Chapter 6

Angelo Solimann.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE NEGRO ANGELO SOLIMANN

Although Angelo Solimann has published nothing[1] he deserves, because of his extensive learning and still more by the morality and excellence of his character, one of the first places among the Negroes who have distinguished themselves by a high degree of culture.

He was the son of an African prince. The country subject to the latter's domination was called Gangusilang; the family, Magni-Famori. Besides the little Mmadi-Make (this was Angelo's name in his native country) his parents had another younger child, a daughter. He remembered with what respect his father, surrounded by a large number of servants, was treated; he had, like every prince's child of that country, certain marks imprinted on his two legs, and for a long time he hoped that he would be sought for, and recognized by these marks.

Even in his old age, the memories of his childhood, of his first practice in shooting arrows, in which he surpassed his comrades, the memory of the simple customs and the beautiful blue sky of his native country, often recurred to his mind with a pleasure not unmixed with sorrow. He could not sing, without being profoundly affected, those songs of his native land which his good memory had very well conserved.

It appears, from Angelo's reminiscences, that his tribe already had some civilization. His father possessed many elephants, and even some horses which were rare in those countries; money was unknown, but trade by barter was carried on regularly and by auction. Stars were worshipped; circumcision was usual. Two white families lived in the country.

Some writers who have published accounts of their voyages, speak of the perpetual wars between some tribes of Africa, of which the purpose was sometimes vengeance or robbery, sometimes the most ignominious kind of avarice, because the victor took the prisoners to the nearest slave market in order to sell them to the whites. One day as the boy, then seven years old, was standing at the side of his mother who was nursing his sister, a war of this kind of a danger that his father did not suspect broke out against the tribe of Mmadi-Makeé. Suddenly there were heard the frightful clashing of arms and howlings of the wounded. Mmadi-Maké's grandfather, struck by fear, ran into the cabin crying: "There is the enemy." Fatuma, frightened, arose. The father hastily sought his weapon; and the little boy, terrified, ran away as quickly as an arrow. His mother called loudly: "Where are you going Mmadi-Maké?" The child answered: "Wherever God wishes me to go." In his old age he often reflected upon the great significance of these words. When he was out of the cabin, he looked back and saw his mother and many of his father's men fall under the blows of the enemy. He cowered down with another boy under a tree. Struck with fear, he covered his eyes with his hands. The fight continued. The enemy, believing themselves already victorious, seized him, and held him aloft as a sign of joy. At this sight, the fellow-countrymen of Mmadi-Maké cheered their forces and rallied to save the son of their king. The fighting began again, and while it lasted the boy was still raised aloft. Finally the enemies were conquerors and he was positively their prize. His master exchanged him for a fine black horse, which another Negro gave him, and the child was taken to the place of embarkation. There he found many of his fellow-countrymen, all like himself, prisoners, all condemned to slavery. With sorrow they recognized him, but they could do nothing for him. They were even forbidden to speak to him.

When the prisoners, being taken on small boats, reached the seashore, Mmadi-Maké saw with surprise several large vessels, on one of which he was received with his third master. He supposed that it was a Spanish vessel. After suffering a storm, they landed on a coast, and the master promised the child that he would take him to his mother. The latter, delighted, quickly saw his hope disappear, finding instead of his mother, his master's wife, who, moreover, received him very well, kissed him and treated him with much kindness. Her husband named him Andrew, and directed him to take the camels to the pasture, and watch them.

It is impossible to say of what nationality this man was, or how long Angelo, who has now been dead twelve years, lived at his home. This short memoir has been written down recently from the story of his friends. But it is known that after a reasonably long stay, his master announced to him his intention of transporting him to a country where he would be better off. Mmadi-Maké was greatly pleased with this. His mistress parted from him with regret. They embarked and arrived at Messina, where he was conducted to the home of a wealthy lady, who, it appeared, was expecting to receive him. She treated him kindly, gave him an instructor to teach him the language of the country, which he learned with ease. His good nature won for him the friendship of the numerous servants, among whom he singled out a Negress, named Angelina, because of her gentleness, and her kindly attitude towards him. He became dangerously ill; the Marchioness, his mistress, gave him all the care of a mother, even to the point of sitting up with him part of the night. The most skillful physicians were called in and his bed was surrounded by a crowd of persons who awaited his orders. The Marchioness had long wished that he would be baptized. After repeated refusals, one day, during his convalescence, he himself asked for baptism. His mistress, very much delighted, ordered the most elaborate preparations. In a parlor there was erected over a stately bed a canopy richly embroidered. The entire family and all the friends of the house were present. Mmadi-Maké, lying on this bed, was asked concerning the name he desired to have. Because of gratitude and his friendship for the Negress Angelina, he wished to be named Angelo. His desire was granted, and as a family name he was given that of Solimann. He was accustomed to celebrate piously the day of his entrance into Christianity, the eleventh of September, as though it were his birthday.

His goodness, his kindness, and his sense of justice made him dear to every one. The Prince Lobkowitz, then in Sicily in the capacity of imperial general, frequented the house where this child lived. He experienced for him such an affection that he made the most earnest entreaties that he be given to him. Because of her affection for Angelo, the Marchioness could not easily grant his request. She finally yielded to the considerations of advantage and prudence which impelled her to make this gift to the general. How she wept when she parted with the little Negro who entered with repugnance the service of a new master.

The duties of the prince did not permit a long stay in this country. He loved Angelo, but his manner of life and perhaps the spirit of the time caused him to give very little attention to his education. Angelo became wild and ill-tempered. He passed his days in idleness, and children's sports. An old steward of the prince, realizing his good heart and excellent qualities, in spite of his thoughtlessness, procured for him a teacher, under whom Angelo learned in seventeen days to write German. The tender affection of the child, and his rapid progress in all the branches of instruction, repaid the good old man for his trouble.

Thus Angelo grew up in the house of the prince. He accompanied him on all his tours, and shared with him the perils of war. He fought side by side with his master, whom one day he carried wounded, on his shoulders, from the field of battle. Angelo distinguished himself on these occasions, not only as a servant and faithful friend, but also as an intrepid warrior, as an experienced officer, especially in tactics, although he never had military rank. The field marshall Lascy, who esteemed him highly, gave, before a group of officers, a most creditable eulogy upon his bravery, presented him with a splendid Turkish sabre, and offered him the command of a company, which he refused.

His master died. By his will he left Angelo to the Prince Wenceslas de Lichtenstein, who for a long time, had desired to have him. This man asked Angelo if he were satisfied with this arrangement and if he were willing to come to his home. To this Angelo agreed, and made the preparations for the change necessary in his manner of living. In the meanwhile, Emperor Francis I called him to him, and made the same offer, with very flattering terms. But the word of Angelo was sacred. He remained at the home of Prince Lichtenstein. Here, as at the home of General Lobkowitz, the tutelar genius of unhappy persons, he was accustomed to convey to the prince the requests of those who wished to obtain some favor. His pockets were always filled with notes and petitions. Never being able or willing to ask favors for himself, he fulfilled with equal zeal and success this duty in favor of others.

Angelo followed his master on his journeys, and to Frankfort, at the time of the coronation of Emperor Joseph, as king of the Romans. One day, at the instigation of his prince, he tried his luck at chance and won twenty thousand florins. He played another game with his opponents, who again lost twenty-four thousand florins; in playing the second game, Angelo knew how to arrange the play so finely that the loser regained the last amount. This fine trait of Angelo won for him admiration, and gained for him numerous congratulations. The transient favor of chance did not dazzle him; on the contrary, apprehending his fickleness, he never again ventured any big sum. He amused himself with chess and had the reputation of being one of the best players of this game of his time.

At the age of ---- he married a widow, Madame de Christiani, née Kellerman, of Belgium origin. The prince did not know of this marriage. Perhaps Angelo had reasons for concealing it. A later event has justified his silence. The Emperor Joseph II, who had a lively interest in everything concerning Angelo and who, as a mark of distinction, even walked arm in arm with him, made known to Prince Lichtenstein one day, without foreseeing the consequences, Angelo's secret. The latter called Angelo, and questioned him. Angelo admitted his marriage. The prince announced that he would banish him from his house, and erase his name from his will. He had intended to give him some diamonds of considerable value, with which Angelo was accustomed to being decked when he followed his master on festive days.

Angelo, who had asked favors so often for others, did not say one word for himself. He left the palace to live in a distant suburb, in a small house bought a long time before, and transferred to his wife. He lived with her in this retreat, enjoying domestic happiness. The most careful education of his only daughter, Madame the Baroness of Hoüchters-leöen, who is no longer living, the cultivation of his garden, the social intercourse of several learned and estimable men, were his occupations and his pleasures.

About two years after the death of Prince Wenceslas of Lichtenstein, his nephew and heir, the Prince Francis, saw Angelo in the street. He ordered his carriage to be stopped, had him enter it, and told him that, being convinced of his innocence, he was resolved to make amends for the injustice of his uncle. Consequently he assigned to Angelo an income revertible after his death to Madam Solimann. The only thing which the prince asked of Angelo was to supervise the education of his son, Louis of Lichtenstein.

Angelo fulfilled punctiliously the duties of his new vocation, and he went daily to the prince's home, in order to watch over the pupil recommended to his care. The Prince, seeing that the long walk might be difficult for Angelo, especially in inclement weather, offered him a residence. There again was Angelo settled, for the second time, in the Lichtenstein palace; but he took with him his family. He lived there in retreat as before in the company of some friends, in that of scholars, and devoted to "belles lettres" which he constantly cultivated with zeal. His favorite study was history. His excellent memory aided him greatly. He could cite the names, dates, year of birth of all illustrious persons, and noteworthy events.

His wife, who for a long time had been declining, was kept alive several years longer, through the tender care of a husband who lavished upon her all the aid of science; but finally she died. From that time on Angelo made several changes in his household. He no longer invited friends to dine with him. He never drank anything except water as an example for his daughter, whose education, then finished, was entirely his work. Perhaps, also, he wished, by a strict economy to make sure the fortune of this only daughter.

Angelo, esteemed and loved everywhere, still did much traveling at an advanced age, sometimes in the interests of others, sometimes to attend to his own affairs. People have recalled his acts of kindness, and the favors that he had shown. Circumstances having taken him to Milan, the late Archduke Ferdinand, who was governor there, overwhelmed him with demonstrations of friendship.

He enjoyed, to the end of his career, a robust constitution; his appearance showed hardly any signs of old age, which caused several mistakes and friendly disputes; for often people who had not seen him for twenty or thirty years, mistook him for his son, and treated him according to this error.

Suffering a stroke of apoplexy in the street, at the age of seventy-five, people hastened to give him succor which was useless. He died, November 21, 1796, mourned by all his friends, who cannot think of him without emotion, and without tears. The esteem of all men of consequence has followed him to the tomb.

Angelo was of medium stature, slender and well proportioned. The regularity of his features and the nobleness of his carriage, form, by their beauty, a contrast with the unfavorable opinion generally held concerning the Negro physiognomy. An unusual suppleness in all bodily exercises gave to his carriage and to his movements grace and ease. Combining with all the fineness of virtue a good judgment, ennobled by extensive and thorough knowledge, he knew six languages, Italian, French, German, Latin, Bohemian, and English, and besides spoke especially the first three fluently.

Like all his fellow countrymen, he was born with an impetuous temper. His unchangeable calmness and good nature were consequently so much the more admirable, as they were the result of hard fighting and many victories won over himself. He never allowed, even when someone had irritated him, an improper expression to escape his lips. Angelo was pious without being superstitious. He carefully observed all religious rites, not believing that it was beneath him to give in this way an example to his family. His word and decisions, to which he had come after careful consideration, were unchangeable, and nothing could swerve him from his intention. He always wore the costume of his country. This was a kind of very simple garment in Turkish fashion almost always of dazzling whiteness, which accentuated to advantage the black and shining color of his skin. His picture, engraved at Augsburg, is found in the art gallery of Lichtenstein.

F. HARRISON HOUGH.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] I discharge a duty in disclosing to the public the names of the persons to whom I am indebted for the biography of this estimable African, concerning whom Dr. Gall was the first to speak to me. Upon the request of my fellow-citizens, D'Hautefort, attaché to the embassy, and Dudon, First Secretary to the French legation in Austria, they hastened to satisfy my curiosity. Two estimable ladies of Vienna, Mme. Stief and Mme. Picler, worked at it with great zeal. All the details furnished by the defunct Angelo's friends were carefully collected. From this material has been written the interesting account which follows. In the French translation it loses in delicacy of style, for Mme. Picler, who wrote it down in German, possesses the rare talent of writing equally well in prose and in poetry. I take great pleasure in expressing to these kind persons my just gratitude.

DOCUMENTS

LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918[1]

The exodus of the Negroes during the World War, the most significant event in our recent internal history, may be profitably studied by reading the letters of the various migrants. The investigator has been fortunate in finding letters from Negroes of all conditions in almost all parts of the South and these letters are based on almost every topic of concern to humanity. These documents will serve as a guide in getting at the motive dominant in the minds of these refugees and at the real situation during the upheaval. As a whole, these letters throw much light on all phases of Negro life and, in setting forth the causes of unrest in the South, portray the character of the whites with whom the blacks have had to do.

These letters are of further value for information concerning the Negroes in the North. From these reliable sources the student can learn where the Negroes settled, what they engaged in, and how they have readjusted themselves in a new situation. Here may be seen the effects of the loss resulting from the absence of immigrants from Europe, the conflict of the laboring elements, the evidences of racial troubles and the menace of mob rule.

LETTERS ASKING FOR INFORMATION ABOUT THE NORTH

GALVESTON, TEXAS, this 24th day of May, 1917.

_Sir_: Please inform me of a situation, please ans. if fill out or not so I will no. answer at once.

DALLAS, TEX., April 23, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Having been informed through the Chicago Defender paper that I can secure information from you. I am a constant reader of the Defender and am contemplating on leaving here for some point north. Having your city in view I thought to inquire of you about conditions for work, housing, wages and everything necessary. I am now employed as a laborer in a structural shop, have worked for the firm five years.

I stored cars for Armour packing co. 3 years, I also claims to know something about candy making, am handy at most anything for an honest living. I am 31 yrs. old have a very industrious wife, no children. If chances are available for work of any kind let me know. Any information you can give me will be highly appreciated.

SAVANNAH, GA., April 24, 1917.

_Sir_: I saw an advertisement in the Chicago Ledger where you would send tickets to any one desireing to come up there. I am a married man with a wife only, and I am 38 years of age, and both of us have so far splendid health, and would like very much to come out there provided we could get good employment regarding the advertisement.

WINSTON-SALEM, N. N., April 23, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Colored people of this place who know you by note of your great paper the Age and otherwise desire to get information from you of jobs of better opportunities for them and better advantages.

You will do us a great favor to answer us in advance.

MOBILE, ALA., June 11, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Will you please send me the name of the society in Chicago that cares for colored emigrants who come north seeking-employment sometime ago I saw the name of this society in the defender but of late it does not appear in the paper so I kindly as you please try and get the name of this society and send the same to me at this city.

MOBILE, ALA., April 27, 1917.

_Sir_: Your advertisement appearing in the Chicago Defender have influenced me to write to you with no delay. For seven previous years I bore the reputation of a first class laundress in Selma. I have much experience with all of the machines in this laundry. This laundry is noted for its skillful work of neatness and ect. We do sample work for different laundries of neighboring cities, viz. Montgomery, Birmingham and Mobile once or twice a year. At preseant I do house work but would like to get in touch with the Chicago ----. I have an eager desire of a clear information how to get a good position. I have a written recommendation from the foreman of which I largely depend upon as a relief. You will do me a noble favor with an answer in the earliest possible moment with a description all about the work.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 4-25-17.

_Dear Sir_: in reading a copy of the Chicago defender note that if i get in touch with you you would assist me in getting imployment. i am now imployed in Florida East coast R R service road way department any thing in working line myself and friends would be very glad to get in touch with as labors. We would be more than glad to do so and would highly appreciate it the very best we can advise where we can get work to do, fairly good wages also is it possible that we could get transportation to the destination. We are working men with familys. Please answer at once, i am your of esteem. We are not particular about the electric lights and all i want is fairly good wages and steady work.

Pensacola, Fla., April 28, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I seen in the Chicago Defender where men was wanted in small towns near Chicago at fair wages. As i want to lokate in the north i thought it very nessary to consult you in the direction of this work, hoping to receive from you full pertikulars i a wate a reply.

ATLANTA, GA., April 30, 1917.

_Sir_: I would thank you kindly to explain to me how you get work and what term I am comeing to Chicago this spring and would like to know jest what to do would thank and appreciate a letter from you soon telling me the thing that I wont to know.

VICKSBURG, MISS., May the 5th, 1917.

_Sir_: Just wants you to give me a few words of enfermation of labor situations in your city or south Dakota grain farms what is their offers and their adress. Will thank you for any enfermation given of same.

FULLERTON, LA., April 28, 1917.

_Dear sir_: I was reading about you was neading labor ninety miles of Chicago what is the name of the place and what R R extends ther i wants to come north and i wants a stedy employment ther what doe you pay per day i dont no anything about molding works but have been working around machinery for 10 years. Let me no what doe you pay for such work and can you give me a job of that kind or a job at common labor and let me no your prices and how many hours for a day.

MARCEL, MISS., 10/4/17.

_Dear Sir_: Although I am a stranger to you but I am a man of the so called colored race and can give you the very best or reference as to my character and ability by prominent citizens of my community by both white and colored people that knows me although am native of Ohio whiles I am a northern desent were reared in this state of Mississippi. Now I am a reader of your paper the Chicago Defender. After reading your writing ever wek I am compell & persuade to say that I know you are a real man of my color you have I know heard of the south land & I need not tell you any thing about it. I am going to ask you a favor and at the same time beg you for your kind and best advice. I wants to come to Chicago to live. I am a man of a family wife and 1 child I can do just any kind of work in the line of common labor & I have for the present sufficient means to support us till I can obtain a position. Now should I come to your town, would you please to assist me in getting a position I am willing to pay whatever you charge I dont want you to loan me not 1 cent but _help_ me to find an occupation there in your town now I has a present position that will keep me employed till the first of Dec. 1917. now please give me your best advice on this subject. I enclose stamp for reply.

BEAUMONT, TEX., May 14, 1917.

_My dear Sir_: Please write me particulars concerning emigration to the north. I am a skilled machinist and longshoreman.

ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., May 31, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: pleas inform me of the best place in the north for the colored people of the South, I am coming north and I want to know of a good town to stop in. I enclose stamp for reply.

SANFORD, FLA., April 27, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I have seen through the Chicago Defender that you and the people of Chicago are helping newcomers. I am asking you for some information about conditions in some small town near Chicago.

There are some families here thinking of moving up, and are desirous of knowing what to expect before leaving. Please state about treatment, work, rent and schools. Please answer at some spare time.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Seeing you ad in the defender I am writing you to please give me some information concerning positions--unskilled labor or hotel work, waiter, porter, bell boy, clothes cleaning and pressing. I am experienced in those things, especially in the hotel line. am 27 years of age, _good health_--have a wife--wish you could give me information as I am not ready to come up at present. would be thankful if you could arrange with some one who would forward transportation for me and wife. would be very glad to hear from you as soon as convenient. Thanking you in advance for interest shown me.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 23, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Reading a article in the 21st issue of the Chicago Defender about the trouble you had to obtain men for work out of Chicago and also seeing a advertisement for men in Detroit saying to apply to you I beg to state to you that if your could secure me a position in or around Chicago or any northern section with fairly good wages & good living conditions for myself and family I will gladly take same and if ther could be any ways of sending me transportation I will gladly let you or the firm you get me position with deduct transportation fee out of my salary. as I said before I will gladly take position in northern city or county where a mans a man here are a few positions which I am capable of holding down. Laborer, expirance porter, butler or driver of Ford car. Thaking you in advance for your kindness, beg to remain.

CEDAR GROVE, LA., April 23, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: to day I was advise by the defendent offices in your city to communicate with you in regards to the labor for the colored of the south as I was lead to beleave that you was in position of firms of your city & your near by surrounding towns of Chicago. Please state me how is the times in & around Chicago for the colored laboring man of the south & the average salary of the labor man & the rates of room & ordanary board. Kindly state to me just in every prticly that you no of that I have asked. I will be in your city on or before six weeks from date above and desire to becom a citizen of same. Please reply me at wonce. i enclos stamp for quick action. When i arive you city i will be more than glad to apply at your place as i wish to thank you in advance for any asistance that you will do for me or tell me.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-5-17.

_Dear Sir_: Am applying for a position in your city if there be any work of my trade. I am a water pipe corker and has worked foreman on subservice drainage and sewer in this city for ten (10) years. I am now out of work and want to leave this city. I am a man of family therefore I am very anxious for an immediate reply. Please find enclosed self addressed envelop for return answer.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-5-17.

_Dear Sirs_: I was advised by the Chicago Defender to get in touch with you if I desired to locate in or around Chicago. I write this to find out what kind of work that you have on slate. I expect to locate in or around Chicago by the first of June.

ANNISTON, ALA., April 29, 1918.

_Dear sir_: I read a peas in the defender about the member com north I shall be vary glad to com in touch with you, as am planing on coming north and I riting you that you mite no of som good town in that secson I am a carpenter by traid and I would like for you to locate in me as I should not like to com in that secson with out no enfremation.

CHARLESTON, S. C., Feb. 10, 1917.

_Gentlemen_: Upon reading the N. Y. age, have seen where there are need of employees in some sugar concern in New York. Kindly answer this letter, and tell me the nature of the work.

As I am from the south and it is an average difficulty for a southerner to endure the cold without being climatize. If it is possiable for you to get any other job for me regardless to its nature just since the work is indoor I'll appreciate the same.

As it is understood the times in the south is very hard and one can scarcely live. Kindly take the matters into consideration, and reply to my request at your earliest convenience.

CHARLESTON, S. C., May 25, 1917.

_Sir_: Having been informed that you can secure jobs for people who desire to leave the south, I would like to get information about the conditions and wages either in Niagra or Detroit. I would prefer work in a factory in either town. Also advise as to climate.

_Dear Sirs_: Having heard of you through a friend of mine, I thought that I would write asking you to please send me full information as to conditions and chances for the advancement of the negro in the north.

I am seeking for the opportunity and chance of advancement as far as my ability is capable as I am a negro my self.

I would like very much to get in touch with you if think that you can give me some assistance along the line which I have spoken.

MIAMI, FLA., May 4, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Some time ago down this side it was a rumour about the great work going on in the north. But at the present time every thing is quite there, people saying that all we have been hearing was false until I caught hold of the Chicago Defender I see where its more positions are still open. Now I am very anxious to get up there. I follows up cooking. I also was a stevedor. I used to have from 150 to 200 men under my charge. They thought I was capable in doing the work and at the meantime I am willing to do anything. I have a wife and she is a very good cook. She has lots of references from the north and south. Now dear sir if you can send me a ticket so I can come up there and after I get straightened out I will send for my wife. You will oblige me by doing so at as early date as possible.

_Dear Sirs_: I am now looking for a location and am a man hunting work and there is so many has left the South for the north and Seemes as they are all gone to one place now please send the names of some firms that wants labor i am a Man who Beleave in right and Beleave in work and has worked all of my days and mean to work till i die and Never been No kind of trouble and never has to be made work.

Now i will Cloes, hoping to here from you Soon Yours Very Truly,

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/24/17

_Dear Sirs_: Being desirous of leaving the South for the beterment of my condition generaly and seeking a Home Somewhere in Ill' Chicago or some other prosperious Town I am at sea about the best place to locate having a family dependent on me for support. I am informed by the Chicago Defender a very valuable paper which has for its purpose the Uplifting of my race, and of which I am a constant reader and real lover, that you were in position to show some light to one in my condition.

Seeking a Northern Home. If this is true Kindly inform me by next mail the next best thing to do Being a poor man with a family to care for, I am not coming to live on flowry Beds of ease for I am a man who works and wish to make the best I can out of life I do not wish to come there hoodwinked not knowing where to go or what to do so I Solicite your help in this matter and thanking you in advance for what advice you may be pleased to Give I am yours for success.

P.S. I am presently imployed in the I C RR. Mail Department at Union Station this city.

PALESTINE, TEX., Mar. 11th, 1917.

_Sirs_: this is somewhat a letter of information I am a colored Boy aged 15 years old and I am talented for an artist and I am in search of some one will Cultivate my talent I have studied Cartooning therefore I am a Cartoonist and I intend to visit Chicago this summer and I want to keep in touch with your association and too from you knowledge can a Colored boy be an artist and make a white man's salary up there I will tell you more and also send a fiew samples of my work when I rec an answer from you.

TOPEKA, KANSAS, May 1st, 1917.

_The Editor of The Chicago Defender._

_My Dear Sir_: Being a regular reader of your most valuable paper (The Defender) I am impressed with the seeming unlimited interest that paper is taking in the welfare of the army of emigrants comeing from the south.

This alone without the knowledge of its incomparable service as a link in the chain that should bind our people together more closely through out the country, should demand its presence in every negro home of this country. In keeping in touch with the doings of our people in the east and northern states through the Defender. To the Majority of the Middle western race people it seem quite improbable that opportunities for good wage earning positions such as factory work and too a chance for advancement would be given to the workers of our race.

Such conditions in this part of the country to my knowledge is rare. Noteing in the issue of last weeks paper through the investigation into certain matter concerning our people some appearantly well organized league found openings for negro workmen in some parts of Wis. and Ill. that could not be filled.

As I for one that am not satisfied to content myself with little and to remain in the same old rut for the sake of lengthy assiation and fair treatment I am making My appeal to you in your wide aquaintence with conditions to help me to take advangage of an oppertunity that I might other wise miss.

I am mechanically inclined also with the advantage of a course with the International Correspondance School in Automobile work and with several years experience. I am not afraid of any kind of work that pays.

Will kindly ask you to help me all you can at my expense and I will be very grateful to you.

GONZALES, TEXAS, May 28, 1917.

NEW YORK AGE, New York, N. Y.

_Gentlemen_: I wish to know if a man from the south come north, such as common laborer, stationery engineer, gasoline engineer, fireman or janitor able to care for heating plants ets. and able to pay his own way there, is there a likelihood of finding lucrative employment?

I would be plased to have you advise me on the same as myself and several other men of good morals and sober habits and who are able to bear our own expenses would like to better our conditions by coming North.

If you can advise us or Know of any one or place that we can get the desired information please give us the benefit of the same.

Find stamp enclosed for answer.

HOUSTON, TEXAS, April 20, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: wanted to leave the South and Go and Place where a man will Be any thing Except A Ker I thought would write you for Advise As where would be a Good Place for a Comporedly young man That want to Better his Standing who has a very Promising young Family.

I am 30 years old and have Good Experence in Freight Handler and Can fill Position from Truck to Agt.

would like Chicago or Philadelphia But I dont Care where so long as I Go where a man is a man Hopeing hear of you soon as I want to leave on or about 15 day of May I am yours as Ever.

TEMPLE, TEXAS, April 29, 1917.

MR. T. ARNOLD HILL, 3719 State St., Chicago, Ill.

_Dear Sir_: Being a reader of the Defender and young man seeking to better my conditions in the business world, I have decided to leave this State for North or West. I would like to get in touch with a person or firm that I might know where I can secure steady work. I would certainly appericate any information you might be able to give. I finished the course in Blacksmithing and horseshoeing at Prairie View College this State and took special wood working in Hampton Institute Hampton Va. Have been in practical business for several years also I am specializing auto work. I am a married man a member of the church. Thanking you in advance for any favors Am very truly

ROME, GA., 5/16/17

_Dear Sir_: "Ive" just read your ad in the Chicago Definder on getting employment. So I will now ask you to do the best you can for me. Now, Mr. ----, I am not a tramp by any means, I am a high class churchman and business man.

I am the Daddy of the Transfer Business in this city. And carried it on for teen years. Seven years ago I sold out to a white Concern.

I prefer a job in a Retail furniture store if I can be placed "Ill' now name a few things that I do. Viz I can repair and Finish furniture, I am an Exspert packer & Crater of furniture, I pack China, Cut Glass & Silver ware.

