Chapter 17

1850

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th February 1850._

MY DEAR UNCLE,--We had the house full for three days last week on account of our theatrical performances on Friday, which went off extremely well. The Grand Duchess Stephanie was here, _très aimable_, and not altered. She spoke much of Germany and of politics, and of _you_ in the highest terms--"Comme le Roi Léopold s'est bien tenu"--and that she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt shocked at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon exemple devant lui, et il en a profité!" She thought the whole family _très digne_ in their _malheur_, but was struck with the melancholy effect of the whole thing.

Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and the Protectionists have received an effective check; the question of the Corn Laws seems _indeed settled_. This is of great importance, as it puts a stop to the excitement and expectations of the farmers, which have been falsely kept up by the aristocracy....

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _15th February 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I have altered this draft so as I think to meet the views of the Queen and of yourself in regard to the continuance of the suspension.[1] I should not like to put into a despatch an instruction to accept less than we have demanded, because that would imply what I don't think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded more than is due. If the demands were for the British Government, we might forego what portions we might like to give up, but we have no right to be easy and generous with the rights and claims of other people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall get all. The whole amount is quite within the power of the Greek Government to pay. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 1: _I.e._ of hostilities against the Greek Government, designed to extract compensation for the injuries inflicted on British subjects. See _ante_, p. 231.]

[Pageheading: THE DRAFT TO GREECE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1850._

The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft to Mr Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a Memorandum from Lord John Russell, and telling Lord Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with Lord John, and wished the draft to be altered accordingly." She has not yet received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears from Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord Palmerston has _sent_ the draft off _unaltered_.[2] The Queen must remark upon this sort of proceeding, of which this is not the first instance, and plainly tell Lord Palmerston that this must not happen again. Lord Palmerston has a perfect right to state to the Queen his reasons for disagreeing with her views, and will always have found her ready to listen to his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown and her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without her knowledge.

[Footnote 2: _See_ Ashley's _Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. v.]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS. _17th February 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's communication of this day, he begs to state that upon receiving, the day before yesterday, your Majesty's Memorandum on the proposed draft to Mr Wyse, together with the accompanying Memorandum[3] from Lord John Russell, he altered the draft, and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to that which he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important that the messenger should go off that evening, and the time occupied in these communications rendered it just, but barely, possible to despatch the messenger by the mail train of that evening. The despatch thus altered coincided with the views of your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to the question in regard to the length of time during which reprisals should be suspended to give scope for the French negotiation. The other question as to giving Mr Wyse a latitude of discretion to entertain any proposition which might be made to him by the Greek Government was considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude of that kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only one to which that question could apply, in a despatch which he sent by the overland Mediterranean mail which went off yesterday afternoon. That despatch also contained some instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse is to communicate with Baron Gros,[4] and those instructions were the result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had with the French Ambassador after the meeting of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was only waiting for a copy of the despatch of yesterday evening, which, owing to this day being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to send to your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with an explanation of the circumstances which rendered it impossible to submit them to your Majesty before they were sent off.[5]

[Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks should be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms as satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker should not be obliged to resume coercive measures, if the concessions of the Greek Government should appear to afford a prospect of a speedy settlement of the affair.]

[Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by the French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the dispute.]

[Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, Walpole's _Russell_, vol. ii. chap. xix.]

[Pageheading: RE-ARRANGEMENT SUGGESTED]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd March 1850._

Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell, who came to state what had passed with reference to Lord Palmerston. He premised that Lord Palmerston had at all times been a most agreeable and accommodating colleague; that he had acted with Lord John ever since 1831, and had not only never made any difficulty, but acted most boldly and in the most spirited manner on all political questions; besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the House of Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that both would be ready to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord John) was therefore most anxious to do nothing which could hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor to bring about a disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment of Party confusion was the only one which still held together. On the other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord Palmerston was a serious impediment to the carrying on of the Government. Lord John was therefore anxious to adopt a plan by which Lord Palmerston's services could be retained with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs entrusted to other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons--the highest position a statesman could aspire to--and to go himself to the House of Lords. He had communicated his views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them, and thought he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston at once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to have become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's confidence, but he thought this had not been on _personal_ grounds, but merely on account of his line of policy, with which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen interrupted Lord John by remarking that she distrusted him on _personal_ grounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so far at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political doings, to which the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston appeared to Lord John willing to enter into this agreement.

On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled, Lord John said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto, ought to take the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was somewhat startled by this announcement, I said I thought that would not go down with the public. After Lord Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an equally able statesman; the Office was of _enormous_ importance, and ought not to be entrusted to any one but Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On the Queen's enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it, Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the Minister should not produce a change in the general line of policy which he considered to have been quite right, and that Lord Clarendon did not approve of it; somehow or other he never could agree with Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs; he thought Lord Clarendon very anti-French and for an alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen replied she knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which the Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a merit in him, but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but merely disapproving of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged Lord John to take the Foreign Affairs himself, which he said would have to be done if the Queen did not wish Lord Minto to take them; he himself would be able to do the business when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it would have been impossible for him.

The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House of Lords, adding that, if he found it too much for him, he could at a later period perhaps make the Department over to Lord Clarendon.

I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk to entrust Lord Palmerston with the lead in the House of Commons, that it might be that the Government were defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord Palmerston might take a different line as leader of the Opposition from that which Lord John would like, and might so easily force himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John, however, although admitting that danger, thought Lord Palmerston too old to do much in the future (having passed his sixty-fifth year); he admitted that Sir George Grey was the natural leader of the Commons, but expected that a little later the lead would still fall into his hands.

The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that Lord Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir George Grey the Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this office for the Privy Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to have the Foreign Office, the arrangement must be recast. Lord Clarendon would become Secretary of State for Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. Possibly also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be glad to be rid of. On my observing that I had thought the Colonies would have done best for Lord Palmerston, leaving Sir George Grey at the Home Office, Lord John acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this arrangement, but considered it rendered impossible from its having been the very thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845, and upon which the attempt to form a Whig Government at that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston having refused to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended by saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it was intended that nothing should be done about it till after the close of the Session, in order to avoid debates and questions on the subject; moreover, Lord Lansdowne had agreed to continue still this Session his labours as Leader in the House of Lords, and begged for the _utmost secrecy_ at present.

ALBERT.

Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his wish to go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the House of Commons, together with his other business, too much for him, and Lord Lansdowne being desirous to be relieved from the lead in the Upper House.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM]

_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._[6]

_12th March 1850._

The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:--

1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she has to give her royal sanction.

2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister who, in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it arbitrarily, commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown, which the Queen has an undoubted constitutional right to visit with the dismissal of that Minister.

STOCKMAR.

[Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn up on the 12th of August.]

_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th March 1850._

The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, that his answer to Lord Stanley in the House of Lords last night might possibly lead to the misapprehension that Lord Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch to Mr Wyse had been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's approval of it. She must protest against such an inference being drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed having sent out in the first instance a different despatch from that which she had approved.

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _25th March 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,-- ... King Louis Philippe seems better, but still he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder when one considers all he has gone through, and is still to suffer! No one can tell a day [ahead] what may happen in France, and if all the family have, which is but[7] in France, may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation is great; the people who lead have no other view, they are not fanatics, their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder is mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never was there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and the numerous parties who will _not_ unite render all solutions impossible, and the republic will be maintained for that very reason. It is but a name and no substance, but that _name of_ _republic_ encourages every extravagant or desperate proceeding, and turns people's heads in the old monarchies; every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of some republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all the impediments which existed formerly removed, and who, according to their _own opinion_, are wonderful people, will be insatiable and much more dangerous than you imagine in England. On the Continent every man thinks himself fit to be at the head of the Government; there is no political measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in similar positions--_on ne doute de rien_. When you consider that a _banqueroutier_ like Ledru Rollin[8] ruled over France _for six months_ almost with _absolute power,_ merely because he took it, you may imagine how many thousands, even of workmen, cooks, stage people, etc., look to be taken to rule over their fellow-citizens; _toujours convaincu de leur propre mérite_. I am happy to see that you escaped a ministerial crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been dreadful for you at such a moment.

Albert made a fine long speech, I see.[9] Did he read it? _ex tempore_, it would have been very trying. I trust we may come to that unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of universal peace which our friend Richard Cobden considers as very near at hand; if, however, the red benefactors of mankind at Paris get the upper hand, _universal war_ will be the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of this that we are very seriously occupied with the means of defence which this country can afford, and we imagine that if we are not abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible to force our positions on the Schelde.

I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 7: _I.e._ "only."]

[Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.]

[Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners for the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T. Martin's _Life_, vol. ii, p. 247.]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th March 1850._

The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that in the part alluding to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr Wyse to satisfy himself of the _truth_ of M. Pacifico's statements of losses before he grounds his demands upon them.[10] The draft merely allows a sub-division of the claims, but takes their validity for granted.

[Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed £31,500--£4,900 being for effects destroyed, and £26,600 in respect of certain claims against the Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he stated had been destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house. His valuation of the various items was of the most extravagant description.]

[Pageheading: SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th March 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Albert made a really beautiful speech the other day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and done great good. He is indeed _looked up to and beloved_, as _I_ could _wish_ he should be; and the _more_ his _rare qualities_ of mind and heart are _known_, the _more_ he will be understood and appreciated. People are much struck at his great powers and energy; his great self-denial, and constant wish to work for others, is so striking in his character; but it is the _happiest_ life; pining for what one cannot have, and trying to run after what is pleasantest, _invariably_ ends in disappointment.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th March 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write only a few lines to-day, begging you to give the accompanying drawing of her little _namesake_ to dearest Louise _on_ her birthday.

I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday, but am anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his fine speech. He _never_ has done so with any of his fine speeches, but speaks them, having first prepared them and written them down,--and does so _so well_, that no one believes that he is ever nervous, which _he is_. This last he is said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.

We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th April 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the drafts, which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent his letter with them to Lord Palmerston.

Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question[11] in not communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed, is really too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she can really hardly communicate with him any more; indeed it would be better she should not.

[Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for Madrid.]

