Chapter 15

1848

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _1st January 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--This is a most melancholy beginning of the year. Our poor Aunt Adélaïde,[1] so kind to us, has departed this life yesterday morning. Poor Louise feels it dreadfully, as nothing could be more affectionate and more motherly than she was for Louise. She was always very kind and friendly to me, and I must confess I feel the blow much. I am very much alarmed about the poor King; he must feel the loss of a sister and friend so entirely devoted to him deeply; it is the thing most likely to hurt and shake his health. You will forgive if I cut short here, as I am much disturbed by this melancholy event. I think you would act kindly in writing to the King. We are too nearly connected not to do it, and it will soothe him, who has been enough persecuted since last year. I trust you begin better than we do this most melancholy January. My best love to Albert, and believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly and devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 1: Sister of King Louis Philippe.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF MADAME ADÉLAÏDE]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[2]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd January 1848._

The Queen sends Lord John Russell a letter from her Uncle, the King of the Belgians, which will show how dreadful a blow Mme. Adélaïde's death will be to the King of the French and Royal Family. The Queen's first thought was to write to the King, which she would not have done without first mentioning it to Lord John; but upon reflection she thought it quickest and best to write _at once_ to her cousin Clémentine (Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg), to convey in her name to the King her sincere sympathy at this melancholy event. The King of the Belgians' letter has, however, brought back to the Queen her first thought of writing to the King, and she wishes to know what Lord John thinks of it. The Queen thinks it as undignified as unfeeling to carry on political coolness at moments like these, when her own feelings of sympathy are so strong and so sincere. The Queen would certainly under other circumstances have instantly written to the King. On the other hand, her first letter to her cousin (the King's daughter) may be sufficient, as it conveys a direct message; and there may be people who will construe this into a political act, but the Queen thinks that this risk should rather be run than that she should appear unfeeling and forgetful of former kindness and intimacy.

The Queen would be glad to have Lord John's opinion on this subject as soon as possible.

[Footnote 2: This letter is headed "Reproduction--Substance of a letter to Lord John Russell, written from recollection."]

_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _3rd January 1848._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I thank you _most sincerely_ for your kind last letter, and all your good wishes for the New Year. Alas! the year _ended_ and _began_ in a _most painful_ and _heartrending way for us_. The loss of my good, excellent, beloved Aunt is an _immense misfortune_ for _us all_, and the most _dreadful blow_ for my poor Father. We are all broken-hearted by this, at last _unexpected_ event. Some years we were uneasy about my poor Aunt's health, and of late I had been particularly alarmed by what I heard of her increasing weakness; but I was very far from believing that her end was _so near_. I was only anxious for the winter. At least her end was peaceful. She went to sleep and did not wake more. She died without a struggle; the horror of death, and the still greater pang of the last farewell, of the last leave-taking of her beloved brother, was spared her. I thank God for _this_ proof of His mercy, and hope He will keep up my Father under _such a heavy affliction_. To him the loss is _irretrievable_. My Aunt lived _but_ for him; one may almost say that her affection alone had kept her alive these last years, and a devotion like hers--that devotion of all instants--so complete, so full of self-denial--cannot, will never, be replaced. A heart _like hers_, so true, so noble, so warm, so loving, so devoted, is _rarely_ seen. To us also, independently of my Father, the loss is a _dreadful_ one. My Aunt was a second mother for us; we loved her and looked up to her in this way, and certainly few mothers do for their children what she did for us, or loved them better. We are overwhelmed with grief by the sudden disappearance of a being _so dear_ and _so necessary_ to us all, and we go to-morrow to Paris, to mourn with the remainder of the family, and offer my poor Father the only consolation he can feel at this cruel moment, that of being surrounded by all those he loves. I have still so much to do previous to our melancholy journey that I cannot say more to-day. I am sure you will excuse me. I shall, God willing, write in a more proper way the next time. In the meanwhile I thank God that you are _unberufen_ all well, and, in sorrow or in joy, I am equally, my beloved Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.

[Pageheading: LETTER TO KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _4th January 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has no hesitation in saying that he thinks your Majesty will do well to follow your own kind impulse to write a letter to the King of the French. There will be some persons, and M. Guizot perhaps among the number, who will construe this into a political act; but it is better to be subject to such misconstructions than to leave undone any act of sympathy to the King of the French in his sore affliction.

Should the King attempt to found upon your Majesty's letter any political intercourse, Lord John Russell has no doubt that your Majesty will explain to him that your present proceeding is entirely founded upon private regard, and past recollections of intimacy, and is not intended as an opening for political correspondence.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._

CH. DE WINDSOR, _5 Janvier 1848._

SIRE ET MON BON FRÈRE,--Je ne voulais pas suivre l'impulse de mon c[oe]ur, dans les premiers instants de la vive douleur de votre Majesté, en vous écrivant--mais maintenant où la violence de cette rude secousse peut-être sera un peu adoucie, je viens moi-même exprimer à votre Majesté la part sincère que nous prenons, le Prince et moi, à la cruelle perte que vous venez d'éprouver, et qui doit vous laisser un vide irréparable. Ayez la bonté, Sire, d'offrir nos expressions de condoléance à la Reine, et faisant des v[oe]ux pour le bonheur de V.M., je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de V.M., la bonne S[oe]ur,

V. R.

A S.M. le Roi des Français.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND THE PORTE]

_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

PARIS, _8 Janvier 1848._

MADAME MA BONNE S[OE]UR,--Dans la profonde douleur où m'a plongé le coup cruel qui vient de me frapper, une des plus douces consolations que je pusse recevoir, est la lettre que votre Majesté a eu la bonté de m'adresser, tant en son nom qu'en celui du Prince son Epoux. L'expression de la part que vous prenez tous deux à mon malheur, et de l'intérêt que vous continuez à me porter, m'a vivement ému, et quelque douloureuse qu'en soit l'occasion, qu'il me soit permis, Madame, de vous en remercier, et de dire à votre Majesté que mon c[oe]ur et mes sentimens pour elle, sont et seront toujours les mêmes que ceux que j'étais si heureux de Lui manifester à Windsor et au Château d'Eu.

Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien être, auprès du Prince son Epoux, l'interprète de toute ma sensibilité. La Reine est bien touchée de ce que votre Majesté m'a chargé de Lui témoigner, et je la prie de croire que je suis toujours, Madame, ma bonne S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère,

LOUIS PHILIPPE R.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

CLAREMONT, _11th January 1848.[sic: 1843]_

The Queen has this morning seen a draft addressed to Lord Cowley, in which he is desired to advise the Sultan to give Abd-el-Kader a command in his Army--a step which the Queen cannot approve, not because it is not good advice to the Porte, but because it is uncalled for on our part, and might be considered by France as a hostile step towards her. What would we say if the French were to advise M. Ali to give Akbar Khan the command of his army?[3]

[Footnote 3: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 254.]

[Pageheading: CLAREMONT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

CLAREMONT, _11th January 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I always write with pleasure to you from this _so_ very dear old place, where we are safely and happily housed with our _whole_ little family since yesterday. The weather is very cold, and it is the third night of a black frost which is likely to continue for some days. Many thanks for your kind letter of the 7th, which, according to the new arrangement, I received already on the 8th. Your visit will, I fear, have been a very melancholy one. Poor Mme. Adélaïde's death was so extremely sudden, it must be a dreadful blow to the poor King. I _have_ written to him. Louise will have told you that poor Aunt Sophia[4] is decidedly sinking.

I wish, dearest Uncle, if even Louise feels unequal to coming to us now (which would be a _sad disappointment_), _you_ would come to see us. Why not come while she is at Paris? It would be such a pleasure to us. You will of course have no balls, and you might come even sooner than you originally intended. Pray do see if you could manage this. I am sure you could. If Louise could come, of course that would be still better.

Albert desires me to ask you the following favour, viz. if you would give us the picture that is here of Grand Uncle Frederic (the Field-Marshal), that we might hang it up in London, where we have made a fine collection of his contemporaries, and we would replace it by a faithful copy, which could be hung up in the frame here. Will you grant this?

We are very desirous of getting the Woods and Forests to build a small _glass dome_ to the greenhouse here where the palm-trees are, and (if you approved) there could be no difficulty in getting this done; the palm-trees are beautiful, and will be quite stunted and spoilt if not allowed to grow. We shall stay here till Monday next. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 4: Fifth daughter of George III., born 1777. She died in May 1848.]

[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _12th January 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--A messenger of my own going to England, I take advantage of it to write you a few words. Your kind letter to the poor King was an act for which I thank you from the bottom of my soul, because it made him so happy. I was still in his rooms--where the family has been breakfasting and dining till now--when your letter arrived; he was so delighted with it that he _kissed it most tenderly_. I left him tolerably well on Monday, but with rather a severe cold. He had certainly at the end of December the Grippe, which perhaps was the immediate cause of poor Aunt's death, as from over-anxiety for her beloved brother, she got up in the night to find out how he was. His cold had been better when he went to Dreux, then he met the procession, and walked with it bareheaded to the church; this seems to have given him a new cold. His nerves are also a good deal shaken, and this renders him very irritable. He is much occupied about some of the arrangements connected with poor Aunt's fortune; she left her landed property to Nemours, Joinville, and Montpensier, charged with the various sums she left to nearly all the branches of her family. The King is to have, however, the enjoyment of the whole of this fortune for his life. His great wish would be to employ the revenues, from the whole of the succession legacies as well as landed property, to free the landed property of the mortgage of the various legacies. This will require a good many years, and I told him that it would force him to live till it would be arranged, which will easily require ten years. In France a good feeling has been shown on this occasion. I heard from trustworthy quarters that even people who were known to be personally not very kind to the King, expressed themselves most anxious for his preservation. Whenever that sad event will take place, the reaction in Europe will be great, as all the bad passions which are kept down by him will then of course try to get the over hand. The Queen is much affected by all this, and thinks much of her own end. The children, including good Hélène, have all behaved with the utmost affection to their parents, and nothing can equal particularly good Nemours' devotion and attention. My beloved Child, your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: REVOLUTION IN FRANCE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _12th February 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... From Paris the news are alarming;[5] the struggle of the Liberal Party leaning towards radicalism, or in fact merely their own promotion; principles are _out_ of the question. This state of affairs reacts in a very lamentable way upon the well-being of the great European community. Great complaints are made that the working classes are deprived of work and at the same time political agitation is kept up, which must have the effect of stopping transactions of every description. The human race is a _sad_ creation, and I trust the other planets are better organised and that we may get there hereafter.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 5: The Republican movement had been making rapid headway in Paris, and the leader of the Opposition, M. Odilon Barrot, proposed Guizot's impeachment on the 22nd of February. Louis Philippe, when it was unfortunately too late, consented to a change of Ministry, but the formation of a new Government proved impossible. The Revolution could have been quelled, had it not been for the King's reluctance to shed blood in defence of the Throne to which he had been elected; even to the agitators themselves the completeness of the Revolution was a surprise.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _23rd February 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty at three o'clock to-morrow.

Lord Normanby's letters from Paris give a little information.[6]

There has been some fighting in the streets, and some apprehension for the night. But it does not appear probable that any serious danger will be incurred, with the troops in such force in Paris.

Hereafter there may be a serious struggle between the Government of the King, and the Republicans. But in that case such men as M. Odilon Barrot will shrink from the contest.

[Footnote 6: A letter from Lord Normanby on the 13th of March to Lord Palmerston (published in Ashley's _Life of Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. iii.) gives an account of the situation on the eve of the 22nd of February. On the 25th of February he wrote:--

"The National Guards, mixed with the people, were in full march upon the Tuileries, and the latter threatening the life of the King, when Emile Girardin, the editor of the _Presse_ newspaper, who was in advance as an officer of the National Guard, hastily drew up an Act of Abdication, and placed it before the King as the only means of safety. The King at first refused, saying that he would rather die; but the Duc de Montpensier urged him, not only for his own sake, but to save his country from confusion. The King at last signed it, and threw it impatiently at the Duc de Montpensier, who, I believe, has been in favour of conciliatory counsel throughout. The Royal Family then retired through the garden, the King saying to every one as he passed, 'J'abdique, j'abdique.'"]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _26th February 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am very unwell in consequence of the _awful_ events at Paris. How will this end? Poor Louise is in a state of despair which is pitiful to behold. What will soon become of us God alone knows; great efforts will be made to revolutionise this country; as there are poor and wicked people in all countries it may succeed.

Against France we, of course, have a right to claim protection from England and the other Powers. I can write no more. God bless you. Ever your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: FLIGHT OF FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]

_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _27th February 1848._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I understand by an account arrived this morning, and which seems to be correct, that my unfortunate parents arrived in England before yesterday evening: but I don't know _where_ they are. (I don't know anything of them since the 23rd, evening!!!) But you will surely know, and kindly forward the letter to my poor mother. I have just received your kind letter of the 25th, but I am unable to say more to-day. You will easily conceive my agony and anguish. What an _unbelievable_ clap of thunder! I know still nothing of what Nemours and Montpensier are become. I rely on your interest and sympathy, and remain as ever, yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.

I hear this moment with an _extreme relief_ that my parents were to arrive yesterday at London, and thank God from the bottom of my heart for their safety! In my agony I did not wish for anything else.

[Pageheading: THE KING OF PRUSSIA]

[Pageheading: ANARCHY IN PARIS]

_The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._

[_Translation._]

_27th February 1848._

MOST GRACIOUS QUEEN AND SISTER,--Even at this midnight hour of the day, on the evening of which the awful news from Paris has arrived, I venture to address these lines to your Majesty. God has permitted events which decisively threaten the peace of Europe.