I can Enamel, Grain & paint furniture. I can repair Violins, Guitars, & Mandolins, I am a first-class Umbrella Man, I can do any thing that can be do to Umbrella & parasol, I can manage a Transfer Business, I understand all about Shipping H. H. Goods & gurniture, I can make out Bills of Lading & write tags for the same.

Now if you can place me on any of these Trades it will be all O.K.

HOUSTON TEX April., 30, 1917.

_Sir_: I read in the Chicago Defender April the 28 inst that you wonted men to labor in mills sir Eff you Cand Get me a joB to doo it will be Hiley orpresheAted I am A masster firman I cand handle oil or I cand Burn Cole Keep up my pumps in Good order and i is A no. 1 masheane helper I cand doo moste eny thange around the mill and if you cand Get me a joB I Will hiley orpresheate it

And I Will Ask you to send me a pass for self and wife and when I Come take out my fare out off my work so pleas let me here from You at once I wonter com at once Cand Come recker-mended pleaS oBlige

ATLANTA, GA., May 1/1917.

MR. ARNOLD HILL.

_Dear Sire_: I am a glazer and want information on My line of work. I am a cutter and can do anything in a glazing room.

I reads the Defender and like it so much, hoping to hear from you soon

BROOK HAVEN, MISS., 4/24/1917.

CHICAGO URBAN LEAGUE.

_Sirs_: I was reading in the defender that theare was good openings for Men in Smalle towns near Chicago would like to know if they are seeking loborers or mechanics I am going to come north in a few days and would rather try to have me a position in view would you kindly advise me along this line as I am not particular about locateing in the city all I desire is a good position where I can earn a good liveing I am experienced in plumbing and all kinds of metal roofing and compositeon roofing an ans from you on this subject would certainly be appreciated find enclosed addressed envelop for reply I wait your early reply as I want to leave here not later than May 8th I remain respectfully yours,

P. S. will say that I am a Man of family dont think that I am picking my Job as any position in any kind of shop would be appreciated have had 12 years experience in pipe fitting.

PINE BLUFF, ARK., 4/23-17.

MR. R. S. ABBOTT

_Kine frind_: I am riting you asting you to see if you can get me a job with some of the ship bilders I am a carpenter & can Do most iny thing so if you can get me a job pleas rite me at once.

PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-29/17.

_Dear Sir_: I was looking over The Chicago Defender & I saw where you wanting mins to work & the meantime was advanceing transportation if it is so i would thank you kindly if you will aid me with a Transportation that i may come and get some of thoes jobs thae i am a painter by traid but i will & can do eny kind of worke i am a sober and hard working Man my weight is 179 Lbs heigth 6 ft 2 in i see where you can use sum moulders i am not a Moulder but I am a moulder son I can do that worke till the Moulder Come very skilful at eny kind of work Hoping to here from you Soon for more rezult.

PATTERSON, LA., May 1, 1917.

_Kind Sir_: I saw your ad in the Defender for Laborers I am anxious to get north to do something I am a Cleaner and Presser by Trade exprence Hoffman Pressing mashine oppreator of this Trade is Not in your line. I would be very glad if you could get me a Transportation Advanced from Chicago to woek with the Molders I am anxious to lean That Trade I hope you with them and I would like to learn the Trade.

I hope you will attend to the above matter as I am in Eanest about this matter.

ATLANTA, GA.

TO THE URBAN COMMITTY--

_Dear Sir_: I am comming north and have read advice in the Chicago Defender and I would be very much obliged to you if you would direct me to some firm that is in need of brick layers for that is my Professical trade and can do any class of work and if I can't get Brick Work now I will consider any other good Job as I want to come right away I have 3 in fambly and I have no objection to work in other small towns I will be very glad to hear from you right away as I have never been north and advice will be excepted yours truly and friend of the race.

HATTIESBURG, MISS., 12/4/16.

HON. JOHN T. CLARK, _Sec. National League on Urban Conditions_, New York City, N.Y.

_Sir_: I am writing you on matters pertaining to work and desirable locations for industrous and trust worthy laborers. Me for myself and a good number of Friends especially thousand of our people are moving out from this section of whom all can be largely depended upon for good service, for the past 15 years I have been engaged in insurance work of which I am at the head of one now, And have a large host of people at my command. I have had a deal of experience in the lumbering business, Hotel, Agency of most any kind. Any information as to employment and desirable locations especially for good School Conditions Church Etc., will be appreciated.

FAYETTE, GA., January 17, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I have learned of the splendid work which you are doing in placing colored men in touch with industrial opportunities. I therefore write you to ask if you have an opening anywhere for me. I am a college graduate and understand Bookkeeping. But I am not above doing hard labor in a foundry or other industrial establishment. Please let me know if you can place me.

NATCHEZ, MISS., Sept. 22-17.

MR. R. S. ABBOTT, _Editor_.

_Dear Sir_: I thought that you might help me in Some way either personally or through your influence, is why I am worrying you for which I beg pardon.

I am a married man having wife and mother to support, (I mention this in order to properly convey my plight) conditions here are not altogether good and living expenses growing while wages are small. My greatest desire is to leave for a better place but am unable to raise the money.

I can write short stories all of which potray negro characters but no burlesque can also write poems, have a gift for cartooning but have never learned the technicalities of comic drawing, these things will never profit me anything here in Natchez. Would like to know if you could use one or two of my short stories in serial form in your great paper they are very interesting and would furnish good reading matter. By this means I could probably leave here in short and thus come in possession of better employment enabling me to take up my drawing which I like best.

Kindly let me hear from you and if you cannot favor me could you refer me to any Negro publication buying fiction from their race.

BATON ROUGE, LA., 4/26/17.

_Dear Sir_: I saw your advertisement in the Chicago Defender. I am planning to move North this summer. I am one of the R. F. D. Mail Carriers of Baton Rouge. As you are in the business of securing Jobs for the newcomers, I thought possibly you could give some information concerning a transfer or a vacancy, in the government service, such, as city carrier, Janitor, or something similar that requires an ordinary common school education. Possibly you could give me information about some good firm, that pays from, $3.50 upwards. If I could get a Job with a good reliable firm I would not mind quitting the government service, I have been a Mail carrier for 11 years.

I want to buy property and locate in Chicago permently with my family.

Please let me know what are your charges for securing positions.

DECATUR, ALA., 4/25/17.

THE CHICAGO URBAN LEAGUE

_Gentlemen_: Gentlemens desious of Settling in some Small Northern Town With a modrate Population & also Where a Colored man may open a business Also where one may receive fairly good wedges for a While ontill well enough, azainted with Place to do a buiseness in other words Wonts to locate in Some Coming town Were agoodly no, of colard People is. Wonts to Work At Some occupation ontill I can arrange for other buiseness Just Give Me information As to the best placers for a young buiseness Negro to locate & make good. in. Any Northern State

Thanking you inavance any information you may give in regards to Laber & buiseness Location Also when good Schools or in opration Please adress

P. S. answer this at once as I plain to leave the South by May the 3rd. I can furnish best reffreces.

DYERSBURG, TENNESSEE, 5/20, 1917.

THE DEFENDER, NEGRO NEWS JOURNAL,

_My dear Sir_: Please hand this letter to the Agency of the negro Employment Bureau--connected with your department--that I may receive a reply from the same--I am a practical fireman--, or stoker as the yankee people call it--have a good knowledge of operating machinery--have been engaged in such work for some 20 yrs--will be ready to call--or come on demand--I am a married man--just one child, a boy about 15 yrs--of--age--a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church--and aspire to better my condition in life--Do me the kindness to hand this to the agent.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA.

I seen your advertisement in the Chicago defender where you would direct men with families where to go in order to find good work. I am a Southern cook, butler or Janitor I have two boys age 15 yrs & 13 yrs, and wife that does maid work now I would like for you to help me locate myself & family some where up there for work I can furnish reference to thirteen years of service at one place I am anxious to come right away.

LEXINGTON, MISS., May 12-17.

_My dear Mr. H----:_--I am writing to you for some information and assistance if you can give it.

I am a young man and am disable, in a very great degree, to do hard manual labor. I was educated at Alcorn College and have been teaching a few years: but ah: me the Superintendent under whom we poor colored teachers have to teach cares less for a colored man than he does for the vilest beast. I am compelled to teach 150 children without any assistance and receives only $27.00 a month, the white with 30 get $100.

I am so sick I am so tired of such conditions that I sometime think that life for me is not worth while and most eminently believe with Patrick Henry "Give me liberty or give me death." If I was a strong able bodied man I would have gone from here long ago, but this handicaps me and, I must make inquiries before I leap.

Mr. H----, do you think you can assist me to a position I am good at stenography typewriting and bookkeeping or any kind of work not to rough or heavy. I am 4 feet 6 in high and weigh 105 pounds.

I will gladly give any other information you may desire and will greatly appreciate any assistance you may render me.

PASCA GOULA, MISS., May the 8, 1917.

_Dear Sir & frend:_ as understand that you ar the man for me to con for to & i want to Com to you & my frend & i has not got the money to Com Will you pleas Sir send me & my frend a ticket to Com an if you will I will glad La Com at onC & will worK et out will Be glad to do so I will not ask you to send the redey Casch for you dont nae me & if you Will Send me 2 tickets i will gladly take the, & i will Com Jest now hoping to hear from you by re torn male Yors Evor.

MEMPHIS, TENN., May 5, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I saw your add in the Chicago Defender papa and me being a firman and a all around man I thought I would write you. prehaps You might could do me lots of good, and if you can use me any way write me and let me No. in my trade or in foundry work. all so I got a boy 19 years old he is pretty apt in Learning I would Like to get him up there and Learn him a trade and I have several others would come previding if there be an opening for them. So this is all ans. soon

ALGIERS, LA., May 16-17.

_Sir_: I saw sometime ago in the Chicago Defender, that you needed me for different work, would like to state that I can bring you all the men that you need, to do anything of work. or send them, would like to Come my self Con recomend all the men I bring to do any kind of work, and will give satisfaction; I have bin foreman for 20 yrs over some of these men in different work from R. R. work to Boiler Shop machine shop Blacksmith shop Concreet finishing or puting down pipe or any work to be did. they are all hard working men and will work at any kind of work also plastering anything in the labor line, from Clerical work down, I will not bring a man that is looking for a easy time only hard working men, that want good wages for there work, let me here from you at once,

ELLISVILLE, MISS., 5/1/17.

_Kind Sir_: I have been takeing the Defender 4 months I injoy reading it very much I dont think that there could be a grander paper printed for the race, then the defender. Dear Editor I am thinking of leaving for Some good place in the North or West one I dont Know just which I learn that Nebraska was a very good climate for the people of the South. I wont you to give me some ideas on it, Or Some good farming country. I have been public working for 10 year. I am tired of that, And want to get out on a good farm. I have a wife and 5 children and we all wont to get our from town a place an try to buy a good home near good Schools good Churchs. I am going to leave here as soon as I get able to work. Some are talking of a free train May 15 But I dont no anything of that. So I will go to work an then I will be sure, of my leaving Of course if it run I will go but I am not depending on it Wages here are so low can scarcely live We can buy enough to eat we only buy enough to Keep up alive I mean the greater part of the Race. Women wages are from $1.25 Some time as high as $2.50. just some time for a whole week.

Hoping Dear Editor that I will get a hearing from you through return mail, giving me Some ideas and Some Sketches on the different Climate suitable for our health.

P. S. You can place my letter in Some of the Defender Colums but done use my name in print, for it might get back down here.

TALLADEGA, ALA., Apri 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender and have been reading in your paper of occupations waiting to be filled. And as I understand you want the person writting to state just what kind of work they can do. I can car petter work and have been off and own for some years. I am not a finished up carpenter, I can do ware-house work, I can work in a wholesale, I have not sufficient money to come on will you be obliging to send me my transportation. I am near thirty eight (38) years old and weighs about one hundred and ninety five (195) pounds. If you will send a transportation please write me at once at Talladega.

MOBILE, ALA., April 21. 17.

_Dear Sirs_: I am a man that would like to get work in some place where I can elevate my self & family & I think some where in the north is the place for me & I would like to get you gentlemen to advise me in getting a location my trade is cook rail Road camp cars pre fered but will do enything els that I can do. so if you all can help me out in eny way I will Sure take it as a favor.

PALESTINE, TEX., Mar. 24, 17.

MR. EDITOR--

_My dear Sir_: I have been reading your paper for some time my farther is a subscriber for the New York age I have read a few letters in your paper asking for help of securing a position in the North I am trying to make a man of myself I can get any work down here in the South and owing to prejudice I cant get a start I am 18 yrs. of age weighs 152 lbs. and any position that you can get me will work at any job--untill I can get better I am asking how can I get transportation from here it can be deducted from salary and I will certainly appreciate any thing you do for me toward helping me leave the south a gol any where in the north--please help me if you possible can

I am hoping to hear from you some time soon Your agent of Palestine Mr. ---- is a cousin to me my farther is principle of D---- School but refuses to help me any I havent any special trade a little expierence in stage work and drawing.

BESSEMER, ALA., 5/14/17.

_Sirs_: Noticing an ad in Chicago Defender of your assitance to those desiring employment there I thought mayhaps you could help me secure work in your Windy City I'm a married man have one child. I have common school education this is my hand write. I am presently employed as a miner has been for 14 years but would like a Change I'm apt to learn would like to get where I could go on up and support myself and family. You know more about it than I but in your opinion could I make anything as pullman porter being inexsperienced? I'd be so grateful to U. to place me in something Ive worked myself too hard for nothing. I'm sober and can adjust my life with any kind and am a quiet Christian man.

NEW ORLEANS, 4/25/17.

_Kind Sir_: I noticed in last weeks Defender an issieu relating to ocupations in your territory I am a Laborer of N.O. and desire to get information concerning Best ways and means of securing a Position I am absolutely willing to do manual Labor any-where will you--Kindly inform me as to what step can be taken for further reference if necessary apply to ---- Hoping this will meet with your generous approval I remain

NEW ORLEANS, April 22, 1917.

under the head lines in the Chicage Defender of Saturday April 22-17 I red how some of us that goes up north are being treated. there is a few that have gone from this city north, and came back a few weeks. some say they came back on account of being to cold "The others Say they ware to pay so much to get work etc" I would like to go north. and would rather be in some place. other then Chicago. or near Chicago. I am a union man" but dont exspect to work at union only" there is a few of us union men that are planing to go north and Kindly please write me" all so I mail you one of my union cards hoping to heare from you soon I am respectfully, Yours.

MEMPHIS, TENN., May 12 8 17.

_Dear Sir_: I am a constant reader of your paper which can be purchased here at the Panama Cafe news stand. Mr. ---- at present I am employed as agent for the Interstate Life and acc'd ins. Co. but on account of the race people leaving here so very fast my present job is no longer a profitable one. I have a number of young friends in your city who are advising me to come to Chicago and I have just about made up my mind to come. but before leaving here I wanted to ask Some advice from you along certain lines. I am buying property here and taking up notes each month on Same these notes now are aroun $14 per month. and with my present Salary and the unusual high price on everything I can't possibly protect myself very long against a foreclosure on above mentioned property on account of my Salary being less than $50.00 per month. Mr. ---- do you think I could come to your city with myself and wife rent this place out here and better my condition financially? I am strong and able to do anything kind of work so long as the Salary is O. K. I have a fair experience as a meat cutter and can furnish the best of reference from business houses one of them is Swift & Co of this city. I hope you can understand me clearly, it is my aim to make an honest living and would not dream of any other method. I am prepared to leave here at any time and must go Some place but Chicago is the place that impress me most. and having the confidence in you as a great race man I am writing you for your honest opinion concerning the facts in the matter. Many thanks for the information in today's paper under the Caption ("Know thyself") hoping this will meet with your hearty Cooperation.

P. S. What is about the average salaries paid there for unskilled laborers and what is board and room rent? if I come would it be advisable to come alone and Secure location and everything and then have my wife come later?

JACKSON, MISS., May 10-17.

_Kind Sir_: I saw your ad., in the Chicago Defender. Where you wonted 15 or 20 good men. So I am Writing you asking you do you still wont them. Also you said that you would send transportation for them. If you still wont them I can get good steady working men that wount to work and not gambling no rounders but working men. I am working man can work at anything not a left hand man but work both right and left. So please let me hear from you at once. For I wont to work and wont to work now. So if you Can not send transportation for all send me one. Please Oblige me.

P.S. Please let me hear from you at once.

MEMPHIS, TENN., May 22nd, 1917.

_Sir:_ As you will see from the above that I am working in an office somewhat similar to the one I am addressing, but that is not the purpose with which I sat out to write.

What I would like best to know is can you secure me a position there? I will not say that I am capable of doing any kind of labor as I am not. Have had an accidental injury to my right foot; hence I am incapable of running up and down stairs, but can go up and down by taking my time. I can perform janitors duties, tend bar, or grocery store, as clerk. I am also a graduate of the Law Department, Howard University, Washington, D. C. Class of '85 but this fact has not swelled my head. I am willing to do almost any thing that I can do that there is a dollar to it. I am a man of 63 years of age. Lived here all of my life, barring 5 or 6 years spent in Washington and the East. Am a christian, Bapitst by affiliation.

Have been a teacher, clerk in the government department, Law and Pension offices, for 5 years, also a watchman in the War Dept. also collector and rental agent for the late R. R. Church, Esq. Member of Canaan Baptist Church, Covington, Tenn. Now this is the indictment I plead to.

_Sir_, If you can place me I will be willing to pay anything in reason for the service. I have selected a place to stop with a friend of earlier days at ----, whenever I can get placed there. An early reply will be appreciated by yours respectfully.

PASCOQOULA, MISS., April 8 17,

_Dear Sir:_ As you have charge of the Urban League, I want to know if the League can locate work for about 8 or 10 men. We are all middle-aged men and would like to have our faires paid and deducted from our wages.

We will work in any small town in Illinois. All of these men are property owners and have large families. We'll _leave_ families 'till later on.

Any good you can do for us Will be highly appreciated.

P.S. Some of these men have trades and are capable of working in railroad shops.

HAMLET, N. C., May 29, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ I am very desirous of changing my location and am writing to know whether or not you can find a lucrative opening for me somewhere in the North.

I am 42 years old, married, wife and four children and a public school teacher and printer by profession and trade. Will accept any kind of work with living wages, on tobacco farm or factory. I am a sober, steady worker and shall endeavor to render satisfaction in any position in which I am placed.

BEAUMONT, TEXAS, July 16, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am a colored, am desiring work in New York or some of the adjoining states. I am not a skilled workman but I can do most any kind of common labor. I have spent several years in the plaining mills of the south. I know all about feeding planers and I can also keep them up very well. I have checked lumber and in fact, I can do a number of different things.

Will you be kind enough to put me in correspondence with some one who would like to employ a good conscientious steady laborer.

I have a family and I would be glad to come north to live. So please be so kind as to do me the favor above asked. I have a little education too if it could be used to any advantage.

Hoping an early reply.

COLLINS, MISS., May 1st, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ By being a Subscriber and reader of the Chicago Defender, I read an advertisement where they are wanting and needing help. Needing Moulders and Machinist of course I do not know anything about the trade. But they Said they would pay men $2.25 begin with and Learn the trade And transportation forworded and they would deduct it Out of their wages.

I am Very Anxious to Come Up North. And I would put all of my energy and mind on my work. And try in every way to please the One for whom I am working for. They could get about five men from here. One that is a Pretty good Machinist I am Writting you as they Gave two branches for Colored and that you is the head of the ---- So Any favors extended towards Me will be highly Appreciated hoping to hear from you at an early Date I remain yours truly.

MCDONOGHVILL, LA., May 1--1917.

_dear Mr. ----:_ it afford me With pleasur to right to you on Some infermashian how to get me a transportation to Some town in the North as i Would like to Come out there to Live and better my condition as i am A young Man and desire to get With the good Clase of Laboring people i have not got a trade but i have Work all My time around oil Mill and Coopper Shop for the Last 8 years and i cand work at Moust enj thing if i get A Little experence.

My age is--24--years good healt good behaver goof record in the south this is all to tell now but if you would Like to no My record i caNd give it to you from my Lodge--are from my church--good by

HATTIESBURG, MISS., May 27th, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ by reading in the defender of the position you are in for securing jobs. I thought I would write, and see if you could place me. Now my job pay me well, but as my wife and Children are anxious to come north I would try and get a job now I am a yellow Pine Lumber inspector and checker can furnish recomdation from some reliable Saw Mill Firms as there is in South Miss. As Gradeing Triming & Checking yellow pine lumber.

P. S. I know I can make good in any Lumber Yard such as checking & stowing Lumber if you Will place me write on what terms to--

WINONA, MISS., 4/13/17.

In reading the defender I saw your advertising for more men I would like very much to come up their I wants to leave the South and go whear I can make a support for myself and Family. I have a wife and six children to take cair of and I would like to bee whair I could cair for Them my occupation is Carpenter but I can do most any kind of work will you furnish me a Transportation to com up thair on

GREENWOOD, MISS., Apr. 22nd, 17.

_Sir:_ I noticed in the Defender about receiving some information from you about positions up there or rather work and I am very anxious to know what the chances are for business men. I am very anxious to leave the South on account of my children but mu husband doesn't seem to think that he can succeed there in business, he is a merchant and also knows the barber trade what are the chances for either? Some of our folks down here have the idea that this Northern movement means nothing to any body but those who go out and labor by the day. I am willing to work myself to get a start. Tell me what we could really do. I will do most anything to get our family out of _Bam_. Please let this be confidential.

WININA, MISS., Mar the 19 1917.

_My dear driend:_ it is With murch pleaser that i rite to You to let You no i reed Your letter & Was glad to hear from you all so i excepts all you Said that you wood do for me so i am a Painter and Carter to So i am willing to learn in neything in works kind So mr. ---- i thank You for Your kindes for all of Your aid so i am a Barber to so i am a good farmer to al all kind So i am not Set do Wn at all so if You Can healp pleas do So So i hay niCe famely so i will tell you i am a Curch member for 38 years i and all of my famely but 3 children so i am not a de Sever So mr. ---- i wood ask you for if the monney So i Was so glad to get your letter dear Sit When I com up thire look for me at your offes Pleas so mr ---- i all waYs hold gob When i get wone So in god name pleas healp me up there and i will pay you When i com up thire mr ---- i Cant raise my famely hear i wanter to So this all Your friend

KNOXVILLE, TENN., Apr. 30, '17.

_Dear Sir:_ I am anxious to come to Chicago. I have thirteen years experiance as janitor in large residence apartment house, am also handy with tools.

I have a wife and four children. If you can place me where I can earn a decent living for my family will appreciate it.

MONTGOMERY, ALA., Dec. 3rd, 1916.

_Dear Sir:_ in Reading The Defender I See Where you are Disirious of Communicating With a better class of working men To supply the different trades. Please advise Some place by which I could better my condition North or East.

I would be glad To come in to a better Knowing by writting you before Starting

JAZOO CITY, MISS., 4/3/17.

_dear sir:_ I owe in Con sist to write you a few lines as in the regards of my ability as I am anxus to get some work to do I have a famely to work for and I habe bin workin as helper and bon do most any Kind of work. Has been in the Bixness as MoChinest helper for 7 years and Have fally good ExpernCe in it and would like for you to Help me out if possibl to do so I Would like to work in some Shop or Millplant and I Would lik for you to send me a transpotation and I will pay out of my salry so answer soon and let me no what yo Can do for me I Will Close.

MOBILE, ALA., May the 4, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I write you a few line to find out about the Work and if I could get you to Send me and Wife and Son a transportation I am not a loafer and can send references that I will work.

P. S. Please rite me at once I am anxious to here from you.

PENSACOLA, FLA., 30th, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ in answer to your advertisment for labors I am a man want to work am noes a opertunity Please notiefie me at ane as I Want to get Job with you I Will Ask a Transportation an will leve when its reaches me Please take my letter in canceration ans me at once as I very anxious to from I am stiedy drink no whiskey or eny thing that is intosicating an can give fot the infomation Right soon

MACON, GA., 4/30/17.

_Mr. ----:_ i War took and Read the Chicago Defender and i read for the Wanted laborers and i am rinten to you to let you here from we all that Wold liKe to taKe a laborers part with this Manufacturing and We or Willing to do ennery kind of Work and We or men Will Work and or Glad that me seet With this canne and We will gladly come if you will Send us transportation fore 9 Mens and We Will Come at once and these Mens is Men With Famly and We all or hard work men and i Will Say A Gin that Me Will do enny Kind of Work dut Me thave a tirde Some us

PENSACOLA, FLA., April 29-1917.

_Sir:_ While sitting reading the Chicago defender I found that you are in need labering mens that will work sir I am a labering man and I womts to came but are able to pay my way so I ask you to send me a transportation and I will come Just as soon as I get it I am a married man have a wife and six childrens and I wonte to take car of them but con not here in the south so let me here from you in return mail.

PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-25-17.

_Dear Sir:_ Having read in the "Chicago Defender" are helping the negroes of the South to secure employment I am writing you this note asking you to please put me & my friend in touch with some firm that are employing men.

Please do what you can for us.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., June 12, 1917.

_dear sir:_ I am writing to you for information concerning a Job I have a wife and 2 children and who so ever my employer may Be I would ask that they may send trancipertation for me and my family and I will pay as i work I am a come laber man my wife is a good launders all So my daughter and My Son is a laber all so I am a railroad mon By trade please aBlige mr ----

Port Arthur, Texas.

_Kind sir:_ inclose you will find Just a word to you in reading the News I found your address and was very glad to see it Kind sir I write you with my hole heart and I do not mean Just to pass off time my brothers and I are now writing you to please send 2 tickets one for ---- and one for ----

we are Very Well Experence long many lines so long as publice work I am now employed in the largest Company in the south it is the Gulf Refining Co. I have ben Working for them for a number of years Write soon I remain yours very truly.

BEAUMONT, TEXAS, May 7, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I see in one of your recent issue of collored men woanted in the North I wish you would help me to get a position in the North I have no trade I have been working for one company eight years and there is no advancement here for me and I would like to come where I can better my condition I woant work and not affraid to work all I wish is a chance to make good. I believe I would like machinist helper or Molder helper. If you can help me in any way it will be highly appreciate hoping to hear from you soon

BEAUMONT, TEXAS, May 8th, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I wrote you some time ago, and never received any answer. I learn you can assist me in bettering my condition. I would like very much to come North. I have no trade but Im a willing worker, and the Job I have now I have had it for eight years and there is no advancement here for me. I can give eight year refference I would like mechinist helper or some thing where I could learn a trade I have a fair education and I wish is a chance I need no transportation Im very well fix financial Im single and 29 years old if you can help me in any way it will be highly appreciate. hoping to hear from you soon.

HOUSTON, TEXAS, April 21, 17.

_Dear Sir:_ As I was looking over your great news paper I would like very mutch to get Some information from you about Comeing to your great City, I have a famile and Can give you good Referns about my Self. I am a Working man and will Prove up to what I say and would be very glad to Know from you, about a Job Allthough I am at work But, If I Could get Something to do I would be very glad to leave the South, as I Read in the Chicago Defender about Some of my Race going north and makeing good.--well I would like to be on the List not with Standing my reputation is all O.K.

I thank you.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 22, 1917.

_Chicago Defender:_ I wish to go North haven got money enuff to come I can do any kind of housework laundress nurse good cook has cook for northen people I am 27 years of age just my self would you kindly inderseed for me a job with some rich white people who would send me a ticket and I pay them back please help me. I am brown skin just meaden size.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., August 27, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ i am wrighting you for help i haird of you by telling my troble i was told to right you. I wont to come there and work i have ben looking for work here for three month and cand find any i once found a place $1 a week for a 15 year old girl and i did not take that, now you may say how can that be but New Orleans is so haird tell some have to work for food and the only help i have is my mother and she have work 2 week now and she have four children young then me and i am 15teen and she have such a hard time tell she is willing for me to go and if you will sin me a pass you will not be sorry i am not no lazy girl i am smart i have got very much learning but i can do any work that come to my hand to do i am set here to day worry i could explane it to you i have ben out three time to day and it only 12 oclock. and if you please sire sine me a pass, it more thin i am able to tell you how i will thank you i have clothes to bring wenter dress to ware, my grand mama dress me but now she is dead and all i have is my mother now please sire sin me a pass and you wont be sorry of it and if you right and speake mean please ancer i will be glad of that but if you would sin a pass i would be so much glader i will work and pay for my pass if you sin it i am so sorry tell i cant talk like i wont to and if you and your famely dont wont to be worry with me I will stay where i work and will come and see you all and do any think i can for you all from little A---- V---- excuse bad righting.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 29, 1917.