[Pageheading: LORD HOWDEN]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th April 1850._

In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen has sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden[12] to Madrid, although she does not consider him to be quite the stamp of person in whom she could feel entire confidence that he will be proof against all spirit of intrigue, which at all times and now particularly is so much required in Spain. But she must once more ask Lord John to watch that the Queen may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his appointment, and has been corresponding upon it with General Narvaez; the correspondent of the _Times_ has announced his appointment from Madrid already three weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her upon her letter expressing her wish to see Lord Westmorland[13] appointed. Lord John must see the impropriety of this course, and if it were not for the Queen's anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might be exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects, however, and has the right to claim, equal consideration on the part of her Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter to Lord John as the head of the Government.

[Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio Janeiro.]

[Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _28th April 1850._

... Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your Majesty's right to claim every consideration on the part of your Majesty's Ministers. He will take care to attend to this subject, and is much concerned to find that your Majesty has so frequently occasion to complain of Lord Palmerston's want of attention.

[Pageheading: THE KOH-I-NOOR]

_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

SIMLA, _15th May 1850._

... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing your Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the transmission of the Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He therefore did not then report to your Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the jewel himself from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived, and did not arrive till two months afterwards, thus causing delay. The _Medea_, however, sailed on 6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy passage to England.

By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a record of all that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes through which the Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are accurate and curious.

In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-ood-deen, who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong man were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east, one west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space between them were to be filled with gold, all would not equal the value of the Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking probably that this appraisement was somewhat imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question. The Shah replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever possessed it had conquered their enemies."

The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts that your Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.

He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th May 1850._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--I return you the enclosed letters which forbode a new storm, this time coming from Russia.[14] I confess I do not understand that part of the quarrel, but one conviction grows stronger and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to him--I don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly--by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that the country runs serious danger of having to pay for the consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves with having neglected warning and entreaties, but the Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be content with mere warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man the welfare of the country must not be exposed....

ALBERT.

[Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by Greece against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the 18th of April a Convention was signed in London disposing of the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico's claims against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in communicating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse, who persisted in his coercive measures, disregarding the intelligence on the subject he received from Baron Gros, and Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and Russia were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the 18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar action by the Czar.]

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th May 1850._

SIR,--I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on account of her Minister. I was therefore prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty to consider what course it will be best for her and for the country to pursue.

1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be imputed to the Government in the late negotiations.

2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If unfavourably, a solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer remain in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.

These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by Monday.

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _20th May 1850._

Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the Queen on his final determination with respect to the Greek question and Lord Palmerston. He said it was quite impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there were cause for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself, who had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly held responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the Government. Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's personal quarrels with all Governments of foreign countries and the hostility with which they were looking upon him was doing serious injury to the country, and exposing the Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength of what I said respecting the power of the Leader of the House of Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen to object to its being conferred upon a person who had not her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord Lansdowne would consider the communication of the letter as quite confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not like that it should come to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked of. Lord John assured me that Lord Lansdowne could be entirely relied upon, and that he himself had locked up the letter under key the moment he had received it, and would carefully guard it.

The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord Clarendon was the only member of the Government to whom the Foreign Affairs could be entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, which was much the best. Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate connection with the _Times_, and the violent Austrian line of that paper; moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and should Lord John go to the House of Lords, Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord John would take an opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till after the close of the Session.[15]

ALBERT.

[Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston with the Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in both Houses on Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley moved a vote of censure on the Government for enforcing by coercive measures various doubtful or exaggerated claims against the Greek Government.]

[Pageheading: SUNDAY POSTS]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _9th June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If the Cabinet _think_ it impossible to do otherwise, of course the Queen consents--though _most reluctantly_--to a compliance with the vote respecting the Post Office.[16] The Queen thinks it a very _false_ notion of obeying God's will, to do what will be the cause of much annoyance and possibly of great distress to private families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly that great caution should be used with respect to any alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at least _some means_ of communication may still be possible.

[Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding the Sunday delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was appointed, and reported against the proposed change, which was abandoned.]

_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge._

OSBORNE, _10th June 1850._

MY DEAR UNCLE,--I have enquired into the precedents, and find that though there are none exactly similar to the case of George, there will be no difficulty to call him up to the House of Lords; and I should propose that he should be called up by the name of Earl of Tipperary, which is one of your titles. Culloden, which is your other title, would be from recollections of former times obviously objectionable. There are several precedents of Princes being made Peers without having an establishment, consequently there can be no difficulty on this point.

I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his politics, and support the Government whenever he can. Princes of the Royal Family should keep as much as possible aloof from _Party Politics_, as I think they else invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and Royal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE]

_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

CAMBRIDGE HOUSE, _10th June 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I seize the earliest opportunity of thanking you for your very kind letter, which I have this moment received, and to assure you at the same time that I do most fully agree with you in your observations concerning the line in politics which the members of the Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my principle since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully convinced that George will follow my example.

I must also add that I have felt the great advantage of supporting the Government, and I have by that always been well with all Parties, and have avoided many difficulties which other members of my family have had to encounter.

I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who will, I trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness you have shown him.

With the request that you will remember me most kindly to Albert, I remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate Uncle,

ADOLPHUS.

_Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S PALACE, _15th June 1850._

MY DEAR COUSIN,--I have not as yet ventured to address you on a subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon which I am aware that you have been in correspondence with my father; but as I believe that the question which was brought to your notice has been settled, I cannot any longer deprive myself of the pleasure of expressing to you my most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind manner in which you have at once acceded to the anxious request of my father and myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon which I have long been most anxious, and I am truly and sincerely grateful that you have so considerately entered into my feelings and wishes. I understand that it is your intention that I should be called up by my father's second title as Earl of Tipperary; at the same time I hope that though I take a seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be permitted to retain and be called by my present name on all occasions not connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish expressed by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be made a political partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you that it will be ever my endeavour to obey your desires upon this as on all other occasions; but I trust I may be permitted to add, that even before this desire expressed by you, it had been my intention to follow this line of conduct. I conceive that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the members of the Royal Family should support the Queen's Government; and if at times it should happen that they have a difficulty in so doing, it is at all events not desirable that they should place themselves prominently in opposition to it. This I believe to be your feelings on the subject, and if you will permit me to say so, they are also my own.

Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.

_Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge._

OSBORNE, _17th June 1850._

MY DEAR GEORGE,--Many thanks for your kind letter received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you are so entirely of my opinion with respect to the political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family who are peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will be quite in accordance with this view. With respect to your wish to be called as you have hitherto been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be much flattered at your being called up by the title of Tipperary) would feel it as a slight if you did not wish to be called by the title you bear. All the Royal Peers have always been called by their titles in this and in other countries, and I do not think it would be possible to avoid it. Ever, etc.,

VICTORIA R.[17]

[Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a memorandum of Prince Albert recording:--

BUCKINGHAM PALACE. _8th July 1850._

I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account of the Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday evening, without a struggle, after an attack of fever which had lasted four weeks. So the summons of Prince George has never been carried out.

ALBERT.]

[Pageheading: MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _21st June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him yesterday what course the Government intends to pursue after the late vote of the House of Lords.[18]

The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's answer.

Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general approbation of the Foreign Policy of the Government.

What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say, but as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House of Lords to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible to avoid a decision by the House of Commons on this subject.

The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of negotiation is confounded with the general principles of our Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has been to leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own battles, will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of despotism, and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of Commons would not long bear such a policy.

Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of strife, which may last for many years to come.

[Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by a majority of 37 in a House of 301.]

[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S MOTION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read his speech in the House of Commons. She regrets exceedingly the position in which the Government has been placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the House of Lords. Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons may terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the Government would be _most inconvenient_. The Queen has always approved the _general_ tendency of the policy of the Government to let despotism and democracy fight out their battles abroad, but must remind Lord John that in the execution of this policy Lord Palmerston has _gone a long way_ in taking up the side of democracy in the fight, and this is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign Policy. Indeed it is already confounded by the whole of the foreign and the great majority of the British public, and it is to be feared that the discussion will place despotic and democratic principles in array against each other in this country, whilst the original question turns only upon the justice of Don Pacifico's claims.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _22nd June 1850._

Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should be exposed to inconvenience in consequence of Lord Stanley's Motion. He has copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it now stands on the votes. The word "principles" includes the general policy, and excludes the particular measures which from time to time have been adopted as the objects of approbation.

It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result. Lord Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Disraeli appear to be in close concert.

Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr Gladstone, one should imagine, can hardly abandon Free Trade. The anger of the honest Protectionists and the honest Free-Traders will be very great at so unprincipled a coalition.

Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the Foreign Policy of Her Majesty's Government has been regulated have been such as were calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England and the various nations of the world.

[Pageheading: HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, but cannot say that his arguments in support of his former opinion, that the Germanic Confederation should be omitted from amongst the Powers who are to be invited to sign a protocol, the object of which is to decide upon the fate of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing her of the propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected with Denmark through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure the integrity of the Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon Germany, if carried out without her knowledge and consent; and it is an act repugnant to all feelings of justice and morality for third parties to dispose of other people's property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify. The mode of representation might safely be left to the Confederation itself. It is not surprising to the Queen that Austria and Prussia should complain of Lord Palmerston's agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France upon the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any notice of it.

[Pageheading: THE PROTOCOL]

_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _23rd June 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The Queen has entirely misconceived the object and effect of the proposed Protocol. It does not "decide upon the fate of Holstein," nor is it "an attack upon Germany." In fact, the Protocol is to _decide_ nothing; it is to be merely a record of the wishes and opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign it....[19]

How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or attack Germany?

Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, not indeed for Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic Confederation? Why should we take up the cudgels for Germany, when we are inviting Austria and Prussia, the two leading powers of Germany, and who would of course put in a claim for the Confederation if they thought it necessary, which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely would not?...

As to my having _agreed_ with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that is not the course which things have taken. Brunnow proposed the Protocol to me, and I have been in discussion with him about it. It is _he_ who has communicated it to the French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to Rehausen; I sent it privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that he might show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia, and that, at all events, some part of the wording would be altered. I have no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to Koller; but I could not send it officially to Berlin or Vienna till Brunnow had agreed to such a wording as I could recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I received the Queen's sanction to do so.