It is an attempt to "spread the principles of the Revolution by _every_ means throughout the whole of Europe." This programme binds together both these individuals and their parties. The consequences for the peace of the world are _clear_ and _certain_. If the revolutionary party carries out its programme, "The sovereignty of the people," my minor crown will be broken, no less certainly than the mighty crowns of your Majesty, and a fearful scourge will be laid upon the nations; a century [will follow] of rebellion, of lawlessness, and of godlessness. The late King did not dare to write "by the Grace of God." _We_, however, call ourselves King "by the Grace of God," because it is true. Well, then, most gracious Queen, let us now show to men, to the peoples threatened with disruption and nameless misery, both _that_ we understand our sacred office and _how_ we understand it. God has placed in your Majesty's hands, in the hands of the two Emperors, in those of the German Federation, and in mine, a power, which, if it now acts in union and harmony, with reliance on Heaven, is able humanly speaking, to enforce, with certainty, the maintenance of the peace of the world. This power is _not that of arms_, for these, more than ever, must only afford the _ultima ratio_.

The power I mean is "the power of united speech." In the year 1830 the use of this immeasurable power was criminally neglected. But now I think the danger is much more pressing than it was then. This power is divided among _us_ in equal portions. I possess the smallest portion of it, and your Majesty has by far the greatest share. That share is so great that your Majesty, by your powerful word, might alone carry out the task. But the certainty of victory lies, subject to the Divine blessing, solely in our utterance being united. This must be our message to France; "that all of us are cordial well-wishers to France; we do not grudge her all possible welfare and glory; we mean never to encroach on it, and we will stand by the new Government as by the old, _foi de gentils-hommes_. But the first breach of the peace, be it with reference to Italy, Belgium, or Germany would be, undoubtedly and at the same time, a breach with 'all of us,' and we should, with all the power that God has given us, let France feel by _sea_ and by _land_, as in the years '13, '14, and '15, what our union may mean."

_Now_ I bless Providence for having placed Lord Palmerston at the head of your Foreign Office, and keeping him there at this very moment. During the last quarter of the past year I could not always cordially agree with him. His genuine British disposition will honour this open confession. All the more frankly may I now express the hopes which rise in me, from the very fact of _his_ holding that office at the present moment; for a more active, more vivid, more energetic Minister of foreign affairs, a man that would more indefatigably pursue great aims, your Majesty could probably never have. If at this grave hour he sets himself to proclaim that our forces are united; if he himself utters his message as befits St George, he will earn the blessing of millions, and the blessing of God and of the world will rest on your Majesty's sacred head. That I am your Majesty's and _Old England's_ most faithful and most devoted brother and companion, you are aware, and I mean to prove it. On both, knees I adjure you, use, for the welfare of Europe, "_Engellands England_."

With these words I fall at your Majesty's feet, most gracious Queen, and remain your Majesty's most faithfully devoted, most attached Servant and good Brother,

FREDERIC WILLIAM.

_P. S._--The Prince I embrace. He surely feels with me, and justly appraises my endeavours.

_Post scriptum, 28th, in the evening._

I venture to open my letter again, for this day has brought us news from France, which one can only call _horrible_. According to what we hear, there is no longer left a King in France. A regency, a government, and the most complete anarchy has ensued, under the name of the Republic--a condition of things in which, at first, there will be no possibility of communicating with the people, infuriated with crime. In case a Government should evolve itself out of this chaos, I conscientiously hold that the "united word" of the great Powers, such as I have indicated in the preceding pages, should be made known, _without any modification, to the new holders of power_. Your Majesty's gracious friendship will certainly not take amiss this addition to my letter, though it be not conformable to strict etiquette.

The fate of the poor old King, of the Duchess of Orleans, of the whole honourable and amiable family, cuts me to the heart, for up to this time we do not know what has become of any of them. We owe Louis Philippe eighteen happy years of peace. No noble heart must forget that. And yet--who would not recognise the avenging hand of the King of kings in all this?

I kiss your Majesty's hands.

[Pageheading: LETTER FROM QUEEN LOUISE]

[Pageheading: ANXIETY OF QUEEN LOUISE]

_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _28th February 1848._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--_What a misfortune! What_ an _awful, overwhelming, unexpected_ and _inexplicable catastrophe_. _Is it possible_ that we should witness _such events_, and that _this_ should be the end of nearly eighteen years of courageous and successful efforts to maintain order, peace, and make France happy, what _she was_? I have heard, I read hourly, _what has happened: I cannot believe it yet_; but if _my beloved parents_ and the remainder of the family are at least _safe_ I won't mind the rest. In the hours of agony we have gone through I asked God _only_ to spare _the lives_, and I ask still _nothing else_: but we don't know them yet _all_ saved, and till I have heard of my unfortunate parents, of my unhappy brothers far away, of all those for whom I would lay my life at any moment and whose danger I could not even share or alleviate, I cannot exist.

I was _sure_, my beloved Victoria, of all _you_ would _feel for us_ when you would hear of these awful events. I received yesterday your two kind, warm, sympathising letters of the 25th and 26th, and thank you with _all my heart_ for them, and for yours and Albert's share and sympathy.

_Our anguish_ has been _undescribable_. We have been _thirty-six hours without any news_, not knowing even if my parents and the family were still alive or not, and what had been their fate. Death is not worse than what we endured during these horrible hours. We don't know yet what to think, what to believe, I would almost say, what to wish; we are _stunned_ and _crushed_ by the awful blow. What has happened is _unaccountable, incomprehensible_; it appears to us like a _fearful_ dream. Alas! I fear my dear beloved father was led away by his _extreme courage_; by that same courage which had made his success and a part of his strength; for it is strange to say that even those that deplored most his resolution never to yield on certain things gave him credit for it. The exaggeration of the system of peace and resistance, or rather _immobility_, lost him, as that of war lost Napoleon. Had he shunned less war _on all occasions_, and granted in time some trifling reforms, he would have satisfied public opinion, and would probably be still where he was _only eight days ago_, strong, beloved, and respected! Guizot's accession has been _as fatal_ as his fall, and is perhaps the _first cause_ of our ruin, though my father cannot be blamed for having kept him in office, as he had the majority in the Chamber, and an overwhelming one. _Constitutionally_, he could not have been turned out, and it was _impossible to foresee_ that when all was quiet, the country prosperous and happy, the laws and liberty respected, the Government strong, a _Revolution_--and _such a Revolution_--would be brought on by a few imprudent words, and the resistance (lamentable as it was) to a manifestation which, in fact, the Government had a right to prevent. _It was the Almighty's will: we must submit._ He had decreed our loss the day He removed my beloved brother[7] from this world. Had he lived still, all this would have turned otherwise. It has been also an immense misfortune that Joinville and Aumale were both away. They were both popular (which poor dear _never-to-be-sufficiently-respected_ Nemours was _not_), energetic, courageous, and capable of turning chance in our favour. Oh! _how I long_ to know what is become of them! I cannot live till then, and the thought of my unfortunate parents _annihilates_ me! Poor dear Joinville had foreseen and foretold almost all that has happened, and it was the idea of the crisis he apprehended which made him so unhappy to go. He repeated it to me several times six weeks ago. Alas! _nobody_ would believe him, and who _could believe_ that in _a day_, almost without struggle, _all would be over_, and the past, the present, the future carried away on an unaccountable storm! _God's will be done!_ He was at least _merciful_ to my dear Aunt, and I hope He will preserve all those dear to me!

Here everything is quiet: the horror general, and the best feeling and spirit prevailing. There is still now nothing to fear: but if _a republic really established_ itself in France, it is impossible to tell what may happen. For this reason your Uncle thinks it right that we should remove to some place of safety what we have of precious. If you permit I will avail myself of the various messengers that are going now to send _under your care_ several boxes, which you will kindly send to Claremont to Moor, to keep with those your Uncle already sent. They contain your Uncle's letters and those of my parents--the treasure I most value in the world.

_29th._--MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--This was written yesterday, in a moment of comparative quiet, when I thought my parents at least safe and in security in England. Albert's letter to your Uncle of the 27th, which arrived yesterday evening, says they were _not arrived yet_, and I am again in the most horrible agony. I had also yesterday evening details of their flight (_my father flying!!!_) by Madame de Murat, Victoire's lady, who has gone to England, which quite distracted me. Thank God that Nemours and Clém at least _are safe!_I am quite unable to say more, and I hope the Duchess and Alexandrine will excuse me if I don't write to them. Truly, I _can't_. I thank you only once more, my beloved Victoria, _for all your kindness_ and _interest_ for my unfortunate family, and trust all the anxiety you feel for us won't hurt you. God bless you ever, with all those dear to you. Believe me always, my beloved Victoria, yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.

I send you no letter for my mother in the present uncertainty.

[Footnote 7: The Duc d'Orléans, who was killed on 13th July 1842.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _29th February 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to transmit a short note from Lord Normanby, which is very satisfactory.

Lord John Russell declared last night that your Majesty would not interfere in the internal affairs of France. But in repeating this declaration, in answer to Mr Cobden, he added that the sacred duties of hospitality would be, as in all times, performed towards persons of all opinions. Both declarations were generally cheered. In extending this hospitality to members of the Royal Family of France, it is only to be observed that no encouragement should be given by your Majesty to any notion that your Majesty would assist them to recover the Crown. In this light it is desirable that no _Prince_ of the House of Orleans should inhabit one of your Majesty's palaces in or near London.

[Pageheading: THE NEW FRENCH GOVERNMENT]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

(_Undated._)[8]

The Queen has perused the enclosed despatches and the proposed Minutes of a draft to Lord Normanby with Lord John Russell's remarks. She approves generally of the Minutes, but would like that amongst the laudable intentions of the new French Government, _that_ of keeping _inviolate_ the European Treaties should be brought in in some way. In the paper No. 2, the expression "_most cordial friendship_" strikes the Queen as rather too strong. We have just had sad experience of _cordial_ understandings. "Friendly relations" might do better or the whole sentence might run thus: "that not peace only but cordial friendship with France _had been at all times_ [instead of "is one of the," etc.] one of the first wishes of the British Government, and that this _will_ remain," etc., etc., etc.

[Footnote 8: Apparently written at the end of February.]

[Pageheading: ESCAPE OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Every hour seems to bring fresh news and events. Victoire and her children and Montpensier are at Jersey, and are expected to arrive to-morrow. About the King and Queen, we still know nothing, but we have some clue, and think _he may be_ somewhere on the coast, or even _in_ England. We do everything we can for the poor dear Family, who are indeed most dreadfully to be pitied; but you will naturally understand that we cannot _make cause commune_ with them and cannot take a hostile position opposite to the new state of things in France; we leave them alone, but if a Government which has the approbation of the country be formed, we shall feel it necessary to recognise it, in order to pin them down to maintain peace and the existing Treaties, which is of great importance. It will not be pleasant for us to do this, but the public good and the peace of Europe go before one's feelings. God knows what _one feels_ towards the French. I trust, dear Uncle, that you will maintain the fine and independent position you are now in, which is so gratifying to us, and I am sure you will feel that much as we all must sympathise with our poor French relations, you should not for that quarrel with the existing state of things, which however is very uncertain. There were fresh reports of great confusion at Paris, which is sure to happen. All our poor relations have gone through is worthy only of a _dreadful_ romance, and poor Clém behaves beautifully, courageously, and calmly, and is full of resignation; but she can get no sleep, poor thing--and hears the horrid cries and sees those _fiend-like faces_ before her! The children are very happy with ours, but very unmanageable. I saw the Duchesse de Montpensier to-day.

Now, with every wish for _all_ going on well, believe me ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: MR FEATHERSTONHAUGH]

[Pageheading: A GRAPHIC NARRATIVE]

_Mr Featherstonhaugh[9] to Viscount Palmerston._

HAVRE, _3rd March 1848._

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON,--It was a hair-trigger affair altogether, but thanks be to God everything has gone off admirably. I was obliged to abandon the plan of trusting the King in a fishing-boat from Trouville. The weather was very stormy; had he attempted to find the steamer, he might have failed, for the sea was in a furious state and the wind ahead. There was also the danger of the fishing-boat being lost, a contingency the very idea of which made me miserable.

I therefore abandoned the plan altogether, and after much and careful reflection determined to execute one more within my control, and the boldness of which, though trying to the nerves, was its very essence for success. It was to bring the King and Queen into Havre itself before anybody could suspect such a dangerous intention, and have everything ready for their embarkation to a minute. To carry out the plan, I wanted vigilant, intelligent, and firm agents, and I found them as it turned out. It was known to me that the lower classes suspected it was M. Guizot concealed at Trouville, and as some sinister occurrence might reasonably be expected there, I sent a faithful person into Calvados. It was high time. The mob had assembled at the place where the King was, who had to slip out at the back door and walk two leagues on foot. At length he reached a small cottage belonging to a gardener at Honfleur, where the Queen was. This was half-past six o'clock A.M. yesterday. My agent saw the King and Queen, who, after some conversation, sent him back with this message, that they "would wait where they were until they again heard from me, and would carry out my final arrangements with exactitude, as far as it depended upon them." I now instructed Captain Paul to be ready at half-past seven P.M., when it would be dark, to have his water hot, ready to get up steam; to have only a rope moored to the quay with an anchor astern; to expect me with a party a little before eight P.M., and as soon as I had got on board with my party and told him to push off, he was to let me go on shore, cut his rope and cable, get into the middle of the Basin, up with his steam and jib and push for England. Not a word was to be spoken on board.