_My dear Sir:_ I take grate pleazer in writing you. as I found in your Chicago Defender this morning where you are secur job for men as I realey diden no if you can get a good job for me as am a woman and a widowe with two girls and would like to no if you can get one for me and the girls. We will do any kind of work and I would like to hear from you at once not any of us has any husbands.

MOSS POINT, MISS., May 5, 1917.

_Dear Sirs:_ Will you please send me in formation towards a first class cookeing job or washing job I want a job as soom as you can find one for me also I want a job for three young girls ages 13 to 16 years. Pease oblidge.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 7, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ I read Defender every week and see so much good youre doing for the southern people & would like to know if you do the same for me as I am thinking of coming to Chicago about the first of June, and wants a position. I have very fine references if needed. I am a widow of 28. No children, not a relative living and I can do first class work as house maid and dining room or care for invalid ladies. I am honest and neat and refined with a fairly good education. I would like a position where I could live on places because its very trying for a good girl to be out in a large city by self among strangers is why I would like a good home with good people. Trusting to hear from you.

SELMA, ALA., May 19, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I think it is one of the Most Wonderful Papers of our race printed. Sirs I am writeing to see if You all will please get me a job. And Sir I can wash dishes, wash iron nursing work in groceries and dry good stores. Just any of these I can do. Sir, who so ever you get the job from please tell them to send me a ticket and I will pay them. When I get their as I have not got enough money to pay my way. I am a girl of 17 years old and in the 8 grade at Knox Academy School. But on account of not having money enough I had to stop school. Sir I will thank you all with all my heart. May God Bless you all. Please answer in return mail.

NATCHEZ, MISS., Oct. 5, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Now I am writing you to oblige me to put my application in the papers for me please. I am a body servant or nice house maid. My hair is black and my eyes are black and smooth skin and clear and brown, good teeth and strong and good health and my weight is 136 lb.

CORINTH, MISS., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am a good cook age 35 years. I can bring my recermendation with me my name is ---- ----. I am in good health so I would like for you to send me a transportation I have got a daughter and baby six months old so she can nurse so I would like to come up there and get a job of some kind I can wait table cook housegirl nurse or do any work I am ready to come just as soon as you send the passes to us I want to bring a box of quilts and a trunk of clothes so you please send us the passes for me and daughter. Write me at once I am a negro woman. We will leave her Sat. if you send the passes if you are not the man please give me some infamation to whom to write to a negro friend.

BILOXI, MISS., April 27, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I would like to get in touch with you a pece of advise I am unable to under go hard work as I have a fracture ancle but in the mene time I am able to help my selft a great dele. I am a good cook and can give good recmendation can serve in small famly that has light work, if I could get something in that line I could work my daughters a long with me. She is 21 years and I have a husban all so and he is a fireman and want a positions and too small boy need to be in school now if you all see where there is some open for me that I may be able too better my condission anser at once and we will com as we are in a land of starvaten.

From a willen workin woman. I hope that you will healp me as I want to get out of this land of sufring I no there is som thing that I can do here there is nothing for me to do I may be able to get in some furm where I dont have to stand on my feet all day I dont no just whah but I hope the Lord will find a place now let me here from you all at once.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 28, 1917.

_Kind sir:_ I seen your name in the Chicago Defender I am real anxious to go north I and my family I am a married womon with family my husbon and 3 children my olders boy 15 younger 13 baby 4 my sister 20. I can wash chamber mad dish washer nurse or wash and my boy can work my sister can cook or wash or nurse my husband is a good work and swift to lern we are collored pepel a good family wonts a job with good pepel pleas anser soon

_Kind Sir:_ We have several times read your noted paper and we are delighted with the same because it is a thorough Negro paper. There is a storm of our people toward the North and especially to your city. We have watched your want ad regularly and we are anxious for location with good families (white) where we can be cared for and do domestic work. We want to engage as cook, nurse and maid. We have had some educational advantages, as we have taught in rural schools for few years but our pay so poor we could not continue. We can furnish testimonial of our honesty and integrity and moral standing. Will you please assist us in securing places as we are anxious to come but want jobs before we leave. We want to do any kind of honest labor. Our chance here is so poor.

MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I after seeing your jobs advertised in the Defender was moved to write to you for clear information of the ---- ----. I am a laundress wanting a position in some place where I can get pay for what I do, work here are too scarce to support me necessarily so I humbly wish you to favor me with an early answer stateing the entire nature of the great colored society. Your answer are daily and impatiently expected by your humble servant.

VICKSBURG, MISS., May 7, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ This comes to say to you will you please inform us of some place of employment. We are working here at starvation wages and some of us are virtually without employment willing to accept any kind of work such as cooking, laundering or as domestics no objection to living in a small town, suburb or country. There are fifteen wants work. You can just write me and I will notify them please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience.

LETTERS ABOUT CLUBS AND GROUPS FOR THE NORTH

SAUK, GA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ There are about 15 or 20 of us hard working mans seeking employment an we would be more than glad if you assis us in finding work i see here in the Chicago Defender laborers wanted i am a skill labor at most anything except molder but i am willing to learn the trade we are hard working mans no lofers neather crap shooters work is what we want and can not get it without you assistant, if you will assis us with transportation please rite and let us no what way to came to you these white folks here having meeting trying to stop us from going off to seek work an noing they haven got work nor wagers for us here.

We have had jobs but loose it and have not the money to get away if you except my letter please give us some assistant to leave because is send you a letter Monday but i see afterward that it was send rong so i send you this one. have you got employment up there for female if so let us no please if you send me a speciel please dont put 15 or 20 men and i will under stand if you say 15 or 20 mans they will put me in jail. please answer just as soon can as i want to get away as soon as i can there nothing here to do. some industrious female want employment answer at once please.

MOBILE, ALA., April 21, 1917.

_Dear Sirs:_ We have a club of 108 good men wants work we are willing to go north or west but we are not abel to pay rail road fare now if you can help us get work and get to it please answer at once. Hope to hear from you.

MOBILE, ALA., May 11, 1917.

_Dear sir and brother:_ on last Sunday I addressed you a letter asking you for information and I have received no answer, but we would like to know could 300 or 500 men and women get employment? and will the company or thoes that needs help send them a ticket or a pass and let them pay it back in weekly payments? We have men and women here in all lines of work we have organized a association to help them through you.

We are anxiously awaiting your reply.

ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I was reading you advertisement in the Chicago Defender and it come intresting to me and I thought I would rite you to get information about it. There are 5 or six families of us wants to know would you send us a ticket if you would we would like to heare from you at once and we will explain our statement in my next letter. I am looking for reply soon.

JACKSON, MISS., May the first, 1917.

_sir:_ I was looking over the Chicago Defender and seen ad for labers both woman an men it is a great lots of us woud come at once if we was only abel but we is not abel to come but if you will send me a pas for 25 women and men I will send them north at once men an women

MOBILE, ALA., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ In reading the defender I seen where you are acting as agent for some big concerns and that you are in need of men. I am a married man and would like to get up there to work but it seems a hard proposition to get enough money to pay my fare and there are a lots more men around here that follow the very work that you want men for but cant get away upon that reason. but if you could plan to get us up there and let us pay after we got there we will be very thankful. At present I am employed as a boiler makers helper and all the men I speak of are boiler makers and machinists helpers and all are hard working men and have families but we want to come north. Let me hear from you please and I can get (12) twelve men at least that have reputation. Looking for an early reply, I am, Your friend for betterment.

CHARLESTON, S. C., April 2, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I saw your want in the paper and I thought i would right you and find out about it and if you have work for me and my wife I will be glad to come and if you have no work for her you can send for me and I will be glad to come and bring along manny more if you want them. You can let me know at once and i will be glad to do so. so you can write me at once and I will know just what to do.

MOBILE, ALA., April 23, 1917.

_Dear Sirs:_ You will find my full name and address from which please give infermation about jobs and also tell me will you pay my fare up there and take it out of my work after geting to work and i can get a great many men and family if you want them. they wants to come but they cant get no work to do so they can get the money to come on. I can get men women and families so please answer and let me me no what you will do if you need them.

PASCAGOULA, MISS., May 3, 1917.

_Dear Sirs:_ Whilse reading over the want adv. of the Defender I find where you wants bench molders 20 not saying I am one but I am a labering man and verry apt to lern anything in a short while and desires to come and give it a trile or something else I can do eny thing in common labor hoping you will send me a transportation and give me a trile and I can all so bring you as meny men as you want if you dont want me to bring eny men send me a transportation for my self. hopeing to hear from you by return mail.

HATTIESBURG, MISS., April 13, 1917.

_Sir:_ Please oblige me in getting me a pass to Chicago to some firm that are in need of labors I have three in family besides myself I have four or five other men with me now want to know if you can secure that pass we will come at once this would be about eight passes, my self and two in family and five men which will be eight passes. these are able and good work man if you can arrange this & let the list of passes bear each name so as to form a club. let hear from you soon.

DE RIDDER, LA., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ there is lots of us southern mens wants transportation and we want to leave ratway as soon as you let us here from you some of us is married mens who need work we would like to bring our wife with us there is 20 head of good mens want transportation and if you need us let us no by return mail we all are redy only wants here from you there may be more all of our peoples wont to leave here and I want you to send as much as 20 tickets any way I will get you up plenty hands to do most any kind of work all you have to do is to send for them. looking to here from you. This is among us collerd.

PLAQUEMINE, LA., April 288, 1917.

_Der sir:_ only a few lines in regards you advertismen this week Chicago Defender and it verry intresting to me and other that why Im wrighten you because it my benifit me in the futur I know about twenty five young men would like to go north but accorden to present conditions in the south wont allow them to save enough to go if their a possible chance of you doing enything we all good worker and think if you will give us a chance will proof to you that we can work and if you give us transportation we will work and pay it back from the start. I will close hope you will kindly except our offer and give it your persinel intrest.

NEW ORLEANS, April 27, 1917.

_Dear Sirs:_ I have been engaged in the hotel business for eighteen years. And I am personally acquainted with at least fifty of our leading citizens of your city. And in my home I would refer you to Mr. ----, asst. Depot Ticket agent of the ---- R. R. He told me that any corporation that was in need of Labor and placed passes with them for the same, that they would haul the people. I could furnish you at least one thousand in the next sixty days. And you will not have sixty dead beats. I will furnish the names, and each pass should have the name of the user on it before leaving Chicago. The greater number that I know have families and do not wish to leave without them. Let me hear from you at once. I can give you the business and my people will go any where sent and do any kind of work, if the wages are right.

PATTERSON, LA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I was reading one of the Chicago Defender papers and I seen a splendid opportunity to grasp a good job. Now if you could fowerd me a pass from New Orleans I would be very glad because I am a willing worker, write me a letter as soon as possible and let me know just what job you will put me to, of cours I dont know any trade but will be willing to learn a good trade. this aid I seen reads like this:

Laborers wanted for foundry, warehouse and yard work. Excellent opportunity for learning trades, paying good money start $2.50-$2.75 so I would like to learn a trade. I might can get you some more from here. I will close hope I will hear from you at once. Before sending the transportation write me a letter.

CHATTANOOGA, TENN., May 1, 1917.

_Dear Sur:_ will you send me a transportation i am a foundry man i want to come where i can get same pay for my work and you plese send me a transportation for 4 good hard labore man please send and i can get you some good mens here i am down here working hard and gett nothing for it so i hop you will ancer soon and let me here from you i have had 7 years exprense in foundry works i noes my jobe well i will expet to here from you rat way so good by.

MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ In answer to your Ad. which apeared in the Chicago Defender for laborer wanted to work in Foundry warehouse and yard work I can recruit 15 good honest men whom I believe would make good and can leave as soon as transportation for same is provided. Hopeing to hear from you soon I remain Yours truly.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/30/17.

_Kind sir:_ only a few lines wanting to get some information concerning of work i want to find out when could you send transportations for fifteen men eight of them is molders and the balance of them is experienced warehouse men and experienced firemen if required i saw your ad in the CHicago Defender.

This is all at present hopeing to get an early reply.

CHATTANOGGA, TENN., 5-2-17.

_Dear sir:_ i only had the chance to see your ad to day at noon. i was to glad to see it and hop that i am not to lat to full it i am fuly sattisfied i can get as many as 10 or 15 reddy by the 7 or 8 and we will be reddy by that time if you will tret us rite we will stand by you to the las

CHATTANOOGA, TENN., May 2, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I beg to call you tension of some employment in your country. I has been inform that you will give instruction an get work any wher in the northern stats. I have some of the best labor that is in south an some of the best molders if we can get employment in north we wil go.

a waiting your reply.

SAVANNAH, GA., March 16, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ Having learned that you ar short of laborers, I respectfully offer myself as an applicant for a situation, and would be glad to get a hearing from you as soon as it would be convenient for you to reply. There are also many of my friends that would be glad to get a situation. I am willing to do most eny kind of earnest work. I am 36 years of age and can read and wright the english language. and have good experance in busness. Any communication whitch you may be pleased to make addressed as above will receive prompt attention.

ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear sir:_ I am in receipt of your letter of the 16th of April in reply to a letter I written to you. I will say at this junction that there are more than 250 men desire to come north but is not able to come if your manufacture men would like to have 75 men labores from the south why he can get them for the fair from here to New York is only 19.00 nineteen dollars and I do not think that is a high transportation cost to get good labor. Now there are men here that will work that can and have 10.00 ten dollars on there fair and for a little assistance they will come at once for the condishion there is terrible the low wage and high cost of living and bad treatment is causing all to want to come north. Now I have a family of 8 only, one boy that can work in the north for he is 18 years the others is school children and I would like to get them up there with me for I was raise in the eastern state Massachusett Cambridge and pass as a master workman in Denver Colorader making brick. Now if there is any way to assist why do so now if you can only assist me why just do it as a brother & friend I have 5 to pay for but I have a little moeny but not enough to pay all way 3 full and 2 half fair so you can readily see just where Im at but I got my fare but rather bring my family with me.

ASHFORD, ALA., Dec. 8, 1916.

_Dear sir_: I take great pleasure in writing you and replying to your advertiser that you all wanted colored laborers and I want to come up north and could get you 75 more responsible hands if you want them so if you please send me 3 passes are as manny as you like and I garontee you that I will fill them out with responsible hands and good ones so please let me here from you at once.

ORANGEBURG, S. C., June 14, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: your addess was gave to me this after noon by a young man by the name of Mr. ---- who is now in Conn. and I write him to see if he could get me a good job so he said to me on his card that he was listening for a vacan place to apply for but hesen found any thing not as yet but he said he wood do his very best for me. This time of the year most people are now goeing north so much I thought I wood come two so he told me to write you and see if I could get you to get me a good job and have the people to write me and advance me a transportation from Orangeburg to New York. He said you are the best man in New York to assist good fellow in to good paying jobs. I will look two here from you very soon.

GRAHAM, LA., May 18, 1917.

_Dear sir_: a word of infermation and a ancer from you please there are about 12 or 15 of us with our famlys leaving the south and we can hear of collored peples leaving the south but we are not luckey enough to leave hear. Dr. ---- clame to be an agent to sind peples off and we has bin to him so minnie times and has fail to get off untill we dont no what to do so if you will place us about 15 tickets or get some one else to do so we are honest enough to come at once and labor for you or the one that sind them untill we pay you if so requir. If we war able we wood sur leave this torminting place but the job we as got and what we get it we do well to feed our family so please let me here from you at once giveing full detale of my requess.

SAVANNAH, GA., May 3, 1917.

_Dare sier:_ I understand that you wont some mens and if you wood sen me transportation for ten mens wood bee turly glad and please write to me at wonce and lete me hir form you.

MEMPHIS, TENN., May 3, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Seeing you add in the Chicago definder that you are in need of labor I write you for full information at once hope you will please give me. I am willing to come & if you kneed any more labor I am sufficient to bring them.

Now my dear sir if you can give me a steady job please send me a pass hope you will write me at once.

SAVANNAH, GA., 4-30-17.

_Dear sir:_ in reply to the labor wanted I write you let you know I am a poor afflicted man can not do anything come to hand but am willing to work and do need something to make a support now will you please look up a job for me I could sweep or do any thing light like that could watch act as janitor if you will send me a transportation when I get there you see my willingness you would make me a job now if you will except I will get you some men and bring with me because I know numbers of men want to come and can get as many as you want. Just give me a trial.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 2, 1917.

_Deer sir:_ i reed in the Chicago Defender that you wanted some molder in your city i dont no wheather you mene lumber are iron moulder but i am 4 years experence in lumber but if you mene iron molder i dont think i will be many days learning the trade if it is any chance that i can get a good job eith you i would like to hear from you at once i am maried and would like to get 2 transportation if i can and if you want some hard working mens let me no and i will do all that i can for you and bring them on with me if you will make same range ment to get them there i mean that i will get you some good men hard working mens like myself so let me here from you at once Please

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 5/21/17.

_Dear sir_: i am today righting you a few lines asking you to please give me some information and that is this if you know of any one that wants help of any kind men or women and one that would send a few tickets would you please give me they address i was told to right to you for information please lead me in the light as i could get five familys and 8 or 9 good men for any firm that wanted help, so I am awaiting your promp reply.

PORT ARTHUR, TEXAS, 5/5th/17.

_Dear Sir_: Permitt me to inform you that I have had the pleasure of reading the Defender for the first time in my life as I never dreamed that there was such a race paper published and I must say that its _some_ paper.

However I can unhesitatingly say that it is extraordinarily interesting and had I know that there was such a paper in my town or such being handled in my vicinity I would have been a subscriber years ago.

Nevertheless I read every space of the paper dated April 28th which is my first and only paper at present. Although I am greatfully anticipating the pleasure of receiving my next Defender as I now consider myself a full fledged defender fan and I have also requested the representative of said paper to deliver my Defender weekly.

In reading the Defenders want ad I notice that there is lots of work to be had and if I havent miscomprehended I think I also understand that the transportation is advanced to able bodied working men who is out of work and desire work. Am I not right? with the understanding that those who have been advanced transportation same will be deducted from their salary after they have begun work. Now then if this is they proposition I have about 10 or 15 good working men who is out of work and are dying to leave the south and I assure you that they are working men and will be too glad to come north east or west, any where but the south.

Now then if this is the proposition kindly let me know by return mail. However I assure you that it shall be my pleasure to furnish you with further or all information that you may undertake to ask or all information necessary concerning this communication.

Thanking you in advance for the courtesy of a prompt reply with much interest, I am

COLUMBUS, GA., April 29, 1917.

_Dear sir_: I seen your adds in the paper & after reading I saw where I could do some business for you & if you will write & let me know promply what you will allow me for heads & let me know right away I can get you as many as thirty at once & I know that you do not want nothing but able bodied men if you will as soon as you get this mail let me know by wireing me & I can get the men ready by Thursday wire me as soon as your early convenence. will also send you my recamendation that I am a true and reliable negro if you take the notion to send the ticket send me money emough to feed them until we get there you can estamate about how much it will take to feed thirty all of them is anxious to go & will go at the word from you please return the recamendation back.

MOBILE, ALA., April 21, 1917.

_Gentlemen_: Please have the kindness to let me know if you can handle any labor as I wish to come north but would like to know just who I am going to work for before starting so as to not be there on expences and in the main time I have other friends that would like to have a steady imployment while they are unable to raise the money for transportation. Let me know what disposition you could make in regards to the same.

MOBILE, ALA., May 15, 1917.

_Dear Sir and Brother_: I am in the information of your labores league and while in this city I have been asked about the conditions of work in the north and at the same time we have about 300 men here in this city of different trades. Some are farmers, mail men iron and stell workers, mechanics and of all classes of work. They ask me in their union to find out just the conditions of the afair. They wants to know if they can go to work in one or two days after they get there? if so some of them can pay all of their fair some half and some wants to come on conditions. will the company send them a pass and let them pay them back weekly? if so I can send 500 more or less in order that you may know who I am I will send you some of my papers that you may know what I stand for and what I have been taking along, please let me hear from you at once and what you think about it.

LETTERS ABOUT LABOR AGENTS

MOBILE, ALA., 4-26-17.

_Dear Sir Bro._: I take great pane in droping you a few lines hopeing that this will find you enjoying the best of health as it leave me at this time present. Dear sir I seen in the Defender where you was helping us a long in securing a posission as brickmason plaster cementers stone mason. I am writing to you for advice about comeing north. I am a brickmason an I can do cement work an stone work. I written to a firm in Birmingham an they sent me a blank stateing $2.00 would get me a ticket an pay 10 per ct of my salary for the 1st month and $24.92c would be paid after I reach Detorit and went to work where they sent me to work. I had to stay there until I pay them the sum of $24.92c so I want to leave Mobile for there, if there nothing there for me to make a support for my self and family. My wife is seamstress. We want to get away the 15 or 20 of May so please give this matter your earnest consideration an let me hear from you by return mail as my bro. in law want to get away to. He is a carpenter by trade. so please help us as we are in need of your help as we wanted to go to Detroit but if you says no we go where ever you sends us until we can get to Detroit. We expect to do whatever you says. There is nothing here for the colored man but a hard time wich these southern crackers gives us. We has not had any work to do in 4 wks. and every thing is high to the colored man so please let me hear from you by return mail. Please do this for your brother.

ANNINSTON, ALA., April 26, 1917.

_Dear sir_: Seeing in the Chicago Defender that you wanted men to work and that you are not to rob them of their half loaf; interested me very much. So much that I am inquiring for a job; one for my wife, auntie and myself. My wife is a seamster, my auntie a cook I do janitor work or comon labor. We all will do the work you give us. Please reply early.

SHREVEPORT, LA., May 22, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I want to get some infirmation about getting out up there I did learn that they had a man here agent for to send people up there I have never seen him yet and I want you to tell me how to get up there. they are passing people out up there that are unable to come I would like to hear from you at once from your unknown friend.

DERIDDER, LA., April 18, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: in regards of helth and all so in need that I am riting you these fue lines to day to you. this few lines leves famly and I well at the present an doe trus by the help of God these will find you the same. Now what I want you to doe for me is this will you please give this letter to the Chicago Defender printers and I will bee oblige to you. I wood of back this letter to the Chicago defenders but they never wood of receve it from here.

I am to day riting you jus a fue lines for infermasion I wil state my complant is this. now her is 18 hundred of the colored race have paid to a man $2.00 to be transfered to Chicago to work, he tel us that thire is great demand in the north for labor and wee no it is true bee cors ther is thousands of them going from Alabama and fla. and Gergia and all so other states and this white man was to send us to Chicago on the 15 of march and eavery time we ask him about it he tell us that the companys is not redy for us and we all wants to get out of the south, wee herd that this man have fould wee people out of this money, wee has a duplicate shorn that wee have paid him this money and if ther is iny compnys that wants these men and will furnis transpertashion for us wil you please notifie me at once bee cors I am tired of bene dog as I was a beast and wee will come at wonce. So I will bee oblige to you if you will help us out of the south.

LIVE OAK, FLA., 4-25-17.

_Dear sir_: I wish to become in touch with you. I have been thinking of leaving the south and have had several ofers presented to me if only would say I would go and pay down so mutch money until a certain date but dont aprove of sutch. Know would be glad to have you relate to me weather I can get a job in or near the city.

I am now working at a commission house. Listen there have been several crooks out saying they are getting men for difrent works in the north, all you had to do pay them $2 or $3 dollars and meet him on a certain day and that would be the last. Will you relate to me some of the difrent kinds of works & prices.

Nothing more, I remain.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 22, 1917.

_Dear sir_: with the greatest of pleasure for me to address you a few lines, concerning of labor as I was reading and advertisement of yours in the Chicago Defender stateing that those who wish to locate in smaller towns with fairly good wages and to bring their children up with the best of education will kindly get in touch with you. However if you are in a business of that kind it just fitted me. While I am a man with a very large family most all are boys and it is my desires to get in touch with some good firms to works. Kind sir if you are in that kind of position please let me hear from you at once I've get no confidence in some of these so called agents. Ill be to glad to hear from you at once.

MOBILE, ALA., 12-4-16.

_Dear Sir_: While reading Sunday's Defender I read where you was coming south looking for labor I see you want intelligent industrious men to work in factories so I thought I would write and get a little information about it. there are a lot of idle men here that are very anxious to come north. every day they are fooled about go and see the man. pleanty of men have quit thier jobs with the expectation of going but when they go the man that is to take them cant be found. last week there was a preacher giving lecturers on going. took up collection and when the men got to the depot he could not be found, so if you will allow me the privaledge I can get you as many men as you need that are hard working honest men that will be glad to come. I will send you these names and address if you will send for them to come. there is not work here every thing is so high what little money you make we have to eat it up. so if what I say to you is agreeable please answer.

LETTERS ABOUT THE GREAT NORTHERN DRIVE OF 1917

PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-21-17.

_Sir_: You will please give us the names of firms where we can secure employment. Also please explain the Great Northern Drive for May 15th. We will come by the thousands. Some of us like farm work. The colored people will leave if you will assist them.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 25, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Would you kindely advise me of a good place where I can get a good job out in some of the small places from Chicago about 50 or 60 miles. I am expecting to leave the south about the 15th of May and will bring my family later on. Answer soon.

PASS CHRISTIAN, MISS., April 30, 1917.

_Sir_: I want to come north on 15th of May, & I would like to get a job at once. & if you will please locate one for me & let me know in return mail & oblige. Will except a job on farm or in town. I have a little education & I am aquainted with work all right. Hope to here from you soon.

MOBILE, ALA., April 25, 1917.

_Sir_: I was reading in theat paper atoout the Colored race and while reading it I seen in it where cars would be here for the 15 of May which is one month from to day. Will you be so kind as to let me know where they are coming to and I will be glad to know because I am a poor woman and have a husband and five children living and three dead one single and two twin girls six months old today and my husband can hardly make bread for them in Mobile. This is my native home but it is not fit to live in just as the Chicago Defender say it says the truth and my husband only get $1.50 a day and pays $7.50 a month for house rent and can hardly feed me and his self and children. I am the mother of 8 children 25 years old and I want to get out of this dog hold because I dont know what I am raising them up for in this place and I want to get to Chicago where I know they will be raised and my husband crazy to get there because he know he can get more to raise his children and will you please let me know where the cars is going to stop to so that he can come where he can take care of me and my children. He get there a while and then he can send for me. I heard they wasnt coming here so I sent to find out and he can go and meet them at the place they are going and go from there to Chicago. No more at present. hoping to hear from you soon from your needed and worried friend.

MONTGOMERY, ALA., May 7, 1917.

_My dear Sir_: I am writing to solicit your aid and advice as to how I may best obtain employment at my trade in your city. I shall be coming that way on the 15th of May and I wish to find immediate employment if possible.

I have varied experience as a compositor and printer. Job composition is my hobby. I have not experience as linotype operator, but can fill any other place in a printing office. Please communicate with me at the above address at once. Thanking you in advance for any assistance and information in the matter.

ROME, GA., May 13, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I am writing you in regards to present conditions in Chicago in getting employment. I am an experienced hotel man--in all departments, such as bellman, waiter, buss boy, or any other work pertaining to hotel and would like to know in return could you furnish me transportation to Chicago as you advertise in the Chicago Defender. Am good honest and sober worker, can furnish recermendations if necessary. Have worked at the Palmer House during year 1911 as bus boy in Cafe. But returned South for awhile and since the Northern Drive has begun I have decided to return to Chicago as I am well acquainted with the city. Hope to hear from you soon on this matter as it is of great importance to me.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4-23-17.