The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to say to Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol, they could add that they signed also in the name of the Confederation, we should be glad to have the additional weight of that authority, but that could not be made a _sine quâ non_, any more than the signature of Austria and Prussia themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be signed by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree to it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of opinions and wishes, and does not decide or pretend to decide anything practically. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 19: The Protocol was to record the desirability of the following points:--(1) that the several states which constituted the Danish Monarchy should remain united, and that the Danish Crown should be settled in such manner that it should go with the Duchy of Holstein; (2) that the signatory Powers, when the peace should have been concluded, should concert measures for the purpose of giving to the results an additional pledge of stability, by a general European acknowledgment.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing those of Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. The _misconception_ on the Queen's part, which Lord Palmerston alleges to exist, consists in her taking the essence of the arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston pretends that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the Protocol is the fate of Holstein, which is decided upon--

(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of Europe to uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy (which has no meaning, if it does not mean that Holstein is to remain with it).

(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to keep it with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to that of Holstein.

(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their "_soins_" to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled in a peace according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which it was one of the conditions that the question of the succession was to be left untouched.

(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of European acknowledgment.

If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "_soins_" and the acknowledgments of _all_ the great Powers of Europe are to decide nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if they decide anything, it is the fate of Holstein.

Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be easily deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of Denmark to incorporate into her polity the Duchy of Schleswig was declared by the Diet in 1846 to be a declaration of war against Germany merely on account of its intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.

The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for Germany, but merely to treat that country with the same consideration which is due to every country on whose interests we mean to decide.

The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject to be brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their deliberate opinion.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Charles will have told you how kindly and amiably the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling night and day from St Petersburg, in order to be in time for the christening of our little _Arthur_.[20] I wish you could (and you will, for he intends stopping at Brussels) hear him speak, for he is so straightforward, conciliatory, and yet firm of purpose; I have a great esteem and respect for him. The poor King of Prussia is recovered,[21] and has been received with great enthusiasm on the first occasion of his first reappearance in public.

We are in a _crisis_, no one knowing how this debate upon this most unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most unfortunate, for whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.

I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the heat. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st of May, the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of the sponsors, and after whom he was named.]

[Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.]

[Pageheading: THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _26th June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that in the debate of last night Viscount Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of the Government in a speech of four hours and three quarters.[22] This speech was one of the most masterly ever delivered, going through the details of transactions in the various parts of the world, and appealing from time to time to great principles of justice and of freedom.

The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was adjourned till Thursday, when it will probably close.

The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on the amount of that majority must depend their future course.

[Footnote 22: It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister asked for a verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in days of old held himself free from indignity when he could say, _Civis Romanus sum_, so also a British subject, in whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that the watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect him against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last appearance in the House, voted against Palmerston.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_Chesham Place_, _27th June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the prospects of the division are rather more favourable for Ministers than they were.

Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their remaining in office.[23]

Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord Stanley in forming an Administration.

Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an audience of your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one o'clock.

The division will not take place till to-morrow night.

[Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to 264, although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone, Mr Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham, and Sir William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, the most effective speech on the Government side was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn, afterwards Lord Chief Justice of England.]

[Pageheading: PEEL'S ACCIDENT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd July 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For two most kind and affectionate letters I offer my warmest and best thanks. The good report of my beloved Louise's improvement is a great happiness. By my letter to Louise you will have learnt all the details of this certainly very disgraceful and very inconceivable attack.[24] I have not suffered except from my head, which is still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent, and the brass _end_ of the stick fell on my head so as to make a considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving, and I start at any person coming near the carriage, which I am afraid is natural. We have, alas! now another cause of much greater anxiety in the person of our excellent Sir Robert Peel,[25] who, as you will see, has had a most serious fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill last night; thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear still in great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and irreparable for us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to be depended on. _All_ parties are in great anxiety about him. I will leave my letter open to give you the latest news.

Our good and amiable guest[26] likes being with us, and will remain with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and go to the opera very regularly. The _Prophète_ is quite beautiful, and I am sure would delight you. The music in the _Scène du Couronnement_ is, I think, finer than anything in either _Robert_ or the _Huguenots_; it is highly dramatic, and really very touching. Mario sings and acts in it quite in perfection. His _Raoul_ in the Huguenots is also most beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his voice is the finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts with such _intense_ feeling.

What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves things just as they were. The House of Commons is becoming very unmanageable and troublesome....

I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your most affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is freer from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself better; the Doctors think there is _no_ vital injury, and nothing from which he cannot recover, but that he must be for some days in a precarious state.

[Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House, where she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's health, was struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer, and a severe bruise was inflicted on her forehead. The outrage was apparently committed without motive, but an attempt to prove Pate insane failed, and he was sentenced to seven years' transportation.]

[Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate, Sir Robert Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition Commissioners, had gone out riding. On his return, while passing up Constitution Hill, he was thrown from his horse, and, after lingering three days in intense pain, died on the 5th of July.]

[Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.]

[Pageheading: THE KING OF DENMARK]

_The King of Denmark to Queen Victoria._

COPENHAGUE, _4 Juillet 1850._

MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Je remplis un devoir des plus agréables, en m'empressant d'annoncer à votre Majesté que la paix vient d'être signée le 2 de ce mois à Berlin entre moi et Sa Majesté le Roi de Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la Confédération Germanique.[27]

Je sais et je reconnais de grand c[oe]ur combien je suis redevable à votre Majesté et à Son Gouvernement de ce résultat important, qui justifie mon espérance de pouvoir bientôt rendre à tous mes sujets les bienfaits d'une sincère réconciliation et d'une véritable concorde.

Votre Majesté a par la sollicitude avec laquelle Elle a constamment accompli le mandat de la médiation dans l'intérêt du Danemark et de l'Europe, ajouté aux témoignages inappréciables de sincère amitié qu'elle n'a cessé de m'accorder durant la longue et pénible épreuve que le Danemark vient de nouveau de traverser, mais qui paraît, à l'aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant faire place à un meilleur avenir, offrant, sous les auspices de votre Majesté, de nouvelles garanties pour l'indépendance de mon antique Couronne et pour le maintien de l'intégrité de ma Monarchie, à la défense desquelles je me suis voué entièrement.

Je suis persuadé que votre Majesté me fera la justice de croire que je suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et que mon peuple fidèle et loyal s'associe à moi et aux miens, pénétré de ces mêmes sentiments de gratitude envers votre Majesté.

Je m'estimerais infiniment heureux si Elle daignait ajouter à toutes Ses bontés, celle que de me fournir l'occasion de Lui donner des preuves de mon dévouement inaltérable et de la haute considération avec lesquels je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait, Madame ma S[oe]ur, vous, votre auguste Époux et tous les vôtres, dans sa sainte et digne garde, et avec lesquels je suis, Madame ma S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère,

FREDERICK.

[Footnote 27: Denmark and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were still at war. Germany was bent on absorbing the Duchies, but Prussia now concluded a peace with Denmark: the enlistment of individual Germans in the insurgent army continued.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF PEEL]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _5th July 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--It gave me the greatest pain to learn of the death of our true and kind friend, Sir Robert Peel. That he should have met with his end--he so valuable to the whole earth--from an accident so easily to be avoided with some care, is the more to be lamented. You and Albert lose in him a friend whose moderation, correct judgment, great knowledge of everything connected with the country, can never be found again. Europe had in him a benevolent and a truly wise statesman....

Give my best thanks to Albert for his kind letter. I mean to send a messenger probably on Sunday or Monday to write to him. I pity him about the great Exhibition. I fear he will be much plagued, and I was glad to see that the matter is to be treated in Parliament. Alas! in all human affairs one is sure to meet with violent passions, and Peel knew that so well; great care even for the most useful objects is necessary.

I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant that it may be satisfactory.[28] Ever, my beloved, dear Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 28: The Princess Charlotte of Belgium was seriously ill.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1850._

SIRE, MY MOST HONOURED BROTHER,--I have to express to you my thanks for the pleasure which the visit of your dear brother has given us, who, as I hope, will remit these lines to you in perfect health. That things go so well with you, and that the healing of your wound has made undisturbed progress, has been to us a true removal of anxiety. You will no doubt have learnt that I too have been again the object of an attempt, if possible still more cowardly. The criminal is, _as usual_, this time too, insane, or will pretend to be so; still the deed remains.

All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied by the sorrow, in which your Majesty and all Europe will share, at the death of Sir Robert Peel. That is one of the hardest blows of Fate which could have fallen on us and on the country. You knew the great man, and understood how to appreciate his merit. His value is now becoming clear even to his opponents; all Parties are united in mourning.

The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news of your conclusion of peace with Denmark. Accept my most cordial congratulations on that account.

Requesting you to remember me cordially to the dear Queen, and referring you for detailed news to the dear Prince, also recommending to your gracious remembrance Albert, who does not wish to trouble you, on his part, with a letter, I remain, in unchangeable friendship, dear Brother, your Majesty's faithful Sister,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: DEATH OF THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th July 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We live in the midst of sorrow and death! My poor good Uncle Cambridge breathed his last, without a struggle, at a few minutes before ten last night. I still saw him yesterday morning at one, but he _did not see me_, and to-day I saw him lifeless and cold. The poor Duchess and the poor children are very touching in their grief, and poor Augusta,[29] who arrived just _five hours too late_, is quite heartbroken. The end was most peaceful; there was no disease; only a gastric fever, which came on four weeks ago, from over-exertion, and cold, and which he neglected for the first week, carried him off.

The good Prince of Prussia you will have been pleased to talk to and see. Having lived with him for a fortnight on a very intimate footing, we have been able to appreciate his _real_ worth fully; he is so honest and frank, and so steady of purpose and courageous.

Poor dear Peel is to be buried to-day. The sorrow and grief at his death are most touching, and the country mourns over him as over a father. Every one seems to have lost a personal friend.

As I have much to write, you will forgive me ending here. You will be glad to hear that poor Aunt Gloucester is wonderfully calm and resigned. My poor dear Albert, who had been so fresh and well when we came back, looks so pale and fagged again. He has felt, and feels, Sir Robert's loss _dreadfully_. He feels he has lost a second father.

May God bless and protect you all, you dear ones! Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 29: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 437.]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _19th July 1850._

Before this draft to Lord Bloomfield about Greece is sent, it would be well to consider whether Lord Palmerston is justified in calling the Minister of the Interior of Greece "a notorious defaulter to the amount of 200,000 drachms,"[30] and should he be so, whether it is a proper thing for the Queen's Foreign Secretary to say in a public despatch!

