Lessing’s Beiträgen, ut sup. s. 485.

[2089] Michaelis, s. 259 f.; Kuinöl, in Luc., p. 743.

[2090] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 299 f.; Paulus, s. 910.

[2091] Ut sup. s. 486.

[2092] Griesbach, Vorlesungen über Hermeneutik des N. T., mit Anwendung auf die Leidens- und Auferstehungsgeschichte Christi, herausgegeben von Steiner, s. 314.

[2093] Duplik, Werke, 6 Bd. s. 352.

[2094] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr. des ersten kanon. Evang., s. 17 f.

[2095] Exeg. Handb. 3, b. s. 835.

[2096] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 524.

[2097] This is done by Schulz, über das Abendm. s. 321; Schneckenburger, ut sup.

[2098] On which account Michaelis, s. 118 f., is of opinion that εἶπεν was the original reading in Matthew also. Comp. Weisse, die Evang. Gesch. 2, s. 347 f.

[2099] Vol. I. § 57.

[2100] The opinion that the true locality of the appearances of the risen Jesus before the disciples was Galilee, is concurred in by Weisse, 2, s. 358 ff.; but in accordance with his fundamental supposition concerning the synoptical gospels, he gives the preference to the narrative of Mark before that of Matthew.

[2101] Vid Billroth’s Commentar, in loc.

[2102] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b. s. 897; Olshausen, 2, s. 541.

[2103] Hieron. de viris illustr. ii.: Evangelium quoque, quod appellatur secundum Hebræos,—post resurrectionem Salvatoris refert: Dominus autem, postquam dedisset sindonem servo sacerdotis (apparently in relation to the watch at the grave, which is here represented as a sacerdotal instead of a Roman guard; vid. Credner, Beiträge zur Einl. in das N. T. s. 406 f.), ivit ad Jacobum et apparuit ei. Juraverat enim Jacobus, se non comesturum panem ab illa hora, qua biberat calicem Domini, donec videret eum resurgentum a dormientibus (on the inconceivableness of such a vow, despairing as the disciples were, comp. Michaelis, s. 122). Rursusque post paululum: Afferte, ait Dominus, mensam et panem. Statimque additur Tulit panem et benedixit ac fregit, et dedit Jacobo justo et dixit ei: frater mi, comede panem tuum, quia resurrexit filius hominis a dormientibus.

[2104] Lessing, Duplik, s. 449 ff.

[2105] As Kern admits, Hauptthats. Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, s. 57.

[2106] Hauptthatsachen, ut sup. s. 47.

[2107] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 205, 210; Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 2, s. 409.

[2108] Comp. Kaiser, bidl. Theol. 1, s. 254 ff.; De Wette ut sup.; Ammon, Fortbildung, 2, 1, Kap. 1; Weisse, die Evang. Gesch., 2, 7 tes Buch.

[2109] That it was the marks of the nails in the hand, which became visible in the act of breaking bread, by which Jesus was recognized (Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b. s. 882; Kuinöl, in Luc. p. 734.) is without any intimation in the text.