_Dear Editor_: I am a reader of the Defender and I am askeso much about the great Northern drive on the 15th of May. We want more understanding about it for there is a great many wants to get ready for that day & the depot agents never gives us any satisfaction when we ask for they dont want us to leave here, I want to ask you to please publish in your next Saturdays paper just what the fair will be on that day so we all will know & can be ready. So many women here are wanting to go that day. They are all working women and we cant get work here so much now, the white women tell us we just want to make money to go North and we do so please kindly ans. this in your next paper if you do I will read it every word in the Defender, had rather read it then to eat when Saturday comes, it is my hearts delight & hope your paper will continue on in the south until every one reads it for it is a God sent blessing to the Race. Will close with best wishes.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 2, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Please Sir will you kindly tell me what is meant by the great Northern Drive to take place May the 15th on tuesday. It is a rumor all over town to be ready for the 15th of May to go in the drive. the Defender first spoke of the drive the 10th of February. My husband is in the north already preparing for our family but hearing that the excursion will be $6.00 from here north on the 15 and having a large family, I could profit by it if it is really true. Do please write me at once and say is there an excursion to leave the south. Nearly the whole of the south is getting ready for the drive or excursion as it is termed. Please write at once. We are sick to get out of the solid south.

LETTERS CONCERNING WHICH SECRECY WAS ENJOINED

ORANGE CITY, FLA., May 4, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Being a reader of the Chicago Defender, I finds a add, stateing laborers wanted. I would like to ask if the add is refering to persons of that state only. Could a person secure a position until he could reach said state?

Now if you would answer this letter of information I would highly appreciate it. During your letter please give information about advanced transportation, etc. This is not as a testimony--don't publish.

MEMPHIS, TENN., June 1, 1917.

_Sir_: as I being one of the readers of your great News paper and if I am not to imposeing I want to ask you this information as to what steps I should take to secure a good position as a first class automobeal blacksmith or any kind pretaining to such and to say that I have been opporating a first class white shop here for quite a number of years one of the largest in the south and if I must say the only colored man in the city that does.

now I never knew any other way to find out as I want to leave the south and I feel very much confidential that you would give information if in your power. So if you know of such why please inform me at your leasure time. Any charges why notify me in return but do not publish.

VICKSBURG, MISS., May 2, 1917.

_Sir_: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I am asking you a little information. So many people are leaving south for north and it is too big families and we want to come north or middle west for better wages. We all have trade and if you think we all can get position just as we get north if not the middle west. Better please dont publish this is no paper. here is a stamp envelop for reply.

LAUREL, MISS., 4-30-17.

_Dear Sir_: In reading your defender paper every week find every thing so true makes me want to come more every day. so i am thinking of coming in a few days decided to write you in regards to getting a job that will suit my age. I am 48 years old am in very good helth and likes to work just like the days come. Have farm the biggest position of my life untill seven years ago. i follow publick work untill now would not like for my name to be publish in the paper.

FULLERTON, LA., May 7, 1917.

_Dear sir_: This comes to inform you that I would like very much to come up and locate in your town, but would like to have a little advise before I leave the sunny south. I am a railroad man by trade. Of course I am a Colored man but I have been Conductor for the G. & S. R. Ry. of the past eight years. I have acted as yard master, and manager of the switch engine and had charge of the local freight department. Please advise if you think I can secure a fairly good paying position up there and I am ready to come up and take hold. I can furnish good reference, and have my own typewriter and equipment.

I am not particular about working for the rail-road, but I would like to get something respectable if possible.

I think my reference will satisfy the most interogator. Kindly advise privately and do not publish.

GREENVILLE, MISS., May 12, 1917.

_Dear sir_: Please inform me as to wether there is imployment for col. insurance agents by Company as industrial writers sick and acc. and deth if thair is such co. handling coolored agents in Chicago or suburban towns, please see suptender as to wether he could youse a good relible live agent. I am contemplating moving to Ill. This is confidential.

My experience as ins. agent 15 year industrial and ord. life and prefered.

LETTERS EMPHASIZING RACE WELFARE

AUGUST, GA., May 12, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Just for a little infermation from you i would like to know wheather or not i could get in tuch with some good people to work for with a firm because things is afful hear in the south let me here from you soon as poseble what ever you do dont publish my name in your paper but i think peple as a race oguht to look out for one another as Christians friends i am a schuffur and i cant make a living for my family with small pay and the people is getting so bad with us black peple down south hear. now if you ever help your race now is the time to help me to get my family away. food stuf is so high. i will look for answer by return mail, dont publish my name if your paper but let me hear from you at once.

DELAND, FLA., 5/1. 17.

_Dear sir_: I being onknon to you in personnal but by reading the Chicago Defender I notice in its ad that there is chance for all kind of imployment that a men that will work can get and as I am one of the negro race that dont mind working study so it is understand that you will please let me no as to wheather you can place me in some of those positions for I sopose to be in this town about 5 more weeks. after leving her stopping in Savannah my home city to see my too bro. and mother I will then leve for the northern states I will thank you for some information.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear sir_: i am a reader of the Chicago defender and i seen in the defender that you are interrested in the well fair of the colored people those of the classe that is interested in themselves and coming to the north for a better chance so i take pleashure in riting to you that i may get some under standing about conditions of getting work as i see that you are in turch with the foundrys warehouses and the manufacturing concerns that is in need of laborers and i thought it was best to rite you and get some understanding as it is 4 of us expecting to leave here in a few days to come north but we are not coming for pleasure we are looking for wirk and better treatment and more money and i ask your aid in helping us to secure a good position of work as we are men of familys and we canot aford to loaf and i will be very glad to hear from you and an my arival i will call at your place to see you.

COLUMBIA, S. C., May 7, 1917.

_Dir sur_: i saw in one of our colord papers your ad i now seat my selft to seak work thru your ade of which i beleve is ernest devotion to our betterment i am a brick layer and plastrer i rite to no if i can get or you can get work for me please let me know detales plese.

MEMPHIS, TENN., 4-23-17.

_Gentlemen_: I want to get in tuch with you in regard of a good location & a job I am for race elevation every way. I want a job in a small town some where in the north where I can receive verry good wages and where I can educate my 3 little girls and demand respect of intelegence. I prefer a job as cabinet maker or any kind of furniture mfg. if possible.

Let me hear from you all at once please. State minimum wages and kind of work.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 2, 1917.

_Dear sir_: I am writing you a few lines seacking information about some work as i was read a Chicago Defender i saw where labarers wanted very much I am a labarer now have not no work here to do i am married man have one child and would like for yo to give me work to do anything I am well expereinced in ware house and foundry and if there any way for you to fearnish me a transportation to come at once do i can go so i can make my family a desen living you will please let me know and if you would help a poor need man i am willing to come any time if I had the money i would pay my own way but i realy ain got it so i am asking you to please do this for me i am realy in need if you can do a poor negro any good please do this for me.

PENSACOLA, FLA., April 25, 1917.

_My dear Sir_: I noticed an anticle in the Chicago Defender that officers and members of your organization officer to assist any member of the race to secure steady employment in small cities near Chicago. I am verry anxious to secure a job the year round at any kind of honest work, trusting that I may hear from you at an early date, I beg to remain.

ATLANTA, GA., April 11, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I am a reader of you paper and we are all crazy about it and take it every Saturday and we raise a great howl when we dont get it. Now since I see and feel that you are for the race and are willing to assist any one so I will ask you to please assist me in getting imployment and some place to stop with some good quiet people or with a family that would take some one to live with them. I will do any kind of work. I am a hair dresser but I will do any kind of work I can get to do I am a widow and have one child a little girl 6 years years old I dont know any body there so if you can assist me in any way will be greatly appreciated now this letter is personal please dont print it in your paper. I hope to hear from you soon.

ROME, GA., April 28, 1917.

_My dear Northern friend_: I saw in the Chicago Defender where llabors are wanted I am sure a man that wants to get out of the south and would do most any kind of work I has a wife she works all the time We has a boy age 13 years he has been working with me 5 years I has been working at the pipe shop 11 year but I can do other work you said you will sind a transportation after labores please send after me I can get 10 more mens if you want them. ans. soon so that I will no what to do but I hope you will say yes. hope you will say get the mens and let us sind for you all I am a man woks all the time I has a wife and 4 childrens.

HOUSTON, TEX., April 27, 1917.

_Dear Sirs_: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and I seen where you are in need of men and are also in the position for firms to seek you. I see where you are in the lines of work for the betterment of the race.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 22, 1917.

_Dear sir_: in reading the defender I seen where this was an oportunity for work, for the betterment of the race. Just out of the city and i thought to get in touch with you to see if their would be a chance for me an my brother, i dident no if you meant any one this far from Chicago or not but i rite to find out. but i hope you will except me please and let me no your wages, i hope to hear from you and if you will except me i can pick you up some responseful families mens but if you dont want them take me because i wants work, so good by.

SHERMAN, GA., Nov. 28, 1916.

_Dear sir_: This letter comes to ask for all infirmations concern emplyoment in your conection in the warmest climate. Now I am in a family of (11) eleven more or less boys and girls (men and women) mixed sizes who want to go north as soon as arrangements can be made and employment given places for shelter an so en (etc) now this are farming people they were raised on the farm and are good farm hands I of course have some experence and qualefication as a coman school teacher and hotel waiter and along few other lines.

I wish you would write me at your first chance and tell me if you can give us employment at what time and about what wages will you pay and what kind of arrangement can be made for our shelter. Tell me when can you best use us now or later.

Will you send us tickets if so on what terms and at what price what is the cost per head and by what route should we come. We are Negroes and try to show ourselves worthy of all we may get from any friendly source we endeavor to be true to all good causes, if you can we thank you to help up to come north as soon as you can.

SAVANNAH, GA., 4/21/17/

_Dear Sir_: I was very much impressed when I read the Defender where you are taking so much interest securing jobs for the race from the south. Please secure a job for man & wife in some small town and write me all information at once.

KISSIMMEE, FLA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender have read of the good work you are doing in employing help for your large factories and how you are striving to help get the better class of people to the north. I am a teacher and have been teaching five years successful, and as our school here has closed my cousin and I have decided to go north for the summer who is also a teacher of this county. I am writing you to secure for us a position that we could fit and one that would fit us, if there be any that is vacant.

We can furnish you with the best of reference. We would not like to advertise through a paper. Hoping to hear from you at an early date, I am

SANFORD, FLA., 4-29-17.

_Dear sir_: as a member of the Race who desire to join in and with and be among the better side of our Race I ask that you surcue me a job and have me a ticket sent or please send transportation fees at once. Write soon as I will watch for answer from you.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 4/29/17.

_Dear sir_: i was reading the Chicago Defender to day and i find that you is mutch enterrested in our negro race i have sevrul years in laundry business as a wash man and stationery boilers fireing at this time i have charge of wash room, i am a fire man and all so a laundry wash man too. hopeing that you will do all you can for me in getting a plase of theas persisons please giv this your attenson estateing salery per week pleas let me heare from you soon i remain yours truly

PENSACOLA, FLA., May 1, 1917.

_dear sirs_: I sene in Defender wher more positions open then men for them I am colord an do woork hard for my living an dont mind it is not no bad habits I work but dont get but small wedges I am up bilder of my colord race an love to help one when he dezirs to better his condishon I want to ast you for a favor of helping me to get to you an your office to get me a woork to do I want to learn a trade and I will pay you to look out for me an get me a job if you kindly will. Please an send me 3 tickets as we three good woorking mens make the time you can corleck ever weeak pay for yo at once be cause we meanse buisness now.

MONTGOMERY, ALA., May 19, 1917.

_Dear sir_: I notice in the Chicago defender that you are working to better the condiction of the colored people of the south. I am a member of the race & want too come north for to better the condiction of my famely I have five children my self and a wife & I want you to seek for me a job please. I will send you the trade I follows while here in the south. I works in the packing houses & also wholesale grocers houses. Either one I can do but I rather the packing the best. you can get a half of dozen womens from here that want work & wants information about jobs such as cooking, nurseing & cleaning up or anything else they can do.

PENSACOLA, FLA., April 13, 1917.

_Dear sur_: I ritting to you in order to get in touch with you about the work for the betterment of the race I shure want to better my condeshon in the Chicago Defender I seen whear that you say those wishing to locate in smaller towns with fairly good wages that what I want to suner the better for me. Answer at wonce.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Collected under the direction of Emmett J. Scott.

BOOK REVIEWS

_A Century of Negro Migration._ By CARTER G. WOODSON. The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Washington, D. C. Pp. 221.

The increasingly numerous articles, inquiries and investigations into the nature, extent, causes and results of the recent migratory movement among the Negroes in America demonstrate the great interest which has been manifested in this subject. At a period when so much personal opinion, ill-digested information and controversial literature, on racial problems are being flung at the public, it is a real pleasure for the sincere student of human affairs to welcome such an instructive work as this both because of its point of view and its valuable research. This volume is an unusual contribution in this field. It is an historical treatise, a study in economic progress and a survey of contemporary movements. As suggested by its title, the book examines with scholarly comprehension the continued migrations of the nineteenth century. The point of view which the volume presents is that of the new historical school, which holds that movements of the present have their roots in the past; and the present may not be properly understood without comprehending the foundations of the past. The book is replete with facts organized and interpreted with a scientific spirit, and the discussions are modern and scholarly.

After reading the book one ceases to speak of "a" migration, or of "the" migration, for Negro migration ceases to be a new development. It becomes an old movement, begun a century ago, but now heightened and intensified by the factors growing out of the World War. The author in his preface especially disclaims any distinctly new contribution of fact. The specific value of the volume rests then in its collection of isolated historical data culled from many known sources, and its presentation of a new vantage ground from which the whole subject may be regarded. An introductory section on the migrations at the close of the eighteenth century and in the opening years of the nineteenth century leads to the main chapters which follow under the headings: A Transplantation to the North; Fighting it out on Free Soil; Colonization as a Remedy for Migration; The Successful Migrant; Confusing Movements; The Exodus to the West; The Migration of the Talented Tenth, and The Exodus during the World War.

In the discussion of the Successful Migrant much information is given us of individuals who succeeded by sheer grit in making their way to freedom, and in some cases in building neat fortunes for themselves and their families. The charge that the Negro appears to be naturally migratory, an assertion which comes to light in recent studies in economic progress, is declared untrue. Dr. Woodson asserts that "this impression is often received by persons who hear of the thousands of Negroes who move from one place to another from year to year because of the desire to improve their unhappy condition. In this there is no tendency to migrate but an urgent need to escape undesirable conditions. In fact, one of the American Negroes' greatest shortcomings is that they are not sufficiently pioneering." To the reviewer, this statement, typical of others, seems to be the more reasonable conclusion from the facts, which others regard as only facts and by inference as racial tendencies. In the majority of instances the author finds, as other investigators have found, that the migrants belonged to the intelligent laboring class.

The best discussion is given in the closing chapter on The Exodus during the World War. This is made to differ from other migrations on the ground that the Negro has opportunity awaiting him, whereas formerly he had "to make a place for himself upon arriving among enemies." The effects upon the whites and the Negroes, North and South, are noted with unbiased attitude. The perspective of the trained historian appears to have its influence in this section. The earlier chapters are concerned primarily with the Negro in the Northwest, and so completely does the information center in this section of the country that it appears easily possible to expand this part into a larger work treating this phase in particular. The author's comment and criticism are suggestive to both races and particularly to the Negroes who furnish the subject-matter of the book. The book will have not only historical interest, but it will serve to point out the paramount unsettled condition of the race problem during the past century and the disturbing future which must face America. The volume is heartily commended to all readers and students, and it cannot fail to be informing upon this unsettled aspect of Negro life and history. No serious student should be without it.

CHARLES H. WESLEY.

* * * * *

_Negro Migration in 1916-17._ By R. H. LEAVELL, T.R. SNAVELY, T. J. WOOFTER, JR., W. T. B. WILLIAMS, and FRANCIS D. TYSON, with an introduction by J. H. DILLARD. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1919. Pp. 158.

This is a report of the Department of Labor issued from the office of the Secretary through the Division of Negro Economics, under the direction of Dr. George E. Haynes. The task was divided among a number of investigators. Mr. Leavell directed his attention to the migration from Mississippi, Mr. Snavely to that from Alabama and North Carolina, and Mr. Woofter to that from Georgia. Mr. Williams sketches in general the Exodus from the South and Mr. Tyson gives a survey of the Negro Migrant in the North. Submitted in this condition the report is much less valuable than it would have been, had the investigation been directed by a single man to work out of these individual reports a scientific presentation of the whole movement. As this was not the case, there is found throughout the report numerous duplications of discussions of causes and effects which might have given place to more valuable information.

The conclusion of Mr. Leavell, himself a Mississippian, as to measures for the rehabilitation of Mississippi labor conditions, are very interesting. He believes that a permanent surplus of Negro laborers outside of the upper delta can be created by reorganizing agriculture with emphasis on live stock and forage, that this surplus could then be directed to the delta and to Arkansas so far as needed for producing cotton and food stuffs, that the balance of this surplus labor should be drawn permanently to northern industries, and that the older communities along the Mississippi could attract the necessary additional labor from the surplus created in the hills. He believes also that there should be schools emphasizing education toward the farm, fair dealing in all business transactions, equal treatment in the distribution of public utilities, equal treatment in the courts and the encouragement of Negro farm ownership, the abolition of the fee system in courts of justice, the insistence of white public opinion on full settlement with Negroes on plantations, and, above all else, that the fundamental need is for frequent and confidential conferences upon community problems and for active cooperation between the local leaders of the two races.

Mr. Snavely counts among the causes of the migration from Alabama and North Carolina, the changed conditions incident to the transition from the old system of cotton planting to stock raising and the diversification of crops. Mr. Williams undertakes to estimate the size of the exodus, some of its effects and the initial remedies for keeping the Negroes in the South. Some of these are better pay, greater care for the employees, better educational facilities, the opportunity to rent and purchase sanitary homes, justice in the courts, the abolition of "jim crowism" and segregation.

One of the most interesting parts of the report is that which deals with the Negro migrant in the North. It is doubtful, however, that the author has done his task so well as Mr. Epstein did in treating intensively the same situation in Pittsburgh. This part of the report is too brief to cover the field adequately. There are few statistics taken from the censuses of 1900 and 1910 to show the increase of Negro population in the North during this period. Then comes a rapid survey of the districts receiving large numbers of Negroes during the migration. Attention is directed also to the adjustment of the Negroes to northern industry, race friction and the bearing of the Negro migration on the labor movement culminating in the riot of East St. Louis. Delinquency in the migrant population and the reports on the crime, health and housing conditions of the Negroes in the North are also discussed. That part of the report on constructive efforts toward adjustment of the migrant population in the North gives much information as to how the leading citizens of both races have coöperated in trying to solve the problems resulting from this sudden shifting of large groups of people.

* * * * *

_Twenty-Five Years in the Black Belt._ By WILLIAM J. EDWARDS. The Cornhill Company, Boston, 1918. Pp. 143.

This is a valuable biographical work in that the reader gets a view of conditions in the South as experienced and viewed by a Negro educated at Tuskegee and inspired thereby to spend his life in another part of the State of Alabama, doing what he learned at this institution. The author mentions his growth, the founding of the Snow Hill School, the assistance of the Jeannes Fund, and the ultimate solutions of his more difficult problems. The book becomes more interesting when he discusses the Negro problem, the exodus of the blacks and the World War.

The aim of the author, however, is to acquaint the public with the problems and difficulties confronting those who labor for the future of the Negro race. He complains of the land tenure, the credit system by which the Negroes become indebted to their landlords, the lack of educational facilities, and the consequent ignorance of the masses of the race. To enlist support to remedy these evils wherever this condition obtains, the life of the author who for twenty-five years has had to struggle against hardships is hereby presented as typical of the thousands of teachers white and black now suffering all but martyrdom in the South that the Negroes may after all have a chance to toil upward.

The book is not highly literary. The style is generally rough. Interesting facts appear here and there, but they did not reach the stage of organization in passing through the author's mind. The value of the book, however, is not materially diminished by its style. It certainly reflects the feelings and chronicles the deeds of a large group of the American people during one of the most critical periods of our history and must therefore be read with profit by those interested in the strivings of the people of low estate. Persons primarily concerned with industrial education will find this sketch unusually valuable. To throw further light on this systematic effort to elevate the Negroes of Alabama the author has given numerous illustrations. Among these are _Uncle Charles Lee and His Home in the Black Belt_, _Partial View of the Snow Hill Institute_, _A New Type of Home in the Black Belt_, _Typical Log Cabin in the Black Belt_, the _Home of a Snow Hill Graduate_, _Graduates of Snow Hill Institute_ and _Teachers of Snow Hill Institute_.

* * * * *

_Women of Achievement._ By BENJAMIN BRAWLEY. Woman's American Baptist Home Mission Society, Chicago, 1919. Pp. 92.

Glancing at the title of this volume one would expect to find therein the sketches of a number of women of color known to be useful in the uplift of the Negro race. Instead of this, however, there is the disappointment in tho restriction of these sketches to Harriet Tubman, Nora Gordon, Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Mary Church Terrell. No one will question the claims of some of these women to honorable mention, but when Nora Gordon, an unknown but successful missionary to Africa, is given precedence to the hundreds of women of color who have influenced thought and contributed to the common good of the race and country the historian must call for an explanation.

It is equally clear that in choosing the other four of these women as representative of the achievements of their race the biographer has done other distinguished women of the Negro race considerable injustice, if his book is to be taken seriously. Harriet Tubman was truly a great character and her life is an interesting chapter in the history of this country. Whether Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod Bethune and Mary Church Terrell deserve special consideration to the exclusion of others, however, is debatable. Meta Warrick Fuller has distinguished herself in art and so have several other women of color. Mary McLeod Bethune is generally considered an enterprising educator and public spirited woman, but one can here raise the question as to whether she leads her companions. Mary Church Terrell has very well established herself as an acceptable speaker on the race problem and so have many others.

In giving the facts which entitle these characters to honorable mention the author did not do his task well. He mentioned too few incidents in the lives of these persons to make them interesting. In other words, instead of presenting facts to speak for themselves the author too easily yielded to the temptation to indulge in mere eulogy. These mistakes cannot be excused, even if the book is intended for children. On the whole, however, the work indicates effort in the right direction and it is hoped that more extensive and numerous sketches of women of achievement of the Negro race may be found in the literature of our day.

NOTES

At the close of this the fourth year of its existence the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History convened in biennial session in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of June at the 12th Street Branch Y. M. C. A. The reports for the year were heard, new officers were elected, and the plans for the coming year were formulated. The proceedings in full will appear in the October number.

The chief interest of the meeting centered around the informing addresses on the _Negro in the World War_. Every phase of the war history which the Negro helped to make was treated.

The Association worked out also the plans by which it will collect data to write a scientific _History of the Negro in the World War_ just as soon as the treaty of peace is signed and documents now inaccessible because of the proximity to the conflict become available. The coöperation of all seekers after the truth is earnestly solicited.

During the past two years the Association has been able to move steadily forward in spite of the difficulties incident to the war. The subscriptions to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY have gradually increased and a number of philanthropists have liberally contributed to the fund now being used to extend the work into all parts of the country. This work is being done by a Field Agent who organizes clubs for the study of Negro life and history and, through local agents, sells the publications of the Association and solicits subscriptions to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY.

In addition to publishing for four years the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, a repository of truth now available in bound form, the association has brought out also _Slavery in Kentucky_, an interesting portraiture of the institution in that State; _The Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa_, one of the best studies of the early slave trade; and _A Century of Negro Migration_, the only scientific treatment of this movement hitherto published.

The circulation of these publications has been extensive. They are read in North America, South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa; they reach more than three hundred college and public libraries; they are found in all Negro homes where learning is an objective; they are used by most social workers to get light on the solution of the problems of humanity; they are referred to by students and professors conducting classes carrying on research; and they reach members of the cabinet and the President of the United States.

* * * * *

Carter G. Woodson is not a contributor to the _Official History of the Negro in the World War_ by Mr. Emmett J. Scott as has been reported throughout the country. He has given the author several suggestions, however, and such editorial assistance as the many tasks and obligations of the Director permitted.

THE JOURNAL

OF

NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. IV--OCTOBER, 1919--NO. 4

LABOR CONDITIONS IN JAMAICA PRIOR TO 1917

To show the lack of progress in Jamaica since the abolition of slavery by the gradual process inaugurated in 1833 and its final extermination in 1838, nothing will better serve the purpose than the review of the system of apprenticeship established as a substitute for that institution. According to the portraiture given by Sturge and Harvey in their work entitled _The West Indies in 1837_ and the conditions now obtaining in the island, very little progress in the condition of the laboring man has been made since that time.

For scarcely any remuneration the Negroes were required by a compulsory arrangement between their overseers and the Special Magistrates to give during the crop the time granted them under the law for their own use and they were on many estates obliged to work a greater number of hours than was required by law. The apprentices were compelled to work by spells of eight hours in the field on one day, and for sixteen hours in and about the boiling house on the next day, giving up their half Friday, for which amount of extra labor they received two shillings and one penny or 50 cents a week. On one estate the wages paid for extra labor during crop was two pence or 4 cents an hour. The working hours were generally from four to eleven and from one to five, and it is interesting to note that while it was expected that on each half Friday given to the apprentices, sufficient food should be provided by them to last for the succeeding week, yet when that half day was taken from them five or six herrings were the only compensation.

The following case is taken from an agreement made in 1836 by certain cane hole diggers. Every laborer agreed to dig 405 cane holes in four and one half days due his master, and to receive ten pounds of salt fish and a daily allowance of sugar and rum, the salt fish to be diminished in the ratio of one pound for every forty holes short of 405. In the one day and a half of his own time he was paid three shillings and four pence or 80 cents for every ninety cane holes. Under this agreement the maximum work performed was that of an apprentice who in three weeks of thirteen and one half days dug in his own time 1,017 holes, for which he received 28 pounds of fish, and in cash one pound and fifteen shillings or $8.40. By this means it was possible for the master to have 58 acres of land worked at a total cost of £147 10s 0d or $708. The cost to him, if the work had been given out to jobbers, would have been £8 an acre or £464, $2,227.20. His apprentices were therefore the means of saving for him the sum of £316 l0d or $1,519.20.

The following was the scale of wages for transient labor:

Prime headman 3 pence or 6 cents. Inferior headman 2 pence or 4 cents. First gang--able-bodied 1-1/2 pence or 3 cents. First gang--weakly 1-1/4 pence or 2-1/2 cents. Second gang--able-bodied 1-1/4 pence or 2-1/2 cents. Second gang--weakly 1 penny or 2 cents. Third gang--active 3/4 penny or 1-1/2 cents. Third gang--lazy 1/2 penny or 1 cent.

The apprentices were permitted under the law to make application to be valued, and on the basis of the valuation were entitled to purchase their freedom. Here again was the system grossly abused. The slaves or apprentices, as they were at that time called, became at the hour of valuation very desirable assets; and, in many instances, so valuable did they suddenly become that it was quite out of their power to carry out their intention. The system became for this reason a premium on all the bad qualities of the Negroes and a tax upon all the good. In spite of this, however, so great was the desire for freedom that within a period of twenty-eight months, from 1st August, 1834, to 30th November, 1836, 1,580 apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation at a cost of £52,215 or $250,632, an average of £33 or $158.40 a head.

Although seventy-eight years have passed since the total abolition of slavery, however, the condition of the laborers of Jamaica remains practically the same as it was then. There has been beyond doubt much improvement in the island, but the unfortunate fact is this, that the laborer living in a country much improved in many respects, is himself no better or very little better off than his forefathers in slavery. In truth, he is still an economic slave. The conditions under which he lives and works are such as destroy whatever ambition he may possess, and reduce his life to a mere drudgery, to a mere animal existence.