[Footnote 30: The Convention of the 18th of April (see _ante_, p. 242, note 1) had decided that £8500 should be distributed among the claimants, and that Don Pacifico's special claim against Portugal should be referred to arbitration. Ultimately he was awarded only an insignificant sum.]

[Pageheading: THE FOREIGN OFFICE]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _28th July 1850._

The Queen will have much pleasure in seeing the Duke and Duchess of Bedford here next Saturday, and we have invited them. She will be quite ready to hear the Duke's opinions on the Foreign Office. Lord John may be sure that she fully admits the great difficulties in the way of the projected alteration, but she, on the other hand, feels the duty she owes to the country and to herself, not to allow a man in whom she can have no confidence, who has conducted himself in _anything but_ a straightforward and proper manner to herself, to remain in the Foreign Office, and thereby to expose herself to insults from other nations, and the country to the constant risk of serious and alarming complications. The Queen considers these reasons as much graver than the other difficulties. Each time that we were in a difficulty, the Government seemed to be determined to move Lord Palmerston, and as soon as these difficulties were got over, those which present themselves in the carrying out of this removal appeared of so great a magnitude as to cause its relinquishment. There is no chance of Lord Palmerston reforming himself in his sixty-seventh year, and after having considered his last escape as a triumph.... The Queen is personally convinced that Lord Palmerston at this moment is secretly planning an armed Russian intervention in Schleswig, which may produce a renewal of revolutions in Germany, and possibly a general war.

The Queen only adduces this as an instance that there is no question of delicacy and danger in which Lord Palmerston will not arbitrarily and without reference to his colleagues or Sovereign engage this country.

_Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark._

OSBORNE, _29 Juillet 1850._

SIRE ET MON BON FRÈRE,--La lettre dont votre Majesté a bien voulu m'honorer m'a causé un bien vif plaisir comme témoignage que votre Majesté a su apprécier les sentiments d'amitié pour vous et le désir d'agir avec impartialité qui m'ont animée ainsi que mon Gouvernement pendant tout le cours des longues négociations qui out précédé la signature de la Paix avec l'Allemagne. Votre Majesté peut aisément comprendre aussi combien je dois regretter le renouvellement de la guerre avec le Schleswig qui ne pourra avoir d'autre résultat que l'accroissement de l'animosité et l'affaiblissement des deux nobles peuples sur lesquels vous régnez. Dieu veuille que cette dernière lutte se termine pourtant dans une réconciliation solide, basée sur la reconnaissance des droits et des obligations des deux côtés. Je me trouve poussée à vous soumettre ici, Sire, une prière pour un Prince qui s'est malheureusement trouvé en conflit avec votre Majesté, mais pour lequel les liens de parenté me portent à plaider, le Duc de Holstein-Augustenburg. Je suis persuadée que la magnanimité de votre Majesté lui rendra ses biens particuliers, qu'elle a jugé nécessaire de lui ôter pendant la guerre de 1848, ce que je reconnaîtrais bien comme une preuve d'amitié de la part de votre Majesté envers moi.

En faisant des v[oe]ux, pour son bonbeur et en exprimant le désir du Prince, mon Epoux, d'être mis aux pieds de votre Majesté, je suis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté la bonne S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _31st July 1850._

The Queen must draw Lord John Russell's attention to the accompanying draft[31] with regard to Schleswig, which is evidently intended to lay the ground for future foreign armed intervention. This is to be justified by considering the assistance which the Stadthalterschaft of Holstein may be tempted to give to their Schleswig brethren "as an invasion of Schleswig by a German force."

Lord John seems himself to have placed a "?" against that passage. This is, after two years' negotiation and mediation, _begging the question_ at issue. The whole war--Revolution, mediation, etc., etc.--rested upon the question whether Schleswig was part of Holstein (though not of the German Confederation), or part of Denmark and not of Holstein.

[Footnote 31: In this draft, Lord Palmerston was remonstrating with the Prussian Government against the orders given by the Holstein Statthalters to their army to invade Schleswig, after the signature of the peace between Prussia and Denmark.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _31st July 1850._

The Queen has considered Lord Seymour's memorandum upon the Rangership of the Parks in London, but cannot say that it has convinced her of the expediency of its abolition. There is nothing in the management of these parks by the Woods and Forests which does not equally apply to all the others, as Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There is certainly a degree of inconvenience in the divided authority, but this is amply compensated by the advantage to the Crown, in appearance at least, to keep up an authority emanating personally from the Sovereign, and unconnected with a Government Department which is directly answerable to the House of Commons. The last debate upon Hyde Park has, moreover, shown that it will not be safe not to remind the public of the fact that the parks are Royal property. As the Ranger has no power over money, the management will always remain with the Office of Woods.

[Pageheading: SIR CHARLES NAPIER RESIGNS]

_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _3rd August 1850._

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He regrets to be under the necessity of submitting to your Majesty the enclosed letter from General Sir Charles Napier, G.C.B., in which he tenders his resignation of the office of Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Forces in the East Indies.[32]

Upon the receipt of this paper Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington considered it to be his duty to peruse all the papers submitted by Sir Charles Napier; to survey the transaction which had occasioned the censure of the Governor-General in Council complained of by Sir Charles Napier; to require from the India House all the information which could throw light upon the conduct complained of, as well as upon the motives alleged for it; the reasons given on account of which it was stated to be necessary.

He has stated in a minute, a memorandum of which he submits the copy to your Majesty, his views and opinions upon the whole subject, and the result which he submits to your Majesty is that he considers it his duty humbly to submit to your Majesty that your Majesty should be graciously pleased to accept the resignation of General Sir Charles Napier thus tendered.

Before he should submit this recommendation to your Majesty in relation to an office of such high reputation in so high and important a station, Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington considered it his duty to submit his views to your Majesty's servants, who have expressed their concurrence in his opinion.

It is probable that the President of the Board of Control will lay before your Majesty the papers transmitted to the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, by the Governor-General in Council, which are adverted to in the paper drawn up by the Duke, and of which the substance alone is stated.

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.

[Footnote 32: This was in consequence of Sir Charles Napier's action in exercising powers belonging to the Supreme Council, on the occasion of a mutiny of a regiment of the Native Army.]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S CONDUCT OF AFFAIRS]

[Pageheading: A POSSIBLE RE-ARRANGEMENT]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _5th August 1850._

Lord John Russell having lately stated that Lord Clarendon, who had always been most eager to see Lord Palmerston moved, had lately expressed to him his opinion that it would be most dangerous and impolitic to do so under present circumstances, we thought it right to see Lord Clarendon here.... In conversation with me, Lord Clarendon spoke in his old strain of Lord Palmerston, but very strongly also of the danger of turning him out and making him the leader of the Radicals, who were anxiously waiting for that, were much dissatisfied with Lord John Russell, and free from control by the death of Sir Robert Peel. I said that if everything was done with Lord Palmerston's consent there would be no danger, to which Lord Clarendon assented, but doubted that he would consent to giving up what was his hobby. He added, nobody but Lord John could carry on the Foreign Affairs, but he ought not to leave the House of Commons under present circumstances, where he was now the only authority left.

We saw the Duke of Bedford yesterday, whom Lord John had wished us to invite. He is very unhappy about the present state of affairs, frightened about things going on as at present, when Lord John can exercise no control over Lord Palmerston, and the Queen is exposed year after year to the same annoyances and dangers arising from Lord Palmerston's mode of conducting the affairs; but on the other hand, equally frightened at turning him loose. The Duke was aware of all that had passed between us and Lord John, and ready to do anything _he_ could to bring matters to a satisfactory solution, but thought his brother would not like to leave the House of Commons now. He had very much changed his opinion on that head latterly, and the more so as he thought something ought to be done next year with the franchise, which he alone could carry through. On my questioning whether it was impossible to persuade him to take the Foreign Office and stay in the Lower House, with a first-rate under-secretary, at least for a time, the Duke thought he might perhaps temporarily, as he felt he owed to the Queen the solution of the difficulty, but expressed again his fears of Lord Palmerston's opposition. I replied that if Lord John would make up his mind to take the Foreign Office, and to stay in the House of Commons, I saw no danger, as Lord John would be able to maintain himself successfully, and Lord Palmerston would not like to be in opposition to him, whilst he would become most formidable to anybody who was to _gain_ only the leadership in the House; moreover, Lord John, having done so much for Lord Palmerston, could expect and demand a return of sacrifice, and a variety of posts might be offered to him--the Presidency of the Council, the office of Home Secretary, or Secretary for the Colonies, Chancellor of the Exchequer, etc., etc., which places I was sure any member of the Cabinet would vacate for him. The Duke of Bedford added the Lieutenancy of Ireland, as Lord Clarendon had told him he was ready to give it up for the purpose, but only under _one_ condition, viz. that of not having to succeed to Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office. Observing our surprise at this declaration, the Duke added that Lord Clarendon acted most considerately, that he was ready to have no office at all, and would support the Government independently in the House of Lords if this were to facilitate arrangements. The Queen rejoined that a peerage was of course also at Lord John's disposal for Lord Palmerston. We then agreed that Lord Granville would be the best person to become Lord John's Under-Secretary of State, a man highly popular, pleasing, conciliatory, well versed in Foreign Affairs, and most industrious; trained under Lord John, he could at any time leave him the office altogether, if Lord John should find it too much for himself. Lord Granville had a higher office now, that of Vice-President of the Board of Trade and Paymaster-General, but would be sure to feel the importance of taking a lower office under such circumstances and with such contingencies likely to depend upon it. I have seen a great deal of him latterly, as he is the only working man on the Commission for the Exhibition of 1851, and have found him most able, good-natured, and laborious. The Duke liked the proposal very much, and is going to communicate all that passed between us to Lord John on Tuesday.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S POSITION]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _8th August 1850._

Lord John Russell came down here yesterday in order to report to the Queen what had passed between him and Lord Palmerston the day before, on whom he had called in order to have an explanation on the Foreign Affairs.

Lord John reminded him of former communications, but admitted that circumstances were much changed by the recent debates in both Houses of Parliament; still, it was necessary to come to an understanding of the position. The _policy_ pursued with regard to the Foreign Affairs had been right and such as had the approval of Lord John himself, the Cabinet generally, and he believed the greater part of the country. But the manner in which it had been executed had been unfortunate, led to irritation and hostility; although peace had actually been preserved, and England stood in a position requiring no territorial aggrandisement or advantage of any kind, yet all Governments and Powers, not only Russia and Austria, but also France and the liberal states, had become decidedly hostile to us, and our intercourse was not such as was desirable. Lord John could instance many cases in which they had been unnecessarily slighted and provoked by Lord Palmerston, like M. Drouyn de Lhuys in the Greek affair. Lord Palmerston's conduct towards the Queen had been disrespectful and wanting in due attention and deference to her, and had been much complained of.