[2110] The part of this conversation which relates to John, has already (§ 116) been considered. In that relating to Peter, the thrice repeated question of Jesus: Lovest thou me? has reference, according to the ordinary opinion, to his as often repeated denial; but to the words: When thou wast young, thou girdedst thyself and walkedst whither thou wouldest, but when thou shalt be old, thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and another shalt gird thee, and carry thee whither thou wouldest not, ὅτε ἦς νεώτερος, ἐζώννυες σεαυτὸν καὶ περιεπάτεις ὅπου ἤθελες· ὅταν δὲ γηράσῃς, ἐκτενεῖς τὰς χεῖράς σου καὶ ἅλλος σε ζὼσει καὶ οἴσει ὄπου οὐ θέλεις (v. 18 f.), the Evangelist himself gives the interpretation, that Jesus spoke them to Peter, signifying by what death he should glorify God. He must here have alluded to the crucifixion, which, according to the ecclesiastical legend (Tertull. de præescr. hæer. xxxvi. Euseb. H. E. ii. 25) was the death suffered by this apostle, and to which in the intention of the Evangelist the words Follow me, v. 20 and 22 (i.e. follow me in the same mode of death) also appear to point. But precisely the main feature in this interpretation, the stretching forth of the hands, is here so placed as to render a reference to crucifixion impossible, namely, before the leading away against the will; on the other hand, the girding, which can only signify binding for the purpose of leading away, should stand before the stretching forth of the hands on the cross. If we set aside the interpretation which, as even Lücke (s. 703) admits, is given to the words of Jesus ex eventu by the narrator: they appear to contain nothing more than the commonplace of the helplessness of age contrasted with the activity of youth, for even the phrase, shall carry thee whither thou wouldest not, does not outstep this comparison. But the author of John xxi., whether the words were known to him as a declaration of Jesus or otherwise, thought them capable of being applied in the manner of the fourth gospel, as a latent prophecy of the crucifixion of Peter.

[2111] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b. s. 834 ff.; L. J. 1, b. s. 265 ff.; Ammon, ut sup.; Hase, L. J. § 149; Michaelis, ut sup., s. 251 f. Comp. also Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 650.

[2112] Tholuck, in loc., comp. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b. s. 866, 881. A similar natural explanation has lately been adopted by Lücke, from Hug.

[2113] Paulus, ut sup. s. 882.

[2114] Paulus, ut sup. 883, 93; Lücke, 2, s. 684 f.

[2115] Calvin, Comm. in Joh. in loc., p. 363 f. ed. Tholuck.

[2116] Thus Suicer, Thes. s. v. θύρα; comp. Michaelis, s. 265.

[2117] Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc.

[2118] Griesbach, Vorlesungen über Hermeneutik, s. 305; Paulus, s. 835. Comp. Lücke, 2, s. 683 ff.

[2119] Vid. Tholuck and De Wette, in loc.

[2120] Comp. Olshausen, 2, s. 531, Anm.

[2121] Thus, besides Calvin, Lücke, ut sup.; Olshausen, 530 f.

[2122] Olshausen, ut sup. s. 530.

[2123] Comp. Fritzsche, in Marc. p. 725.

[2124] See the various explanations in Tholuck and Lücke, of whom the latter finds an alteration of the reading necessary. Even Weisse’s interpretation of the words (2, s. 395 ff.), although I agree with the general tenor of the explanation of which it forms a part, I must regard as a failure.

[2125] Comp. on this subject especially Weisse, ut sup. s. 339 ff.

[2126] Brennecke, biblischer Beweis, dass Jesus nach seiner Auferstehung noch 27 Jahre leibhaftig auf Erden gelebt, und zum Wohle der Menschheit in der Stille fortgewirkt habe. 1819.

[2127] Ut sup. s. 793, 925. Comp. Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 240.

[2128] Noch etwas über die Frage: warum haben die Apostel Matthäus und Johannes nicht ebenso wie die zwei Evangelisten Markus und Lukas die Himmelfahrt ausdrücklich erzählt? In Süskind’s Magazin, 17, s. 165 ff.

[2129] Joann. Damasc. de f. orth. 4, 1: εἰ καὶ ἐγεύσατο βρώσεως μετὰ τὴν ἀνάστασιν, ἀλλ’ οὐ νόμῳ φύσευως· οὐ γὰρ ἐπείνασεν· οἰκονομίας δὲ τρόπῳ τὸ ἀληθὲς πιστούμενος τῆς ἀναστάσεως, ὡς αὐτή ἐστιν ἡ σὰρξ ἡ παθοῦσα καὶ ἀναστᾶσα.