To get the King here from Honfleur the following method was adopted: M. Bresson, a loyal and intelligent officer in the French Navy and well known to the King, and Mr Jones, my Vice-Consul and principal Clerk, went in the steam ferry-boat a quarter before five P.M. to Honfleur. From the landing-place it is three-quarters of a mile to the place where the King and Queen were concealed. The ferry-boat was to leave Honfleur for Havre a quarter before seven o'clock. I had given M. Bresson a passport for Mr and Mrs Smith, and with this passport the King was to walk to the landing-place, where he was to be met by my Vice-Consul and be governed by him.

If the _gens d'armes_ disputed his passport Mr Jones was to vouch for its regularity, and say that he was sent by me to conduct Mr Smith to Havre, who was my Uncle. M. Bresson was to follow with the Queen, and the rest of the suite were to come to the ferry-boat one after another, but none of the party were to know each other. The ferry-boat was to arrive in Havre about half-past seven, and I was to do the rest. A white pocket-handkerchief was to be twice exhibited as a signal that all was right so far. The difficulty of the _gens d'armes_ being infinitely more to be provided against and apprehended here, I first confidentially communicated to the greatest gossips in the town that I had seen a written statement from an official person that the King had reached England in a fishing-boat from the neighbourhood of Tréport, and then got some persons whom I could rely upon, sons of my tradesmen here who are in the National Guard, to be near the steamer that was to receive the King, to give me their assistance if it should be necessary, on account of the turbulence of the crowd, to embark some friends of mine who were going to England. And if an extraordinary number of _gens d'armes_ were stationed at the steamer, and they hesitated about letting my Uncle go on board, then about one hundred yards off I had two persons who were to pretend a quarrel and a fight, to which I knew the _gens d'armes_ would all go as well as the crowd. In the meantime I hoped that as Captain Paul made no noise with his steam that the crowd would not assemble, and that we might find no _gens d'armes_. The anxiously expected moment at length arrived. The ferry-boat steamer came to the quay; it was almost dark, but I saw the white pocket-handkerchief. There was a great number of passengers, which favoured the debarkation. When half of them were out, the trembling Queen came up the ladder. I took her hand, told her it was me, and M. Bresson walked with her towards our steamer. At last came the King, disguised, his whiskers shaved off, a sort of casquette on his head, and a coarse overcoat, and immense goggles over his eyes. Not being able to see well, he stumbled, when I advanced, took his hand and said, "Ah, dear Uncle, I am delighted to see you." Upon which he answered, "My dear George, I am glad you are here." The English about me now opened the crowd for their Consul, and I moved off to a quiet and shaded part of the quay. But my dear Uncle talked so loud and so much that I had the greatest difficulty to make him keep silence. At length we reached the steamer; it was like a clock-work movement. The crowd was again opened for me. I conducted the King to a state-room below, gave him some information, and having personally ascertained that the Queen was in her cabin, and being very much touched with her tears and her grateful acknowledgments, I respectfully took my leave, gave the Captain the word to cut loose, and scrambled ashore. In twenty minutes the steamer was outside, steaming away for England. I drove down to the jetty, and had that last satisfaction of seeing her beyond all possibility of recall, and then drove home. Much has been said this morning about the mysterious departure of Captain Paul, and I have been obliged to confess that the gentleman I was seen conducting on board was a brother of the King of Naples, who was immensely frightened without cause, and that I had engaged the steamer for him and his family. Many think, however, that it was the King, but then again that could not be if he crossed over from Tréport in a fishing-boat. We have got everybody completely mystified, and there are only four persons in the secret, who will all remain in the same story.

I have scribbled, amidst the most hurried engagements, this little narrative, believing that it would interest your Lordship. It has the interest of romance and the support of truth. I have the honour to be, etc.

G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH.

Information has just reached me that one hour after the King and Queen left their hiding-place last night, and just when I was embarking them, an officer and three _gens d'armes_ came to the place to arrest him. They were sent by the new Republican _Préfet_. It appears that the man who gave him refuge had confessed who he was as soon as the King had left Trouville, and had betrayed the King's hiding-place at Honfleur. What an escape! Your Lordship will see a paragraph in the enclosed newspaper not altogether false. We in the secret know nothing about Louis Philippe; we know something about the Count of Syracuse and something about Mr William Smith. If it leaks out, it must come from England. Here no one has any proof. In the meantime almost everybody here is delighted to think that he may have escaped.

[Footnote 9: British Consul at Havre. This letter was submitted to the Queen by Lord Palmerston.]

[Pageheading: ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND]

[Pageheading: RECEPTION AT CLAREMONT]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _3rd March 1848._ (3 P.M.)

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that General Dumas has just been with him to announce that the King and Queen of the French landed this morning at Newhaven, having been brought over in the Steam Packet Express, in which they embarked at Havre yesterday evening about eight o'clock.

General Dumas says that till the morning of their arrival at Dreux the King and the Queen imagined that the Comte de Paris had succeeded to the Throne, and that the Duchess of Orleans had been declared Regent; that when they heard that a Republic and a Provisional Government had been declared they thought it unsafe to remain at Dreux; and that they then separated in order to go by different roads to Honfleur, where they were to meet at a small house belonging to a friend of General Dumas. At that house they remained for some days, until Mr Featherstonhaugh opened a communication with them. The King then removed to Trouville in order to embark from thence in a manner which Mr Featherstonhaugh had arranged, and he remained there two or three days for that purpose; but the weather was too stormy, and prevented his departure. In the meanwhile the people of Trouville found out who he was, and their demonstrations of attachment became inconvenient. He therefore returned to Honfleur, and the arrangements were altered. Yesterday evening at seven o'clock the King, the Queen, and General Dumas came to the ferry-boat which plies between Honfleur and Havre, and were met by the Vice-Consul, who treated the King as uncle of the Consul. On landing at Havre the King walked straight down to the Express Packet, which was lying ready; the Queen went separately, and after making a slight round through the streets of Havre embarked also; the Packet then immediately started, and went into Newhaven in preference to any other port, because no Packets start from thence for the French coast. General Dumas says that the whole party were unprovided with anything but the clothes they wore, and he was going to the King's banker to provide funds to enable him to come to town, and said that the King begged him to apologise for his not having at once written to your Majesty to thank your Majesty for the great interest which your Majesty has taken in his safety, and for the assistance, which he has received for his escape, but that he would do so this evening.

General Dumas said that the King's present intention is to remain in England in the strictest _incognito_, and that he and the Queen will assume the title of Count and Countess of Neuilly.

Viscount Palmerston explained to General Dumas that your Majesty has made arrangements for the King's reception at Claremont, and that your Majesty intended to send down an officer of your Majesty's Household to communicate with the King.

General Dumas said that the King would most gratefully avail himself of the arrangement as to Claremont, but that under all circumstances, and as the King wished to remain in entire privacy, he thought it would be better that no person from your Majesty's Household should go down to the King at Newhaven, and that he was sure the King would rather find his own way from the railway station at London Bridge to Claremont than attract attention by being met at the station by any of your Majesty's carriages.

The King would remain to-night at Newhaven, and would come up to-morrow morning. General Dumas said that the King and the Queen had gone through much personal fatigue and mental anxiety, but are both well in health. The General was going to Count Jarnac before he returned to Newhaven.

[Pageheading: THE KING'S GRATITUDE]

_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

NEWHAVEN, SUSSEX, _3ème Mars 1848._

MADAME,--Après avoir rendu grâces à Dieu, mon premier devoir est d'offrir à votre Majesté l'hommage de ma reconnaissance pour la généreuse assistance qu'elle nous a donnée, à moi et à tous les miens et que la Providence vient de couvrir d'un succès complet, puisque j'apprends qu'ils sont tous à présent sur la terre hospitalière de l'Angleterre.

Ce n'est plus, Madame, que _le Comte de Neuilly_ qui, se rappelant vos anciennes bontés, vient chercher sous ses auspices, un asyle et une retraite paisible et aussi éloignée de tout rapport politique que celle dont il y a joui dans d'autres temps, et dont il a toujours précieusement conservé le souvenir.

On me presse tellement pour ne pas manquer le train qui emportera ma lettre que j'ai à peine le temps de prier votre Majesté d'être mon interprète auprès du Prince votre auguste Époux.

Ma femme, accablée de fatigue par la vie que nous venons de mener depuis dix jours! écrira un peu plus tard à votre Majesté. Tout ce qu'elle a pu faire, est de tracer quelques mots pour notre bien aimée Louise que je recommande à votre bonté. On me presse encore, Madame, je ne puis que me souscrire avec mon vieil attachement pour vous, de votre Majesté, très affectionné,

LOUIS PHILIPPE.

_The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria._

NEWHAVEN, _3ème Mars 1848._

MADAME,--A peine arrivée dans cette contrée hospitalière après 9 jours d'une cruelle agonie, mon premier sentiment, après avoir béni la Divine Providence, c'est de remercier, du fond de mon c[oe]ur, votre Majesté, pour les facilités qu'elle a bien voulu nous donner pour venir dans ce pays terminer nos vieux jours dans la tranquillité et l'oubli. Une vive inquiétude me tourmente, c'est d'apprendre le sort de mes enfants chéris desquels nous avons dû nous séparer; j'ai la confiance qu'ils auront trouvé aussi un appui dans le c[oe]ur généreux de votre Majesté, et qu'ils auront été également sauvés comme leur admirable Père, mon premier trésor. Que Dieu vous bénisse, Madame, ainsi que le Prince Albert et vos enfants, et vous préserve de malheurs pareils aux nôtres, c'est le v[oe]u le plus sincère de celle qui se dit, Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute dévouée,

MARIE AMÉLIE.

[Pageheading: ARRIVAL OF GUIZOT]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _3rd March 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he has read with deep interest the affecting letter of the fallen King.

After the vicissitudes of a long life, it may be no irremediable calamity if a Prince of great powers of mind and warm domestic affections is permitted by Providence to end his days in peace and tranquillity.

Of course all enmity to his projects as a King ceases with his deposition.

M. Guizot came to London from Dover at half-past six.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._

PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _3ème Mars 1848._

SIRE ET MON CHER FRÈRE,--C'était une consolation bien vive pour moi de recevoir la bonne lettre de votre Majesté qui m'a bien touchée. Nous avons tous été dans de vives inquiétudes pour vous, pour la Reine et toute la famille, et nous remercions la Providence pour que vous soyez arrivés en sûreté sur le sol d'Angleterre, et nous sommes bien heureux de savoir que vous êtes ici loin de tous ces dangers qui vous ont récemment menacés. Votre Majesté croira combien ces derniers affreux événements si inattendus nous ont péniblement agités. Il nous tarde de savoir que vos santés n'ont pas été altérées par ces derniers jours d'inquiétude et de fatigue. Albert me charge d'offrir les hommages à votre Majesté, et je vous prie de déposer les nôtres aux pieds de la Reine, à qui je compte répondre demain. Je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French._

PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _4ème Mars 1848._

MADAME,--Votre Majesté aura excusé que je ne vous ai pas de suite remercié de votre bonne et aimable lettre de hier. C'est des fonds de mon c[oe]ur que je me réjouis de vous savoir en sûreté à Claremont avec le Roi. Mes pensées étaient auprès de votre Majesté pendant tous ces affreux jours, et je frémis en pensant à tout ce que vous avez souffert de corps et d'âme.

Albert sera le Porteur de ces lignes; j'aurais été si heureuse de l'accompagner pour vous voir, mais je n'ose plus quitter Londres.

Avec l'expression de l'affection et de l'estime, je me dis toujours, Madame, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE ROYAL FUGITIVES]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _5th March 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and cannot see that there could be any objection to the King and Queen of the French coming to town to visit your Majesty, and indeed, on the contrary, it would seem under all the circumstances of the case natural that they should be anxious to see your Majesty, and that your Majesty should be desirous of receiving them.

Viscount Palmerston was sure that your Majesty would read with interest Mr Featherstonhaugh's account of the manner in which he managed the escape of the King and Queen of the French. It is like one of Walter Scott's best tales, and the arrangements and the execution of them do great credit to Mr Featherstonhaugh, who will be highly gratified to learn, as Viscount Palmerston proposes to inform him, that your Majesty has approved his conduct. Mr Featherstonhaugh has also probably rendered a good service to the Provisional Government, who would have been much embarrassed if their Commissioner had arrested the King and Queen.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _7th March 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Albert has written to you so constantly that I have little to add; he just tells me this is not quite true. However, there is nothing very new except that we have seen the King and Queen; Albert went down to Claremont to see them on Saturday, and yesterday they came here with Montpensier. They both look very _abattus_, and the poor Queen cried much in thinking of what she had gone through--and what dangers the King had incurred; in short, humbled poor people they looked. Dearest Vic I saw on Sunday; _she_ has also gone through much, and is so dear and good and gentle. She looked wonderfully well _considering_. They are still _very_ much in want of means, and live on a very reduced scale.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S VIEW OF THE CRISIS]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th March 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I profit by the departure of Andrews to write to you a few lines, and to wish you joy of the continued satisfactory behaviour of my friends, the good Belgians; fervently do I hope and really trust all will go on well; but what an extraordinary state of things everywhere! _"Je ne sais plus où je suis,"_ and I fancy really that we have gone back into the _old_ century. But I also feel one must not be nervous or alarmed at these moments, but be of good cheer, and muster up courage to meet all the difficulties.