Some progress has been made and there are signs of improvement, but the majority of laborers, the men and women and children who till the banana fields and work on the sugar plantations, are no better off than previously. These are still beasts of burden, still the victims of an economic system under which they labor not as human beings with bodies to be fed or clothed, with minds to be cultivated and aspiring souls to be ministered unto, but as living machines designed only to plant so many banana suckers in an hour, or to carry so many loads of canes in a day. After seventy-eight years in this fair island, side by side, with the progress and improvements above referred to, there are still hundreds and hundreds of men and women who live like savages in unfloored huts, huddled together like beasts of the field, without regard to health or comfort. And they live thus, not because they are worthless or because they are wholly without ambition or desire to live otherwise, but because they must thus continue as economic slaves receiving still the miserable pittance of a wage of eighteen pence or 36 cents a day that was paid to their forefathers at the dawn of emancipation. The system is now so well established that the employers apparently regard it as their sacred right and privilege to exploit the laborers, and the laborers themselves have been led by long submission and faulty teaching to believe that the system is a part of the natural order, a result of divine ordainment.

This attitude of the poor down-trodden laborers is one of the most effective blocks in the way of his improvement. But the despair of every one who dares to tackle this problem of improving the economic and therefore the social and moral condition of the laborers of this island is based on the inertness which almost amounts to callous indifference of the local Government.

The following letters addressed to me by the Colonial Secretary of Jamaica deserves to be put on record as evidence of the mind of the government, in 1913,--of its inability or unwillingness to take the first step. Letter A was written at the direction of Sir Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G., then Governor of Jamaica, who recently expressed the opinion that the laborers in this island should receive one dollar a day. That letter is valuable in that it is an official statement of the maximum wages paid by the government of Jamaica to its own laborers. Letter B was written at the direction of the then Colonial Secretary, Mr. P. Cork, and is even more valuable as an official pronouncement on the important question of a living wage.

LETTER A.

"17th January, 1913.

No. 787/15568

With reference to the letter from this office No. 13099/15568 dated the 6th November last and to previous correspondence in connection with your suggestion that the Government should raise the wages of their laborers, I am directed by the Governor to inform you that it appears from enquiries made by His Excellency's direction that the average wage now earned by laborers under the Public Works Department is approximately one shilling and eight pence half penny (41 cents) for an average day of ten hours, so that in an average day of ten hours the laborers would at the same rate of pay earn two shillings and one penny half penny" (51 cents).

LETTER B.

"8th March, 1913.

No. 2926/3268

The Acting Governor directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th ultimo on the subject of the amount of wages paid to native laborers in the employment of the Government, and in reply to say that no acknowledgement of the correctness of your contention that one shilling and sixpence per diem is not a fair living wage for any laborer to receive, and that the minimum he ought reasonably to expect to enable him to meet the ordinary demands of existence is two shillings per diem (48 cents), is to be inferred from the letter from this office, No. 737/15568 dated the 17th of January, 1913.

"2. I am to add that His Excellency is not in a position to comply with your request that steps should be taken to ensure to all laborers working under the Public Works Department a minimum wage of two shillings per diem (48 cents) as from 1st April next."

The problem becomes real and serious when the ruling authorities are unwilling to admit what is absolutely clear to every one who is not hopelessly prejudiced, namely, that eighteen pence or thirty-six cents a day, the amount which was paid to the emancipated slaves in 1838, is not a living wage for his descendants in the year 1913, and when they are either unable or unwilling to set the pace for other employers of labor by paying their own laborers a minimum wage of two shillings or forty-eight cents a day.

With the labor problem of Jamaica the question of East Indian Immigration is intimately connected. While, on the one hand, we have the able-bodied native laborers miserably and cruelly underpaid, and having in consequence to emigrate in large numbers to other countries, on the other hand, we have the importation into the island of indentured immigrants under the conditions which make the economic improvement of the native laborers an impossibility. On the one side, the available records inform us that from April 1, 1905, to March 31, 1908, laborers numbering 39,060 emigrated from this island and deposited with the local Government the sum of £22,217 or $106,641.60 as required by law. The exodus to Cuba is at present a very serious comment upon the existing labor conditions. During the month of December, 1916, 761 persons emigrated from the island, 580 to Cuba and 181 to other places.

The figures, on the other side, reveal the fact that since the introduction of East Indian Immigration in 1845 to the present time 35,933 East Indians have been brought into the island; and it is estimated that there are to-day resident in the island over 20,000 East Indians, 3,000 of whom are indentured and 17,000 have completed their term of indenture. These immigrants are distributed to the several estates by the government at a cost of £20.10.0, or $90.42, paid in installments: £2 or $9.60, paid on allottment, £2.2.0 or $10.08 at the end of the first year, and £4.2.0 or $19.68 at the end of each of the succeeding four years.

For the years 1891-1908 the cost of this system to the colony is officially reported as follows:

Cost of importation £129,692.2.2 $622,522.12 Administrative expenses £ 37,377.0.2 179,409.64 Return passages 1901-8 £ 27,254.5.11 130,820.62 Gross cost £194,323.83 $932,752.38 Receipts in hand £143,171.1.1 $687,221.06 Net cost to colony £ 51,152.7.2 $245,531.32

or an average of over £3,000 or $14,400 per annum.

The immigrants are indentured for five years, and are entitled after a continuous residence of ten years in the colony to one half of the value of their passage money in the case of men and of one third in the case of women. For a working day of nine hours the men are paid one shilling or 24 cents and the women nine pence or 18 cents. A deduction of two shillings and sixpence or 60 cents a week is made for rations supplied. They receive free hospital treatment which cost the Government on the average of two pounds or $9.60 each per annum.

The system of immigration is a factor contributing to the present unsatisfactory condition of the labor market in this island. The immigrants are unfair competitors of the natives. They accept lower wages, and they lower the standard of life. They are practically modern slaves. It is not then reasonable with such competitors for the native laborer to expect a favorable response to his appeal for fairer treatment. It is asserted that the importation of East Indians is necessary because the native laborers will not give that reliable and continuous service which is necessary for the profitable working of the estates. The answer to this is that these same laborers emigrate and give their foreign employers the reliable and continuous service which they consistently withhold from the employer at home because they are paid more and treated better abroad.

The solution of the problem in so far as the first steps are concerned is then two fold. First, the government must at once determine that this systematic immigration of cheap labor must cease, and must set about without delay to make the necessary arrangements and adjustments which will be preparatory to an early discontinuance of the system. Next, the employers of labor must either by persuasion or legal coercion be led to induce the native laborers by the offer of better wages to remain at home.

With reference to the first it has been discovered that the government supports the fiction that the importation of East Indians is necessary. In a report dated October 1, 1908, the Acting Protector of Immigrants, with the apparent approval of the Governor, wrote: "As a result of having a nucleus of reliable labor in the shape of indentured coolies owners of estates have felt themselves justified in spending large sums of money in extending their cultivations, and in installing expensive machinery. This has had the effect of providing employment for a much larger number of creole laborers than formerly, and of putting a great deal more money in circulation. I think that instead of the coolie being cursed by the native laborer for taking away his work he should be blessed for having been the means of providing employment for him."

The substance of the statement given above is incorporated by Sir Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G., in a chapter of his book entitled _White Capital and Colored Labor_, in which there occurs this remarkable assertion: "In Jamaica wages are higher in those districts where indentured coolies are employed on banana plantations." Coolies who receive a maximum wage of one shilling or 24 cents a day are introduced to the world as the wage-raising factor in Jamaica!

Just prior to the World War the labor question was a very live one in Jamaica. The weekly exodus of hundreds of laborers to the neighboring island of Cuba, the murmuring of dissatisfaction among the immigrants, friction in the working of the Immigration Department,--all have served to bring this labor problem prominently to public notice. At a meeting held in the interest of the sugar industry in January, 1917, there was adopted a suggestive resolution moved by Mr. A. W. Farquharson, a prominent and successful legal practitioner, and a man who, though the descendant of an old family of planters, is deeply interested in the improvement of the laborers. The resolution was: "That this committee is convinced that the continuous and increasing exodus of laborers from the colony to seek work in foreign countries is impeding the development of the resources of the island, and that it is of urgent importance that early measures should be adopted to arrest such exodus, by the creation of conditions which will induce an improvement in the status of the laboring population."

The _Daily Chronicle_ of that date comments thus on the question:

"The Sugar Committee has pointed out clearly the precise measures that are certain to produce better remuneration for the laborer, and this, as we have been insisting from the start, is the very essence of the scheme. According to the recommendations forwarded to the Government and turned down by the Privy Council--some of whose members have evidently made up their minds that something akin to the feudal system must, in the interest of a few, be forever maintained in Jamaica--the Government would go into the business for the protection of the community against the avidity of the private capitalist; in other words, to insure a fair distribution in this island, of the profits derived from the rehabilitated industry. Under this arrangement the Government factories would be in a position to set the pace in the matter of payment of wages to the laborer. Think of what this would mean! A higher standard of living, better health, more happiness--the very things which the peasant is being forced to go abroad to obtain. But the mandamus will have none of this socialism; it is too broad, too comprehensive, too human for minds unaccustomed to look beyond self. So they have rejected the Sugar Committee's proposals, compelling Mr. Farquharson and his friends to appeal to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. His Excellency the Governor and his advisors have thus shown their utter inability to understand the economic needs of the island. Deliberately--we do not say with malice aforethought--have they decided to perpetuate conditions which in the past have served to disintegrate the population of this colony, and will in the future continue to do this with even more harmful effects than hitherto unless some well-considered attempt is made to produce more wealth from our soil for the benefit, not of a few capitalists, but of the nine hundred thousand inhabitants of Jamaica."

One might not wholly endorse this criticism, but it should be represented that the inaction of the government, whether due to inability or indifference or to whatever cause, has been the prime preventing cause of an earlier solution of a long standing problem. It seemed, however, as if an attempt was at last to be made to do something. A news article in _The Daily Gleaner_, February, 1917, announced that the Government had at last realized the urgent need of improved barrack accommodation on the estates, and of proper medical supervision of the laborers. It desired to stem the exodus of laborers, but from its own statement given out to the press in the article referred to, not so much for the benefit of the ill-paid laborers, but in consideration for the employers who would soon have to face a labor market relieved of imported coolies. And so, for the sake of the employers, it was proposed to ask the native laborer to agree to be indentured for twelve months at the same miserable wages of eighteen pence or 36 cents a day, with the addition of a tempting (?) bonus of two pounds or $9.60 at the end of the term. And this paternal suggestion was made in order "to improve the local sources of labor supply that were available" at a time when Cuba was offering from one dollar to one dollar and a half a day!

The Labor Problem of Jamaica may then be briefly stated thus: After seventy-eight years of freedom the laboring population was economically no better off in 1916 than their forefathers who lived in the early days of emancipation. The laborers received a daily wage which was but a small pittance, and they worked under conditions that were appalling, and that were a disgrace to any community pretending to be civilized. The government instead of taking steps to improve these conditions and thus to induce the laborer to give in Jamaica that reliable and continuous service which hundreds so willingly and efficiently gave abroad, promoted the perpetuation of those conditions by spending each year over £3,000 or $14,400 of the taxpayers' money in establishing and maintaining a system of immigration which demoralized the best labor market by providing the employers with an undesirable class of laborers whose standard of life is abnormally low, and to whom twenty-four cents a day is a considerable sum, and thereby compelled the native laborer either to accept the unsatisfactory conditions or to emigrate.

The following extract from an article entitled, "What Feeding Him Means," which appeared in _The Daily Gleaner_ of February 7, 1917, throws more light on the problem:

"Captain Fist tells us that what the peasant needs to make him a better worker is better feeding. He also suggests that decent dwelling places should be put up on the estates and plantations for the people, and that a small lot of land should be allowed each family for the cultivation of ground provisions. All this and more is being done for the Jamaican in Panama. But when we hear of living places here, it is always 'barracks' that are spoken of,--a long range of wretched structures where comfort and privacy are out of the question, and where, as a rule, only single men can live. But men are not going to work and live as bachelors to oblige other people. We do not want laborers merely, we want decent families of men and women and children, and if the economic situation in this country cannot provide us with these, so much the worse for the situation and for the whole country. The fact is that the Jamaica peasant, if he has been decently fed and is free from disease, is a good worker. Our Government, therefore, if it is to justify any claim to being intelligent, progressive and far seeing must take up the question of disease with a degree of thoroughness never shown before; while the employer of labor must provide decent living places for his workers and pay a sufficient wage to enable them to eat enough nutritious food and become better workers and improved human beings. Unless something of the sort is done, Jamaica will continue to lose her best able bodied population. There can be no restriction of emigration here unless the Government fixes that minimum at an amount not less than two shillings a day (48 cents) and then the Government would have to see that the worker got his money, and also obtained sufficient work to do. Nothing is to be expected from any scheme of local indenture: the laborer who indentured himself to work for a year at one shilling and sixpence a day, (36 cents) even with a bonus of less than a shilling a week thrown in at the end of a year would be an exceptional person, a man with no intention of keeping the contract and what would you do if he did not keep the contract? No; these schemes are merely moonshine: we might as well dismiss them from our minds at once. The only way in which the Government can directly help the laborer is for the Government to start industries and pay a decent daily or weekly wage. But the intelligent employer can do a great deal to help himself where labor is concerned, if he will but understand that better pay and better conditions are what his workers want and must have; and he will find that so long as his undertakings pay him well--that so long as sugar, coconuts and other things bring him a large profit (as they are doing today) it will be profitable to him to make the lot of the worker a better one than it is. Now is the time for employers to set to work on these necessary reforms. They can afford to do so, and they decidedly ought to do so.

E. ETHELRED BROWN.

THE LIFE OF CHARLES B. RAY

Charles Bennett Ray was born in Falmouth, Massachusetts, December 25, 1807, and died August 15, 1886. He first attended the school and academy of his native town and then studied theology at the Wesleyan Academy of Wilbraham, Massachusetts, and later at Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut. He became a Congregational minister. His chief work, however, was in connection with the anti-slavery movement, the Underground Railroad and as editor of _The Colored American_ from 1839 to 1842. As a national character he did not measure up to the stature of Ward, Remond and Douglass, and for that reason he is too often neglected in the study of the history of the Negro prior to the Civil War. But he was one of the useful workers in behalf of the Negroes and accomplished much worthy of mention.[1]

Ray became connected with the anti-slavery movement in 1833, in the early winter of which the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. He proved his fidelity to the sacred cause of liberty by lending practical aid which men in high places often had neither the time nor the patience to give and contributed much to the final overthrow of slavery. "Many a midnight hour," said he, "have I with others walked the streets, their leader and guide and my home was an almost daily receptacle for numbers of them at a time."[2] In those days when so many matters of importance touching the subject of slavery had to be adjusted, the advocates of freedom often met for an interchange of views; and Mr. Ray's home became, on several occasions, the scene of such gatherings where Lewis Tappan, Simeon S. Jocelyn, Joseph Sturge, the celebrated English philanthropist, and others discussed with great earnestness the inner workings of that grand moral conflict.

In coöperation with wealthy abolitionists whose purse strings were wont to be loosed at the call of humanity, he assisted in enabling many a slave to see the light of freedom. Several were taken by him to the Plymouth Church in Brooklyn, which under the inspiration of Henry Ward Beecher, the fearless champion of the cause, contributed liberally toward the succor of the oppressed. In 1850, fifteen years after the formation of the Vigilance Committee of the city of New York, of which Theodore S. Wright was president, the New York State Committee was formed with a plan and object similar to those of the more local organizations. Of this new association Gerrit Smith was president and Ray, a member of the executive board as well as corresponding secretary, an office he held also in the older society. While Ray was not every time the moving spirit of these organizations, he figured largely in carrying out the plans agreed upon by these bodies. In the discharge of the trust committed to his hands he usually acquitted himself with an honorable record.[3]

In advancing the anti-slavery cause, Ray was among the first to work with the circle of radical free Negroes who, through the conventions of the free people of color meeting in Philadelphia and in other cities of the North from 1830 until the Civil War,[4] did much to make the freedman stand out as worthy objects of the philanthropy of the anti-slavery societies. During this period the American Colonization Society was doing its best to convince free Negroes of their lack of opportunity in this country to induce them to try their fortunes in Africa and because of the rapidity with which some free Negroes yielded to this heresy, there was a strong probability that the anti-slavery movement might be weakened by such adherence to faith in colonization to the extent that the ardor of the militant abolitionists would be considerably dampened. While not among the first to start the convention movement among Negroes, Ray in the course of time became one of its most ardent supporters and no convention of the free people of color was considered complete without him.

His career as a journalist in connection with _The Colored American_ was highly creditable. This paper was established in 1837 as the _Weekly Advocate_ with Samuel E. Cornish as editor and Phillip A. Bell as proprietor. After two months it was decided to change the name of the publication to _The Colored American_, under the caption of which it appeared March 4, 1837. Bell then called to his assistance Charles B. Ray who served him as general agent. Traveling as such he went through all parts of the North, East, and West writing letters to present to the public his observations and experiences and lecturing while speaking of the claims of his paper as the champion of the slave and the organ of thought for the free Negro.[5]

Ray rose to the position of one of the proprietors of _The Colored American_ in 1838 and upon the withdrawal of Bell from the enterprise the following year, he became the sole editor and continued in that capacity until 1842 when he suspended publication. He was regarded by his contemporary, William Wells Brown, as a terse and vigorous writer and an able and eloquent speaker well informed upon all subjects of the day. "Blameless in his family relations, guided by the highest moral rectitude, a true friend to everything that tends to better the moral, social, religious and political condition of man. Dr. Ray," says Brown, "may be looked upon as one of the foremost of the leading men of his race."[6]

That the paper ceased to be was no reflection on Ray's ability to conduct the journal, for he manifested evidences of unusual editorial ability and his writings were always strong in the advocacy of liberty and justice. The failure of the enterprise was due to the fact that there were not quite 400,000 free Negroes in the United States at that time and the small number of readers among them were so unhappily dispersed throughout the country that it was difficult to secure enough support for such an enterprise. At this time _The Colored American_ was the only paper in the United States devoted to the interest of the Negro published by a man of color. Its objects were the "more directly moral, social, and political elevation and improvement of the free colored people; and the peaceful emancipation of the enslaved." It, therefore, advocated "all lawful as well as moral measures to accomplish those objects."[7] Feeling that this journal should not be narrow in restricting its efforts to better the condition of the people of color in this country, the editor proclaimed his interest in behalf of such people of all countries of the universe and his concern in the reforms of the age and whatever related to common humanity.

Concerning this paper the _Herald of Freedom_ said the following:

"_The Colored American_, we are glad to see, has reappeared in the field, under the conduct of our enterprising and talented Brother Ray. It will maintain a very handsome rank among the antislavery periodicals, and we hope will be well sustained and kept up by both, colored and uncolored patronage.

"It must be a matter of pride to our colored friends, as it is to us, that they are already able to vindicate the claims our enterprise has always made in their behalf,--to an equal intellectual rank in this heterogeneous (but 'homogeneous') community.

"It is no longer necessary for abolitionists to contend against the blunder of pro-slavery,--that the colored people are inferior to the whites; for these people are practically demonstrating its falseness. They have men enough in action now, to maintain the anti-slavery enterprise, and to win their liberty, and that of their enslaved brethren,--if every white abolitionist were drawn from the field: McCune Smith, and Cornish, and Wright and Ray and a host of others,--not to mention our eloquent brother, Remond, of Maine, and Brother Lewis who is the stay and staff of field antislavery in New Hampshire.

"The people of such men as these cannot be held in slavery. They have got their pens drawn and tried their voices, and they are seen to be the pens and voices of human genius; and they will neither lay down the one, nor will they hush the other, till their brethren are free.

"The Calhouns and Clays may display their vain oratory and metaphysics, but they tremble when they behold the colored man is in the intellectual field. The time is at hand, when this terrible denunciation shall thunder in their own race."[8]

_The Christian Witness_ said the following:

"_The Colored American._ Returning from the country, we are glad to find upon our table several copies of this excellent paper, which has waked up with renewed strength and beauty. It is now under the exclusive control of Charles B. Ray, a gentleman in every manner competent to the duties devolving upon him in the station he occupies. Our colored friends generally, and all those who can do so, would bestow their patronage worthily by giving it to _The Colored American_."[9]

As to the sort of editor Charles B. Ray was, we can best observe by reading two of his striking editorials on _Prejudice_ and _This Country, our only Home_.

PREJUDICE

"'Prejudice,' said a noble man, 'is an aristocratic hatred of humble life.'

"Prejudice, of every character, and existing against whom it may, is hatred. It is a fruit of our corrupt nature, and has its being in the depravity of the human heart. It is sin.

"To hate a man, for any consideration whatever, is murderous; and to hate him, in any degree, is, in the same degree murderous; and to hate a man for no cause whatever, magnifies the evil. 'Whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer,' says Holy Writ.

"There is a kind of aristocracy in our country, as in nearly all others, a looking down with disdain upon humble life and a disregard of it. Still, we hear little about prejudice against any class among us, excepting against color, or against the colored population of this Union, which so monopolizes this state of feeling in our country that we hear less of it in its operations upon others, than in other countries. It is the only sense in which there is equality; here, the democratic principle is adopted and all come together as equals, and unite the rich and the poor, the high and the low, in an equal right to hate the colored man; and its operations upon the mind and character are cruel and disastrous, as it is murderous and wicked in itself. One needs to feel it, and to wither under its effects, to know it: and the colored men of the United States, wherever found, and in whatever circumstances, are living epistles, which may be read by all men in proof of all that is paralyzing to enterprise, destructive to ambition, ruinous to character, crushing to mind, and painful to the soul, in the monster, Prejudice. For it is found equally malignant, active, and strong--associated with the mechanical arts, in the work-shop, in the mercantile houses, in the commercial affairs of the country, in the halls of learning, in the temple of God; and in the highways and hedges. It almost possesses ubiquity; it is every where, doing its deleterious work wherever one of the proscribed class lives and moves.

"Yet prejudice against color, prevalent as it is in the minds of one class of our community against another, is unnatural, though habitual. If it were natural, children would manifest it with the first signs of consciousness; but with them, all are alike affectionate and beloved. They have not the feeling, because it is a creature of education and habit.

"While we write, there are now playing at our right, a few steps away, a colored and white child, with all the affection and harmony of feeling, as though prejudice had always been unknown.

"Prejudice overlooks all that is noble and grand in man's being. It forgets that, housed in a dark complexion is, equally alike with the whites, all that is lofty in mind and noble in soul, that there lies an equal immortality. It reaches to grade mind and soul, either by the texture of the hair, or the form of the features, or the color of the skin. This is an education fostered by prejudice; consequently, an education almost universally prevalent in our country; an education, too, subverting the principles of our humanity, and turning away the dictates of our noble being from what is important, to meaner things.[10]

"THIS COUNTRY, OUR ONLY HOME.

"When we say, 'our home,' we refer to the colored community. When we say, 'our only home,' we speak in a general sense, and do not suppose but in individual cases some may, and will take up a residence under another government, and perhaps in some other quarter of the globe. We are disposed to say something upon this subject now, in refutation of certain positions that have been assumed by a class of men, as the American people are too well aware, and to the reproach of the Christian church and the Christian religion, too, viz.: that we never can rise here, and that no power whatsoever is sufficient to correct the American spirit, and equalize the laws in reference to our people, so as to give them power and influence in this country.

"If we cannot be an elevated people here, in a country the resort of almost all nations to improve their condition; a country of which we are native, constituent members; our native home, (as we shall attempt to show) and where there are more means available to bring the people into power and influence, and more territory to extend to them than in any other country; also the spirit and genius of whose institution we so well understand, being completely Americanized, as it will be found most of our people are,--we say, if we can not be raised up in this country, we are at great loss to know where, all things considered, we can be.

"If the Colored Americans are citizens of this country, it follows, of course, that, in the broadest sense, this country is our home. If we are not citizens of this country, then we cannot see of what country we are, or can be, citizens; for Blackstone who is quoted, we believe, as the standard of civil law, tells us that the strongest claim to citizenship is birthplace. We understand him to say, that in whatever country or place you may be born of that country or place you are, in the highest sense, a citizen; in fine, this appears to us to be too self-evident to require argument to prove it.

"Now, probably three-fourths of the present colored people are American born, and therefore American citizens. Suppose we should remove to some other country, and claim a foothold there, could we not be rejected on the ground that we were not of them, because not born among them? Even in Africa, identity of complexion would be nothing, neither would it weigh anything because our ancestry was of that country; the fact of our not having been born there would be sufficient ground for any civil power to refuse us citizenship. If this principle were carried out, it would be seen that we could not be even a cosmopolite, but must be of nowhere, and of no section of the globe. This is so absurd that it is as clear as day that we must revert to the country which gave us birth, as being, in the highest sense, citizens of it.

"These points, it appears to us, are true, indisputably true. We are satisfied as to our claims as citizens here, and as to this being the virtual and destined home of colored Americans.

"We reflect upon this subject now, on account of the frequent agitations, introduced among us, in reference to our emigrating to some other country, each of which, embodies more or less of the colonizing principle, and all of which are of bad tendency, throwing our people into an unsettled state; and turning away our attention in this country, to uncertain things under another government, and evidently putting us back. All such agitations introduced among us, with a view to our emigrating, ought to be frowned upon by us, and we ought to teach the people that they may as well come here and agitate the emigration of the Jays, the Rings, the Adamses, the Otises, the Hancocks, et al., as to agitate our removal. We are all alike constituents of the same government, and members of the same rising family. Although we come up much more slowly, our rise is to be none the less sure. This subject is pressed upon us, because we not infrequently meet some of our brethren in this unsettled state of mind, who, though by no means colonizationists yet adopt the colonization motto, and say they can not see how or when we are going to rise here. Perhaps, if we looked only to the selfishness of man, and to him as absolute, we should think so, too. But while we know that God lives and governs, and always will; that He is just, and has declared that righteousness shall prevail; and that one day with Him is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day; we believe that, despite all corruption and caste, we shall yet be elevated with the American people here.

"It appears to us most conclusive, that our destinies in this country are for the better, not for the worse, in view of the many schemes introduced to our notice for emigrating to other countries having failed; thus teaching us that our rights, hopes, and prospects, are in this country; and it is a waste of time and of power to look for them under another government; and also, that God, in His providence, is instructing us to remain at home, where are all our interests and claims and to adopt proper measures and pursue them, and we yet shall participate in all the immunities and privileges the American nation holds out to her citizens, and be happy. We are also strongly American in our character and disposition.

"We believe, therefore, in view of all the facts, that it is our duty and privilege to claim an equal place among the American people; to identify ourselves with American interests, and to exert all the power and influence we have, to break down all the disabilities under which we labor, and thus look to become a happy people in this extensive country."[11]

Ray rendered equally as valuable services to the Negroes as a promoter of the Underground Railroad. In fact he was approaching the climax of his career when the Underground Railroad became an efficient agency in offering relief to the large number of Negro slaves who found themselves reduced to the plane of beasts in the rapidly growing cotton kingdom. One of the striking cases in which he figured was that of the escape of the Weims family, so well known for the almost unparalleled deliverance from bondage of the entire family with one exception.

Exactly how the freedom of these slaves was obtained appears to better effect in the language of Ray himself. "But I must say a word about the younger girl, the price of whom they held as high as we gave for Catherine. We proposed another method for her freedom and carried it out, in which the mother acted a good part, as she could; we proposed to run her off. I was written to, to know whether a draft for three hundred dollars would be forwarded, conditioned upon the appearance of Ann Maria in my house or hands--the sum being appropriated to compensate the one who should deliver her safely in the North. I answered, of course, in the affirmative."[12]

The escape of Ann Maria, as proposed by this new plan, can best be explained by the correspondence between Mr. Ray and Mr. Bigelow in Washington, who, writing according to a method often adopted in those days in order the more effectually to secure concealment, designates Ann Maria as the parcel sent.[13] The letter reads thus:

"WASHINGTON, D. C., Nov. 17, 1855.

"REV. CHAS. B. RAY,

"_Dear Sir:_ I have a friend passing through the city on his way to New York, and I mean to avail myself of his kindness to send to your lady the little parcel she has been so long expecting. You can name it to her, and I now suggest that as soon as you find it convenient, you send me by express the wrapper and covering in which the valuables are packed, for I have another similar parcel to send and shall find these things exactly convenient for that purpose. My friend intends to leave here on Monday morning, with his own conveyance, taking it leisurely, and may not reach New York before about Thursday, but of this I speak more exactly before I close. I need not suggest to you how anxious I shall be to get the earliest news of the arrival of the package without breakage or injury."