[2130] The vagueness of the conception which lies at the foundation of the evangelical accounts is well expressed by Origen, when he says of Jesus: καὶ ἦν γε μετὰ τὴν ἀνάστασιν αὑτοῦ ὡσπερεὶ ἐν μεθορίῳ τινὶ τῆς παχύτητος τοῦ πρὸ τοῦ πάθους σώματος, καὶ τοῦ γυμνὴν τοιούτον σώματος φαίνεσθαι ψυχὴν. After the resurrection, he existed in a form which held the mean between the materiality of his body before his passion, and the state of the soul when altogether destitute of such body (c. Cels. ii. 62).

[2131] Hence even Kern admits that he knows not how to reconcile that particular in Luke with the rest, and regards it as of later, traditional origin (Hauptthats., ut sup. s. 50). But what does this admission avail him, since he still has, from the narrative of John, the quality of palpability, which equally with the act of eating belongs to the “conditions of earthly life, the relations of the material world,” to which the body of the risen Jesus, according to Kern’s own presupposition, “was no longer subjected”?

[2132] Many fathers of the church and orthodox theologians held the capability thus exhibited by Jesus of penetrating through closed doors, not altogether reconcileable with the representation, that for the purpose of the resurrection the stone was rolled away from the grave, and hence maintained: resurrexit Christus clauso sepulchro, sive nondum ab ostio sepulchri revoluto per angelum lapide. Quenstedt, theol. didact. polem. 3, p. 542.

[2133] Comp. Schleiermacher’s Weihnachtsfeier, s. 117 f.

[2134] Joseph. vita, 75: πεμφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Τίτου Καίσαρος σὺν Κερεαλίῳ καὶ χιλίοις ἱππεῦσιν εἰς κώμην τινὰ Θεκώαν λεγομένην, πρὸς κατανόησιν, εἰ τόπος ἐπιτήδειος ἐστι χάρακα δέξασθαι, ὡς ἐκεῖθεν ὑποστρέφων εἶδον πολλοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀνεσταυρωμένους, καὶ τρεῖς γνωρίσας συνήθεις μοὶ γενομένους, ἤλγησα τὴν ψυχὴν, καὶ μετὰ δακρύων προσελθὼν Τίτῳ εἴπον. Ὁ δ’ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευσεν καθαιρεθέντας αὐτοὺς θεραπείας ἐπιμελεστάτης τυχεῖν. καὶ οἱ μὲν δύο τελευτῶσιν θεραπευόμενοι, ὁ δὲ τρίτος ἔζησεν. And when I was sent by Titus Cæsar with Cerealius and 1,000 horsemen, to a certain village called Thecoa, in order to know whether it were a place fit for a camp, as I came back, I saw many captives crucified; and remembered three of them as my former acquaintance. I was very sorry at this in my mind, and went with tears in my eyes to Titus, and told him of them; so he immediately commanded them to be taken down, and to have the greatest care taken of them, in order to their recovery; yet two of them died under the physician’s hands, while the third recovered. For the arguments of Paulus on this passage, see exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 786; and in the Appendix, s. 929 ff.

[2135] Bretschneider, über den angeblichen Scheintod Jesu am Kreuze, in Ullmann’s und Umbreit’s Studien, 1832, 3, s. 625 ff.; Hug, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Verfahrens bei der Todesstrafe der Kreuzigung, Freiburger Zeitschr. 7, s. 144 ff.

[2136] Bahrdt, Ausführung des Plans und Zwecks Jesu. Comp. on the other hand, Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, 793 f.

[2137] Xenodoxien, in der Abh.: Joseph und Nikodemus. Comp. on the other hand Klaiber’s Studien der würtemberg. Geistlichkeit, 2, 2, s. 84 ff.

[2138] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 785 ff. L. J. 1, b, s. 281 ff.

[2139] Schuster, in Eichhorn’s allg. Biblioth. 9, s. 1053.

[2140] Winer, bibl. Realw. 1, s. 674.