Our little riots are mere nothing, and the feeling here is good.... _What_ is _your_ opinion as to the late events at Paris? Do you not think the King ought to have retired to Vincenness or somewhere else a day or two before, and put himself at the head of the army? Ought not Montpensier at least to have gone to Vincennes? I know Clém even thinks this--as also that _one_ ought to have foreseen, and ought to have managed things better. Certainly at the _very last_, if they had not gone, they would all have been massacred; and _I_ think they were quite right, and in short could not avoid going as quickly as they could; but there is an impression they _fled_ too quickly. Still the recollection of Louis XVI.... is enough to justify all, and everybody will admit that; but the Princes, they think, ought to have remained. _What_ do _you_ think of all this? I think the blunders were _all_ on the last three or four days--and on the last day, but were no longer to be avoided at last; there seemed a _fatality_, and _all_ was lost. Poor Nemours did his best till he could _no longer_ get to the troops. People here also abuse him for letting Victoire go alone--but he _remained_ to do his _duty_; a little more _empressement_ on her arrival here I would have wished. Albert told you all about the Montpensiers' journey. It would do the King irreparable mischief if they went now to Spain; the feeling of anger would all return. Poor people! they are all in a sad state of _want_ at present.

I must conclude. Hoping to hear from you, and to have your opinion.

Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S SYMPATHY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th March 1848._

The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering Lord Melbourne hers and the Prince's best wishes for many happy returns of it in health and strength.

Lord Melbourne will agree with the Queen that the last three weeks have brought back the times of the last century, and we are in the midst of troubles abroad. The Revolution in France is a sad and alarming thing.... The poor King and his Government made many mistakes within the last two years, and were obstinate and totally blind at the last till flight was inevitable. But for _sixteen_ years he did a great deal to maintain peace, and made France prosperous, which should _not_ be forgotten.... Lord Melbourne's kind heart will grieve to think of the _real want_ the poor King and Queen are in, their dinner-table containing barely enough to eat. And the poor Nemours hardly know which way to turn. If the private property be not restored God only knows what is to become of these distinguished young Princes and their little children. What will be their _avenir_? It breaks one's heart to think of it, and the Queen, being so nearly related to them and knowing them all, feels it very much. Surely the poor old King is sufficiently punished for his faults. Lord Beauvale will surely be shocked at the complete ruin of the family. Has he seen or heard from his old friend Madame de Montjoye, who is here with the Queen of the French? The poor dear Queen of the Belgians is quite broken-hearted, but, thank God, Belgium goes on admirably. In Germany also there are everywhere disturbances, but the good Germans are at bottom very loyal....

The state of Paris is very gloomy; the rabble armed--keeping the Government in awe--failures in all directions, and nothing but ruin and misery. This is too gloomy a letter for a birthday, and the Queen must apologise for it. The Prince wishes to be kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.

[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S VIEW]

_The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._

22 Mars ST. PETERSBURG, _le ------- 1848._ 3 Avril

MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Veuillez me permettre, Madame, d'offrir à votre Majesté mes sincères félicitations de son heureuse délivrance.[10] Puisse le bon Dieu conserver votre Majesté et toute son auguste famille, c'est mon v[oe]u de tous les jours. Plus que jamais, Madame, au milieu des désastres qui renversent l'ordre social, l'on éprouve le besoin de relier les liens d'amitié que l'on a été heureux de former dans de meilleurs temps; ceux-là au moins nous restent, car ils sont hors de la portée des hommes, et je suis fier et heureux de ce que votre noble c[oe]ur me comprendra. En jettant les yeux sur ce qui se passe, peut-être votre Majesté accordera-t-elle un souvenir à ce que j'eus l'honneur de lui prédire, assis à table près d'elle: depuis, 4 années à peine se sont écoulées, et que reste-t-il encore debout en Europe? La Grande-Bretagne et la Russie!

Ne serait-il pas naturel d'en conclure que notre union intime est appelée peut-être à sauver le monde? Excusez, Madame, cet épanchement d'un c[oe]ur qui vous est dévoué et qui a pris l'habitude de souvenir à vous.

J'ose avec une entière confiance compter sur l'amitié de votre Majesté, et la prie de recevoir l'assurance de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué et fidèle bon Frère et Ami,

NICOLAS.

Veuillez, Madame, me rappeler au souvenir de son Altesse Royale Monsieur le Prince Albert.

[Footnote 10: The Princess Louise was born on 18th March.]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _25th March 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... England seems quiet, and even the attempt in Ireland seems to have passed over. But Germany is in an awful state, beyond what I ever should have thought possible in that country, and with such a good nation. For years, however, all sorts of people had been stirring them up, and half measures, seeming dishonest, of the Sovereigns have done harm. Curious enough that I, who in fact was desirous of retiring from politics, should be on the Continent the only Sovereign who stood the storm, though I am at ten hours' distance from Paris. I trust we shall be able to go on with our money matters to enable us to keep up; our working classes are at this moment what occupies us most, and much has been done, and our Banks, which were much threatened, are now safe.

We work hard, and with these few days I suffered a little, but I am better to-day. Louise is tolerably well; the poor children are attentive and amiable. Poor things! _their existence_ is a good deal on the cards, and fortunes, private and public, are in equal danger.

Now I will leave you that you should not be tired. Ever, my beloved child, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: THE CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th April 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for three most kind letters, of the 18th and 25th March, and of the 1st. Thank God, I am _particularly strong_ and _well_ in _every possible respect_, which is a blessing in these _awful, sad, heart-breaking_ times. From the first I heard all that passed, and my only thoughts and talk were--Politics; but I never was calmer and quieter or less nervous. _Great_ events make me quiet and calm, and little trifles fidget me and irritate my nerves. But _I feel_ grown old and serious, and the future is very dark. God, however, will come to help and protect us, and we must keep up our spirits. _Germany_ makes me so sad; on the other hand, Belgium is a real pride and happiness.

We saw your poor father and mother-in-law with the Nemours, Joinville, and Aumale yesterday. Still a dream to see them _thus, here!_They are well in health, and the young people's conduct most praiseworthy; really the three Princesses are astonishing, and a beautiful lesson to every one. They are so much admired and respected for it. My beloved Vic, with her lovely face, is perfection, and so cheerful. She often comes to see me, and this is a great pleasure to me, if only it was not caused by such misfortunes!

Now good-bye. With fervent prayers for the continuation of your present most flourishing position, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _9th April 1848._

SIR,--The Cabinet have had the assistance of the Duke of Wellington in framing their plans for to-morrow.

Colonel Rowan[11] advised that the procession should be formed, and allowed to come as far as the bridge they may choose to pass, and should there be stopped. He thinks this is the only way to avoid a fight. If, however, the Chartists fire and draw their swords and use their daggers, the Military are to be called out.

I have no doubt of their easy triumph over a London mob.

But any loss of life will cause a deep and rankling resentment. I trust, for this and every reason, that all may pass off quietly. I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

[Footnote 11: Chief Commissioner of Police, afterwards Sir C. Rowan, K.C.B. The Chartist meeting had been fixed for the 10th.]

[Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED]

_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _10th April 1848._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--To-day the strength of the Chartists and all evil-disposed people in the country will be brought to the test against the force of the law, the Government, and the good sense of the country. I don't feel doubtful for a moment who will be found the stronger, but should be exceedingly mortified if anything like a commotion was to take place, as it would shake _that_ confidence which the whole of Europe reposes in our stability at this moment, and upon which will depend the prosperity of the country. I have enquired a good deal into the state of employment about London, and I find, to my great regret, that the number of workmen of all trades out of employment is _very_ large, and that it has been increased by the reduction of all the works under Government, owing to the clamour for economy in the House of Commons. Several hundred workmen have been discharged at Westminster Palace; at Buckingham Palace much fewer hands are employed than are really wanted; the formation of Battersea Park has been suspended, etc., etc. Surely this is not the moment for the tax-payers to economise upon the working classes! And though I don't wish our Government to follow Louis Blanc in his system of _organisation du travail_,[12] I think the Government is bound to do what it can to help the working classes over the present moment of distress. It may do this consistently with real economy in its own works, whilst the reductions on the part of the Government are followed by all private individuals as a sign of the times. I have before this spoken to Lord Morpeth[13] upon this subject, but I wish to bring it specially under your consideration at the present moment. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.

[Footnote 12: Alluding to the _Ateliers Nationaux_, to be established under the guidance of a Council of Administration.]

[Footnote 13: Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests.]

[Pageheading: FEARGUS O'CONNOR]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _10th April 1848._ (2 P.M.)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the Kennington Common Meeting has proved a complete failure.

About 12,000 or 15,000 persons met in good order. Feargus O'Connor, upon arriving upon the ground in a car, was ordered by Mr Mayne[14] to come and speak to him. He immediately left the car and came, looking pale and frightened, to Mr Mayne. Upon being told that the meeting would not be prevented, but that no procession would be allowed to pass the bridges, he expressed the utmost thanks, and begged to shake Mr Mayne by the hand. He then addressed the crowd, advising them to disperse, and after rebuking them for their folly he went off in a cab to the Home Office, where he repeated to Sir George Grey his thanks, his fears, and his assurances that the crowd should disperse quietly. Sir George Grey said he had done very rightly, but that the force at the bridges should not be diminished.

Mr F. O'Connor--"Not a man should be taken away. The Government have been quite right. I told the Convention that if they had been the Government they never would have allowed such a meeting."

The last account gave the numbers as about 5,000 rapidly dispersing.

The mob was in good humour, and any mischief that now takes place will be the act of individuals; but it is to be hoped the preparations made will daunt those wicked but not brave men.

The accounts from the country are good. Scotland is quiet. At Manchester, however, the Chartists are armed, and have bad designs.

A quiet termination of the present ferment will greatly raise us in foreign countries.

Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty has profited by the sea air.

[Footnote 14: Mr Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police, created a K.C.B. in 1851.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _15th April 1848._

Lord John Russell has a letter from Lord Clarendon to-day in better spirits, but somewhat fearing an outbreak in Dublin to-night. He speaks confidently of the disposition of the troops.

Lord John Russell cannot wonder that your Majesty has felt deeply the events of the last six weeks. The King of the French has brought upon his own family, upon France, and upon Europe a great calamity. A moderate and constitutional Government at home, coupled with an abstinence from ambitious projects for his family abroad, might have laid the foundation of permanent peace, order, and freedom in Europe. Selfishness and cunning have destroyed that which honesty and wisdom might have maintained. It is impossible not to pity the innocent victims of the misconduct of Louis Philippe. Still less can one refrain from regarding with dread the fearful state of Germany, of her princes, her nobles, and her tempest-tossed people.

The example of Great Britain, may, however, secure an interval of reflection for Europe. The next six months will be very trying, but they may end with better prospects than we can now behold. It was impossible that the exclusion of free speaking and writing which formed the essence of Prince Metternich's system could continue. It might have been reformed quietly; it has fallen with a crash which spreads ruin and death around.

Lady John is deeply grateful for the congratulations of your Majesty and the Prince.[15] She is going on well to-day.

[Footnote 15: On the birth of a second son.]

[Pageheading: ALARMING STATE OF IRELAND]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _16th April 1848._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. The state of Ireland is most alarming and most anxious; altogether, there is so much inflammable matter all around us that it makes one tremble. Still, the events of Monday must have a calming and salutary effect. Lord John Russell's remarks about Europe, and the unfortunate and calamitous policy of the Government of the poor King of the French are most true. But is he not even most to be pitied for being the cause of such misery? (Though perhaps he does not attribute it to himself), for, to see all his hopes thus destroyed, his pride humbled, his children--whom he loves dearly--ruined--is not this enough to make a man wretched? and indeed much to be pitied; for _he_ cannot feel _he_ could _not_ have prevented all this. Still Guizot is more to blame; _he_ was the responsible adviser of all this policy: he is _no_ Bourbon, and he ought to have behaved differently. Had the poor King died in 1844 after he came here, and before that most unfortunate Spanish marriages question was started, he would have deservedly gone down to posterity as a great monarch. _Now_, what will be his name in history? His fate is a great _moral!_

With regard to Germany, Prince Metternich is the cause of half the misfortune. His advice was taken by almost all the sovereigns of that country, and it has kept them from doing in time what has now been torn from them with the loss of many rights which they need not have sacrificed. We heard yesterday that the Archduke John[16] had arrived at Frankfort. This is a wise measure, and may do much good and prevent much evil, as he is a popular and most distinguished prince....

[Footnote 16: Uncle of the Emperor (Ferdinand I.) of Austria, born 1782.]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _17th April 1848._

The Queen not having heard anything from Lord Palmerston respecting foreign affairs for so long a time, and as he must be in constant communication with the Foreign Ministers in these most eventful and anxious times, writes to urge Lord Palmerston to keep her informed of what he hears, and of the views of the Government on the important questions before us.

She now only gets the Drafts when they are gone.

The acceptance of the mediation between Denmark and Holstein is too important an event not to have been first submitted to the Queen.

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _18th April 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and regrets much that he has not lately had an opportunity of giving your Majesty verbally such explanations as your Majesty might wish to receive with respect to the progress of foreign affairs, but Viscount Palmerston hopes to be able to get down to Broadlands for a few days on Saturday next, and he could easily from thence wait upon your Majesty on any morning and at any hour your Majesty might be pleased to appoint.