Also he adds as follows:

"WASHINGTON, D. C., November 22, 1855.

"REV. CHAS. B. RAY, "_Dear Sir:_

"My last letter will lead you to expect to see the boy Joe to-day but it was afterwards calculated that he will not arrive till sometime to-morrow. I am requested for the gratification of Joe's mother that you will be pleased on his arrival and before he changes his sex, to have his daguerrotype taken for her use. It will make up a part of the Record."

Mr. Ray's narration continues thus:

"Accordingly, one afternoon upon arriving home I found, sitting on the sofa at my home, a little boy about ten years old in appearance and looking rather feminine. I knew at once who it was, that it was Ann Maria. Upon her arrival I was to take her to Mr. Tappan, in whose hands the balance of the money was placed. This I did, and the little boy Joe was taken to her uncle or to where he could obtain her and finally reached Canada."

The following incident has often been told in Mr. Ray's family. "One summer morning, a loud rap with the knocker at the front door arrested the attention and the door being opened, a man entered, who after asking, 'Does the Rev. Mr. Ray live here?' and receiving an affirmative answer, whistled as a signal to attract the notice of his comrades, then cried out, 'Come on, boys!' and forthwith fourteen men in all entered, quite alarming the inmates of the house on seeing such a train of fugitives."

In the midst of these busy days Mr. Ray also served as a minister. For twenty years he was the pastor of the Bethesda Congregational Church in New York City where many learned to wait upon his ministry. He lived until 1886, long enough to enjoy some of that liberty for which he so patiently toiled. His more valuable services to his race, however, were rendered during the period prior to the Civil War. Although in the midst of this struggle of the subsequent period there came forward men who towered higher in the public opinion than he did, the valuable work which he did as an abolitionist, and an editor, should not be neglected.

M. N. WORK

FOOTNOTES:

[1] A very good account of C. B. Ray's literary efforts is given in I. Garland Penn's _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 32-47.

[2] Papers in the possession of Ray's family.

[3] For further information see manuscripts in the possession of Ray's family.

[4] This convention movement is well treated in J. W. Cromwell's _The Negro in American History_, pp. 27-46.

[5] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, p. 35.

[6] Brown, _The Rising Son_, p. 473.

[7] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, p. 38.

[8] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 39-40.

[9] _Ibid._, p. 41.

[10] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 42-43.

[11] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 43-46.

[12] From papers in the possession of Ray's family.

[13] These letters are in the possession of the author.

THE SLAVE IN UPPER CANADA[A]

The dictum of Lord Chief Justice Holt: "As soon as a slave enters England he becomes free"[1] was succeeded by the decision of the Court of King's Bench to the same effect in the celebrated case of Somerset _v._ Stewart[2] where Lord Mansfield is reported to have said: "The air of England has long been too pure for a slave and every man is free who breathes it."[3]

James Somerest,[4] a Negro slave of Charles Stewart in Jamaica, had been brought by his master to England "to attend and abide with him and to carry him back as soon as his business should be transacted." The Negro refused to go back, whereupon he was put in irons and taken on board the ship _Ann and Mary_ lying in the Thames and bound for Jamaica. Lord Mansfield granted a writ of habeas corpus requiring Captain Knowles to produce Somerset before him with the cause of the detainer. On the motion, the cause being stated as above indicated, Lord Mansfield referred the matter to the Full Court of King's Bench; whereupon, on June 22, 1772, judgment was given for the Negro. The basis of the decision, the theme of the argument, was that the only kind of slavery known to English law was villeinage, that the Statute of Tenures (1660) (12 Car. 11, c. 24) expressly abolished villeins regardant to a manor and by implication villeins in gross. The reasons for the decision would hardly stand fire at the present day. The investigation of Paul Vinogradoff and others have conclusively established that there was not a real difference in status between the so-called villein regardant and villein in gross, and that in any case the villein was not properly a slave but rather a serf.[5] Moreover, the Statute of Tenures deals solely with tenure and not with status.

But what seems to have been taken for granted, namely that slavery, personal slavery, had never existed in England and that the only unfree person was the villein, who, by the way was real property, is certainly not correct. Slaves were known in England as mere personal goods and chattels, bought and sold, at least as late as the middle of the twelfth century.[6] However weak the reasons given for the decision, its authority has never been questioned and it is good law. But it is good law for England, for even in the Somerset case it was admitted that a concurrence of unhappy circumstances had rendered slavery necessary[7] in the American colonies: and Parliament had recognized the right of property in slaves there.[8]

When Canada was conquered in 1760, slavery existed in that country. There were not only Panis[9] or Indian Slaves, but also Negro slaves. These were not enfranchised by the conqueror, but retained their servile status. When the united empire loyalists came to this northern land after the acknowledgment by Britain of the independence of the revolted colonies, some of them brought their slaves with them: and the Parliament of Great Britain in 1790 passed an Act authorizing any "subject of ... the United States of America" to bring into Canada "any negroes" free of duty having first obtained a license from the Lieutenant Governor.[10]

An immense territory formerly Canada was erected into a Government or Province of Quebec by Royal Proclamation in 1763 and the limits of the province were extended by the Quebec Act in 1774.[11] This province was divided into two provinces, Upper Canada and Lower Canada in 1791.[12] At this time the whole country was under the French Canadian law in civil matters. The law of England had been introduced into the old Government of the Province of Quebec by the Royal Proclamation of 1763; but the former French Canadian law had been reintroduced in 1774 by the Quebec Act in matters of property and civil rights, leaving the English criminal law in full force. The law, civil and criminal, had been modified in certain details (not of importance here) by Ordinances of the Governor and Council of Quebec.

The very first act of the first Parliament of Upper Canada reintroduced the English civil law.[13] This did not destroy slavery, nor did it ameliorate the condition of the slave. Rather the reverse, for as the English law did not, like the civil law of Rome and the systems founded on it, recognize the status of the slave at all, when it was forced by grim fact to acknowledge slavery it had no room for the slave except as a mere piece of property. Instead of giving him rights like those of the "servus," he was deprived of all rights, marital, parental, proprietary, even the right to live. In the English law and systems founded on it, the slave had no rights which the master was bound to respect.[14]

The first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada was Col. John Graves Simcoe. He hated slavery and had spoken against it in the House of Commons in England. Arriving in Upper Canada in the summer of 1792, he was soon made fully aware that the horrors of slavery were not unknown in his new Province. The following is a report of a meeting of his Executive Council:

"At the Council Chamber, Navy Hall, in the County of Lincoln, Wednesday, March 21st, 1793.

"PRESENT

"His Excellency, J. G. Simcoe, Esq., Lieut.-Governor, &c., &c., The Honble Wm. Osgoode, Chief Justice The Honble Peter Russell.

"Peter Martin (a negro in the service of Col. Butler) attended the Board for the purpose of informing them of a violent outrage committed by one ---- Fromand, an Inhabitant of this Province, residing near Queens Town, or the West Landing, on the person of Chloe Cooley a Negro girl in his service, by binding her, and violently and forcibly transporting her across the River, and delivering her against her will to certain persons unknown; to prove the truth of his Allegation he produced Wm. Grisley (or Crisley).

"William Grisley an Inhabitant near Mississague Point in this Province says: that on Wednesday evening last he was at work at Mr. Froomans near Queens Town, who in conversation told him, he was going to sell his Negro Wench to some persons in the States, that in the Evening he saw the said Negro girl, tied with a rope, that afterwards a Boat was brought, and the said Frooman with his Brother and one _Vanevery_, forced the said Negro Girl into it, that he was desired to come into the boat, which he did, but did not assist or was otherwise concerned in carrying off the said Negro Girl, but that all the others were, and carried the Boat across the River; that the said Negro Girl was then taken and delivered to a man upon the Bank of the River by ---- Froomand, that she screamed violently and made resistance, but was tied in the same manner as when the said William Grisley first saw her, and in that situation delivered to the man.... Wm. Grisley farther says that he saw a negro at a distance, he believes to be tied in the same manner, and has heard that many other People mean to do the same by their Negroes

"_Resolved._--That it is necessary to take immediate steps to prevent the continuance of such violent breaches of the Public Peace, and for that purpose, that His Majesty's Attorney-General, be forthwith directed to prosecute the said Fromond.

"Adjourned."[15]

The Attorney-General was John White[16] an accomplished English lawyer. He knew that the brutal master was well within his rights in acting as he did. He had the same right to bind, export, and sell his slave as to bind, export, and sell his cow. Chloe Cooley had no rights which Vrooman was bound to respect: and it was no more a breach of the peace than if he had been dealing with his heifer. Nothing came of the direction to prosecute and nothing could be done.

It is probable that it was this circumstance which brought about legislation. At the Second Session of the First Parliament which met at Newark, May 31, 1793, a bill was introduced and unanimously passed the House of Assembly. The trifling amendments introduced by the Legislative Council were speedily concurred in, the royal assent was given July 9, 1793, and the bill became law.[17] It recited that it was unjust that a people who enjoy freedom by law should encourage the introduction of slaves, and that it was highly expedient to abolish slavery in the Province so far as it could be done gradually without violating private property; and proceeded to repeal the Imperial Statute of 1790 so far as it related to Upper Canada, and to enact that from and after the passing of the Act, "No Negro or other person who shall come or be brought into this Province ... shall be subject to the condition of a slave or to" bounden involuntary service for life. With that regard for property characteristic of the English-speaking peoples, the act contained an important proviso which continued the slavery of every "negroe or other person subjected to such service" who has been lawfully brought into the Province. It then enacted that every child born after the passing of the act, of a Negro mother or other woman subjected to such service should become absolutely free on attaining the age of twenty-five, the master in the meantime to provide "proper nourishment and cloathing" for the child, but to be entitled to put him to work, all issue of such children to be free whenever born. It further declared any voluntary contract of service or indenture should not be binding longer than nine years. Upper Canada was the first British possession to provide for the abolition of slavery.[18]

It will be seen that the Statute did not put an end to slavery at once. Those who were lawfully slaves remained slaves for life unless manumitted and the statute rather discouraged manumission, as it provided that the master on liberating a slave must give good and sufficient security that the freed man would not become a public charge. But, defective as it was, it was not long without attack. In 1798, Simcoe had left the province never to return,[19] and while the government was being administered by the time-serving Peter Russell, a bill was introduced into the Lower House to enable persons "migrating into the province to bring their negro slaves with them." The bill was contested at every stage but finally passed on a vote of eight to four. In the Legislative Council it received the three months' hoist and was never heard of again.[20] The argument in favor of the bill was based on the scarcity of labor which all contemporary writers speak of, the inducement to intending settlers to come to Upper Canada where they would have the same privileges in respect of slavery as in New York and elsewhere; in other words the inevitable appeals to greed.

After this bill became law, slavery gradually disappeared. Public opinion favored manumission and while there were not many manumissions _inter vivos_,[21] in some measure owing to the provisions of the act requiring security to be given in such case against the freed man becoming a public charge, there were not a few liberations by will.[22]

The number of slaves in Upper Canada was also diminished by what seems at first sight paradoxical, that is, their flight across the Detroit River into American territory. So long as Detroit and its vicinity were British in fact and even for some years later, Section 6 of the Ordinance of 1787 "that there shall be neither slavery not involuntary servitude in the said territory otherwise than as the punishment of crime" was in great measure a dead letter: but when Michigan was incorporated as a territory in 1805, the ordinance became effective. Many slaves made their way from Canada to Detroit, a real land of the free; so many, indeed, that we find that a company of Negro militia was formed in Detroit in 1806 to assist in the general defence of the territory, composed entirely of escaped slaves from Canada.[23]

Almost from the passing of the Canada Act, however, runaway Negroes began to come to Upper Canada, fleeing from slavery; this influx increased and never ceased until the American Civil War gave its death blow to slavery in the United States. Hundreds of blacks thus obtained their freedom, some having been brought by their masters near to the international boundary and then clandestinely or by force effecting a passage; some coming from far to the South, guided by the North Star; many assisted by friends more or less secretly. The Underground Railroad was kept constantly running.[24] These refugees joined settlements with other people of color freeborn or freed in the western part of the Peninsula, in the counties of Essex and Kent and elsewhere.[25] Some of them settled in other parts of the province, either together or more usually sporadically.

At the time of the outbreak of the Civil War there were many thousands of black refugees in the province.[26] More than half of these were manumitted slaves who in consequence of unjust laws had been forced to leave their State. While some of such freedmen went to the Northern States, most came to Canada, some returning to the Northern States. The Negro refugees were superior to most of their race, for none but those with more than ordinary qualities could reach Canada.[27]

The masters of runaway slaves did not always remain quiet when their slave reached this province. Sometimes they followed him in an attempt to take him back. There are said to have been a few instances of actual kidnapping, a few of attempted kidnapping.[28] There have been cases in which criminal charges have been laid against escaped slaves, and their extradition sought, ostensibly to answer the criminal charges. It has always been the theory in this province that the governor has the power independently of statute or treaty to deliver up alien refugees charged with crime.[29] To make it clear, the Parliament of Upper Canada in 1833 passed an Act for the apprehension of fugitive offenders from foreign countries, and delivering them up to justice.[30] This provides that on the requisition of the executive of any foreign country the governor of the province on the advice of his executive council may deliver up any person in the province charged with "Murder, Forgery, Larceny or other crime which if committed within the Province would have been punishable with death, corporal punishment, the Pillory, whipping or confinement at hard labour." The person charged might be arrested and detained for inquiry. The Act was permissive only and the delivery up was at the discretion of the governor.

When this act was in force Solomon Mosely or Moseby, a Negro slave, came to the Province across the Niagara River from Buffalo which he had reached after many days' travel from Louisville, Kentucky. His master followed him and charged him with the larceny of a horse which the slave took to assist him in his flight. That he had taken the horse there was no doubt, and as little that after days of hard riding he had sold it. The Negro was arrested and placed in Niagara jail; a _prima facie_ case was made out and an order sent for his extradition.

The people of color of the Niagara region made Mosely's case their own and determined to prevent his delivery up to the American authorities to be taken to the land of the free and the home of the brave, knowing that there for him to be brave meant torture and death, and that death alone could set him free. Under the leadership of Herbert Holmes, a yellow man,[31] a teacher and preacher, they lay around the jail night and day to the number of from two to four hundred to prevent the prisoner's delivery up. At length the deputy sheriff with a military guard brought out the unfortunate man shackled in a wagon from the jail yard, to go to the ferry across the Niagara River. Holmes and a man of color named Green grabbed the lines. Deputy Sheriff McLeod from his horse gave the order to fire and charge. One soldier shot Holmes dead and another bayoneted Green, so that he died almost at once. Mosely, who was very athletic, leaped from the wagon and made his escape. He went to Montreal and afterwards to England, finally returning to Niagara, where he was joined by his wife, who also escaped from slavery.

An inquest was held on the bodies of Holmes and Green. The jury found "justifiable homicide" in the case of Holmes; "whether justifiable or unjustifiable there was not sufficient evidence before the jury to decide" in the case of Green. The verdict in the case of Holmes was the only possible verdict on the admitted facts. Holmes was forcibly resisting an officer of the law in executing a legal order of the proper authority. In the case of Green the doubt arose from the uncertainty whether he was bayoneted while resisting the officers or after Mosely had made his escape. The evidence was conflicting and the fact has never been made quite clear. No proceedings were taken against the deputy sheriff; but a score or more of the people of color were arrested and placed in prison for a time. The troublous times of the Mackenzie Rebellion came on, the men of color were released, many of them joining a Negro militia company which took part in protecting the border.

The affair attracted much attention in the province and opinions differed. While there were exceptions on both sides, it may fairly be said that the conservative and government element reprobated the conduct of the blacks in the strongest terms, being as little fond of mob law as of slavery, and that the radicals, including the followers of Mackenzie, looked upon Holmes and Green as martyrs in the cause of liberty. That Holmes and Green and their fellows violated the law there is no doubt, but so did Oliver Cromwell, George Washington and John Brown. Every one must decide for himself whether the occasion justified in the courts of Heaven an act which must needs be condemned in the courts of earth.[32]

In 1842 the well-known Ashburton Treaty was concluded[33] between Britain and the United States. This by Article X provides that "the United States and Her Britannic Majesty shall, upon mutual requisitions ... deliver up to justice all persons ... charged with murder or assault with intent to commit murder, or piracy or arson or robbery or forgery or the utterance of forged paper.... Power was given to judges and other magistrates to issue warrants of arrest, to hear evidence and if "the evidence be deemed sufficient ... it shall be the duty of the ... judge or magistrate to certify the same to the proper executive authority that a warrant may issue for the surrender of such fugitive."

It will be seen that this treaty made two important changes so far as the United States was concerned: (1) It made it the duty of the executive to order extradition in a proper case and took away the discretion, (2) it gave the courts jurisdiction to determine whether a case was made out for extradition.[34] These changes made it more difficult in many instances for a refugee to escape: but as ever the courts were astute in finding reasons against the return of slaves.

The case of John Anderson is well known. He was born a slave in Missouri. As his master was Moses Burton, he was known as Jack Burton. He married a slave woman in Howard County, the property of one Brown. In 1853 Burton sold him to one McDonald living some thirty miles away and his new master took him to his plantation. In September, 1853, he was seen near the farm of Brown, when apparently he was visiting his wife. A neighbor, Seneca T. P. Diggs, became suspicious of him and questioned him. As his answers were not satisfactory he ordered his four Negro slaves to seize him, according to the law in the State of Missouri. The Negro fled, pursued by Diggs and his slaves. In his attempt to escape the fugitive stabbed Diggs in the breast and Diggs died in a few hours. Effecting his escape to this province, he was in 1860 apprehended in Brant County, where he had been living under the name of John Anderson, and three local justices of the peace committed him under the Ashburton Treaty. A writ of habeas corpus was granted by the Court of Queen's Bench at Toronto, under which the prisoner was brought before the Court of Michaelmas Term of 1860.

The motion was heard by the Full Court.[35] Much of the argument was on the facts and on the law apart from the form of the papers, but that was hopeless from the beginning. The law and the facts were too clear, although Mr. Justice McLean thought the evidence defective. The case turned on the form of the information and warrant, a somewhat technical and refined point. The Chief Justice, Sir John Beverley Robinson, and Mr. Justice Burns agreed that the warrant was not strictly correct, but that it could be amended: Mr. Justice McLean thought it could not and should not be amended.

The case attracted great attention throughout the province, especially among the Negro population. On the day on which judgment was to be delivered, a large number of people of color with some whites assembled in front of Osgoode Hall.[36] While the adverse decision was announced, there were some mutterings of violence but counsel for the prisoner[37] addressed them seriously and impressively, reminding them "It is the law and we must obey it." The melancholy gathering melted away one by one in sadness and despair. Anderson was recommitted to the Brantford jail.[38] The case came to the knowledge of many in England. It was taken up by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society and many persons of more or less note. An application was made to the Court of Queen's Bench of England for a writ of habeas corpus, notwithstanding the Upper Canadian decision, and while Anderson was in the jail at Toronto, the court after anxious deliberation granted the writ,[39] but it became unnecessary, owing to further proceedings in Upper Canada.

In those days the decision of any court or of any judge in habeas corpus proceedings was not final. An applicant might go from judge to judge, court to court[40] and the last applied to might grant the relief refused by all those previously applied to. A writ of habeas corpus was taken out from the other Common Law Court in Upper Canada, the Court of Common Pleas. This was argued in Hilary Term, 1861, and the court unanimously decided that the warrant of commitment was bad and that the court could not remand the prisoner to have it amended.[41] The prisoner was discharged. No other attempts were made to extradite him or any other escaped slave and Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation put an end to any chance of such an attempt being ever repeated.

W. R. RIDDELL.

FOOTNOTES:

[A] This paper has appeared in _Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada_, May, 1919.

[1] Per Hargrave _arguendo_, Somerset _v._ Stewart (1772), Lofft 1, at p. 4; the speech in the State Trials Report was never actually delivered.

[2] (1772) Lofft 1; (1772) 20 St. Trials 1.

[3] These words are not in Lofft or in the State Trials but will be found in Campbell's _Lives of the Chief Justices_, Vol. II, p. 419, where the words are added: "Every man who comes into England is entitled to the protection of the English law, whatever oppression he may heretofore have suffered and whatever may be the colour of his skin. 'Quamvis ille niger, quamvis tu candidus esses'" and certainly Vergil's verse was never used on a nobler occasion or to nobler purpose. Verg. E. 2, 19.

William Cowper in _The Task_, written 1783-1785, imitated this in his well-known lines:

"Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs Receive our air, that moment they are free. They touch our country and their shackles fall."

[4] I use the spelling in Lofft; the State Trials and Lord Campbell have "Somersett" and "Steuart."

[5] See, _e. g._, Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, passim; Hallam's _Middle Ages_ (ed. 1827), Vol. 3, p. 256; Pollock & Maitland, _History of English Law_, Vol. 1, pp. 395 sqq. Holdsworth's _History of English Law_, Vol. 2, pp. 33, 63, 131; Vol. 3, pp. 167, 377-393.

[6] See Pollock & Maitland's _History Eng. Law_, Vol. 1, pp. 1-13, 395, 415; Holdworth's _Hist. Eng. Law_, Vol. 2, pp. 17, 27, 30-33, 131, 160, 216.

[7] "So spake the fiend and with necessity, The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds." Paradise Lost, Bk. 4, ll. 393, 394.

Milton a true lover of freedom well knew the peril of an argument based upon supposed necessity. Necessity is generally but another name for greed or worse.

[8] _E. g._, the Statute of (1732) 5 Geo. II, C. 7, enacted, sec. 4, "that from and after the said 29th. September, 1732, the Houses, Lands, Negroes and other Hereditaments and real Estates situate or being within any of the said (British) Plantations (in America) shall be liable" to be sold under execution. Note that the Negroes are "Hereditaments and Real Estate."

[9] The name _Pani_ or _Panis_, Anglicized into _Pawnee_, was used generally in Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave" because these slaves were usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. Those who would further pursue this matter will find material in the _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, Vol. XVIII, p. 103 (note); Lafontaine, _L'Esclavage in Canada_ cited in the above; _Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections_, Vol. XXVII, p. 613 (n); Vol. XXX, pp. 402, 596. Vol. XXXV, p. 548; Vol. XXXVII, p. 541. From Vol. XXX, p. 546, we learn that Dr. Anthon, father of Prof. Anthon of Classical Text-book fame, had a "Panie Wench" who when the family had the smallpox "had them very severe" along with Dr. Anthon's little girl and his "aeltest boy" "whoever they got all safe over it and are not disfigured."

Dr. Kingsford in his _History of Canada_, Vol. V, p. 30 (n), cites from the _Documents of the Montreal Historical Society_, Vol. I, p. 5, an "ordonnance au sujet des Nègres et des sauvages appelés panis, du 15 avril 1709" by "Jacques Raudot, Intendant." "Nous sous le bon plaisir de Sa Majesté ordonnons, que tous les Panis et Nègres qui ont été achetés et qui le seront dans la suite, appartiendront en pleine proprieté a ceux qui les ont achetés comme étant leurs esclaves." "We with the consent of His Majesty enact that all the Panis and Negroes who heretofore have been or who hereafter shall be bought shall be the absolute property as their slaves of those who bought them." This ordinance is quoted (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XII, p. 511), and its language ascribed to a (nonexistent) "wise and humane statute of Upper Canada of May 31, 1798"--a curious mistake, perhaps in copying or printing.

There does not seem to have been any distinction in status or rights or anything but race between the Panis and the other slaves. I do not know of an account of the numbers of slaves in Canada at the time; in Detroit, March 31, 1779, there were 60 male and 78 female slaves in a population of about 2,550 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, X, p. 326); Nov. 1, 1780, 79 male and 96 female slaves in a somewhat smaller population (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIII, p. 53); in 1778, 127 in a population of 2,144 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, IX, p. 469); 85 in 1773, 179 in 1782 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524); 78 male and 101 female (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIII, p. 54). The Ordinance of Congress July 13, 1787, forbidding slavery "northwest of the Ohio River" (passed with but one dissenting voice, that of a Delegate from New York) was quite disregarded in Detroit (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, I, 415); and indeed Detroit and the neighboring country remained British (de facto) until August, 1796, and part of Upper Canada from 1791 till that date.

[10] This Act (1790) 30 Geo. III, c. 27, was intended to encourage "new settlers in His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America" and applied to all "subjects of the United States." It allowed an importation into any of the Bahama, Bermuda or Somers Islands, the Province of Quebec (then including all Canada), Nova Scotia and every other British territory in North America. It allowed the importation by such American subjects of "negros, household furniture, utensils of husbandry or cloathing free of duty," the "household furniture, utensils of husbandry and cloathing" not to exceed in value £50 for every white person in the family and £2 for each negro, any sale of negro or goods within a year of the importation to be void.

[11] The Royal Proclamation is dated 7th October, 1763; it will be found in Shortt & Doughty, _Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada_ published by the _Archives of Canada_, Ottawa, 1907, pp. 119 sqq. The Proclamation fixes the western boundary of the (Province or) Government at a line drawn from the south end of Lake Nipissing to where the present international boundary crosses the River St. Lawrence.

The Quebec Act is (1774) 14 Geo. III, C. 83. It extends Quebec south to the Ohio and west to the Mississippi; Shortt & Doughty, pp. 401 sqq.

[12] The division of the Province of Quebec into two provinces, _i. e._, Upper Canada and Lower Canada, was effected by the Royal Prerogative, Sec. 31 George III, c. 31, the celebrated Canada of Constitutional Act. The Message sent to Parliament expressing the Royal intention is to be found copied in the Ont. Arch. Reports for 1906, p. 158. After the passing of the Canada Act, an Order in Council was passed August 24, 1791 (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, pp. 158 et seq.), dividing the Province of Quebec into two provinces and under the provisions of sec. 48 of the act directing a royal warrant to authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Quebec or the person administering the government there, to fix and declare such day as he shall judge most advisable for the commencement of the effect of the legislation in the new provinces not later than December 31, 1791. Lord Dorchester (Sir Guy Carleton) was appointed, September 12, 1791, Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of both provinces and he received a Royal warrant empowering him to fix a day for the legislation becoming effective in the new provinces (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, p. 168). In the absence of Dorchester, General Alured Clarke, Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Quebec, issued November 18, 1791, a proclamation fixing Monday, December 26, 1791, as the day for the commencement of the said legislation (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, pp. 169-171). Accordingly technically and in law, the new province was formed by Order in Council, August 24, 1791, but there was no change in administration until December 26, 1791.

[13] The first session of the First Parliament of Upper Canada was held at Newark (now Niagara-on-the-Lake) September 17 to October 15, 1792; the statute referred to is (1792) 32 Geo. III, c. 1 (U. C.).

[14] Everyone will remember the words of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States in the celebrated Dred Scott case. In Dred Scott v. Sandford, 1856 (19 How. 354, pp. 404, 405), Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, speaking of the view taken of the Negro when the Constitution was framed, says: "They were at that time considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings who had been subjugated by the dominant race and whether emancipated or not, yet remained subject to their authority and had no rights or privileges but such as those who held the power and the Government might choose to grant them" (p. 407). "They had no more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order ... and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He was bought and sold and treated as an ordinary article of merchandise and traffic" (p. 411). "All of them had been brought here as articles of merchandise."

This repulsive subject now chiefly of historical interest is treated at large in such works as Cobb's _Law of Slavery_, Philadelphia, 1858; Hurd's _Law of Freedom and Bondage_, Boston, 1858; Von Holst's _Const. Hist. U. S._ (1750-1833), Chicago, 1877; the judgments of all the Judges in the Dred Scott case are well worth reading, especially that of Mr. Justice Curtis.

[15] This is copied from the _Canadian Archives Collection_, Q. 282, pt. I, pp. 212 sqq.; taken from the official report sent to Westminster by Simcoe. There is the usual amount of uncertainty in spelling names Grisley or Crisly, Fromand, Frooman, Froomond or Fromond (in reality Vrooman).