[2141] Orig. c. Cels. ii. 63: Μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ Κέλσος οὐκ εὐκαταφροντήτως τὰ γεγραμμένα κακολογῶν, φησὶν, ὅτι ἐχρῆν, εἶπερ ὄντως θείαν δύναμιν ἑκφῇναι ἤθελεν ὁ Ἰ., αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἐπηρεάσασι καὶ τῷ καταδικάσαντι καὶ ὅλως πᾶσιν ὀφθῆναι.—67: οὐ γὰρ—ἐπὶ τοῦτ’ ἐπέμφθη τὴν ἀρχὴν, ἵνα λάθῃ. Comp. the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist, in Lessing, s. 450, 60, 92 ff.; Woolston, Disc 6. Spinoza, ep. 23, ad Oldenburg, p. 558 f. ed. Gfrörer.

[2142] Ut sup. 67: ἐφείδετο γὰρ καὶ τοῦ καταδικάσαντος καὶ τῶν ἐπηρεασάντων ὁ Χριστὸς, ἵνα μὴ παταχθῶσιν ἀορασίᾳ.

[2143] Comp. Mosheim, in his translation of the work of Origen against Celsus, on the passage above quoted; Michaelis, Anm. zum fünften Fragment, s. 407.

[2144] Hase, L. J., § 149; Diss.: librorum sacrorum de J. Chr. a mortuis revocato atque in cœlum sublato narrationem collatis vulgaribus illa ætate Judæorum de morte opinionibus interpretari conatus est C. A. Frege, p. 12 f.; Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 2, s. 362 ff.

[2145] Orig. c. Cels. ii. 55: τίς τοῦτο εἶδε (the pierced hands of Jesus, and, in general, his appearances after the resurrection), γυνὴ πάροιστρος, ὡς φατὲ, καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς γοητείας, ἤτοι κατά τινα διάθεσιν ὀνειρώξας, ἢ κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ βούλησιν δόξῃ πεπλανημένῃ φαντασιωθεὶς, ὅπερ δὴ μυρίοις συμβέβηκεν· ἢ, ὅπερ μᾶλλον, ἐκπλῆξαι τοὺς λοιποὺς τῇ τερατείᾳ ταύτῃ θελήσας, καὶ διὰ τοῦ τοιούτου ψεύσματος ἀφορμὴν ἄλλοις ἀγύρταις παρασχεῖν.

[2146] The 5th Fragment, in Lessing’s 4th Beitrag. Woolston, Disc. 8.

[2147] Ut sup. 56.

[2148] Ullmann, Was setzt die Stiftung der Christlichen Kirche durch einen Gekreuzigten voraus? In his Studien, 1832, 3, s. 589 f. (Röhr); Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 28, 236. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 826 f.; Hase, § 146.

[2149] Spinoza, ut sup.: Apostolos omnes omnino credidisse, quod Christus a morte resurrexerit, et ad cœlum revera ascenderit—ego non nego. Nam ipse etiam Abrahamus credidit, quod Deus apud ipsum pransus fuerit—cum tamen hæc et plura alia hujusmodi apparitiones seu revelationes fuerint, captui et opinionibus eorum hominum accommodatæ, quibus Deus mentem suam iisdem revelare voluit. Concludo itaque Christi a mortuis resurrectionem revera spiritualem, et solis fidelibus ad eorum captum revelata fuisse, nempe quod Christus æternitate donatus fuit, et a mortuis (mortuos hic intelligo eo sensu, quo Christus dixit: sinite mortuos sepelire mortuos suos) surrexit, simul atque vita et morte singularis sanctitatis exemplum dedit, et eatenus discipulos suos a mortuis suscitat, quatenus ipsi hoc vitæ ejus et mortis exemplum sequuntur.

[2150] Die evang. Gesch. 2, s. 426 ff.

[2151] Versuch über die Auferstehung Jesu, in Schmidt’s Bibliothek, 2, 4, s. 545 ff.

[2152] Ibid., s. 537; Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 258 f.; Frege, ut sup. p. 13.

[2153] In his allg. Bibliothek, 6, 1, s. 1 ff.

[2154] Comm. exeg. de repentina Sauli—conversione. In his opusc. theol.; Fortbildung des Christenth. 2, 1, Kap. 3. Comp. also my Streitschriften, 2tes Heft, s. 52 ff.