Although events of the greatest importance have been passing in rapid succession in almost every part of Europe, the position of your Majesty's Government has been one rather of observation than of action, it being desirable that England should keep herself as free as possible from unnecessary engagements and entanglements, in order that your Majesty may be at liberty to take such decisions as the state of things may from time to time appear to render most advisable.

[Pageheading: LOYALTY OF BELGIUM]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BARTON, _18th April 1848._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Detained here by a heavy shower of rain, I begin my letter to you and thank you warmly for your dear and kind letter of the 15th, which I received yesterday.

_Truly_ proud and delighted are we at the conduct of the Belgians,[17] and at their loyalty and affection for you and yours, which I am sure must be a reward for all that you have done these seventeen years. I must beg to say that you are wrong in supposing that no mention is made of what took place on the 9th in our papers; on the contrary, it has been _most gratifyingly_ mentioned in the _Times_, _Chronicle_, _John Bull_, _etc._ _You_ are held up as a pattern to the German Sovereigns, and the Belgians as a pattern to the German people.

In France, really things go on _dreadfully_.... One does not like to attack those who are fallen, but the poor King, Louis Philippe, _has_ brought much of this on by that ill-fated return to a _Bourbon Policy_. I always think he _ought not_ to have abdicated; every one seems to think he _might_ have stemmed the torrent _then_ still. On the other hand, Joinville says it was sure to happen, for that the French want constant change, and were quite tired of the present Government. _Qu'en dites-vous?_ How is poor, dear Louise? I hope her spirits are better.

Our weather is terribly rainy, though very fine between. We have got nightingales in the pleasure ground, and in the wood down near the sea. We are all extremely well, and expect the Prince of Prussia here to-day for two nights. Ever your devoted and attached Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 17: A party of French Republicans entered Belgium with the intention of exciting an insurrection; the attempt signally failed.]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _1st May 1848._

The Queen has this morning received Lord Palmerston's letter.[18] She cannot see any reason for deviating from the established rules, and inviting to Court Frenchmen who are not recognised in their official capacity, and have no natural representatives to present them as private individuals. As an invitation cannot be claimed by them, the omission of it ought not to lead to any misrepresentation; whilst the contrary, under the fiction of their being private individuals, might lead to misconstruction and to most inconvenient precedents.

[Footnote 18: M. de Tallenay had arrived in London with a letter from M. Lamartine, accrediting him as provisional _chargé d'affaires_ of the French Government, and Lord Palmerston had suggested to the Queen that etiquette would not be violated by inviting him to a Court Ball.]

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th May 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your very kind letter of the 6th. How delightful it is to hear such good accounts of Belgium! If only dear Germany gets right and if all our interests (those of the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrified! I cannot say _how_ it distresses and vexes me, and _comme je l'ai à c[oe]ur_. My good and dear Albert is much worried and works _very_ hard....

I had a curious account of the opening of the _Assemblée_ from Lady Normanby.[19] No _real_ enthusiasm, dreadful confusion, and the Blouses taking part in everything, and stopping the Speakers if they did not please them. The opinion is that it cannot last.

I enclose another letter from Lady Normanby, with an account of the poor Tuileries, which is very curious and sad; but the respect shown for poor Chartres is very touching, and might interest poor dear Louise, if you think fit to show it her. But why show such hatred to poor Nemours and to the Queen? Montpensier's marriage may cause _his_ unpopularity, possibly. I shall beg to have the letter back.

I must conclude, as we are going to pay a visit at Claremont this afternoon. Ever your truly devoted Child and Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 19: The National Assembly commenced its sittings on 4th May, when the Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and the Republic proclaimed in the presence of 200,000 citizens.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th May 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have just heard the news of the extraordinary confusion at Paris, which must end in a _Blutbad_. Lamartine has quite lost all influence by yielding to and supporting Ledru Rollin![20] It seems inexplicable! In Germany, too, everything looks most anxious, and I _tremble_ for the result of the Parliament at Frankfort.[21] I am _so_ anxious for the fate of the poor smaller Sovereigns, which it would be infamous to sacrifice. I feel it _much_ more than Albert, as it would break my heart to see Coburg _reduced_.

Many thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 13th. Thank God! that with you everything goes on so well. I will take care and let Lord Normanby know your kind expressions. The visit to old Claremont was a touching one, and it seemed an incomprehensible dream to see them all there. They bear up wonderfully. Nothing can be kinder than the Queen-Dowager's behaviour towards them all. The poor Duchess of Gloster is again in one of her nervous states, and gave us a dreadful fright at the Christening by quite forgetting where she was, and coming and kneeling at my feet in the midst of the service. Imagine our horror!

I must now conclude. The weather is beautiful, but too hot for me. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 20: Lamartine and Ledru Rollin were members of the Provisional Government, and subsequently of the Executive Committee. The mob, holding that the promises of general employment had been broken, invaded the Assembly _en masse_, and attempted a counter-revolution.]

[Footnote 21: Out of the revolutionary movement in Germany had grown their National Assembly, which after a preliminary session as a _Vor-Parlament_, was to reassemble on 18th May.]

[Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

(_No date._)

The Queen has carefully perused the enclosed papers, and wishes to have a copy of Baron Hummelauer's[22] note sent to her to keep.

The basis laid down in it is quite inadmissible, and the Queen was struck by the light way in which the claims of the Dukes of Parma and Modena are spoken of (as disposed of by the events), whilst their position and that of Austria are in every respect identical.[23] The Queen thinks Lord Palmerston's proposition the one which is the most equitable, still likely to be attained, but it does not go far enough; the position which Austria means to take _in Italy_ with her Italian province ought to be explained, and a declaration be made that Austria will, with this province, join any Italian league which the other states of Italy may wish to establish. This will be useful to Italy, and much facilitate the acceptance of the Austrian proposal, as the Queen feels convinced that as soon as the war shall be terminated, the question of the political constitution of Italy (as a whole) will have to be decided. Why Charles Albert ought to get any additional territory the Queen cannot in the least see. She thinks it will be better to proceed at once upon the revised Austrian proposal, than to wait for Italian propositions, which are sure to be ridiculously extravagant.

[Footnote 22: The Austrian Government, in its efforts to maintain its ascendency in Lombardy, had sent Baron Hummelauer to negotiate with Lord Palmerston.]

[Footnote 23: The Dukes had both been driven from their dominions, while the King (Charles Albert) of Sardinia threw in his lot with the cause of United Italy as against Austria, which then ruled Lombardy.]

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND SPAIN]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _23rd May 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting Spain and Italy this morning. The sending away of Sir H. Bulwer[24] is a serious affair, which will add to our many embarrassments; the Queen is, however, not surprised at it, from the tenor of the last accounts from Madrid, and from the fact that Sir H. Bulwer has for the last three years almost been sporting with political intrigues. He invariably boasted of at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy, "though he was taking care not to be personally mixed up in them," and, after their various failures, generally harboured the chief actors in his house under the plea of humanity. At every crisis he gave us to understand that he had to choose between a "revolution and a palace intrigue," and not long ago only he wrote to Lord Palmerston, that if the Monarchy with the Montpensier succession was inconvenient to us, he could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to be known in Spain, the more so when one considers the extreme vanity of Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable imprudence in the not very creditable company which he is said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember that the Queen has often addressed herself to him and Lord John, in fear of Sir H. getting us into some scrape; and if our diplomatists are not kept in better order, the Queen may at any moment be exposed to similar insults as she has received now in the person of Sir H. Bulwer; for in whatever way one may wish to look at it, Sir Henry still is _her_ Minister.

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to Lord John Russell, and to let her know what the Government mean to propose with respect to this unfortunate affair.

[Footnote 24: Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Bulwer (which the latter showed to the Spanish Premier), lecturing the Spanish Queen on her choice of Minister. This "assumption of superiority," as Sir R. Peel called it, led to a peremptory order to Bulwer to leave Spain in twenty-four hours. His own account of the affair appears in his _Life of Palmerston_, vol. iii. chap. vii.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA]

_The Prince of Prussia to Queen Victoria._

[_Translation._]

BRUSSELS _30th May 1848._

MOST GRACIOUS COUSIN,--I obey the impulse of my heart in seizing my pen, without any delay, in order to express to you my warmest and most heartfelt thanks for the infinitely gracious and affectionate way with which you and the Prince have treated me during my stay in London.[25] It was a melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic view which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin, it became not only bearable, but even transformed into one that became proportionately honourable and dignified. This graciousness of yours has undoubtedly contributed towards the change of opinion which has resulted in my favour, and so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your Government, a fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a heavy heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future lies before me to meet--and only knowing that I shall need the strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in England and an insight into her institutions have afforded me in full measure.

Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to whom I shall write as soon as possible, I remain, most gracious Cousin, your faithful and most gratefully devoted Cousin,

PRINCE OF PRUSSIA.

[Footnote 25: The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor William I., having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had been obliged in March to fly for his life, in disguise, _viâ_ Hamburg, to England.]

[Pageheading: THE ROYAL EXILES]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st June 1848._

The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John Russell on the subject of the French Royal Family, and therefore writes to him now. As it seems now most probable that they, or at least some of them, will take up their residence for a lengthened period in this country, and as their position is now a defined one, viz. that of _exiles_, their treatment should be defined and established.

At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were much occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was done or was omitted by the Court; all their movements were recorded in the papers, etc. The lapse of three months has a good deal altered this. They have lived in complete retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and their poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met with much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to take the right line; particularly desirous to do nothing which could hurt the interests of the country, and equally so to do everything kind towards a distinguished Royal Family in severe affliction, with whom she has long been on terms of intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly related. She accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any objection to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at Osborne when she goes there, _quite_ privately; the Duchess of Kent would bring her with her. The Duke will not come with the Duchess, as he says he feels (very properly) it would be unbecoming in him till their fate (as to _fortune_, for _banished_ they already are) is decided, to be even for a day at Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince.

The Queen considers that when she is _staying_ in the country during the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of the French Royal Family should wish to visit her and the Prince, as they occasionally do here, she might lodge them for one or two nights, as the distance might be too great for their returning the same day. They are exiles, and _not Pretenders_, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de Montemolin are (and who are _for that reason only not received at Court_). In all countries where illustrious exiles related to the Sovereign have been they have always been received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the Duchesse d'Angoulême, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna (even on public occasions), there being a French Ambassador there, and the best understanding existing between France and Austria. The Duke of Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received by the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of Kent. Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the French Royal Family will go out into society in the course of time, and if the state of France becomes consolidated there may no longer exist that wish and that necessity for _extreme_ privacy, which is so obvious now. What the Queen has just mentioned, Lord John must well understand, is not what is _likely_ to take place (except in the case of her cousin, the Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what might occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the country. Of course events _might_ arise which would change this, and which would render it inadvisable, and then the Queen would communicate with Lord John, and ask his advice again upon the subject. All she has suggested refers to the present state of affairs, and, of course, merely to _strictly_ private visits, and on _no state occasion_. This is a long letter about such a subject, but the Queen wishes to be quite safe in what she does, and therefore could not have stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space.

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th June 1848._

The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon it, in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if the draft--though civil--is not to be a mere refusal to do anything for Austria, and a recommendation that whatever the Italians ask for ought to be given, for which a mediation is hardly necessary.[26] The Queen thinks it most important that we should try to mediate and put a stop to the war, and equally important that the boundary which is to be settled should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord Palmerston speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the Cabinet, and adverts nowhere to the proposition having been submitted to her.

[Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the Austrians under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the King of Sardinia.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _14th June 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your Majesty for the perusal of this interesting letter.

An Emperor with a rational Constitution might be a fair termination of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with the Communists, will probably destroy the last chance of order and tranquillity. A despotism must be the end.

May Heaven preserve us in peace!

[Pageheading: SIR HENRY BULWER]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th June 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining his views as to the reparation we may be entitled to receive from the Spanish Government. She considers them as quite fair, but does not wish to have Sir H. Bulwer again as her Minister at Madrid, even if it should be necessary that he should repair there in order to be received by the Queen of Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests of this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer, after all that has passed. When the Queen considers the position we had in Spain, and what it ought to have been after the constitution of the French Republic when we had no rival to fight and ought to have enjoyed the entire confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares this to the state into which our relations with that country have been brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters must have been mismanaged.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th June 1848._

The Queen sends the enclosed draft,[27] and asks whether this note is what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to Lisbon as a caution to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up with party intrigues to upset a particular Ministry?[28] ...

[Footnote 27: The draft ran:--"As it is evident that the Queen and the Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except such that agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you to abstain in future from giving any longer any advice to them on political matters, taking care to explain both to the Queen and the Government your reasons for doing so. You will, however, at the same time positively declare to the Portuguese Government that if by the course of policy they are pursuing they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly understand that they will not have to expect any assistance from England."]

[Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs. He added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _17th June 1848._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The draft to Seymour was written in consequence of what you said to me, and what the Queen wrote to you; but my own opinion certainly is that it would be best to leave the things with him as they are. It must, however, be remembered that the Portuguese Government have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the Queen in the Protocol of last year....