In consequence of all this Lord John had before proposed to Her Majesty that the Foreign Affairs should be entrusted to Lord Minto, he himself should go to the House of Lords, and Lord Palmerston should have the lead in the House of Commons. The Queen had, however, objected to this arrangement, [thinking] the lead in the Lower House to be more properly given to Sir George Grey, who had as Home Secretary conducted all internal business in the House. Now had come Sir R. Peel's death, which made it impossible for Lord John to leave the House of Commons without endangering the position of Government and of the parties in the House.

Lord Palmerston was much pleased to hear of Lord John's intention to stay in the House of Commons, said all was changed now; there had been a great conspiracy against him, he had been accused in Parliament, put on his trial and acquitted. The acquittal had produced the greatest enthusiasm for him in the country, and he was now supported by a strong party; he owned, however, that his success had been chiefly owing to the handsome manner in which Lord John and his colleagues had supported him in the debate. That he should incur the momentary enmity of those states whose interests and plans he might have to cross was quite natural; he had never intended any disrespect to the Queen, and if he had been guilty of any he was quite unconscious of it and sorry for it.

Lord John reminded him that although the Government had got a majority in the House of Commons in the Foreign debate, it was not to be forgotten that the fate of the Government had been staked upon it, and that many people voted on that account who would not have supported the Foreign policy; that it was remarkable that all those who had the strongest reason to be anxious for the continuance of the Government, but who could not avoid _speaking_, were obliged to speak and vote against the Government. Sir R. Peel's speech was a most remarkable instance of this.

Lord Palmerston saw in Sir Robert's speech nothing but a reluctant effort to defend Lord Aberdeen, whom he was bound to defend. If he (Lord Palmerston) were to leave the Foreign Office, there must be a ground for it, such as his having to take the lead in the House of Commons, which was evidently impossible with the conduct of Foreign Department at the same time. (It had killed Mr Canning, and after that failure nobody ought to attempt it.) But without such a ground it would be loss of character to him, which he could not be expected to submit to. There was not even the excuse of wishing to avoid a difficulty with a foreign country, as all was smooth now. Those who had wished to injure him had been beat, and now it would be giving them a triumph after all. If the Queen or the Cabinet were dissatisfied with his management of the Foreign Affairs, they had a right to demand his resignation, and he would give it, but they could not ask him to lower himself in public estimation. Lord John answered that his resignation would lead to a further split of parties: there were parties already enough in the House, and it was essential that at least the Whig party should be kept together, to which Lord Palmerston assented. He (Lord Palmerston) then repeated his complaints against that plot which had been got up in this country against him, and urged on by foreigners, complained particularly of Lord Clarendon, Mr Greville of the Privy Council, Mr Reeve, ditto, and their attacks upon him in the _Times_, and of Mr Delane, the Editor of the _Times_, of Guizot, Princess Lieven, etc., etc., etc. However, they had been convinced that they could not upset him, and Mr Reeve had declared to him that he had been making open and honourable (?!!) war upon him; now he would make a lasting peace. With Russia and France he (Lord Palmerston) had just been signing the Danish Protocol, showing that they were on the best terms together.

Lord John felt he could not press the matter further under these circumstances, but he seemed much provoked at the result of his conversation. We expressed our surprise that he had not made Lord Palmerston any offer of any kind. Lord John replied he had not been sure what he could have offered him....

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: DUTIES OF THE FOREIGN SECRETARY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[33]

OSBORNE, _12th August 1850._

With reference to the conversation about Lord Palmerston which the Queen had with Lord John Russell the other day, and Lord Palmerston's disavowal that he ever intended any disrespect to her by the various neglects of which she has had so long and so often to complain, she thinks it right, in order _to prevent any mistake_ for the _future_, shortly to explain _what it is she expects from her Foreign Secretary_. She requires: (1) That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to _what_ she has given her Royal sanction; (2) Having _once given_ her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modified by the Minister; such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her Constitutional right of dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the Foreign Ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon that intercourse; to receive the Foreign Despatches in good time, and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this letter to Lord Palmerston.

[Footnote 33: Compare the memorandum suggested by Baron Stockmar, _ante_, p. 238. This letter was, after much forbearance, written in the hope of bringing Lord Palmerston to a proper understanding of his relation to the Sovereign. Even when the catastrophe came, and its tenor had to be communicated by the Premier to Parliament, the Preamble was generously omitted; but in consequence of its description by Lord Palmerston, in a letter published by Mr Ashley, as an _angry_ memorandum, it was printed in full in _The Life of the Prince Consort_.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _13th August 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the Queen and will not fail to attend to the directions which it contains. With regard to the sending of despatches to the Queen, they have sometimes been delayed longer than should have been the case, in consequence of my having been prevented by great pressure of business, and by the many interruptions of interviews, etc., to which I am liable, from reading and sending them back into the Office so soon as I could have wished. But I will give orders that the old practice shall be reverted to, of making copies of all important despatches as soon as they reach the Office, so that there may be no delay in sending the despatches to the Queen; this practice was gradually left off as the business of the Office increased, and if it shall require an additional clerk or two you must be liberal and allow me that assistance.--Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

[Pageheading: DEATH OF LOUIS PHILIPPE]

_The Duc de Nemours to Queen Victoria._

CLAREMONT, _26 Août 1850._

MADAME MA CHÈRE COUSINE,--La main de Dieu vient de s'appesantir sur nous. Le Roi notre Père n'est plus.[34] Après avoir reçu hier avec calme et résignation les secours de la religion, il s'est éteint ce matin à huit heures au milieu de nous tous. Vous le connaissiez ma chère Cousine, vous savez tout ce que nous perdons, vous comprendrez donc l'inexprimable douleur dans laquelle nous sommes plongés; vous la partagerez même je le sais!

La Reine brisée, malgré son courage, ne trouve de soulagement que dans une retraite absolue où ne voyant personne elle puisse laisser cours à sa douleur.

Veuillez faire part à Albert de notre malheur et recevoir ici, ma chère Cousine, l'hommage des sentiments de respect et d'attachement, de votre bien affectionné Cousin,

LOUIS D'ORLÉANS.

[Footnote 34: King Louis Philippe was in his seventy-seventh year when he died: his widow, Queen Marie Amélie, lived till 1866, when she died at the age of eighty-four.]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _26th August 1850._

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to give directions for a Court mourning according to those which are usual for an abdicated King. She likewise wishes that every assistance should be given, and every attention shown to the afflicted Royal Family, who have been so severely tried during the last two years, on the melancholy occasion of the poor King of the French's death.

The Queen starts for Scotland to-morrow.

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _30 August 1850._

... I have offered to the poor Queen of the French to remain at Claremont and _d'en disposer_ as long as Heaven does not dispose of myself. She, of course, dislikes the place, but will keep the family with her at least for some time.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

TAYMOUTH CASTLE, _5th September 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and was happy to receive your Majesty's gracious letter, which reached him the night before last.

The proofs of attachment to your Majesty, which are everywhere exhibited, are the more gratifying as they are entirely spontaneous.

It is fit and becoming that your Majesty should inhabit the royal Palace of Holyrood, and this circumstance gives great satisfaction throughout Scotland.

Lord John Russell is glad to learn that the family of the late King of the French will continue to reside in England.

The reflection naturally occurs, if Napoleon and Louis Philippe were unable to consolidate a dynasty in France, who will ever be able to do it? The prospect is a succession of fruitless attempts at civil Government till a General assumes the command, and governs by military force.

[Pageheading: THE POET LAUREATE]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DUNKELD, _7th September 1850._

... Lord John Russell has had the honour of receiving at Taymouth a letter from the Prince. He agrees that the office of Poet Laureate ought to be filled up. There are three or four authors of nearly equal merit, such as Henry Taylor, Sheridan Knowles, Professor Wilson, and Mr Tennyson, who are qualified for the office.

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

OSTEND, _7th October 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I write a few words only to tell you how our dear patient is.[35] Yesterday was a most perilous, truly dreadful day; our dear angelic Louise was so fainting that Madame d'Hulst, who was with her, felt the greatest alarm. She afterwards was better, and her mother, Clém, Joinville, and Aumale having arrived, she saw them with more composure than could have been expected. Still, she would in fact wish to be left quiet and alone with me, and we try to manage things as much as possible so that their visit does not tire her too much.

Her courage and strength of mind are most heart-breaking when one thinks of the danger in which she is, and her dear and angelic soul seems even to shine more brightly at this moment of such great and imminent danger. I am in a dreadful state when I am with her. She is so contented, so cheerful, that the possibilities of danger appear to me impossible; but the physicians are very much alarmed, without thinking the state absolutely hopeless. That one should write such things about a life so precious, and one in fact still so young, and whose angelic soul is so strong! You will feel with me as you love her so dearly. God bless you and preserve you from heart-breaking sufferings like mine. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 35: The Queen of the Belgians died on the 11th of October, at the age of thirty-eight.]

[Pageheading: GENERAL HAYNAU]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

BROADLANDS, _8th October 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has had the honour to receive your Majesty's communication of the 4th instant, expressing your Majesty's wish that an alteration should be made in his answer to Baron Koller's[36] note of the 5th of September, on the subject of the attack made upon General Haynau;[37] but Viscount Palmerston begs to state that when Baron Koller was at this place about ten days ago, he expressed so much annoyance at the delay which had already taken place in regard to the answer to his note of the 5th September, and he requested so earnestly that he might immediately have the reply, that Viscount Palmerston could do no otherwise than send him the answer at once, and Baron Koller despatched it the next day to Vienna.

Viscount Palmerston had put the last paragraph into the answer, because he could scarcely have reconciled it to his own feelings and to his sense of public responsibility to have put his name to a note which might be liable to be called for by Parliament, without expressing in it, at least as his own personal opinion, a sense of the want of propriety evinced by General Haynau in coming to England at the present moment.[38]

The state of public feeling in this country about General Haynau and his proceedings in Italy and Hungary was perfectly well known; and his coming here so soon after those events, without necessity or obligation to do so, was liable to be looked upon as a bravado, and as a challenge to an expression of public opinion.