[2155] Gesch. der Pflanzung und Leitung der Christl. Kirche durch die Apostel, 1, s. 75 ff.

[2156] This is done in the treatise in Schmidt’s Bibliothek, and by Kaiser, ut sup.

[2157] Comp. Weisse, ut sup. p. 398 ff.

[2158] Comp. Friedrich, in Eichhorn’s Biblioth. 7, s. 223.

[2159] Comp. also Schmidt’s Biblioth. 2, s. 548.

[2160] May the three days’ abode of Jonah in the whale have had any influence on this determination of time? or the passage in Hosea quoted above, § 111, note 3? The former is indeed only placed in this connexion in one gospel, and the latter is nowhere used in the N. T.

[2161] Compare with this explanation the one given by Weisse, in the 7th chapter of his work above quoted. He agrees with the above representation in regarding the death of Jesus as real, and the narratives of the grave being found empty as later fabrications; the point in which he diverges is that above mentioned—that in his view the appearances of the risen Jesus are not merely psychological and subjective, but objective magical facts.

[2162] Vol. II. § 68.

[2163] Apol. i. 61.

[2164] As is done by Teller, im excurs. 2, ad Burneti I. de fide et offic. Christ, p. 262.

[2165] The work of Beckhaus, über die Aechtheit der sog. Taufformel, 1794, met with general approval.

[2166] Comp. De Wette. exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 246.

[2167] Comp. Baur, in the Tübinger Zeitschrift fur Theologie, Jahrgang 1830, 2, s. 75 ff.

[2168] Comm. z. Joh., s. 332.

[2169] Lücke, Comm. z. Joh. 2, s. 686; De Wette, s. 204.

[2170] Less, Auferstehungsgeschichte, s. 281; Kuinöl, in loc.

[2171] Lücke, s. 687.

[2172] Vid. ap. Michaelis, Begräbniss- und Auferstehungsgeschichte, s. 268; Olshausen, 2, s. 533.

[2173] This is Tholuck’s opinion, ut sup.

[2174] Comp. Weisse, die evang. Geschichte, 2, s. 418.

[2175] Gabler, in the neuesten theol. Journal 3, s. 417, and in the Vorrede zu Griesbach’s opusc. acad. p. xcvi. comp. Kuinöl, in Marc., p. 222.

[2176] Seiler, ap. Kuinöl, ut sup. s. 223.

[2177] Comp. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 921; De Wette, Religion und Theologie, s. 161.

[2178] Kern, Hauptthatsachen, Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1836, 3, s. 58, Comp. Steudel (Glaubenslehre, s. 323), who supposes the ascension to have been a vision which God produced in the disciples. Against this comp. my Streitschriften, 1, s. 152 ff.

[2179] See especially Paulus, ut sup. s. 910 ff.; L. J. 1, b, s. 318 ff.

[2180] Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 146, Anm. 28.

[2181] Seiler, ap. Kuinöl, ut sup. s. 221; Olshausen, s. 591 f. Comp. Griesbach, locorum N. T. ad ascensionem Christi in cœlum spectantium sylloge. In his opusc. acad. ed. Gabler, vol. 2, s. 484 ff.

[2182] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr. u. s. f., s. 19.

[2183] Olshausen, s. 593 f.

[2184] Even Fritzsche, weary at the conclusion of his labour, writes in Matth., p. 835: Matthæus Jesu in cœlum abitum non commemoravit, quippe nemini ignotum.

[2185] Michaelis, ut sup. 352.

[2186] The treatise: Warum haben nicht alle Evangelisten die Himmelfahrt Jesu ausdrücklich miterzählt? in Flatt’s Magazin, 8, s. 67.

[2187] The above-named Treatise in Flatt’s Magazin.

[2188] Schneckenburger, ut sup. s. 19 f.

[2189] As by Kuinöl, p. 208 f., 217.

[2190] Nevertheless comp. De Wette on the Acts, i. 12.