PALMERSTON.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1848._

The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is at this moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain, under the evil consequence of that system of diplomacy, which makes the taking up of party politics in foreign countries its principal object. This system is condemned alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the Queen fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal against falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether that _erroneous_ policy is to be maintained to the detriment of the real interests of the country, or a wiser course to be followed in future. Does Lord John consider this so light a matter as to be surrendered merely because Lord Palmerston is not to add to such a caution a gratuitous attack upon the Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen thinks it of the utmost importance that in these perilous times this question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy should be _settled_, and has no objection to Lord John showing this letter to Lord Palmerston.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th June 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he begs to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to rest on the known discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton Seymour without specific instruction, it was not from regarding the matter lightly, but from a sense of the inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present critical state of Europe which might induce a belief that he had not conducted foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his colleagues or of his Sovereign.

Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the particular point at issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that precautions should be taken against the chance of intrigue with foreign parties against a foreign government, with which this country is on terms of friendship, is ready to insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar to that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in the struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference with respect to which he has not specific directions from your Majesty's Government.

But in this case he must take upon himself the whole responsibility of requiring such a note from Lord Palmerston. It would not be conducive to your Majesty's service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of the Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding which may lead to the most serious consequences.

It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of policy has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and that the cases of difference of judgment have been rare exceptions.

Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he proposes to write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He would wish to have it returned as soon as your Majesty can do so.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1848._

The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord Palmerston,[29] which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's and Lord John's views upon the important question of our foreign policy _entirely coincide_. The Queen is sorry that the trouble of such an altercation should be added to the many anxieties which already press upon Lord John, but she feels sure that his insisting upon a _sound_ line of policy will save him and the country from _far greater_ troubles....

[Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour was to take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal, and to refrain from confidential communications with members of the Opposition.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _26th June 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is sorry he is not able to submit to your Majesty the proposed draft to Sir Hamilton Seymour to go by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded in settling the wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore obliged to defer it till the next mail.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1848._

The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received from Lord Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of Bedford to tell him of the conversation the Queen had with the Duke the other night about Lord Palmerston.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ITALY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st July 1848._

The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th. She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed of the policy which we are pursuing in this Italian controversy in abetting wrong, and this for the object of gaining _influence_ in Italy.[30] The Queen does not consider influence so gained as an advantage, and though this influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid that the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way of this. At least in the countries where the greatest stress has been laid on that influence, and the greatest exertions made for it, the _least good_ has been done--the Queen means in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither is there any kind of consistency in the line we take about Italy and that we follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of right mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid Prussia, caution her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles Albert except that if he did not wish to take _all_ the Emperor of Austria's Italian Dominions, we would not lay any _obstacles_ in the way of his moderation. The Queen finds in Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen the following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that no territory or state, which is not now according to the Treaty of 1815 included in the German Confederation, can be added to that territory without the consent of the Sovereign of that territory or state." How does this agree with our position relative to the incorporation of Lombardy into the states of the King of Sardinia?

[Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after Radetzky's evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of Sardinia in support of the Lombards were successful, and he had assistance from Tuscany, Naples, and Rome. The Austrians suffered reverses at Peschiera and Goito, and the independence of Northern Italy seemed to be accomplished. But the tide had begun to turn.]

[Pageheading: LORD MINTO'S MISSION]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long Memorandum respecting our relations with Italy, the length of which, however, was fully justified by the importance of the subject.

The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at the time, and the policy pursued by him has never been called in question; but it certainly was prejudicial to the Austrians, and imposes upon us additional care not to appear now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian movement, and nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement of the present Italian difference.[31] If, therefore, the Italians should be inclined to be moderate, there can be no dereliction of principle in encouraging them to be so. The danger of French interference increases with the delay and is equally great, whether the Austrians maintain themselves in the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite it to his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French seem to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line they pursue even with regard to Naples.

Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the case of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that Schleswig is to be incorporated into a confederation of States; but this makes the case of Lombardy only the stronger, as this is to be incorporated into the dominions of another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue Retrospective," the perusal of it has left a different impression upon the Queen from that which it seems to have made upon Lord Palmerston. It proved to her, that while the retiring attitude which the late Government took with regard to the Spanish marriages, left the French Government to try their different schemes and intrigues and to fail with every one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise the Progressista Party and regain the so-called _English influence_, brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe (who had before seriously quarrelled) immediately together, and induced them to rush into this unfortunate combination, which cannot but be considered as the origin of all the present convulsions in Europe.

[Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and father-in-law of the Prime Minister, had been sent to encourage in the path of reform Pope Pius IX., who was halting between progress and reaction: on the sanguinary risings taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission naturally appeared hostile to Austria.]

[Pageheading: AN ANXIOUS PERIOD]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For another kind and dear letter of the 8th, I have much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright star in the stormy night all around. May God bless and prosper you all, for ever and ever!

Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything existing, which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one never felt before. When one thinks of one's children, their education, their future--and prays for them--I always think and say to myself, "Let them grow up fit for _whatever station_ they may be placed in--_high or low_." This one never thought of before, but I _do_ always now. Altogether one's whole disposition is so changed--_bores_ and trifles which one would have complained of bitterly a few months ago, one looks upon as good things and quite a blessing--provided one can _keep one's position in quiet!_

I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,[32] as they fear his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a widow of a regicide, and as _stern_ and severe as can be imagined.

I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully merry still and quite himself, but _she_ feels it deeply--and for _her_ there is here the greatest sympathy and admiration.

Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; _how_ I wish you and Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have, however, got dear Victoire to come and spend a night with me; it does her always good, and we are just like sisters, and feel as we did in 1839, when you know how very fond we were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and still _beautiful_ child.

I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's picture as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been given _quasi_-dictatorial powers during the insurrection. These powers, on the suppression of the revolt, he resigned, and was thereupon almost unanimously made President of the Council.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1848._

The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night. She concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say _when_ the Session is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that the measure relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable? The Queen sends Lord John Col. Phipps's report of the Prince's reception at York, which she thinks will interest him. Does Lord J. Russell think, if we should not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see _our own place_ makes a difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is, however, impossible to say if we _can_ get away even for so short a time.

The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection to the Duc de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to and from Osborne? He is the Queen's Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any of the others; moreover, he does _not_ wish _at present_ to spend one _night_ there even, but merely to pay a morning visit.

Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and the other Princes and Princesses _should themselves_ ask to come and pay the Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as they do here), there would be any objection to it? The Queen merely wishes to know, in _case they_ should ask leave to do so, what she can answer.

[Pageheading: COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY]

_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th July 1848._

The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration in the mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in the Army. The Queen does not at all object to the amount of trouble which the signature of so many Commissions has hitherto entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the Sovereign and the Army, and she very much doubts whether the Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, instead of their Commissions bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they were in future only to receive a certificate from the Secretary at War that they have been commissioned.

She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.

The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his responsibility to Parliament with respect to allowing Appointments to go on; the Queen apprehends that his responsibility does not extend beyond the appropriation of the money voted by Parliament for the use of her Army.

_The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _18th July 1848._

MY DEAREST COUSIN,--I have received the beautiful dolls' house you have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you very much for it. I am delighted with it; every morning I dress my doll and give her a good breakfast; and the day after her arrival she gave a great rout at which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her pretty little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put her to bed.

Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my dear little Cousins, and believe me always, your most affectionate Cousin,

CHARLOTTE.

[Pageheading: ITALY AND FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _24th July 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter[33] reporting his conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat her opinion that a negotiation with France in order to agree with her upon a common line of policy to be followed with regard to the Italian question can lead to no good; it will make us the ally of a Government which is not even legally constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will call upon the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it is the interest of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay seems to have admitted that the French Republic, if called upon to act, will neither allow Austria to keep the Venetian territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but that she will strive to set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not be an object for us to assist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon it.

Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day, and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on which he is to leave for Frankfort in order that she may prepare her letter for the Archduke accordingly.

[Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with de Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France in Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced, the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted as a _fait accompli_, and Venetian territory erected into a separate republic.]

[Pageheading: NORTHERN ITALY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _25th July 1848._

The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch from Lord Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was sent for her approval, but which she really cannot approve. The Queen must tell Lord John what she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, but without apparent effect, that the establishment of an _entente cordiale with the French Republic_, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out of _their dominions_ in Italy, would be a _disgrace_ to this country. That the French would attach the greatest importance to it and gain the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt of; but how will England appear before the world _at the moment_ when she is struggling to maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties with regard to her European relations, having declined all this time to interfere in Italy or to address one word of caution to the Sardinian Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria, because the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfere _against her_ at the moment when she has recovered in some degree her position in the Venetian territory?

The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says that we believe that the French plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is completely at variance with every account, report, or despatch we have received from Verona, Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that the King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The French Republic seems _not_ to be anxious for war, not able to conduct it, and the country appears to be decidedly against it; all M. Bastide says is: "There were two extremes which it would be very difficult for them to admit without opposition, viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of Austria on the one side, and the union under one powerful state under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which the north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that we should name _this_ to Charles Albert, and call upon him to rest satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take from her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. Why this has not been done long ago, or should not be done now, the Queen cannot comprehend.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _27th July 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two letters with respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet many of the Queen's objections, giving to the whole step another appearance. The Queen ... must acknowledge the advantage of our trying to bind [the French] to good conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear as a league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to preserve to herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to which we were a party.

As the amended draft secures us against these appearances, and leaves us free for the future, the Queen approves it.

[Pageheading: MINOR GERMAN STATES]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _1st August 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had yesterday the happiness of receiving your kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my best thanks.

There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in Ireland,[34] and I think it now is very likely to go off without any contest.... Lord Hardinge is going over there to serve on the Staff, which is very praiseworthy of him.

I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so completely decided as Charles[35] ... is _so_ anxious to make one believe. There is only a question of taking certain powers and rights away, and not at all of getting rid of them; and I think you will see that the _Ausführung_ of the Unity will be an impossibility, at least in the sense they propose at Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken very reassuringly both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still extremely great, and I am sure they will never consent to being _ausgewischt_. Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of the suppression of a very small riot, showed the greatest attachment and devotion to Ernest; at Gotha the feeling of independence is _very_ great, and at Strelitz, on the occasion of Augusta's confinement with a _son_, the enthusiasm and rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised.

We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so, if it was not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear to us, and for the state of the world in general.

I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine marble bust of you quite by accident in London the other day. It is in armour and with moustaches, but quite different to the one the Gardners have at Melbourne; Albert saw it at the window of a shop, and heard it had been bought in a sale of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

We have just heard that there has been an _action_ in Ireland in which some of the insurgents have been killed; _fifty_ Police dispersed _four thousand_ people. Smith O'Brien is, however, not yet taken.

[Footnote 34: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p. 141.]

[Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the policy of German consolidation, had placed the central executive power in the hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar of the Empire. The Archduke John, uncle of the Emperor of Austria, was elected to this position, and the Queen's half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted with the Department of Foreign Affairs.]

[Pageheading: AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _8th August 1848._

... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord Palmerston in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris. As the proposed arrangement for the present is to be only a _provisional_ one, the Queen thinks that the appointment of a _Minister_ now will leave it quite open to have an Ambassador hereafter, if it should be found necessary or advantageous, whilst it would set that matter at rest for the moment. Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French Republic would no doubt like to have an Ambassador here, and perhaps take immediate steps to secure that object if Lord Normanby were accredited Ambassador at Paris, against which we would be secured in having only a Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the public men at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may be a convenience in some respects; his having been the great admirer and friend of M. Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc. The possibility of mixing freely with persons of various kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an important consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy for a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador. All things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to have temporarily a Minister accredited at Paris.

M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on Tuesday next at six o'clock, when the Queen will be in Town.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord Palmerston in his last communication that he had written to Lord Normanby to offer him to stay as Minister at Paris, after his having before stated to the Queen that this would never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby; Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does in no way alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by Lord Palmerston. By the delay and Lord Normanby's various conversations with M. Bastide[36] and General Cavaignac it has now become difficult to depart from the precedent of the Belgian and Sardinian Missions without giving offence at Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon this precedent being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on the _distinct understanding_ that there is to be no Ambassador sent in return to London now, and that a Minister is to be appointed to Paris when the diplomatic intercourse is permanently to be settled. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the arrangement which he thinks will be best calculated to carry this into effect.

[Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.]

[Pageheading: LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of to-day. The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's behaviour now again with respect to Lord Normanby's appointment; he knew perfectly well that Lord Normanby could not accept the post of Minister, and had written to the Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and has now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and getting the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his point. If the French are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby as to make any sacrifice for that object, it ought to make us cautious, as it can only be on account of the ease with which they can make him serve their purposes. They, of course, like an _entente cordiale_ with us at the expense of Austria;... but this can be no consideration for us....

Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon them in case they should not be inclined to surrender their provinces at his bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be impossible; therefore the _entente_ with the Republic is of the greatest value to him, enabling him to threaten the Austrians at any time with the French intervention which he can have at command if he agrees to it.[37] The Queen has read the leading articles of the _Times_ of yesterday and to-day on this subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost entirely the same views and feelings which she entertains. The Queen hopes that Lord John Russell will read them; indeed, the whole of the Press seem to be unanimous on this subject, and she can hardly understand how there can be two opinions upon it....

[Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy had not continued through the summer, and the States whose assistance they had hitherto received began to fall away from them. The King of Naples, successful within his own dominions, had withdrawn his troops; the Pope hesitated to attack Austria; even undivided support from Venetia could no longer be counted upon. After several reverses, Charles Albert, now left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively defeated by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio. With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he was eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain himself there. Italy now turned to France for assistance, but Cavaignac, virtually Dictator in Paris, would not go further than combining with England to effect a peaceful mediation. Austria was not in a frame of mind to relinquish any part of the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to retain.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _20th August 1848._

The Queen has received an _autograph_ letter from the Archduke John (in answer to the private letter she had written to him through Lord Cowley), which has been cut open at the Foreign Office. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to take care that this does not happen again. The opening of official letters even, addressed to the Queen, which she has _of late_ observed, is really not becoming, and ought to be discontinued, as it used never to be the case formerly.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _21st August 1848._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, but cannot say that she has been satisfied by the reasons given by Lord Palmerston. The union of Lombardy and Piedmont cannot be considered as a concession to France for the maintenance of peace, because we know that it is the very thing the French object to. The Queen quite agrees that the principal consideration always to be kept in sight is the preservation of the peace of Europe; but it is precisely on that account that she regrets that the terms proposed by Lord Palmerston (whilst they are not in accordance with the views of France) are almost the only ones which must be most offensive to Austria. Lord Palmerston _will_ have his kingdom of Upper Italy under Charles Albert, to which every other consideration is to be sacrificed, and Lord Normanby's alteration of the terms certainly serve _that_ purpose well; but it is quite independent of the question of mediation, and the only thing in the whole proceeding which is indefensible in principle.

It will be a calamity for ages to come if this principle is to become part of the international law, viz. "that a people can at any time transfer their allegiance from the Sovereign of one State to that of another by universal suffrage (under momentary excitement)," and this is what Lord Normanby--no doubt according to Lord Palmerston's wishes--has taken as the basis of the mediation. For even the _faits accomplis_, which are a convenient basis to justify any act of injustice, are here against Charles Albert.

Lord Palmerston's argument respecting Schleswig,[38] which the Queen quoted in her last letter, had no reference to the Treaty of 1720.

[Footnote 38: The first act of the _Vor-Parlament_, a body which had existed temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way for the National Assembly of a Consolidated Germany, had been to treat Schleswig, theretofore part of the Danish dominions, as absorbed in the German Confederation, and Lord Palmerston's objections to this proceeding had been treated by the Queen in a letter of 19th August as inconsistent with his attitude towards Austria.]

[Pageheading: PRUSSIA AND GERMANY]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _29th August 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Most warmly do I thank you for your very kind and dear letter of the 26th, with so many good wishes for that _dearest_ of days. It is indeed to me one of eternal thankfulness, for a purer, more perfect being than my beloved Albert the Creator could _not_ have sent into this troubled world. I feel that I could _not_ exist without him, and that I should sink under the troubles and annoyances and _dégoûts_ of my _very_ difficult position, were it not for _his_ assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly do I thank you for your _great_ share in bringing about our marriage.

Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot believe that he _really wishes to ruin_ all the smaller States, though his principal object is that unity which I fear he will _not_ obtain.

I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia should take the lead; his love for Prussia is to me incomprehensible, for it is the country of all others which the _rest_ of Germany dislikes. Stockmar cannot be my good old friend if he has such notions of injustice as I hear attributed to him. But whatever they may be, I do _not_ believe the _Ausführung_ to be possible.

I have great hopes of soon hearing of something decided about the fortunes of the poor French family. You will have seen how nobly and courageously good Joinville and Aumale behaved on the occasion of the burning of that emigrant ship off Liverpool.[39] It will do them great good. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 39: One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished in the burning of the _Ocean Monarch_; the French Princes were on board a Brazilian steam frigate, which saved one hundred and fifty-six lives.]

[Pageheading: AUSTRIA DECLINES MEDIATION]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _2nd September 1848._

The Queen has read in the papers the news that Austria and Sardinia have nearly settled their differences, and also "that it was confidently stated that a French and _British_ squadron, with troops on board, _are to make a demonstration in the Adriatic_."

Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks it right to inform Lord Palmerston without delay that, should such a thing be thought of, it is a step which the Queen could _not_ give her consent to.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th September 1848._

The Queen since her arrival in Town has heard that the answer from Austria declining our mediation has some days ago been communicated to Lord Palmerston. The Queen is surprised that Lord Palmerston should have left her uninformed of so important an event. The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the proposal to mediate on the part of the central power of Germany,[40] and does not see why that power, which has a responsible Government, is to be precluded from taking part in a negotiation because the Archduke John might be friendly towards Austria--whereas the French republic, which had in public documents espoused the Italian Cause, is to be a party to it.

Neither France nor England are neighbours to or directly interested in Lombardy, whereas Germany is both.[41]

[Footnote 40: See _ante_, p. 188, note 35.]

[Footnote 41: Lord Palmerston's object, in which he ultimately succeeded, was, by obtaining the French Government's co-operation in mediating between Austria and Piedmont, to prevent the aggressive party in France from maturing any designs on Italy.]

[Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

ON BOARD THE _Victoria and Albert,_ ABERDEEN, _7th September 1848._

The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord John Russell, with a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston upon it. Lord Palmerston has as usual pretended not to have had time to submit the draft to the Queen before he had sent it off. What the Queen has long suspected and often warned against is on the point of happening, viz. Lord Palmerston's using the new _entente cordiale_ for the purpose of wresting from Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. This would be a most iniquitous proceeding. It is another question whether it is good policy for Austria to try to retain Lombardy, but that is for her and not for us to decide. Many people might think that we would be happier without Ireland or Canada. Lord John will not fail to observe how very intemperate the whole tone of Lord Palmerston's language is.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _13th September 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I yesterday received your dear and kind letter of the 9th (it having arrived in London only the day before), which is very quick, and I thank you much for it. The Schleswig affair at Frankfort is _very_ unfortunate, and there seems a lamentable want of _all_ practical sense, foresight, or even _common_ prudence.[42]

The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me _very_ doubtful) mediation. It reminds me of the wolf in the lamb's skin. _Nous verrons_, how matters will be arranged....

My letter to Louise will have informed you of our voyage and our arrival here. This house is small but pretty, and though the hills seen from the windows are not _so_ fine, the scenery all around is the finest almost I have seen anywhere. It is very wild and solitary, and yet cheerful and _beautifully wooded_, with the river Dee running between the two sides of the hills. Loch Nagar is the highest hill in the immediate vicinity, and belongs to us.

Then the soil is the driest and best known almost anywhere, and all the hills are as sound and hard as the road. The climate is also dry, and in general not very cold, though we had one or two very cold days. There is a deer forest--many roe deer, and on the opposite hill (which does not belong to us) grouse. There is also black cock and ptarmigan. Albert has, however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after the deer, though they are continually seen, and often quite close by the house. The children are very well, and enjoying themselves much. The boys always wear their Highland dress.

I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how much delighted we are that everything goes on so well in Belgium. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this letter was written it was ratified.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

BALMORAL, _19th September 1848._

I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a subject, which was a serious one, one which I had delayed mentioning for some time, but which I felt I must speak quite openly to him upon now, namely about Lord Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go on with him, that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country and for the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very uneasy from one day to another as to what might happen. Lord John replied that he was aware of it; that he had considered the matter already, having heard from his brother (the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it; that he felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other hand, Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making any difficulties about other questions, but (certainly _unreasonably_) complaining of other people mixing with and interfering in the affairs of his office. I said that ... I fully believed that that Spanish marriage question, which had been the original cause of so many present misfortunes, would never have become so _embrouillé_ had it not been for Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though he disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's correspondence, still that we could not have done otherwise than object to the marriage. This is true enough. I repeated that all that had been done in Italy last winter had also done harm, as it was done by _Lord Palmerston_, who was distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of England by taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a question;... that his writings were always as bitter as gall and did great harm, which Lord John entirely assented to, and that I often felt quite ill from anxiety; that I wished Lord Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired of Ireland) could come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that Lord Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant, but that another thing to be considered was the danger of making Lord Palmerston an enemy by displacing him, that Lord Minto (who was formerly a great friend and admirer of Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she spoke to him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another office, that _he_ (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn against the Government if displaced. I said that might be, but that sometimes there were great interests at stake which exceeded the danger of offending one man, and that this was here the case; Lord John said it was very true, but that at moments like these one of course was anxious not to do anything which could cause internal trouble. I admitted this, but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite understood, though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was afraid that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could not put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be very disagreeable and awkward.

It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in mind, and I must say that he took it all just as I could wish.

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB]

[Pageheading: HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS]

_Minute by the Governor-General of India._

_30th September 1848._

... The course of events, as they have developed themselves, and long and anxious considerations of this important subject, have finally and immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the earlier events of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had founded, that there will be no peace for India, nor any stability of Government in the Punjab, nor any release from anxiety and costly defensive preparations on our frontier, unless the British Government, justly indignant at the unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again committed against them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually provide against future dangers by subverting for ever the Dynasty of the Sings, by converting the Punjab into a British province, and by adopting the only measure which will secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely, depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I continue as fully convinced as ever that the establishment of a strong, friendly, Hindoo Government in the Punjab would be the best settlement that could be made for the interests of British India, if it could be formed. But I am convinced that such a Government cannot be formed.[43]

[Footnote 43: _See_ Introductory Note for 1849, _post_, p. 208.]

The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and worthless. The great body of the nation is adverse to all control, and in no degree submissive to the authority of those who are professedly their rulers.

Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do, that the Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to the British Government, of what advantage, what defence to us is the fidelity of the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable to control the army which is as avowedly hostile to us? That which we desire to secure is a peaceful and well-governed neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms, nor demanding a permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are able to disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the assumed fidelity of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers' turbulence, or command their obedience?

I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity of the Chiefs on the evidence of the facts before us....

To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council have yielded their ready assent.

I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if it could prudently or fitly be avoided.

The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having resolved at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with all speed to the frontier, and shall endeavour by every exertion, and by all the means in my power, to carry into effect vigorously the measures on which the Government of India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I believe, are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India, to the security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of the people over whom we rule.

DALHOUSIE.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _7th October 1848._

The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter, of which the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell, and encloses likewise a copy of her present answer. The partiality of Lord Palmerston in this Italian question really _surpasses all conception_, and makes the Queen _very uneasy_ on account of the character and honour of England, and on account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that upon the conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia, negotiations for peace would have speedily been entered into, had our _mediation_ not been offered to the King, to whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting not to accept, and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to be made good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is _Italian Nationality and Independence from a foreign Yoke and Tyranny_. How can the Venetian territory then be secured to Austria? and if this is done, on what ground can Lombardy be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle such important matters without principle and by personal _passion_ alone. When the _French_ Government say they cannot control public feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable fact, and as a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up Lombardy; when, however, the _Austrian_ Government say they cannot give up Lombardy on account of the feeling of the Army which had just reconquered it with their blood and under severe privations and sufferings, Lord Palmerston flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so, the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky Emperor." When Charles Albert burned the whole of the suburbs of Milan to keep up the delusion that he meant to defend the town, Lord Palmerston said nothing; and now that the Austrian Governor has prohibited revolutionary placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons concealing arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to Vienna: "that this savage proclamation, which savours more of the barbarous usages of centuries long gone by than of the spirit of the present times, must strike everybody as a proof of the fear by which the Austrian Commander is inspired," etc., etc., etc.

Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the Armistice, and now that this has not been done, Austria is not even to retake it, in order (as Lord Normanby says) to keep something in hand against which Austria is to make further concessions. Is all this fair? In the meantime, from the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents are actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town, and have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord Palmerston merely approved his conduct, and did not write a line to Paris about it. Now the question at issue is not even to be submitted to a Conference of European powers, but to be settled by the French Republic and Lord Palmerston alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has pledged himself over and over again for Italian _independence_ (so called). If Austria makes peace with Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces separate National Institutions with a liberal constitutional Government, _who can force_ upon her another arrangement?

[Pageheading: GREECE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _8th October 1848._

The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what a painful impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord Normanby referring to the affairs of Greece has made upon her, being so little in accordance with the calm dignity which she likes to see in all the proceedings of the British Government; she was particularly struck by the language in which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign with whom she stands in friendly relations, and the asperity against the Government of the King of the French, who is really sufficiently lowered and suffering for the mistakes he may have committed, and that of all this a copy is to be placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the French _Republic_, the Queen can only see with much regret.[44]

[Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on the two Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were necessary to conciliate the present Government of France.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th October 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our voyage yesterday was much saddened by a terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed us half an hour, and which still fills us with horror. The sea was running very high, and we were just outside what is called The Spit, when we saw a man in the water, sitting on the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that moment Albert discerned _many heads_ above the sea, including a poor woman. The tide was running so strong that we could only stop an instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our horror. We waited at Gosport to hear if the people had been saved, and we learnt that three had, two of whom by our _Fairy's_ boat, and that four were drowned. Very horrid indeed.

The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite ashamed about that once really so peaceful and happy people. That there are still good people there I am sure, but they allow themselves to be worked upon in a frightful and shameful way.... In France a crisis seems at hand. _What_ a very bad figure we cut in this mediation! Really it is quite immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp, and ready to throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say if Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me terribly. This ought to be the principle in _all actions_, private as well as public: "Was du nicht willst, dass dir geschieht, das thu' auch einem andern nicht." ...

I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE BOERS]

_Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._

COLONIAL OFFICE, _25th October 1848._

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to inform your Majesty that no official accounts have been received of the engagement on the Cape Frontier between your Majesty's forces under Sir H. Smith and the insurgent Dutch farmers, of which an account is published in the newspapers.[45] Lord Grey has, however, seen a private letter, which mentions, in addition to what is stated in the Government notice in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry Smith exposed himself very much, and was slightly wounded; most fortunately, he was merely grazed in the leg; his horse was also struck by a bullet in the nose. A very large proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the rebels were officers, who appear to have been particularly aimed at.