Baron Koller indeed told Viscount Palmerston that Prince Metternich and Baron Neumann had at Brussels strongly dissuaded General Haynau from coming on to England; and that he (Baron Koller) had after his arrival earnestly entreated him to cut off those long moustachios which rendered him so liable to be identified.

With regard to the transaction itself, there is no justifying a breach of the law, nor an attack by a large number of people upon one or two individuals who cannot resist such superior force; and though in the present case, according to Baron Koller's account, the chief injury sustained by General Haynau consisted in the tearing of his coat, the loss of a cane, and some severe bruises on his left arm, and though four or five policemen proved to be sufficient protection, yet a mob who begin by insult lead each other on to outrage; and there is no saying to what extremes they might have proceeded if they had not been checked.

Such occurrences, however, have taken place before; and to go no further back than the last summer, the attacks on Lord Talbot at the Stafford meeting, and on Mr Bankes, Mr Sturt, and others at the Dorchester meeting, when a man was killed, were still more violent outrages, and originated simply in differences of political opinion; whereas in this case the brewers' men were expressing their feeling at what they considered inhuman conduct on the part of General Haynau.

The people of this country are remarkable for their hospitable reception of foreigners, and for their forgetfulness of past animosities. Napoleon Bonaparte, the greatest enemy that England ever had, was treated while at Plymouth with respect, and with commiseration while at St Helena. Marshal Soult, who had fought in many battles against the English, was received with generous acclamation when he came here as Special Ambassador. The King of the French, Mons. Guizot, and Prince Metternich, though all of them great antagonists of English policy and English interests, were treated in this country with courtesy and kindness. But General Haynau was looked upon as a great moral criminal; and the feeling in regard to him was of the same nature as that which was manifested towards Tawell[39] and the Mannings,[40] with this only difference, that General Haynau's bad deeds were committed upon a far larger scale, and upon a far larger number of victims. But Viscount Palmerston can assure your Majesty that those feelings of just and honourable indignation have not been confined to England, for he had good reason to know that General Haynau's ferocious and unmanly treatment of the unfortunate inhabitants of Brescia and of other towns and places in Italy, his savage proclamations to the people of Pesth, and his barbarous acts in Hungary excited almost as much disgust in Austria as in England, and that the nickname of "General Hyæna" was given to him at Vienna long before it was applied to him in London.

[Footnote 36: The Austrian Ambassador.]

[Footnote 37: General Haynau had earned in the Hungarian War an odious reputation as a flogger of women. When visiting the brewery of Barclay & Perkins, the draymen mobbed and assaulted him; he had to fly from them, and take refuge in a neighbouring house. Lord Palmerston had to send an official letter of apology to the Austrian Government, which, as originally despatched, without waiting for the Queen's approval, contained a paragraph offensive to Austria.]

[Footnote 38: See Lord Palmerston's letter to Sir G. Grey, Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. vi.]

[Footnote 39: Executed for the Salt Hill murder.]

[Footnote 40: Marie Manning (an ex-lady's maid, whose career is said to have suggested Hortense in _Bleak House_ to Dickens) was executed with her husband, in 1849, for the murder of a guest. She wore black satin on the scaffold, a material which consequently became unpopular for some time.]

[Pageheading: THE DRAFT DESPATCHED]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th October 1850._

The Queen having written to Lord Palmerston in conformity with Lord John Russell's suggestion respecting the draft to Baron Koller, now encloses Lord Palmerston's answer, which she received at Edinburgh yesterday evening. Lord John will see that Lord Palmerston has not only _sent_ the draft, but passes over in silence her injunction to have a corrected copy given to Baron Koller, and adds a vituperation against General Haynau, which clearly shows that he is not sorry for what has happened, and makes a merit of sympathising with the draymen at the brewery and the Chartist Demonstrations....

The Queen encloses likewise a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston, and hopes Lord John will write to him.[41]

[Footnote 41: Lord John insisted on the note being withdrawn, and another substituted with the offensive passage omitted. After threatening resignation, Lord Palmerston somewhat tamely consented.

Lord John Russell wrote to the Prince Albert that he would be "somewhat amused, if not surprised, at the sudden and amicable termination of the dispute regarding the letter to Baron Koller. The same course may be adopted with advantage if a despatch is ever again sent which has been objected to, and to which the Queen's sanction has not been given." See the Queen's letter of the 19th of October.]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON CENSURED]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th October 1850._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the draft to Baron Koller. She cannot suppose that Baron Koller addressed his note to Lord Palmerston in order to receive in answer an expression of his _own personal opinion_; and if Lord Palmerston could not reconcile it to his own feelings to express the regret of the Queen's Government at the brutal attack and wanton outrage committed by a ferocious mob on a distinguished foreigner of past seventy years of age, who was quietly visiting a private establishment in this metropolis, without adding _his censure of the want of propriety_ evinced by General Haynau in coming to England--he might have done so in a private letter, where his personal feelings could not be mistaken for the opinion of the Queen and her Government. She must repeat her request that Lord Palmerston will rectify this.

The Queen can as little approve of the introduction of Lynch Law in this country as of the _violent_ vituperations with which Lord Palmerston accuses and condemns public men in other countries, acting in most difficult circumstances and under heavy responsibility, without having the means of obtaining correct information or of sifting evidence.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _16th October 1850._

The Queen is glad to hear from Lord Palmerston that he has given no countenance to the French and Russian proposal at the suggestion of Denmark, that England, France, and Russia should, after having signed the Protocol in favour of Denmark, now go further and send their armies to aid her in her contest with Holstein.[42] The Queen does not expect any good result from Lord Palmerston's counter proposal to urge Prussia and Austria to compel the Holsteiners to lay down their arms. The mediating power ought rather to make Denmark feel that it requires more than a cessation of hostilities, a plan of reconciliation, and a solution of the questions in dispute, before she can hope permanently to establish peace. The mediating power itself, however, should strive to arrive at some opinion on the matter in dispute, based, not on _its own_ supposed interests, as the Protocol is, but on an anxious, careful, and impartial investigation of the rights and pretensions of the disputing parties; and if it finds it impossible to arrive at such an opinion, to fix upon some impartial tribunal capable of doing so, to which the dispute could be submitted for decision. Common principles of morality would point out such a course, and what is morally right only can be politically wise.

[Footnote 42: A strenuous attempt was being made by the Danish Government to bring pressure to bear on Austria and Prussia, to put down the nationalist movement in the Duchies, either by active intervention, or by reassembling the Conference which had negotiated the Treaty of Berlin. Lord Palmerston discountenanced both alternatives, but wrote to the Queen that he and the representatives of France, Russia, and Denmark thought that Austria and Prussia should be urged to take all feasible steps to put an end to the hostilities.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF QUEEN LOUISE]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _18th October 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--_This_ was the day I _always_ and for so _many years_ wrote to _her_, to _our adored Louise_, and I _now_ write to _you_, to thank you for that _heart-breaking_, touching letter of the 16th, which you so _very kindly_ wrote to me. It is _so_ kind of you to write to us. _What_ a day Tuesday must have been! _Welch einen Gang!_ and _yesterday!_ My _grief_ was _so great_ again yesterday. To _talk_ of her is my _greatest consolation!_Let us _all try_ to imitate _her!_My poor dear Uncle, we wish so to be with you, to be of _any use_ to you. You will allow us, in three or four weeks, to go to you for two or three days, _quite quietly_ and alone, to Laeken without _any_ one, without _any_ reception anywhere, to cry with you and to talk with you of _Her_. It will be a great comfort to us--a _silent tribute_ of _respect and love to her_--to be able to mingle our tears with yours over _her_ tomb! And the affection of your two devoted children will perhaps be _some slight balm_. My _first_ impulse was to _fly at once_ to you, but perhaps a few weeks' delay will be better. It will be a _great_ and melancholy satisfaction to us. _Daily_ will you feel more, my poor dear Uncle, the _poignancy_ of _your dreadful_ loss; my _heart breaks_ in thinking of _you_ and the poor dear children. _How_ beautiful it must be to see that _your whole country_ weeps and mourns _with_ you! For this country and for your children you must _try_ to bear up, and feel that in _so doing_ you are doing _all_ SHE wished. If only _we_ could be of use to you! if _I_ could do _anything_ for dear little Charlotte, whom our blessed Louise talked of _so_ often to me.

May I _write_ to _you_ on _Fridays_ when I used to write to her, as well as on Tuesdays? You need _not_ answer me, and whenever it bores you to write to me, or you have no time, let one of the dear children write to me.

May God bless and protect you ever, my beloved Uncle, is our anxious prayer. Embrace the dear children in the name of one who has almost the feelings of a mother for them. Ever your devoted Niece and loving Child,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th October 1850._

The Queen is very glad of the result of the conflict with Lord Palmerston, of which Lord John Russell apprised her by his letter of yesterday's date. The correspondence, which the Queen now returns, shows clearly that Lord Palmerston in this transaction, as in every other, remained true to his principles of action.... But it shows also that Lord John has the power of exercising that control over Lord Palmerston, the careful exercise of which he owes to the Queen, his colleagues, and the country, if he will take the necessary pains to remain firm. The Queen does not believe in _resignation_ under almost any circumstances.

The Queen is very anxious about the Holstein question, and sends a copy of her last letter to Lord Palmerston on the subject.

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st October 1850._

SIR,--I have just received this note from Lord Palmerston.[43]

The French Ambassador, who has been here, confirms the news. We must consider the whole affair on Wednesday, and I shall be glad to learn what the Queen thinks can be done.

Mr Tennyson is a fit person to be Poet Laureate.

I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

[Footnote 43: The note was in reference to the affairs of Hesse-Cassel, and to the rumours of a Conference to be held in Austria for the settlement of German affairs.]

[Pageheading: THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

BISHOPTHORPE, _25th October 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has read with attention the letter of the Duchess of Norfolk.[44] He has also read the Pope's Bull. It strikes him that the division into twelve territorial dioceses of eight ecclesiastical vicariats is not a matter to be alarmed at. The persons to be affected by this change must be already Roman Catholics before it can touch them.