[2191] Vid. Vol. i., § 56, and the authors there cited. The reference to a reckoning in Daniel, in Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b. s. 923, appears to me too artificial.

[2192] On this subject comp. especially Ammon, Ascensus J. C, in cœlum historia biblica. In his opusc. nov. p. 43 ff. Fortbildung des Christenth. 2, 1, s. 13 ff.; also Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 83 ff.; de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 247; Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 2, p. 375 ff.

[2193] This is also Hase’s opinion, L. J. § 150.

[2194] Joseph. Antiq. iv., viii. 48, it is said of Moses: And as he was going to embrace Eleazar and Joshua, and was still discoursing with them, a cloud stood over him on a sudden, and he disappeared in a certain valley, although he wrote in the holy books that he died, which was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say that because of his extraordinary virtue, he went to God. Philo, however, vita Mosis, opp. ed. Mangey, vol. ii. p. 179, makes the soul only of Moses ascend into heaven.

[2195] Iren. adv. hær. i. 10. Tertull. de præscr. hær. xiii. adv. Prax. ii. de veland. virg. i. Orig. de principp. proem. iv.

[2196] Iren. adv. hær. iii. xviii. 7.

[2197] Athanas. contra Arianos, orat. 2, 33.

[2198] Gregor. Naz. Or. 51, p. 740, B.: τὸ γὰρ ἀπρόσληπτον ἀθεράπευμον. ὃ δὲ ἥνωται τῷ θεῷ, τοῦτο καὶ σώζεται.

[2199] —ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ὁμολογεῖν υἱὸν τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰ. Χ. συμφώνως ἄπαντες ἐκδιδάσκομεν, τέλειον τὸν αὐτὸν ἐν θεότητι, καὶ τέλειον τὸν αὐτὸν ἐν ἀνθρωπότητι, θεὸν ἀληθῶς καὶ ἄνθρωπον ἀληθῶς τὸν αὐτὸν ἐκ ψυχῆς λογικῆς καὶ σώματος, ὁμοούσιον τῷ πατρὶ κατὰ τὴν θεότητα, καὶ ὁμοούσιον τὸν αὐτὸν ἡμῖν κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπότητα, κατὰ πάντα ὅμοιον ἡμῖν χωρὶς ἁμαρτίας· πρὸ αἰώνων μὲν ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς γεννηθέντα κατὰ τὴν θεότητα, ἐπ’ ἐσχάτων δὲ τῶν ἡμερῶν τὸν αὐτὸν δι’ ἡμᾶς καὶ διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν σωτηρίαν ἐκ Μαρίας τῆς παρθένου τῆς θεοτόκου κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπότητα, ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν Χριστὸν, υἱὸν, κύριον, μονογενῆ, ἐκ δύο φύσεων ασυνχύτως, ἀτρέπτως, ἀδιαιρέτως, ἀχωρίστως γνωριζόμενον· οὐδαμοῦ τῆς τῶν φύσεων διαφορᾶς ἀνῃρημένης διὰ τὴν ἕνωσιν, σωζομένης δὲ μᾶλλον τῆς ἰδιότητος ἑκατέρας φύσεως, καὶ εἰς ἓν πρόσωπον καὶ μίαν ὑπόστασιν συντρεχούσης· οὐκ εἰς δύο πρόσωπα μεριζόμενον ἣ διαιρούμενον, ἀλλ’ ἔνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν υἱὸν καὶ μονογενῆ, θεὸν λόγον, κύριον Ἰ. Χ.

[2200] The 6th Œcumenical Synod of Constantinople declared: δύο φυσικὰ θελήματα οὐχ ὑπεναντία,—ἀλλ’ ἑπόμενον τὸ ἀνθρώπινον αὐτοῦ θέλημα—καὶ ὑποτασσόμενον τῷ θείῷ αὐτοῦ καὶ πανσθενεῖ θελήματι.