Osgoode was an Englishman, the first Chief Justice of Upper Canada. Arriving in this Province in the summer of 1792, he left to become Chief Justice of Lower Canada in the summer of 1794. Resigning in 1801, he returned to England on a pension which he enjoyed until his death in 1824. He left no mark on our jurisprudence and never sat in any but trial courts of criminal jurisdiction. Osgoode Hall, our Ontario Palais de Justice, is called after him.

Russell came to Upper Canada also in 1792 as Receiver-General and Legislative Councillor; he was an Executive Councillor and when Simcoe left Canada in 1796, he acted as Administrator until the coming of the new Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter in 1799. Russell was not noted for anything but his acquisitiveness but he was a faithful servant of the Crown in his own way.

Col. John Butler, born in Connecticut in 1728, became a noted leader of Indians. He took the Loyalist side, raising the celebrated Butler's Rangers; he settled at Niagara after the Revolutionary war and proved himself a useful citizen; he died in 1796. See Cruikshanks' _Butler's Rangers_, Lundy's Lane Historical Society's publication; Robertson's _Free Masonry in Canada_, Vol. I, p. 470; Riddell's edition of _La Rochefoucauld's Travels in Canada_, 1795, published by the Ontario Archives, 1917, p. 177.

Navy Hall was in the little town which Simcoe named "Newark," which before this had been called Niagara, West Niagara, Nassau, Lenox and Butlersburg, now called Niagara or Niagara-on-the-lake. Navy Hall was the seat of government from 1792 to 1797. Queens Town is the present Queenston; Mississagua Point is at the embouchure of the Niagara River; it is still known by the same name, spelled generally however with a final "a." Nothing seems to be known of the subsequent fate of Chloe Cooley.

The Vroomans and Cryslers (or Chrystlers or Chryslers) the same family as Chrystler of Chrystler's Farm, the scene of an American defeat, November 11, 1813, were well-known residents. I am indebted to General E.A. Cruikshank for the following note:

"The Vrooman Farm is situated on the west bank of the Niagara, in the township of Niagara, about a mile below the village of Queenston, and includes that feature of the river bank generally known as Vrooman's Point; it was still in the possession of the Vrooman family when I last visited the place about twelve years ago. The remains of a small half-moon or redan battery on the point which had been constructed in the War of 1812, and played a considerable part in the battle of Queenston were then quite well marked. One of the Vrooraans of that time was in the militia artillery, and assisted to serve the gun mounted on the battery. The possessor of the farm was then, I think, more than eighty years of age, but he was active and in possession of his memory and other faculties. He stated to me the exact number of shots which he had been informed by his father, or the Vrooman engaged in the action, had been fired from this gun, which of course, may or may not be correct. An Adam Chrysler, who was a lieutenant in the Indian Department in the Revolutionary War, and before that, a resident in the Scoharie district, of the Mohawk country, received lands either in the township of Niagara or the township of Stamford, near the village of Queenston. His grandson, John Chrysler, some twenty years ago, then being quite an old man, who is now dead, loaned me some very interesting documents which had been preserved in the family, and belonged to this Adam Chrysler. One of them, I remember, was the original instructions issued to him, and signed by Lieut.-Colonel John Butler, the deputy superintendent general, strictly enjoining him to restrain the Indians, with whom he was acting, from all acts of cruelty upon prisoners and non-combatants. Some members of his family, ladies, were residing at Niagara Falls, Ontario, ten years ago, and I presume still are there. I have no doubt that it was some member of Adam Crysler's family who took part in the abduction of the Cooley girl. The original spelling of this name was Kreisler, which is a fairly common German name in the Rhine Palatinate, from which this family came."

In the report by Col. John Butler of the Survey of the Settlement at Niagara, August 25, 1782 (_Can. Arch._, Series B, 169, p. 1), McGregor Van-Every is named as the head of a family. He was married, without children, hired men or slaves, had 3 horses, no cows, sheep or hogs, 8 acres of "clear land" and raised 4 bushels of Indian corn and 40 of potatoes but no wheat or oats. His neighbor, Thomas McMicken, was married, had two young sons, one hired man and one male slave. He had two horses, 1 cow and 20 hogs, and raised ten bushels of Indian corn, 10 of oats and 10 of potatoes (no wheat) on his 8 acres of "clear land."

[16] John White called to the Bar in 1785 at the Inner Temple (probably); he practised for a time but unsuccessfully in Jamaica and through the influence of his brother-in-law, Samuel Shepherd and of Chief Justice Osgoode was appointed the first Attorney General of Upper Canada. He arrived in the Province in the summer of 1792 and was elected a member of the first House of Assembly for Leeds and Frontenac. He was an active and useful member. It is probable, but the existing records do not make it certain, that it was he who introduced and had charge in the House of Assembly of the Bill for the abolition of slavery passed in 1793, shortly to be mentioned. In January, 1800, he was killed in a duel at York, later Toronto, by Major John Small, Clerk of the Executive Council. His will, drawn by himself after his fatal wound, is still extant in the Court of Probate records at Toronto. One clause reads: "I desire to be rolled up in a sheet and not buried fantastically, and that I may be buried at the back of my own house." Buried in his garden at his direction, his bones were accidentally uncovered in 1871 and reverently buried in Toronto. His manuscript diary is still extant, a copy being in the possession of the writer.

[17] The statute is (1793) 33 Geo. III, c. 7, (U. C.). The Parliament of Upper Canada had two Houses, the Legislative Council, an Upper House, appointed by the Crown and the Legislative Assembly, a Lower House or House of Commons, as it was sometimes called, elected by the people. The Lieutenant Governor gave the royal assent. The bill was introduced in the Lower House, probably by Attorney General White, as stated in last note, and read the first time, June 19. It went to the committee of the whole June 25, and was the same day reported out. On June 26 it was read the third time, passed and sent up for concurrence. The Legislative Council read it the same day for the first time, went into Committee over it the next day, June 28, and July I, when it was reported out with amendments, passed and sent down to the Commons July 2. That House promptly concurred and sent the bill back the same day. See the official reports; _Ont. Arch. Reports_ for 1910 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1909 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 33, 35, 36, 38, 41, 42.

The first Fugitive Slave Law was passed by the United States in 1793. Three years afterwards occurred an episode, little known and less commented upon, showing very clearly the views of George Washington on the subject of fugitive slaves, at least, of those slaves who were his own.

A slave girl of his escaped and made her way to Portsmouth, N. H. Washington, on discovering her place of refuge, wrote concerning her to Joseph Whipple, the Collector at Portsmouth, November 28, 1796. The letter is still extant. It is of three full pages and was sold in London in 1877 for ten guineas (_Magazine of American History_, Vol. 1, December, 1877, p. 759). Charles Sumner had it in his hands when he made the speech reported in Charles Summer's _Works_, Vol. III, p. 177. Washington in the letter described the fugitive and particularly expressed the desire of "her mistress," Mrs. Washington, for her return to Alexandria. He feared public opinion in New Hampshire, for he added

"I do not mean however, by this request that such violent measures should be used as would excite a mob or riot which might be the case if she has adherents; or even uneasy sensations in the minds of well-disposed citizens. Rather than either of these should happen, I would forgo her services altogether and the example also which is of infinite more importance."

In other words, "if the slave girl has no friends or 'adherents'" send her back to slavery--if she has and they would actively oppose her return, let her go--and even if it only be that "well-disposed citizens" disapprove of her capture and return, let her remain free.

There may be some difficulty in justifying Washington's course by the opinion of Thomas Aquinas (_Summa Theologics_, 1 ma., 2 dae., Quaest. XCVI, Art. 4), who says that an unjust law is not binding in conscience "_nisi forte propter vitandum scandalum vel turbationem_." Aquinas is speaking of an unjust law which may be resisted unless scandal or tumult would result from resistance. Washington is speaking of a law which he considers right, but which he would not enforce if it should occasion such evils. The analogy does not hold as the editor of Charles Sumner's _Works_ seems to think (Vol. III, p. 178, note).

Whipple answered from Portsmouth, December 22, 1796:

"I will now, Sir, agreeably to your desire, send her to Alexandria if it be practicable without the consequences which you except--that of exciting a riot or a mob or creating uneasy sensations in the minds of well disposed persons. The first cannot be calculated beforehand; it will be governed by the popular opinion of the moment or the circumstances that may arise in the transaction. The latter may be sought into and judged of by conversing with such persons without discovering the occasion. So far as I have had opportunity, I perceive that different sentiments are entertained on the subject."

Whipple made enquiry. Public opinion in Portsmouth was adverse to the return of the fugitive. She was unmolested and lived out a long life in Portsmouth and Kittery.

Nothing more clearly and impressively shows the veneration felt by his countrymen for George Washington than the praise the fearless, outspoken, uncompromising hater of slavery, Charles Sumner, of the conduct of the President in this transaction. Sumner considered the poor slave girl "a monument of the just forbearance of him whom we aptly call Father of his Country.... While a slaveholder and seeking the return of a fugitive, he has left in permanent record a rule of conduct which if adopted by his country will make slave hunting impossible." With almost any other man, Sumner would have no praise or reverence for a desire to force a fugitive back into slavery unless prevented by fear of mob or riot or adverse public opinion.

In the same letter Washington gives what may be considered a reason or excuse for his demand. "However well disposed I might be to a gradual abolition, or even to an entire emancipation of that description of people, if the latter was itself practicable at this moment, it would neither be expedient nor just to reward unfaithfulness with a premature preference and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of all her fellow servants who by their steady attachment are far more deserving than herself of favour."

This is the familiar pretext of the master, private or state. Those who rebel against oppression and wrong are not to be given any relief--that would be unjust to those who tamely submit. That very argument was advanced by the ruler across the sea against the proposition to come to terms with Washington and his party who had ventured to oppose the would-be master.

And it is to be noted that Washington did not free those "who by their steady attachment are far more deserving ... of favour" till he had had all the advantage he could from their services--he did indeed free them by his will, but only after the death of his wife.

Sumner cannot be said to minimize his merits when he says "He was at the time a slaveholder--often expressing himself with various degrees of force against slavery, and promising his suffrage for its abolition, he did not see this wrong as he saw it at the close of life." (Sumner's _Works_, Vol. III, pp. 759 sq.)

[18] Vermont excluded slavery by her Bill of Rights (1777), Pennsylvania and Massachusetts passed legislation somewhat similar to that of Upper Canada in 1780; Connecticut and Rhode Island in 1784, New Hampshire by her Constitution in 1792, Vermont in the same way in 1793: New York began in 1799 and completed the work in 1827, New Jersey 1829; Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa were organized as a Territory in 1787 and slavery forbidden by the Ordinance, July 13, 1787, but it was in fact known in part of the Territory for a score of years. A few slaves were held in Michigan by tolerance until far into the nineteenth century notwithstanding the prohibition of the fundamental law (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524). Maine as such, never had slavery having separated from Massachusetts in 1820 after the Act of 1780, although it would seem that as late as 1833 the Supreme Court of Massachusetts left it open when slavery was abolished in that State (Commonwealth _v._ Aves, 18 Pick. 193, 209). (See Cobb's _Slavery_, pp. clxxi, clxxii, 209; Sir Harry H. Johnston's _The Negro in the New World_, an exceedingly valuable and interesting work but not wholly reliable in minutiæ, pp. 355 et seq.)

[19] Simcoe was almost certainly the prime mover in the legislation of 1793. When giving the royal assent to the bill he said: "The Act for the gradual abolition of Slavery in this Colony, which it has been thought expedient to frame, in no respect meets from me a more cheerful concurrence than in that provision which repeals the power heretofore held by the Executive Branch of the Constitution and precludes it from giving sanction to the importation of slaves, and I cannot but anticipate with singular pleasure that such persons as may be in that unhappy condition which sound policy and humanity unite to condemn, added to their own protection from all undue severity by the law of the land may henceforth look forward with certainty to the emancipation of their offspring." (See _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1909, pp. 42-43.) I do not understand the allusion to "protection from undue severity by the Law of the land." There had been no change in the law, and undue severity to slaves was prevented only by public opinion. It is practically certain that no such bill as that of 1798 would have been promoted with Simcoe at the head of the government as his sentiments were too well known.

[20] _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1909, pp. 64, 69, 70, 71, 74; _ibid._ for 1910, pp. 67, 68, 69, 70.

The bill was introduced in the Lower House by Christopher Robinson, member for Addington and Ontario, Ontario being then comprised of the St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario Islands, and having nothing in common with the present County of Ontario. He was a Virginian loyalist, who in 1784 emigrated to New Brunswick, and in 1788 to that part of Canada later Lower Canada and in 1792 to Upper Canada. He lived in Kingston till 1798 and then came to York, later Toronto, but died three weeks afterwards. He was one of the lawyers who took part in the inauguration of the Law Society of Upper Canada at Wilson's Tavern, Newark, in July, 1797, and was an active and successful practitioner. His ability was great, but his fame is swallowed up by that of his more famous son, Sir John Beverley Robinson, the first Canadian Chief Justice of Upper Canada, and of his grandson, the much loved and much admired Christopher Robinson, Q.C., of our own time. Accustomed from infancy to slavery, he saw no great harm in it--no doubt he saw it in its best form.

The chief opponent of the bill was Robert Isaac Dey Gray, the young solicitor general. John White was not in this the second house. The son of Major James Gray, a half-pay British Officer, he studied law in Canada. He was elected member of the House of Assembly for Stormont in the election of 1796 and again in 1804. He was appointed the first Solicitor General in 1797 and was drowned in 1804 in the _Speedy_ disaster. An Indian, Ogetonicut, accused of a murder in the Newcastle District, was captured on the York Peninsula, now Toronto or Hiawatha Island, in the Home District, and had to be sent to Newcastle, now Presqu' Isle Point near Brighton, in the Newcastle District, for trial. The Government Schooner _Speedy_ sailed for Newcastle with the Assize Judge Gray; Macdonell, who was to defend the Indian; the Indian prisoner, Indian interpreters, witnesses, the High Constable of York and certain inhabitants of York. It was lost, captain, crew and passengers--_spurlos versenkt_.

The motion for the three months' hoist in the Upper House was made by the Honorable Richard Cartwright seconded by the Honorable Robert Hamilton. These men, who had been partners, generally agreed on public measures and both incurred the enmity of Simcoe. He called Hamilton a Republican, then a term of reproach distinctly worse than Pro-German would be now, and Cartwright was, if anything, worse. But both were men of considerable public spirit and personal integrity. For Cartwright see _The Life and Letters of Hon Richard Cartright_, Toronto, 1876. For Hamilton see Riddell's edition of La Rochefoucault's _Travels in Canada in 1795_, Toronto, 1817, in _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1916; Miss Carnochan's _Queenstown in Early Years, Niagara Hist. Soc. Pub._, No. 25; _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Pub._, Vol. 6, pp. 73-95.

There was apparently no division in the Upper House although there were five other Councillors in addition to Cartwright and Hamilton in attendance that session viz.: McGill, Shaw, Duncan, Baby and Grant; and the bill passed committee of the whole.

[21] Slaves were valuable even in those days. A sale is recorded in Detroit of a "certain Negro man Pompey by name" for £45 New York Currency ($112.50) in October, 1794; and the purchaser sold him again January, 1795, for £50 New York Currency ($125.00). (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIV, p. 417.) But it would seem that from 1770 to 1780 the price ranged to $300 for a man and $250 for a woman (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIV, p. 659). The number of slaves in Detroit is said to have been 85 in 1773 and 179 in 1782 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524).

The best people in the province continued to hold slaves. On February 19, 1806, the Honourable Peter Russell, who had been administrator of the government, and therefore head of the State for three years, advertised for sale at York "A Black woman named Peggy, aged 40 years, and a Black Boy, her son, named Jupiter, aged about 15 years," both "his property," "each being servants for life"--the woman for $150 and the boy for $200, 25 per cent off for cash. William Jarvis, the secretary, two years later, March 1, 1811, had two of his slaves brought into court for stealing gold and silver out of his desk. The boy "Henry commonly called prince" was committed for trial and the girl ordered back to her master. Other instances will be found in Dr. Scadding's very interesting work, _Toronto of Old_, Toronto, 1873, at pp. 292 sqq.

[22] A number of interesting wills are in the Court of Probate files at Osgoode Hall, Toronto. One of them only I shall mention, viz.: that of Robert I.D. Gray, the first solicitor general of the province, whose tragic death is related above. In this will, dated August 27, 1803, a little more than a year before his death, he releases and manumits "Dorinda my black woman servant ... and all her children from the State of Slavery," in consequence of her long and faithful services to his family. He directs a fund to be formed of £1,200 or $4,800 the interest to be paid to "the said Dorinda her heirs and Assigns for ever." To John Davis, Dorinda's son, he gave 200 acres of land, Lot 17 in the Second Concession of the Township of Whitby and also £50 or $200. John, after the death of his master whose body servant and valet he was, entered the employ of Mr., afterwards Chief, Justice Powell; but he had the evil habit of drinking too much and when he was drunk he would enlist in the Army. Powell got tired of begging him off and after a final warning left him with the regiment in which he had once more enlisted. Davis is said to have been in the battle of Waterloo. He certainly crossed the ocean and returned later on to Canada. He survived till 1871, living at Cornwall, Ontario, a well-known character. With him died the last of all those who had been slaves in the old Province of Quebec or the Province of Upper Canada.

[23] _Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIV, p. 659.

[24] A fairly good account of the Underground Railroad will be found in William Still's _Underground Railroad_, Philadelphia, 1872, in W.M. Mitchell's _Underground Railway_, London, 1860; in W.H. Siebert's _Underground Railway_, New York, 1899; and in a number of other works on Slavery. Considerable space is given the subject in most works on slavery.

One branch of it ran from a point on the Ohio River, through Ohio and Michigan to Detroit; but there were many divagations, many termini, many stations: Oberlin was one of these. See Dr. A. M. Ross' _Memoirs of a Reformer_, Toronto, 1893, and _Mich. Hist. Coll._, XVII, p. 248.

[25] The Buxton Mission in the County of Kent is well known. The Wilberforce Colony in the County of Middlesex was founded by free Negroes; but they had in mind to furnish homes for future refugees. See Mr. Fred Landon's account of this settlement in the recent (1918) _Transactions of the London and Middlesex Hist. Soc._, pp. 30-44. For an earlier account see A. Steward's _Twenty Years a Slave_, Rochester, N. Y., 1857.

[26] Ross in his _Memoirs_ gives, on page 111, 40,000, but he may be speaking for all Canada. The number is rather high for Upper Canada alone.

[27] "The Kingdom of heaven suffereth violence and the violent take it by force." There can be no doubt that the Southern Negro looked upon Canada as a paradise. I have heard a colored clergyman of high standing say that of his own personal knowledge, dying slaves in the South not infrequently expressed a hope to meet their friends in Canada.

[28] These being merely traditional and not supported by contemporary documents are more or less mythical and I do not attempt to collect the various and varying stories.

There are several stories more or less well authenticated of masters bringing slaves into Canada with the intention of taking them back again as Charles Stewart intended with his slave James Somerset and the slaves successfully asserting their freedom, resisting removal with the assistance of Canadians. Of one of the most shocking cases of wrong, if not quite kidnapping, a citizen of Toronto was the subject. John Mink, a respectable man with some Negro blood, had a livery stable on King Street, Toronto. He was also the proprietor of stage-coach lines and a man of considerable wealth. He had an only daughter of great personal beauty, and showing little trace of Negro origin. It was understood that she would marry no one but a white man, and that the father was willing to give her a handsome dowry on such a marriage. A person of pure Caucasian stock from the Southern States came to Toronto, wooed and won her. They were married and the husband took his bride to his home in the South. Not long afterwards the father was horrified to learn that the plausible scoundrel had sold his wife as a slave. He at once went South and after great exertion and much expense, he succeeded in bringing back to his house the unhappy woman, the victim of brutal treachery.

There have been told other stories of the same kind, equally harrowing, and unfortunately not ending so well, but I have not been able to verify them. The one mentioned here I owe to the late Sir Charles Moss, Chief Justice of Ontario.

[29] The same rule obtained in Lower Canada; (1827) re Joseph Fisher, 1 Stuart's L. C. Rep. 245.

[30] This is the Act (1833), 3 Will IV, c. 7 (U. C.). This came forward as cap. 96 in the Consolidated Statutes of Upper Canada 1859, but was repealed by an Act of (United) Canada (1860), 23 Vic., c. 91 (Can.).

[31] To his people he seems to have been known as Hubbard Holmes; he is always called a yellow man, whether mulatto, quadroon, octoroon or other does not appear.

[32] The contemporary accounts of this transaction, _e. g._, in the _Christian Guardian_ of Toronto, and the _Niagara Chronicle_, are not wholly consistent. The main facts, however, are clear. Although there was some doubt as to the time, the military guard were ordered to fire. Miss Janet Carnochan has given a good account of this in _Slave Rescue in Niagara, Sixty Years Ago, Niag. Hist. Soc._, Pub. No. 2. It is said that "the Judge said he must go back," the fact being that the direction was by the executive and not the courts. The _Reminiscences_ of Mrs. J. G. Currie, born at Niagara in 1829 and living there at the time of the trouble, are printed in the _Niagara Hist. Soc._, Pub. No. 20. Mrs. Currie gives a brief account (p. 331) and says that one of the party, one MacIntyre, had a bullet or bayonet wound in his cheek. In Miss Carnochan's account, her informant, who was the daughter of a slave who had escaped in 1802 and was herself born in Niagara in 1824, says that "the sheriff went up and down slashing with his sword and keeping the people back. Many of our people had sword cuts in their necks. They were armed with all kinds of weapons, pitchforks, flails, sticks, stones. One woman had a large stone in a stocking and many had their aprons full of stones and threw them too." Mrs. Anna Jameson, in her _Sketches in Canada_, ed. of 1852, London, on pp. 55-58, gives another account. She rightly makes the extradition order the governor's act, but errs in saying that "the law was too expressly and distinctly laid down and his duty as Governor was clear and imperative to give up the felon" as "by an international compact between the United States and our province, all felons are mutually surrendered." There was nothing in the common law, or in the statute of 1833 which made it the duty of the governor to order extradition, and there was no binding compact between the United States and Upper Canada such as Mrs. Jameson speaks of. No doubt the reason given by her for the order was that in vogue among the official set with whom she associated, her husband being vice-chancellor and head (treasurer) of the Law Society. The _Christian Guardian_, _Niagara Reporter_ and _Niagara Chronicle_ and _St. Catharines Journal_ of September, October and November, 1837, contain accounts of and comments upon the occurrences, and sometimes attacks upon each other.

Deputy Sheriff Alexander McLeod was a man of some note if not notoriety. During the rebellion of 1837 and 1838 he was in the Militia of Upper Canada. He took a creditable part in the defence of Toronto against the followers of Mackenzie in December, 1837, and was afterwards stationed on the Niagara frontier. There he claimed to have taken part in the cutting out of the Steamer _Caroline_ in which exploit a Buffalo citizen, Amos Durfee, was killed. McLeod, visiting Lewiston in New York State, in November, 1840, was arrested on the charge of murder and committed for trial. This arrest was the cause of a great deal of communication and discussion between the governments of the United States and of Great Britain, the latter claiming that what had been done by the Canadian militia was a proper public act and they demanded the surrender of McLeod. This was refused. McLeod was tried for murder at Utica, October, 1841, and acquitted, it being conclusively proved that he was not in the expedition at all.

[33] Concluded at Washington, August 9, 1842, ratification exchanged at London, October 13, 1842, proclaimed November 10, 1842; this treaty put an end to many troublesome questions, amongst them the Maine boundary which it was found impracticable to settle by Joint Commissions or by reference to a European crowned head, William, King of the Netherlands. It will be found in all the collections of treaties of Great Britain or the United States, and in most of the treaties on extradition, amongst them the useful work by John G. Hawley, Chicago, 1893 (see pp. 119 sqq.).

[34] It was held in this province that the Act of 1883 was superseded by the Ashburton Treaty in respect to the United States, but that it remained in force with respect to other countries (Reg. _v._ Tubber, 1854, 1, P. R., 98). Since the treaty, our government has refused to extradite where the offense charged is not included in the treaty. In re Laverne Beebe (1863), 3, P. R., 273--a case of burglary.

The provisions of the treaty were brought into full effect in Canada (Upper and Lower) by the Canadian Statute of 1849, 12, Vic., c. 19, C. S. C. (1859), c. 89.

[35] Chief Justice Sir John Beverley Robinson, Mr. Justice McLean (afterwards Chief Justice of Upper Canada) and Mr. Justice Burns.

[36] The seat of the Superior Courts in Toronto, the Palais de Justice of the Province.

[37] Mr. Samuel B. Freeman, Q.C., of Hamilton, a man of much natural eloquence, considerable knowledge of law and more of human nature; he was always ready and willing to take up the cause of one unjustly accused and was singularly successful in his defences.

I have heard it said that it was Mr. M. C. Cameron, Q.C., who so addressed the gathering, but he does not seem to have been concerned in the case in the Queen's Bench.

[38] The case is reported in (1860), 20 Up. Can., Q. B., pp. 124-193. The warrant is given at pp. 192, 193.

[39] The case is reported in (1861), 3, Ellis & Ellis Reports, Queen's Bench, p. 487; 30, _Law Jour._, Q. B., p. 129; 7, _Jurist_, N. S., p. 122; 3, _Law Times_, N. S., p. 622; 9, _Weekly Rep._, p. 255.

It was owing to this decision that the statute was passed at Westminster (1862) 25, 26, Vic., c. 20, which by sec. 1 forbids the courts in England to issue a writ of habeas corpus into any British possession which has a court with the power to issue such writ. The court was Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, and Justices Crompton, Hill and Blackburn, a very strong court. The Counsel for Anderson was the celebrated but ill-fated Edwin James. The writ was specially directed to the sheriff at Toronto, the sheriff at Brantford and the jail-keeper at Brantford. Judgment was given January 15, 1861.

[40] Common law, of course, not chancery.

[41] The court was composed of Chief Justice William Henry Draper, C.B., Mr. Justice Richards, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of Queen's Bench, and, as Sir William Buell Richards, of the Supreme Court of Canada, and Mr. Justice Hagarty, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of King's Bench, and, as Sir John Hawkins Hagarty, of Ontario.

Mr. Freeman was assisted in this argument by Mr. M. C. Cameron, a lawyer of the highest standing professionally and otherwise, afterwards Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, and afterwards, as Sir Matthew Cameron, Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. Counsel for the crown on both arguments were Mr. Eccles, Q.C., a man of deservedly high reputation, and Robert Alexander Harrison, afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, an exceedingly learned and accurate lawyer.

The case in the Court of Common Pleas is reported in Vol. 11, Upper Can., C. P., pp. 1 sqq.

DOCUMENTS

NOTES ON SLAVERY IN CANADA[1]

The following Notes received from the Canadian Archives Department, Ottawa, have more or less bearing upon the question of slavery in Upper Canada:

1. General James Murray, the first Governor of the new Government of Quebec, writing to John Watts, of New York, from Quebec, November 2, 1763, and speaking of the promoting of the improvement of agriculture, says:

"I must most earnestly entreat your assistance, without servants nothing can be done, had I the inclination to employ soldiers which is not the case, they would disappoint me, and Canadians will work for nobody but themselves. Black Slaves are certainly the only people to be depended upon, but it is necessary, I imagine they should be born in one or other of our Northern Colonies, the Winters here will not agree with a Native of the torrid zone, pray therefore if possible procure for me two Stout Young fellows, who have been accustomed to Country Business, and as I shall wish to see them happy, I am of opinion there is little felicity without a Communication with the Ladys, you may buy for each a clean young wife, who can wash and do the female offices about a farm, I shall begrudge no price, so hope we may, by your goodness succeed," (_Can. Arch._, Murray Papers, Vol. II, p. 15.)

2. D. M. Erskine, writing from New York, May 26, 1807, to Francis Gore, Lt. Governor of Upper Canada, says:

"I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 24th ult enclosing a Memorial presented to you by the Proprietors of Slaves in the Western District of the Province of Upper Canada.