[Footnote 45: In July, Pretorius, the Boer leader, had in consequence of the British annexation of territory, expelled the British Resident from Bloemfontein. _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_, p. 142. Sir Harry Smith decisively defeated the Boers on the 29th of August.]

_Queen Victoria to Earl Grey._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th October 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Grey's letter, and is glad to hear that Sir H. Smith's wound was not of a serious nature. The loss of so many officers, the Queen is certain, proceeds from their wearing a blue coat whilst the men are in scarlet; the Austrians lost a great proportion of officers in Italy from a similar difference of dress.

As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen did not approve but disapprove the step, and wished the Bath to be given instead, which has been done. The medals for troops in general (given by the East India Company) are a new and doubtful thing, and now it is proposed to reward even a special case of personal distinction by the _Company's_ conferring a mark of honour. Lord Grey will agree with the Queen that it will be better not to establish two fountains of honour in the Realm. If the East India Company wish to mark their approbation, perhaps they might send Major Edwardes a fine sword or something of that kind.

[Pageheading: GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR]

_Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._

COLONIAL OFFICE, _26th October 1848._

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has just had the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter. Lord Fitzroy Somerset happened to be here when it arrived, and Lord Grey read to him that part of it which relates to the danger occasioned to officers in action from wearing a dress of a different colour from that of the men. Lord Fitzroy observed that although there can be no doubt of the objection to the blue coats worn by officers, in this instance their having suffered so much cannot be attributed to that cause, as it appears that all the officers who were wounded but one, belonged to regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the Cape Mounted Rifles) in which the officers are dressed in the same colour as the men....

Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that the usual time for relieving the present Governor of Gibraltar is now come, and that he thinks it very desirable to appoint a successor to Sir Robert Wilson, who now fills that situation. It appears to Lord Grey that, considering the nature of the appointment and also the great advantage which would result from affording greater encouragement to the officers serving under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to confer this government upon a General Officer belonging to the Royal Artillery or Engineers. There is some difficulty in making a selection from the officers of these Corps, because, from their retiring only by seniority, they seldom attain the rank of General Officer while they are still in possession of sufficient strength and activity for employment. Lord Grey, however, believes from the information he has been able to obtain, that Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage, be appointed to this command, which he therefore begs leave to recommend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord Grey has had no communication with Sir R. Gardiner, and is entirely ignorant whether he would accept this employment.[46]

[Footnote 46: Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.. was appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Gibraltar on the 21st of November, and held that post till 1855.]

[Pageheading: ITALY AND AUSTRIA]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th October 1848._

The Queen has not yet acknowledged the receipt of Lord John Russell's communication of the views of the Cabinet on the Italian affairs.[47] She is very glad that the Cabinet should have considered this important question, and that she should have received an assurance "that she will not be advised to have recourse to forcible intervention." The Queen understands this principle to apply to Lombardy as well as to Sicily, and that, of course, "forcible intervention" will not only be avoided as to British means, but likewise as to French means, with British consent and concurrence. Though Lord John Russell does not enter so much into particulars with regard to the opinions of the Members of the Cabinet as the Queen might have wished, she infers from the proposition that Lombardy should be constituted separately under an Archduke, that the idea of making it over to the King of Sardinia is finally abandoned.

[Footnote 47: Lord John had written to the effect that, while no definite decision had been arrived at with regard to Italy, it was thought by the Cabinet that every means should be used to induce Austria to give up Lombardy to an Austrian Prince, as most conformable to the interests of Austria herself. The question of Sicily (he added) was more difficult, but if no agreement could be arrived at by amicable negotiation, the Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the Queen to have recourse to forcible intervention.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _19th November 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.

It will probably be necessary to send troops to India, who will then be no longer chargeable to this country. But Lord John Russell thinks it his duty to state that however unwilling he may be to diminish the Military and Naval force, it is still more essential to keep our income within our expenditure.

The whole matter will be under the consideration of the Cabinet next week.

The approaching election of a President in France must decide the question of the future Government of France. Louis Bonaparte may probably play the part of Richard Cromwell.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to thank you for your kind letter of the 18th on your god-daughter's _eighth_ birthday! It does seem like an incredible dream that Vicky should already be so old! She is very happy with all her gifts.

In Vienna things are much better. Louis Napoleon's election seems certain, and I own I wish for it as I think it will lead to something else.

You will grieve to hear that our good, dear, old friend Melbourne is dying; there is _no_ hope, and I enclose a pretty letter of Lady Beauvale's,[48] which I think will interest you, and which I beg you to return. One cannot forget how good and kind and amiable he was, and it brings back so many recollections to my mind, though, God knows! I never wish that time back again.

We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, peaceful Osborne.

I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe me ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 48: See Greville's appreciative description of Lady Beauvale in his Journal for the 30th of January 1853.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _23rd November 1848._

Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melancholy occupation of watching the gradual extinction of the lamp of life of one who was not more distinguished by his brilliant talents, his warm affections, and his first-rate understanding, than by those sentiments of attachment to your Majesty which rendered him the most devoted subject who ever had the honour to serve a Sovereign.

[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD MELBOURNE]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _25th November 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to state that Viscount Melbourne was released from further suffering at about six o'clock yesterday afternoon. His bodily strength had been rapidly declining during the last few days, and it was only at intervals that he retained any degree of apparent consciousness. The last transition took place quietly and with almost imperceptible gradation.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _26th November 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he sees no political objection to a visit to Osborne on the part of the Duke and Duchess of Nemours. The election of a President in France is so completely absorbing attention that any mark of regard to the Duke of Nemours may well pass unnoticed.

Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Louis Philippe in this house on Friday. He was in much better spirits, owing to the convalescence of the Queen; but the illness has been a very serious one.

Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs of property belonging to the Orleans family were arranged, and that Louis Philippe would ultimately be possessed of more than a million sterling.

Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of Louis Bonaparte as a candidate for the Presidency. He feels confident that France cannot go to war on account of the state of her finances.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _21th November 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Thank God! that the news from Berlin are better. It is to be hoped that this may have a good effect elsewhere.

In France there ought really to be a Monarchy before long, _qui que ce soit_.

Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. I sincerely regret him, for he was truly attached to me, and though not a firm Minister he was a noble, kind-hearted, generous being. Poor Lord Beauvale and Lady Palmerston feel it very much. I wish it might soften the _caro sposo_ of the latter-named person.

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE POPE]

_Pope Pius IX. to Queen Victoria._[49]

To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the Illustrious Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus.

Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting! Your Royal Majesty has already learned what a subversion of public affairs has taken place at Rome, and what utterly unheard-of violence was, on the 16th of the late month of November, offered to us in our very Palace of the Quirinal, in consequence of a nefarious conspiracy of abandoned and most turbulent men. Hence, in order to avoid more violent commotions and more serious dangers, as likewise for the purpose of freely performing the functions of our apostolic Ministry, we, not without the deepest and most heartfelt sorrow, have been constrained to depart for a time from our Holy City, and from the whole state of our pontifical dominions; and in the meanwhile we come as far as Gaëta, where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care was to declare to our subjects the sentiments of our mind and will, by a public edict, a copy of which we transmit to your Royal Majesty, together with these our letters. Without doubt, through your own wisdom, you will perfectly understand, Most Serene and Potent Sovereign, that amongst the other most cruel difficulties by which we are pressed, we must be chiefly solicitous concerning those subject to our temporal rule and the rights and possessions of the Roman Church, which, moreover, your august Uncle and the other Princes of Europe protected with so much zeal. But we do not in the least doubt that, in conformity with your exalted magnanimity, your justice, and your known desire to maintain order in public affairs, you will by no means suffer this same to be wanting to us at this most lamentable time. Trusting indeed in this hope, we do not cease, in the humility and affliction of our heart, from earnestly beseeching God, the All Good and All Great, that He may heap upon your Royal Majesty and your whole House all true and solid prosperity, and that He may unite you with us in perfect charity.

Given at Gaëta, the 4th day of December 1848, in the third year of our Pontificate.

PIUS PP. IX.[50]

[Footnote 49: Official translation.]

[Footnote 50: This letter was suitably acknowledged in general terms. _See_ p. 210.]

[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _13th December 1848._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Pray accept my warmest and _best_ wishes for _many, many happy_ returns of your birthday--a day so _dear_ to so many, and which will be hailed with such joy in Belgium. You have indeed reason to look with satisfaction on all around you, though it is a painful thing to think how many have been ruined and made miserable since this day twelvemonths. Let us hope that another year may bring many things round again.

The weather is beautiful, and I wish much we could fly over to pay our respects to you on your dear birthday.

The papers are just come, and I see there is no doubt of Louis Napoleon's election, which I am very glad of, as it is a sign of better times. But that one _should have to wish for him_ is really wonderful.

Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1848._

MY DEAREST, KINDEST UNCLE,--Your dear letter, full of interesting topics, which I received yesterday, gave me great pleasure, and I thank you much for it. The success of Louis Napoleon[51] is an extraordinary event, but valuable as a universal condemnation of the Republic since February.

It will, however, perhaps be more difficult to get rid of him again than one at _first_ may imagine. Nemours thinks it better that none of themselves should be _called_ into action for some time to come. I fear that _he feels_ now that they _ought_ to have _foreseen_ the dangers in February, and _ought not_ to have yielded; when I said to him that the Pope had declared that he would _never_ quit Rome, and _did so do_ the _very next day_, he said: "Ah! mon Dieu, on se laisse entraîner dans ces moments." Louise said to me that _her Father_ had so _often declared he would never quit Paris alive_, so that when she heard of his flight she always believed it was untrue and he must be dead....

[Footnote 51: He was elected President on the 10th of December, by an immense majority.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1848._

The Queen has been waiting to receive an answer from Lord John Russell upon her last letter, and has therefore delayed sending the enclosed letter from Lord Palmerston.[52] But lest any further delay might cause future inconvenience, she sends it now without having received Lord John's answer. The Queen is sure Lord John will feel that neither Lord Palmerston nor Lord Normanby have shown a proper regard for the Queen's wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord Normanby's Despatch shows that the step to be taken with reference to an Ambassador to be sent here is avowedly for the purpose of controlling the future action of the Queen's Government, and to _oblige her_ to keep a _permanent_ Ambassador at Paris in the person of Lord Normanby. It is not very delicate in Lord Normanby to convey such a message, nor in Lord Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de Beaumont's departure from this country without taking leave of the Queen was neither very becoming.

The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston's account, received two public affronts: the one by her Minister in Spain having been sent out of that country,[53] the other now, by the new Emperor of Austria not announcing to her by special mission his accession to the Throne, which he did to all other Sovereigns, avowedly, as it appears, to mark the indignation of Austria at the inimical proceedings of the British Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, in the face of such slurs, the dignity of England will be vindicated by a race between her representative and that of Spain, who is to present his credentials first to the new President of the French Republic, which Lord Palmerston considers of such importance as to render an _immediate_ decision indispensable.

Should Lord John think that we cannot do less now for Louis Napoleon than has been done in the case of General Cavaignac, the Queen will not object to renewing Lord Normanby's credentials as Ambassador-Extraordinary on a special mission.

[Footnote 52: Lord Palmerston had written to say that Lord Normanby's credentials were provisional, and regular credentials would become necessary. The new French Government were sending Ambassadors to Vienna, Rome, and other capitals, which in return would send Ambassadors to Paris, so that it would be injurious for this country's representative to be of inferior diplomatic rank. "It would," he wrote subsequently, "be derogatory to the dignity of your Majesty, and to the character of your Majesty's Government if, in the present state of things between the British and Spanish Governments the Spanish Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness on the part of your Majesty's Government, be allowed to raise a question about precedence with your Majesty's representative at Paris; it would be very inconvenient if that question were decided unfavourably to your Majesty's representative, and very undesirable that he should appear to be under obligation to the French Government for a decision in his favour."]

[Footnote 53: See _ante_, p. 175.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVIII

The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the appearance of Mr Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, in place of Lord George Bentinck, who had died suddenly in the recess; the Peelites, though influential, were numerically few, and they continued by their support to maintain the Whigs in office, the principal measure of the session being the Act for the repeal of the Navigation Laws, a natural corollary to Peel's free trade policy. A Royal visit was paid to Ireland in August, and at Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and Belfast, the Queen and Prince were received with great enthusiasm.

Abroad, the cause of United Italy suffered a severe check. The Sicilian revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendency was re-established in Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was defeated at Novara, and abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel. The Pope, who had fled from Rome in disguise, in November 1848, and was living at Gaëta, was now under the protection of Austria and France, and General Oudinot occupied the Papal city on his behalf in June. Austrian influence restored Tuscany, Parma, and Modena to their rulers, and in Central Europe operated to prevent the acceptance by the King of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany. Hungary, in consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese insurrectionists in 1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian co-operation. Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians; Kossuth and other revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and Austrian Governments unsuccessfully demanding their extradition.

The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a successful termination; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, with inferior numbers, had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, with indecisive and virtually unfavourable results, and Sir Charles Napier was sent out to supersede him. Mooltan, where the outrage of the previous year had taken place, had been besieged, and fell on the 22nd of January. Dalhousie had established himself at Ferozepore. A week or two later the Sikhs and Afghans were overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on the 29th of March the Punjab was incorporated in the British Empire; the "Koh-i-noor" was, in token of submission, presented by the Maharajah to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie received a Marquisate, and the thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to all concerned.