[2201] Athanas. de incarn. 54: αὐτὸς ἐνηνθρώπησεν, ἵνα ἡμεῖς θεοποιηθῶμεν. Greg. Nyt. Orat. cass. 35: τότε τε κατεμίχθη πρὸς τὸ θεῖον, ἵνα τὸ ἡμέτερον τῇ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἐπιμιξίᾳ γένηται θεῖον. Joann. Damasc. de f. orth. iii. 20: πάντα ἀνέλαβεν (τὰ αδιάβλη τὰ πάθη τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὁ Χ.) ἵνα πάντα ἁγιάση. Greg. Naz. or. ii. 23 f. Hilar. Pictav. de trin. ii. 24: humani generis causa Dei filius natus ex virgine est—ut homo factus ex virgine naturam in se carnis acciperet perque hujus admixtionis societatem sanctificatum in eo universi generis humani corpus existeret. For other expressions of the kind, see Münscher, Dogmengesch., herausg. von Cölln, 1, § 97, Anm. 10.

[2202] Münscher, § 96, Anm. 5, s. 423 f.

[2203] Augustin, de Catechiz. rudib. 7.

[2204] Vid. Münscher, § 96.

[2205] Ibid. § 97.

[2206] Comp. Form. Concord., Epit. und Sol. decl. VIII. p. 605 ff. and 761 ff. ed. Hase. Chemniz, de duabus naturis in Christo libellus, and loci theol., loc. 2, de filio; Gerhard. II. th. 1, p. 640 ff. (ed. 1615); Quenstedt, theol. didact. polem. P. 3, c. 3. Comp. De Wette, bibl. Dogm. § 64 ff.

[2207] See the Oratio appended to the locus de pers. et offic. Chr. Gerhard, ut sup. p. 719 ff.

[2208] Vid. Gerhard, II. th. 1, p. 685 ff.; Marheineke, Instit. symb. § 71 f.

[2209] Reinhard, Vorles. über die Dogm. s. 354, conformably to the proposition urged by the Reformed against the Lutherans: Nulla natura in se ipsam recipit contradictoria, Planck, Gesch. des protest. Lehrbegriffs, Bd. 6, s. 782.

[2210] Fausti Socini de Christi natura disputatio. Opp. Bibl. Fr. Pol. 1, p. 784; Catech. Racov. Q. 96 ff. Comp. Marheineke, Instit. symb. § 96. Spinoza, also, ep. 21, ad Oldenburg, Opp. ed. Gfrörer, p. 556, says: Quod quædam ecclesiæ his adduut, quod Deus naturam humanam assumpserit, monui expresse, me, quid dicant, nescire; imo, ut verum fatear, non minus absurde mihi loqui videntur, quam si quis mihi diceret, quod circulus naturam quadrati induerit.

[2211] (Röhr) Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 378 ff.; Wegscheider Inst. theol. § 128; Bretschneider, Handb. der Dogm. 2, § 137 ff.; also Kant, Relig. innerhalb der Gränzen der blossen Vernunft. 2tes St. 2ter Absch. b.

[2212] Glaubenslehre, 2, §§ 96–98.

[2213] Spinoza, tract. theol. polit. c. vi. p. 133. ed. Gfrörer, and ep. 23, ad Oldenburg, p. 558 f. Briefe über den Rat., 4ter, 5ter, 6ter, 12ter. Wegscheider, §§ 11, 12. Schleiermacher, §§ 14, 47.

[2214] Prælect. theol. c. xv.

[2215] In the work: defensio fidei cath. de satisfactione Chr. adv. F. Socinum.

[2216] Summa, P. 3, Q. 48, A. 2.

[2217] Comm. in Sentt. L. 3, Dist. 19.

[2218] See, besides Socinus, Kant, Relig. innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft, 2tes Stück, 1ter Abschn., c.

[2219] Töllner, Der thätige Gehorsam Christi untersucht. 1768.

[2220] Wegscheider, § 199.

[2221] Compare with what follows especially the Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 372 ff.; Wegscheider, §§ 128, 133, 140.