The matter to create rational alarm is, as your Majesty says, the growth of Roman Catholic doctrines and practices within the bosom of the Church. Dr Arnold said very truly, "I look upon a Roman Catholic as an enemy in his uniform; I look upon a Tractarian as an enemy disguised as a spy."

It would be very wrong to do as the Bishop of Oxford proposed, and confer the patronage of the Crown on any of these Tractarians. But, on the other hand, to treat them with severity would give the whole party vigour and union.

The Dean of Bristol is of opinion that the Tractarians are falling to pieces by dissension. It appears clear that Mr Denison and Mr Palmer have broken off from Dr Pusey.

Sir George Grey will ask the Law Officers whether there is anything illegal in Dr Wiseman's assuming the title of Archbishop of Westminster. An English Cardinal is not a novelty.[45]

[Footnote 44: Two important events in the history of the English Church had just occurred. The Bishop of Exeter had refused to institute Mr Gorham to a Crown living in his diocese, on the ground that his teaching on baptism was at variance with the formularies of the Church. This decision, though upheld in the Court of Arches, was reversed (though not unanimously) by the Privy Council. High Church feeling was much aroused by the judgment.

In September, Pius IX. (now re-established in the Vatican) promulgated a papal brief, restoring the Roman Catholic hierarchy in England, and dividing it territorially into twelve sees, and in October Cardinal Wiseman, as Archbishop of Westminster, issued his Pastoral, claiming that Catholic England had been restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastical firmament. The Duchess of Norfolk, writing from Arundel, had criticised the proselytising action of certain Roman Catholic clergy. _See_ the Queen's reply, _post_, p. 277.]

[Footnote 45: Lord John wrote on the 4th of November to Dr Maltby, Bishop of Durham, denouncing the assumption of spiritual superiority over England, in the documents issued from Rome. But what alarmed him more (he said) was the action of clergymen within the Church leading their flocks dangerously near the brink, and recommending for adoption the honour paid to saints, the claim of infallibility for the Church, the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, the muttering of the liturgy so as to disguise the language in which it was said, with the recommendation of auricular confession and the administration of Penance and absolution.

Lord John was pictorially satirised in _Punch_ as the boy who chalked up "No popery" on the door and ran away.]

[Pageheading: UNREST IN EUROPE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

ARDENNE, _10th November 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I write already to-day that it may not miss to-morrow's messenger. I came here yesterday by a mild sunshine, and the valley of the Meuse was very pretty. I love my solitude here, and though the house is small and not what it ought to have been, still I always liked it. There seems in most countries danger of agitation and convulsions arising. I don't know how it will end in Germany. In France it is difficult that things should not break up some way or other. I trust you may be spared religious agitation. These sorts of things begin with one pretext, and sometimes continue with others. I don't think Europe was ever in more danger, _il y a tant d'anarchie dans les esprits_. I don't think that can be cured _à l'eau de rose_; the human race is not naturally good, very much the contrary; it requires a strong hand, and is, in fact, even pleased to be led in that way; the memory of all the sort of Césars and Napoléons, from whom they chiefly got blows, is much dearer to them than the benefactors of mankind, whom they crucify when they can have their own way. Give my best love to Albert; and I also am very anxious to be recalled to the recollection of the children, who were so very friendly at Ostende. How far we were then to guess what has since happened.... My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

_Queen Victoria to the Countess of Gainsborough._[46]

_Thursday morning_ [_November ..._] _1850._

DEAREST FANNY,--This is a case of positive necessity, and as _none_ of the ladies are forthcoming I fear I must call upon you to attend me _to-night_. You did so once _in state_ before, and as it is not a _matter of pleasure_, but of duty, I am sure you will at once feel that you can have no scruple.

Whenever the Mistress of the Robes does not attend, I _always_ have three ladies, as they must take turns in standing behind me. Ever yours affectionately,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 46: Frances, Countess of Gainsborough, daughter of the third Earl of Roden, a Lady of the Bedchamber, and known till 1841 as Lady Barham.]

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND GERMANY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th November 1850._

The Queen is exceedingly sorry to hear that Lord Westmorland[47] is gone, as she was particularly anxious to have seen him before his return to Berlin, and to have talked to him on the present critical events in Germany; but she quite forgot the day of his departure. What is the object of his seeing the President at Paris? and what are his instructions with regard to Germany?[48]

Having _invariably encouraged Constitutional_ development in other countries,... and having at the beginning of the great movement in 1847, which led to all the catastrophes of the following years, _sent_ a Cabinet Minister to Italy to _declare_ to all Italian states that _England_ would _protect_ them from Austria if she should attempt by threats and violence to debar them from the _attainment_ of their _Constitutional_ development, _consistency_ would require that we should _now_, when that great struggle is at its end and _despotism_ is to be _re-imposed_ by Austrian arms upon Germany, throw _our weight_ into the scale of _Constitutional_ Prussia and Germany.... The Queen is afraid, however, that all our Ministers abroad,--at Berlin, Dresden, Munich, Stuttgart, Hanover, etc. (with the exception of Lord Cowley at Frankfort)--are warm partisans of the _despotic_ league against Prussia and a German Constitution and _for_ the maintenance of the old Diet under Austrian and Russian influence. Ought not Lord Palmerston to make his agents understand that their sentiments are at variance with those of the English Government? and that they are doing _serious mischief_ if they express them at Courts which have _already_ every inclination to follow their desperate course?

Lord Palmerston is of course aware that the old Diet once reconstituted and recognised, one of the main laws of it is that "_no organic change can be made_ without _unanimity_ of voices," which was the cause of the nullity of that body from 1820 to 1848, and will now enable Austria, should Prussia and her confederates recognise the Diet, to condemn Germany to a further life of stagnation or new revolution.

[Footnote 47: Minister at Berlin.]

[Footnote 48: Lord Palmerston may have had this letter of the Queen's in mind when he wrote on the 22nd of November to Lord Cowley: "Her (_i.e._ Prussia's) partisans try to make out that the contest between her and Austria is a struggle between constitutional and arbitrary Government, but it is no such thing." Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. 1. chap. vi.]

[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN GERMANY]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _18th November 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty. With respect to the maintenance of Constitutional Government in Germany, Viscount Palmerston entirely subscribes to your Majesty's opinion, that a regard for consistency, as well as a sense of right and justice, ought to lead your Majesty's Government to give to the Constitutional principle in Germany the same moral support which they endeavoured to afford it in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and elsewhere; but though he is conscious that he may be deceived and may think better of the Austrian Government in this respect than it deserves, yet he cannot persuade himself that rational and sound Constitutional Government is at present in danger in Germany, or that the Austrian Government, whatever may be their inclination and wishes, can think it possible in the present day to re-establish despotic government in a nation so enlightened, and so attached to free institutions as the German people now is. The danger for Germany seems to lie rather in the opposite direction, arising from the rash and weak precipitation with which in 1848 and 1849 those Governments which before had refused everything resolved in a moment of alarm to grant everything, and, passing from one extreme to the other, threw universal suffrage among people who had been, some wholly and others very much, unaccustomed to the working of representative Government. The French have found universal suffrage incompatible with good order even in a Republic; what must it be for a Monarchy?

Viscount Palmerston would, moreover, beg to submit that the conflict between Austria and Prussia can scarcely be said to have turned upon principles of Government so much as upon a struggle for political ascendency in Germany. At Berlin, at Dresden, and in Baden the Prussian Government has very properly no doubt employed military force to reestablish order; and in regard to the affairs of Hesse, the ground taken by Prussia was not so much a constitutional as a military one, and the objection which she made to the entrance of the troops of the Diet was that those troops might become hostile, and that they ought not, therefore, to occupy a central position in the line of military defence of Prussia.

The remark which your Majesty makes as to unanimity being required for certain purposes by the Diet regulations is no doubt very just, and that circumstance certainly shows that the free Conference which is about to be held is a better constructed body for planning a new arrangement of a central organ.[49]

[Footnote 49: War was staved off by the Conference; but the relative predominance of Prussia and Austria in Germany was left undecided for some years to come.]

[Pageheading: STATE OF THE CONTINENT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd November 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, and the dear little English one from dear little Charlotte, which is so nicely written, and shows such an amiable disposition. I send her to-day a little heart for the hair of our blessed Angel, which I hope she will often wear. Our girls have all got one. I have written to the dear child. You should have the dear children as much with you as possible; I am _sure_ it would be so _good and useful_ for _you_ and _them_. Children ought to have great confidence in their parents, in order for them to have any influence over them.

Yesterday Vicky was ten years old. It seems a dream. If she lives, in eight years more she may be married! She is a very clever child, and I must say very much improved.

The state of the Continent is deplorable; the folly of Austria and the giving way of Prussia are lamentable. _Our_ influence on the Continent is _null_.... Add to this, we are between two fires in _this_ country: a furious Protestant feeling and an enraged Catholic feeling in Ireland. I believe that Austria fans the flame at Rome, and that the _whole movement_ on the Continent is _anti-Constitutional_, _anti-Protestant_, _and anti-English_; and this is so complicated, and we have (thanks to Lord Palmerston) contrived to quarrel _so happily_, separately with each, that I do not know _how_ we are to stand against it all!

I must now conclude. Trusting soon to hear from you again. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

My longing for dearest Louise seems only to increase as time goes on.

_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Norfolk._

Windsor Castle, _22nd November 1850._

MY DEAR DUCHESS,--It is very remiss in me not to have sooner answered your letter with the enclosure, but I received it at a moment of great grief, and since then I have been much occupied.

I fully understand your anxiety relative to the proceedings of the Roman Catholic Clergy, but I trust that there is no _real_ danger to be apprehended from that quarter, the more so as I believe they see that they have been misled and misinformed as to the feeling of this country by some of the new converts to their religion. The real danger to be apprehended, and what I am certain has led to these proceedings on the part of the Pope, lies in _our own_ divisions, and in the extraordinary conduct of the Puseyites. I trust that the eyes of many may now be opened. One would, however, much regret to see any acts of intolerance towards the many innocent people who I believe entirely disapprove the injudicious conduct of their Clergy.

Hoping that you are all well, believe me, always, yours, affectionately,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th November 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have no dear letter to answer, but write to keep to the dear day, rendered so peculiarly dear to me by the recollection of our dearly beloved Louise.