[2222] For the different views, see Bretschneider, Dogm. 2, s. 353, systematische Entwicklung, § 107.

[2223] Röhr, Briefe, s. 36, 405 ff.

[2224] Schleiermacher, on his Glaubenslehre, to Dr. Lücke, 2tes Sendschreiben, Studien, 2, 3, s. 481 ff.

[2225] Glaubenslehre, 2, §§ 92–105.

[2226] This opinion has been already put forth in the most noted reviews of Schleiermacher’s system; comp. Braniss, über Schleiermacher’s Glaubenslehre; H. Schmid, über Schl. Glaubensl. s. 263 ff.; Baur, die christl. Gnosis, s. 626 ff., and the Review of Rosenkranz, Jahrb. fur wiss. Kritik, 1831.

[2227] 2ter Sendschreiben.

[2228] Schmid, ut sup.

[2229] Comp. Rosenkranz, ut sup. s. 935 ff.

[2230] Baur, ut sup. s. 653.

[2231] Thus Schmid, ut sup. s. 267.

[2232] Ep. 21, ad Oldenburg. Opp. ed. Gfrörer, p. 556:—dico, ad salutem non esse omnino necesse, Christum secundum carnem noscere; sed ed æterno illo filio Dei, h. e. Dei æterna sapientia, quæ sese in omnibus rebus, et maxime in mente humana, et omnium maxime in Christo Jesu manifestavit, longe aliter sentiendum. Nam nemo absque hac ad statum beatitudinis potest pervenire, utpote quæ sola docet, quid verum et falsum, bonum et malum sit.

[2233] Religion innerhalb der Gränzen der blossen Vernunft. drittes Stück, 1te Abthl. vii.

[2234] Ut sup. 2tes Stück, 1ter Abschn. 3tes Stück, 1te Abthlg.

[2235] This is shown by Baur, christl. Gnosis, s. 660 ff.

[2236] Censur des christl. protestantischen Lehrbegriffs, 3, s. 180.

[2237] Religion und Theologie, 2ter Abschnitt, Kap. 3; comp. bibl. Dogmatik, § 255; kirchliche, § 64 ff.

[2238] Ideen über Mythologie u. s. w. in Henke’s neuer Magazin, b. s. 454 ff. Comp. Henke’s Museum, 3, s. 455.

[2239] Vorlesungen über die Methode des akademischen Studiums, s. 192.

[2240] Hegel’s Phänomenologie des Geistes, s. 561 ff.; Vorlesungen über die Philos. der Relig. 2, s. 234 ff. Marheineke, Grundlehren der christl. Dogmatik. s. 174 ff. Rosenkranz, Encyklopädie der theol. Wissenschaften, s. 38 ff., 148 ff.; comp. my Streitschriften, 3tes Heft, s. 76 ff.

[2241] Dogmatik, § 326.

[2242] Encyklopädie, s. 160.

[2243] Selbstbewusstsein und Offenbarung, s. 295 f. Comp. Bauer, Recens. des L. J., Jahrbücher f. wiss. Kritik, 1836, Mai, s. 699 ff.

[2244] Compare with this my Streitschriften, 3 Heft, s. 68 ff. 125.

[2245] With this should be compared the explanation in the Streitschriften, ut sup. s. 119.

[2246] Of this also there is an explanation in the Streitschriften, 3, s. 166 f.

[2247] Herein lies the answer to the objection which Schaller (der historische Christus und die Philosophie, s. 64 ff.) has made to the above view; namely, that it teaches only a substantial, not a personal unity of man with God. That unity which exists in the determination of the race has already been present in individuals separately, according to the different measure of their religious development, and thus the substantial unity has become, in different degrees, a personal unity.

[2248] Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Religion, 2, s. 263 ff. Compare the collection of the several propositions of Hegel on the person of Christ and the evangelical history, in my Streitschriften, 3. Heft, s. 76.

[2249] Glaubenslehre, 1, s. 47.

[2250] In the 2ten Sendschreiben on his Glaubenslehre.