We are well, but much troubled with numberless things. Our religious troubles are great, and I must just say that Cardinal Wiseman _himself_ admits that Austria not only approves the conduct of the Pope but is urging _on_ the _Propaganda_. I _know this_ to be so. Our great difficulty must be, and will be, to steer clear of both parties--the violent Protestants and the Roman Catholics. We wish in no way to infringe the rights of the Roman Catholics, while we must protect and uphold our own religion.

We have seen General Radowitz,[50] with whom we have been much interested; his accounts are very clear and very able, and I must say, very fair and strictly constitutional. You know him, I suppose? Might I again ask, dearest Uncle, if you would like to have a copy of Ross's picture of our angel Louise or of Winterhalter's?

Lady Lyttelton, who is returned, is very anxious in her enquiries after you.

I must now conclude, my dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 50: General Radowitz, who had been Minister for Foreign Affairs in Prussia, had just arrived in England on a special mission from the King of Prussia.]

[Pageheading: STATE OF GERMANY]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd December 1850._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Two of your dear letters are before me, of the 29th November and of yesterday. In the former you _give me a promise_, which I consider _most_ valuable, and which I shall _remind_ you of if you get desponding, viz. "I will to please you _labour on, and do all the good I can_." It is so pleasing to feel that one _does_ good and does one's duty. It sweetens so many bitter trials.

The state of Germany is indeed a very anxious one. It is a mistake to think the _supremacy of Prussia_ is _what is wished for_. General Radowitz himself says that what is necessary for Germany [is] that she should take the lead, and should redeem the pledges given in '48. Unless this be _done_ in a moderate and determined way, a _fearful reaction_ will take place, which will _overturn Thrones_; to use Radowitz's own words: "_und nicht vor dem Thron stehen bleiben_." Prussia is the _only large_ and powerful _really German_ Power there is, and therefore she must take the lead; but her constant vacillation--one day doing one thing and another day another--has caused her to be entirely distrusted. You are quite right in saying things should be done _d'un commun accord_, and I think that the other great Powers ought to be consulted. Unfortunately, _Lord Palmerston_ has contrived to make us _so hated_ by all parties abroad, that we have lost our position and our influence, which, considering the flourishing and satisfactory state of this country during all the European convulsions, _ought_ to have been _immense_. This it is which pains and grieves me so deeply, and which I have so plainly been speaking to Lord John Russell about. What a noble position we _might_ have had, and how wantonly has it been thrown away!

Good Stockmar is well, and always of the _greatest_ comfort and use to us. His judgment is so sound, so unbiassed, and so dispassionate. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ROME]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th December 1850._

The Queen received Lord John Russell's letter and the draft yesterday. He must be a better judge of what the effect of Mr Sheil's[51] presence in Rome may be than she can; but for her own part, she thinks it entirely against her notions of what is _becoming_ to _ask_ the _Pope_ for a _favour_ (for it is tantamount to that) at a moment when his name is being vilified and abused in every possible manner in this country. It strikes the Queen as an _undignified_ course for this Government to pursue.

The Queen is glad to hear of what passed between the Archbishop and Lord John.[52] She trusts that something may be done, as the desire for it seems to be so great. On the other hand, the Queen deeply regrets the great abuse of the Roman Catholic religion which takes place at all these meetings, etc. She thinks it unchristian and unwise, and trusts that it will soon cease....

[Footnote 51: Minister at the Court of Tuscany.]

[Footnote 52: The Government were preparing for the introduction of their Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.]

[Pageheading: LADY PEEL]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th December 1850._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--My letter must, I fear, be a somewhat hurried and short one, for my morning has been taken up in receiving in state Addresses from the City and Universities about this _unfortunate_ "Papal Aggression" business, which is still keeping people in a feverish state of wild excitement.[53] _One_ good effect it has had, viz. that of directing people's serious attention to the very alarming tendency of the _Tractarians_, which was doing _immense_ harm....

_Many, many thanks_ for your two dear and kind letters of the 6th and of yesterday. All you _say_ about _Louise_, and about the disappearance _for ever_ of _all_ that _she loved_ and was _proud of_, is so true, so _dreadful_. One fancies (foolishly and wrongly, but still one _does_) that the lost one has been hardly used in no longer enjoying these earthly blessings, and one's grief seems to break out afresh in bitter agony upon _small and comparatively trifling_ occasions. Poor Lady Peel (whom I saw for the first time yesterday at Buckingham Palace, whither I had gone for an hour) expressed _this_ strongly. _Hers_ is indeed a _broken heart_; she is so _truly_ crushed by the _agony_ of _her_ grief; it was _very_ touching to see and to hear her. Poor thing! she _never_ can be happy again!

What you say about _me_ is far too kind. I am very _often_ sadly dissatisfied with myself and with the little self-control I have.

Your long letter interested us much. I fear the German affairs are very bad.... That everlasting "backwards and forwards," as you say, of my poor friend the King of Prussia is _calamitous_; it causes _all_ parties to distrust him, and gives _real_ strength only to the Republicans. Since '48 that has been his conduct, and the _misfortune_ for Germany. A _steady_ course, _whatever_ it may be, is _always_ the best.

What you say about poor Hélène[54] and France is true and sad. I really wish you would caution Hélène as to her language; she is much attached to you. I _pity_ her very much; her position is very trying, and her religion renders it more difficult even.

I must now end my letter. I grieve to hear of your going _alone_ to Ardenne; it is BAD for you to be alone, and your poor children also ought not to be alone. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 53: These Addresses were presented at Windsor, Prince Albert and the Duke of Wellington representing the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford.]

[Footnote 54: The Duchess of Orleans.]

[Pageheading: THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _11th December 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the Cabinet to-day considered at great length the question of the steps to be taken in respect to the Papal Aggression.

The inclination of the majority was not to prosecute, but to bring a Bill into Parliament to make the assumption of any titles of archbishop, etc., of any place in the United Kingdom illegal, and to make any gift of property conveyed under such title null and void.

[Pageheading: RITUALISM]

_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Gloucester._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th December 1850._

MY DEAR AUNT,--Many thanks for your kind letter; you are quite right not to distress the Duchess of Cambridge by mentioning to her what I wrote to you about the Bishop of London.[55] I am glad that you are pleased with my answers to the Addresses; I thought them very proper.[56]

I would never have consented to say anything which breathed a spirit of intolerance. Sincerely Protestant as I always have been and always shall be, and indignant as I am at those who _call themselves Protestants_, while they in fact _are_ quite the _contrary_, I much regret the unchristian and intolerant spirit exhibited by many people at the public meetings. I cannot bear to hear the violent abuse of the Catholic religion, which is so painful and cruel towards the many good and innocent Roman Catholics. However, we must hope and trust this excitement will soon cease, and that the wholesome effect of it on our own _Church_ will be the lasting result of it. Ever yours ...

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 55: The Bishop of London had taken the same view as Lord John Russell of the Papal action, though they had disagreed over the Gorham controversy.]

[Footnote 56: See _ante_, p. 279.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th December 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday. She sanctions the introduction into Parliament of a Bill framed on the principles agreed upon at yesterday's Cabinet, presuming that it will extend to the whole United Kingdom. What is to be done, however, with respect to the Colonies where the Roman Catholic bishoprics are recognised by the Government under territorial titles? and what is to be done with Dr Cullen, who has assumed the title of Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland, which is punishable under the Emancipation Act? If this is left unnoticed, the Government will be left with the "_lame_" argument in Parliament of which we conversed here. Could the Government not be helped out of this difficulty by the Primate himself prosecuting the obtruder? The Queen hopes that the meeting of the archdeacons with Dr Lushington may do some good; she cannot say that she is pleased with the Archbishop's answer to the laity published in to-day's _Times_, which leaves them without a remedy if the clergymen persist in Puseyite Rituals! The Queen will return Lord Minto's letter with the next messenger.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1850._

The Queen now returns Lord Seymour's letter respecting the New Forest, and sanctions the proposed arrangement. Considering, however, that she gives up the deer, and all patronage and authority over the Forest, she wishes the shooting, as the only remaining Royalty, not to be withdrawn from her authority also. It will be quite right to give Deputations[57] to shoot over the various divisions and walks of the Forest to gentlemen of the neighbourhood or others; but in order that this may establish no right on their part, and may leave the Sovereign a voice in the matter, she wishes that a list be prepared every year of the persons recommended by the Office of Woods to receive Deputations and submitted for her approval.

[Footnote 57: A deputation, _i.e._, a deputed right to take game.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XX

The Ministry were in difficulties at the very beginning of the session (1851), being nearly defeated on a motion made in the interest of the agricultural party; and though the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill was allowed to be brought in, they were beaten in a thin House chiefly by their own friends, on the question of the County Franchise. A crisis ensued, and a coalition of Whigs and Peelites was attempted, but proved impracticable. Lord Stanley having then failed to form a Protectionist Ministry, the Whigs, much weakened, had to resume office.

The Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of May, was a complete success, a brilliant triumph indeed, for the Prince, over six million people visiting it; it remained open till the Autumn, and the building, some time after its removal, was re-erected at Sydenham, at the Crystal Palace.

The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, much modified, was proceeded with, and, though opposed by the ablest Peelites and Radicals, became law, though its effect, while in operation, was virtually _nil_. It was in after-years repealed.

Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian independence, visited England in October, and Lord Palmerston had to be peremptorily restrained from receiving him publicly at the Foreign Office. A little later, Kossuth's ultra-liberal sympathisers in London addressed the Foreign Secretary in language violently denunciatory of the Emperors of Austria and Russia, for which Lord Palmerston failed to rebuke them. The cup was filled to the brim by his recognition of the President's _coup d'état_ in France. Louis Napoleon, after arresting M. Thiers and many others, proclaimed the dissolution of the Council of State and the National Assembly, decreed a state of siege, and re-established universal suffrage, with a Chief Magistrate elected for ten years, and a Ministry depending on the executive alone. Palmerston thereupon, though professing an intention of non-interference, conveyed to the French Ambassador in London his full approbation of the proceeding, and his conviction that the President could not have acted otherwise. Even after this indiscreet action, the Premier found some difficulty in bringing him to book; but before the end of the year he was dismissed from office, with the offer, which he declined, of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy and a British Peerage. Greatly to the Queen's satisfaction, Lord Granville became Foreign Secretary.

At the Cape, Sir Harry Smith was engaged in operations against the Kaffirs, which were not brought to a successful termination till the following year, when General Cathcart had superseded him.