"I regret equally with yourself the Inconvenience which His Majesty's subjects in Upper Canada experience from the Desertions of their slaves into the Territory of the United States, and of Persons bound to them for a term of years, as also of His Majesty's soldiers and sailors; but I fear no Representation to the Government of the United States will at the present avail in checking the evils complained of, as I have frequently of late had occasion to apply to them for the Surrender of various Deserters under different circumstances, and always without success--

"The answer that has been usually given, has been. 'That the Treaty between Great Britain & the United States which _alone_ gave them the Power to surrender Deserters having expired, it was impossible for them to exercise such an authority without the Sanction of the Laws--'

"I will however forward to His Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Memorial above mentioned in the Hope that some arrangements may be entered into to obviate in future the great Losses which are therein described." (_Can. Arch._, Sundries, Upper Canada, 1807.)

3. John Beverley Robinson, Attorney General, Upper Canada, giving an opinion to the Lt. Governor, York, July 8, 1819, says the following:

"May it please Your Excellency

"In obedience to Your Excellency's commands I have perused the accompanying letter from C. C. Antrobus Esquire, His Majesty's Chargé d'affaires at the Court of Washington and have attentively considered the question referred to me by Your Excellency therein--namely--'Whether the owners of several Negro slaves from the United States of America and are now resident in this Province' and I beg to express most respectfully my opinion to Your Excellency that the Legislature of this Province having adopted the Law of England as the rule of decision in all questions relative to property and civil rights, and freedom of the person being the most important civil right protected by those laws, it follows that whatever may have been the condition of these Negroes in the Country to which they formerly belonged, here they are free--For the enjoyment of all civil rights consequent to a mere residence in the country and among them the right to personal freedom as acknowledged and protected by the Laws of England in Cases similar to that under consideration, must notwithstanding any legislative enactment that may be thought to affect it, with which I am acquainted, be extended to these Negroes as well as to all others under His Majesty's Government in this Province--

"The consequence is that should any attempt be made by any person to infringe upon this right in the persons of these Negroes, they would most probably call for, and could compel the interference of those to whom the administration of our Laws is committed and I submit with the greatest deference to Your Excellency that it would not be in the power of the Executive Government in any manner to restrain or direct the Courts or Judges in the exercise of their duty upon such an application." (_Can. Arch._, Sundries, Upper Canada, 1819.)

4. At a meeting of the Executive Council of the Province of Lower Canada held at the Council Chamber in the Castle of St. Lewis, on Thursday, June 18, 1829, under Sir James Kempt, the Administrator of the Government, the following proceedings were had:

"Report of a Committee of the whole Council Present The Honble. the Chief Justice in the Chair, Mr. Smith, Mr. DeLery, Mr. Stewart, and Mr. Cochran on Your Excellency's Reference of a Letter from the American Secretary of State requesting that Paul Vallard accused of having stolen a Mulatto Slave from the State of Illinois may be delivered up to the Government of the United States of America together with the Slave.

"May it please Your Excellency

"The Committee have proceeded to the consideration of the subject matter of this reference with every wish and disposition to aid the Officers of the Government of the United States of America in the execution of the Laws of that Dominion and they regret therefore the more that the present application cannot in their opinion be acceded to.

"In the former Cases the Committee have acted upon the Principle which now seems to be generally understood that whenever a Crime has been committed and the Perpetrator is punishable according to the Lex Loci of the Country in which it is committed, the country in which he is found may rightfully aid the Police of the Country against which the Crime was committed in bringing the Criminal to Justice--and upon this ground have recommended that Fugitives from the United States should be delivered up.

"But the Committee conceive that the _Crimes_ for which they are authorized to recommend the arrest of Individuals who have fled from other Countries must be such as are _mala in se_, and are universally admitted to be _Crimes_ in every Nation, and that the offence of the _Individual_ whose person is demanded must be such as to render him liable to arrest by the Law of Canada as well as by the Law of the United States.

"The state of slavery is not recognized by the Law of Canada nor does the Law admit that any Man can be the proprietor of another.

"Every Slave therefore who comes into the Province is immediately free whether he has been brought in by violence or has entered it of his own accord; and his liberty cannot from thenceforth be lawfully infringed without some Cause for which the Law of Canada has directed an arrest.

"On the other hand, the Individual from whom he has been taken cannot pretend that the Slave has been stolen from him in as much as the Law of Canada does not admit a Slave to be a subject of property.

"All of which is respectfully submitted to Your Excellency's, Wisdom." (_Can. Arch._, State K, p. 406.)

5. At a meeting of the Executive Council for Upper Canada, held at York, on Thursday, September 12, 1833, under Sir John Colborne, Lieutenant Governor, the following proceedings were had:

"Received a Letter from the Governor of the State of Michigan dated Detroit August 12th 1833 with a new requisition for the delivery up of Thornton Blackburn and other fugitives from Justice which was read in Council on 27th August 1833 with the following opinion of the Attorney General, as referred to him 13th July 1833.

"'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE "'12th July 1833

"'_Sir_

"'I have the Honour to return the various papers relating to the subject of the requisition from the acting Governor of Michigan demanding that Thornton Blackburn and others who are stated to have fled from the justice of that country and taken refuge within this Province and now in custody at Sandwich should be given up, upon which His Excellency required my opinion whether the Law of this Province authorized him in complying with such demand or not. Had His Excellency been confined to the official requisition and the deposition that accompanied it he might I think have been warranted in delivering up those persons inasmuch as there is thereupon evidence on which according to the terms of our act (3 Wm 4th, C. 8) a magistrate would have been "warranted in apprehending and committing for trial" persons so charged who is convicted of the offence alleged viz: riot and forcible rescue and assault and battery would, if convicted, have been subject according to the Laws of this Province to one of the several punishments enumerated in the act as applicable to felonies and misdemeanors.

"'That the Governor and Council are not confined to such evidence is clear since though limited in their authority to enforce the provisions of the act against fugitives from foreign States by the condition above mentioned viz: being satisfied that the evidence would warrant commitment for trial etc. yet in coming to that conclusion they are I think bound to hear no ex parte evidence alone but matter explanatory to guide their judgment; for even tho' satisfied with their authority so to do, they are not required "to deliver up any person so charged if for any reason they shall deem it inexpedient so to do.'

"In the present case I think the evidence on oath as to facts not alluded to in the official Communication and as to the law of the United States upon the subject becomes extremely important; I mean that of Mr Cleland and Mr Alexander Fraser the Attorney for the City of Detroit. The case appears to be this--Two coloured persons named Thornton a man and his wife were claimed as slaves on behalf of some person in the State of Kentucky; that they were arrested and examined before a magistrate in Detroit and he in accordance with the law of the United States made his certificate and directed them to be delivered over as the personal property of the claimant in Kentucky; that the Sheriff took them into custody in consequence and that when one of them, (the man) was on the point of being removed from prison in order to be restored to his owner he was with circumstances of considerable violence rescued and escaped to this Province. There appears to be an error in the deposition accompanying the requisition, the wife of Thornton is there charged with being one of the persons assisting in the riot and rescue, whereas it appears that previous to the day of her husband's rescue she had eluded the Gaoler in disguise and she was then within this Province; she therefore does not appear to come within the class of offenders which the Act contemplates--viz: 'Malefactors who having committed crimes in foreign Countries have sought an asylum in this Province.'

"With regard to Thornton himself, the Attorney of Detroit who has favoured His Excellency with a certified Copy of the Law of the United States upon the subject, declares,--that the commitment to the custody of the Sheriff was illegal--and this is urged strongly as an equitable consideration against His Excellency's interference that the Sheriff detained Thornton in custody not as Sheriff but as agent for the Slave owner and that the law does not authorize _commitments_ under such circumstances to the Sheriff, but merely that 'the owner, agent, or attorney may seize and arrest the fugitive (slave) and take him before the Judge etc: who upon proof that the person seized owes service to the claimant &c shall give a certificate thereof to such claimant, his agent or Attorney which shall be sufficient Warrant for removing the said fugitive from labour &c.'

"To this argument as to the illegality of the custody I do not attach much weight, for admitting that Thornton was not committed to the custody of Mr. Wilson as Sheriff of Wayne County, still as we may presume that the Judge's Certificate was properly given, he might not be the less legally in the custody of Mr Wilson _as agent to the claimant_ in Kentucky; for the next section of the act of congress enacts that anyone who '_shall rescue such fugitive from such claimant or his agent &c shall forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars &c._' That the custody was legal according to the law of the United States I have little doubt; the legality there is officially recognized by the requisition and it is not a subject for His Excellency's enquiry. Upon this view of the case and considering that His Excellency in Council can only restore fugitives charged upon evidence of crimes which if proved to have been committed in this Province would subject the offender to 'Death, Corporal punishment by Pillory or whipping or by confinement at hard labour' and considering this as a Penal Act which must not be strained beyond the literal import towards those against whom it is intended to operate; the result is that our law recognizes no such custody as that of an agent acting under a warrant for removing a fugitive slave to the Territory from which he fled, this is an offence which could not be committed within this Province in any case and therefore that His Excellency in Council is not by the Act of this Province either required or authorized to deliver up the persons demanded.

"I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c., "(Signed) ROBERT S. JAMESON, _Attorney General_."

"The Council having again had before them the requisition of the Governor of the State of Michigan relative to the escape of certain offenders into this Province deem it mainly important to their full consideration of the question that besides his opinion upon the propriety of giving up the persons alluded to the Attorney General should be requested explicitly to state whether if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province the offender or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the punishments in the act passed last Session.

"(Signed) JOHN STRACHAN, P.C." (_Can. Arch._, State J, p. 137.)

6. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, Tuesday, September 17, 1833, under the presidency of the Rev. Dr. Strachan, the following proceedings were had:

"The Council assembled agreeably to the desire of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor to take into consideration the requisition of his Excellency the Governor of Michigan.

"Read the following letter.

"'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE "'14th September, 1833

"_'Sir_

"'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province the offender would be liable to undergo any of the punishments stated in the Act (3 Wm 4, Cap 7) passed at the last Session I have the honor to answer that a forcible rescue from the custody of the Sheriff of this Province attended with the aggravated circumstances detailed in the affidavit of John M. Wilson and Alexander McArthur accompanying the requisition would undoubtedly subject the offender and those actively aiding and abetting him to the gravest punishment in the act, death alone excepted.

"'I have the honor to be, Sir, &c., "'(Signed) ROBERT S JAMESON, "'_Attorney General_.

"'To John Beikie, Esquire, "'Clerk, Executive Council,'"

"'The Council took the same into consideration and were pleased to make the following minute thereon.

"'The Council having had under consideration the requisition of His Excellency the Governor of Michigan together with the various papers relative thereto beg leave respectfully to state that as the question involves matters of great importance in our relations with a neighbouring state it would be satisfactory to them if the opinion of the Judges were obtained for their information,'" (_Can. Arch._, State J. p. 148.)

7. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, September 27, 1833, under the presidency of Peter Robinson, the following proceedings were had:

"Resumed the consideration of His Excellency G.B. Porter, Esquire, Governor of Michigan's Letter of the 12th Ultimo which was read in Council on the 27th and again on the 12th and 17th Instant.

"Read also the Attorney General's opinion of the 20th Instant and the Judges' Report of this date as follows:

"'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE "'20th September, 1833 "'_Sir_

"'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the Honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province, the offender or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the punishments stated in the Act (3 Wm. 4 c. 7) passed last Session: my opinion is that a forcible rescue from the custody of the sheriff in this Province attended with the aggravated circumstances detailed in the Affidavits of John M. Wilson and Alexander MacArthur though by the law of England it would subject the offender and those actively aiding and abetting him to severe corporal punishment, by the law of the Province as it now stands could not be visited by a graver punishment than fine and imprisonment which is not one of those enumerated in the act.

"'I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c., "'(Signed) ROBERT S. JAMESON, "'_Attorney General._

"'To "'John Beikie, Esq., "'Clerk, Executive Council.'

"'JUDGES' REPORT.

"'York, 27th September, 1833.

"'May it please Your Excellency

"'We have the Honor to report to Your Excellency that we have deliberated upon the reference made to us by Your Excellency's Command on the 17th September Instant in respect to an application addressed to Your Excellency by the Government of the Territory of Michigan requesting that certain persons now inhabiting this Province may be apprehended and sent to that country to answer to a charge preferred against them for assaulting and beating the Sheriff of the County of Wayne and rescuing a prisoner from his custody. We observe that the recent act of the Legislature of this Province intituled "An Act to provide for the apprehending of fugitive offenders from foreign countries and delivering them up to Justice" (a copy of which we annex to this report) gives a discretion to the Governor and Council in carrying into effect its provisions declaring in express terms that it shall not be incumbent upon them to deliver up any person charged if for any reason they shall deem is inexpedient so to do." We take it for granted however notwithstanding the general terms in which the reference is made to us, that we are not expected to express our opinion upon what would or would not be a proper exercise of this discretion. It does not, indeed, occur to us than any question of political expediency is presented by the case and if any were, we should abstain from offering an opinion upon it.

"'It is to the legal considerations connected with the case that we have confined ourselves; and in this view of it we beg respectfully to state that these prisoners having been once already apprehended and in custody in this Province upon this same charge and liberated by the decision of the Governor and Council after a consideration of the case upon an application made by the Government of Michigan, we should not think fit that the Governor and Council should authorize a second apprehension of the parties and exercise a second time the power and discretion given by the Act--This course we think could not be approved of unless, in the case of some atrocious offender, new and strong evidence should be discovered which it was not in the power of the foreign Government to produce upon a previous application and for the want of which the prisoners were upon such first application discharged, or perhaps in a case where some official or legal formality had by mere accident been overlooked on the first occasion.

"'Independently of the consideration that this case has been already acted upon by the Government, the documents before us place it in this light: the prisoners with the exception of Blackburn and his wife are charged with assaulting and beating the sheriff of Wayne and rescuing a prisoner from his custody, Blackburn being the prisoner alluded to is charged with joining in the riot and battery of the Sheriff and with unlawfully rescuing himself--The wife of Blackburn we cannot find to be sufficiently charged with any offence known to our laws which do not acknowledge a state of slavery; for the imputation of conspiring with the rioters and contriving the rescue is supported by no evidence and seems to rest on conjecture--The prisoner Blackburn it appears from the Documents before us was not committed for felony nor for any crime nor imprisoned for any cause which by our laws could be recognized as a justification of imprisonment. We mention this not from any doubt that the prisoner was in legal custody according to the laws of Michigan but because the rescue of a prisoner constitutes by our law a greater or less offence according to the degree of the crime for which he was committed and this prisoner being committed for no crime and certainly not for any felony his rescue would according to our law be a misdemeanor only and a misdemeanor of that kind that the persons convicted of it would be punished by fine and imprisonment or either of them and not by any other description of punishment--The Statute referred to provides in explicit terms that the persons subject to be delivered up under it to the justice of a foreign country are those only who shall be charged "with murder, forgery, larceny or other crime committed without the jurisdiction of this Province which crimes if committed within this Province would _by the laws thereof_ be punishable by _death corporal punishment_ by _pillory_ or _whipping_ or by confinement at _hard labour_." We are not aware whether the laws of the Territory of Michigan do or do not authorize the giving up of offenders charged with crimes not embraced in the above very comprehensive description; but however that may be, it is evident that the conduct of this and of other Governments in respect to the delivery up of offenders can be no further reciprocal towards each other than the laws of each will allow. We express no opinion except in reference to the statute recently passed here for regulating this particular matter--We consider the Legislature to have declared in that Statute their will in what cases fugitives from foreign countries should be surrendered; and we have therefore considered whether the persons in question as they are not charged with murder forgery or larceny could upon the facts before us be convicted of any other offence punishable at hard labour--We apprehend they could not be but that the offence of which they might be convicted would be punishable by fine and imprisonment merely without adding "hard labour" to the sentence. Riot, a Battery of the Sheriff in the execution of his duty, and the rescue of a person legally in his custody but not charged with felony or other crime are the offences with which upon the statements before us they are liable to be charged:--and all these are offences which in the known and ordinary administration of the law in this Province would be punished in no other manner than by fine and mere imprisonment. Instances we doubt not may be brought from distant times, in which one or other of the above offences has been punished in England by Pillory or whipping or by other unusual or disgraceful punishments and we do not say that these cases altho' they may be old are so decidedly void of all authority that a judgment which should now be passed in conformity to them would certainly be held to be erroneous and bad. But we conceive that in England such punishments have long ceased to be assigned to the offences in question; that in this Province they have never been assigned to them and that recent Statutes which have been passed in England tend strongly to show that Parliament did not regard them as punishments which in later times could be properly attached to such offences without express Legislative sanction. We observe that there is evidence of one of the persons charged having pointed a loaded pistol at the Sheriff. If it had been further stated that he had pulled the trigger or otherwise attempted to discharge the pistol the act would have been one which in England is felony, having been first made so by Lord Ellenborough's Act passed in 1803; but that Act does not extend to this Province and was never adopted or in force here and if it were otherwise, still this case upon the facts stated is not within it. Looking upon the act of pointing or presenting the pistol as one for which all the rioters were equally responsible it forms an aggravation of their riot and assault but it does not change the legal character of their crime it would probably lead to a higher fine or a longer imprisonment but not to a punishment of another kind. The riot as it is described was an outrageous one and the battery of the sheriff appears to have been violent and cruel--the direct object and intent however seems to have been the rescue of the Prisoner rather than to take the life of the sheriff; and even supposing the facts would well support a conviction for an assault on the Sheriff with an intent _to murder him_ still by our law such intent would be merely an aggravation of the riot and assault; it would not alter the technical character of the crime or the description of punishment however much it might enhance the fine or lead to increasing the term of Imprisonment.

"'The conclusion therefore which we have come to is that these parties are not charged with any of the offences enumerated in the statute annexed and consequently that the Lieutenant Governor and council are not authorized by its provisions to send them out of the Province. It has not escaped our attention as a peculiar feature in this case that two of the persons whom the Government of this Province is requested to deliver up are persons recognized by the Government of Michigan as slaves and that it appears upon these documents that if they should be delivered up they would by the laws of the United States be exposed to be forced into a state of Slavery from which they had escaped two years ago when they fled from Kentucky to Detroit; that if they should be sent to Michigan and upon trial be convicted of the Riot and punished they would after undergoing their punishment be subject to be taken by their masters and continued in a state of Slavery for life, and that on the other hand if they should never be prosecuted or if they should be tried and acquitted this consequence would equally follow. Among the Documents before us we perceive there are papers which have been delivered to the Government in behalf of the alleged rioters in which this inevitable consequence is urged as a reason against their being sent back to Michigan and in which it is intimated that to place the slaves again within the power of their masters is the principal object and that the Government of Michigan in making application for them is rather influenced by the interest and wishes of the slave owners than by any desire to bring the parties to trial for the alleged riot. No consideration of this kind has had any weight with us, for in the first place as regards the insinuation against the motives of the Government of Michigan if we had any thing to do with them we should consider (as no doubt this Government would consider in any similar case) that courtesy towards the Government of a foreign country requires always to assume that it has no motive or design on these occasions which is not just and fair and in short none but such as is openly avowed. And in the next place as to the consequence spoken of--If it would follow in course from the laws of the United States it is not probable that the Executive Government there would prevent the slave masters from asserting their rights under those laws and it is therefore reasonable to suppose that the consequence may really follow which the parties concerned have represented. Still if in this case the black people whose arrest is applied for had been shown to have fled from a charge for any such offence as would clearly come within our Statute, we do not conceive that we could on that account have advised a course to be pursued in regard to them different from that which should be pursued with respect to free white persons under the same circumstances. When we say this we should desire it to be understood that we are so clearly of opinion on the other hand, that the withdrawing from a state of Slavery in a foreign Country could not here be treated as an offence with reference to our statute already alluded to so that any person could be surrendered up under that statute upon such a ground merely. We beg leave to express to Your Excellency our regret for the delay that has occurred in answering the reference which Your Excellency and the Honorable the Executive Council have thought fit to make to us. Among other causes which have led to it was a doubt at first entertained among us whether we could properly give an opinion upon a matter which under possible circumstances might give rise to a judicial proceeding in which the same question would come before us or some one of us for decision. An examination of this subject has removed this doubt and we now submit our opinion to Your Excellency with such explanations as seemed to us to be material.

"'We have the Honor to be "'Your Excellency's Most obedient "and humble Servants "'(Signed) "'JOHN B. ROBINSON, C. J. "'L. P. SHERWOOD--J. "'J. B. MACAULEY--J.'"

"Upon which the council were pleased to make the following Report.

"'_To His Excellency_, Sir John Colborne, K.C.B., Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Upper Canada and Major General Commanding His Majesty's Forces therein--&c----&c &c

"'May it please Your Excellency

"'The Council have had under consideration the papers relating to the requisition of the acting Governor of Michigan, together with evidence furnished by His Excellency the Governor of that Territory accompanied by a further requisition for the delivery of the fugitives--they have also had before them the opinions of the three Judges and of the Attorney General with which they concur and have been led to the conclusion that the fugitive Slaves named in the requisitions are not charged with an offence which would have rendered them liable to any of the punishments enumerated in the Provincial Statute and consequently that the Lieutenant Governor and Council are not authorized by its provisions to send them out of the Province.'" (_Can. Arch._, State J, p. 155.)

8. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at Toronto, Saturday, September 9, 1837, under the presidency of the Honourable William Allen, the following proceedings were had:

"Read the Attorney General's Report of the 8th instant on Documents for the surrender of Jesse Happy, a fugitive from Justice in the United States charged with horse stealing--upon which the Council made the following Report

"'The Council have taken into serious consideration the Documents with the Reports of the Attorney General

"'A similar application referred for the Report of the Council on the 7th Instant--In that case as in the present it was suggested that the fugitive was a slave, and that the real object of the application was not so much to bring him to trial for the alleged Felony as to reduce him again to a state of Slavery--In that case however it appeared that the Offence had been recently committed viz: in May last--That an early occasion, probably the first, was taken to have him indicted--that process for his apprehension immediately issued and that shortly after the return of the Sheriff to that process the requisition from His Excellency the Governor of the State of Kentucky was obtained and promptly brought to this Province. Under these circumstances the Council were of opinion that in the exercise of a sound discretion they were called upon to recommend to Your Excellency to comply with the requisition--The facts appearing upon the Official Documents in this case are widely different--The Alleged Offence purports to have been committed more than four years ago. When the Indictment was preferred is not shown (as it was in the former case) but the earliest date which shows its existence is 1st June 1835 when the certificate of the Clerk of the Court is given. No process seems to have been issued in the State of Kentucky nor is any other step shown to have been taken until the middle of last month. There also it is suggested that the fugitive is a slave that the real object of his apprehension is to give him up to his former owners and so to deprive him of that personal liberty which the laws of this country secure him. If this be conceded in the present instance after a lapse of four years, no argument could be consistently urged against the delivery up (on the usual application) of persons who have been still longer resident in this Province.

"'The delivery of a Slave under these circumstances to the authorities claiming him would it is clear subject him to a double penalty, the one of punishment for a crime, the other of a return to a state of Slavery, even if he should be acquitted. The former in strict accordance with our Statute, the other in direct opposition to the genius of our institutions and the spirit of our Laws. For this cause the Council feel great difficulty in the course which they would advise Your Excellency to adopt, were there any law by which, after taking his trial and if convicted undergoing his sentence he would be restored to a state of freedom, the Council would not hesitate to advise his being given up but there is no such provision in the Statute.

"'On the other hand the Council feel that it cannot be permitted that because a man may happen to be a fugitive slave he should escape those consequences of crime committed in a foreign country to which a free man would be amenable. This would be equally contrary to the Law and to the spirit of mutual justice which gave origin to it, in this Province as well as in the United States. Considering however the circumstances of this case and also the difficulty that might arise from it as a precedent the Council respectfully recommend that time should be given to the accused to furnish affidavits of the facts set forth in the Petition presented on his behalf in order to a full understanding of the whole matter.

"'The Council would further respectfully submit to Your Excellency the propriety of drawing the attention of Her Majesty's Government to this question with a view of ascertaining their views upon it as a matter of general policy.'" (_Can. Arch._, State J, p. 597.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For these documents Mr. Justice Riddell is indebted to Mr. William Smith of the Department of Archives, Ottawa, Canada.

ADDITIONAL LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918[1]

LETTERS STATING THAT WAGES RECEIVED ARE NOT SATISFACTORY

BROOKHAVEN, MISS., April 24, 1917.

_Gents:_ The cane growers of Louisiana have stopped the exodus from New Orleans, claiming shortage of labor which will result in a sugar famine.

Now these laborers thus employed receive only 85 cents a day and the high cost of living makes it a serious question to live.

There is a great many race people around here who desires to come north but have waited rather late to avoid car fare, which they have not got. isnt there some way to get the concerns who wants labor, to send passes here or elsewhere so they can come even if they have to pay out of the first months wages? Please dont publish this letter but do what you can towards helping them to get away. If the R. R. Co. would run a low rate excursion they could leave that way. Please ans.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 4, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I have been taking defender for sevel months and I have seen that there is lots good work in that section and I want to say as you are the editor of that paper I wish that you would let me know if there is any wheare up there that I can get in with an intucion that I may get my wife and my silf from down hear and can bring just as miney more as he want we are suffing hear all the work is giveing to poor white peples and we can not get anything to doe at all I will go to pennsylvania or n y state or N J or Ill. or any wheare that I can surport my wife I am past master of son of light in Mass. large Royal arch and is in good standing all so the good Sancer large no. 18. I need helpe my wife cant get any thing to due eather can I so please if you can see any body up there that want hands let me no at once I can get all they need and it will alow me to get my wife away from down hear so please remember and ans. I will apreshate it.

Looking for ans at once. Please let me no some thing thease crackers is birds in south

NASHVILLE, TENN., April 22, 1917.

_Sir:_ I am in Nashville and I have a job but is not satisfied with the money that I am getting for my work and I ask of you to please give me a good job working any place I am a expirence fire man and all so some expirence in engineer and please answer soon and let me know what you can find for me to do.

ALEXANDRIA, LA., June 6, 1917.

_Dear Sirs:_ I am writeing to you all asking a favor of you all. I am a girl of seventeen. School has just closed I have been going to school for nine months and I now feel like I aught to go to work. And I would like very very well for you all to please forward me to a good job. but there isnt a thing here for me to do, the wages here is from a dollar and a half a week. What could I earn Nothing. I have a mother and father my father do all he can for me but it is so hard. A child with any respect about her self or his self wouldnt like to see there mother and father work so hard and earn nothing I feel it my duty to help. I would like for you all to get me a good job and as I havent any money to come on please send me a pass and I would work and pay every cent of it back and get me a good quite place to stay. My father have been getting the defender for three or four months but for the last two weeks we have failed to get it. I dont know why. I am tired of down hear in this ---- / I am afraid to say. Father seem to care and then again dont seem to but Mother and I am tired tired of all of this I wrote to you all because I believe you will help I need your help hopeing to here from you all very soon.

ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.

SIR: I am a young man 25 years of age. I desire to get in some place where I can earn more for my labor than I do now, which is $1.25 per day. I do not master no trade but I have finished a correspondence course with the practical auto school of New York City and with a little experience I would make a competent automobile man, but I do not ask for your assistance on this line of business only. I am willing to do anything for better wages.

P.S. I would like if you knows if there is an auto school any where where colored men can go to and learn the automobile industry to give me their address.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 30, 1917.

_Kind sir:_ In reading the Chicago Defender I saw where laborers are wanted and of course not knowing whether you would send transportation this far or not I would like a good job in the north where I can earn more for my labor and would like for you to help me out if you would. I am now working at the Clyde Line and they are cutting off help every day of course I dont know about this moulding work but am very quick to learn any thing most any kind of work for a laboring man, dont play on the job. all I ask of you is a trial, willing and ready to go to work any time I hear from you. Please ans soon. willing to Detroit Michigan or any part of the north.

_Sirs:_ I am writing to find out if there is any way that you could find me a job. I would be very glad for you to do so and I will see that you wont loose nothing if I can get the job. work no good here for a black man. And I want to leave this place. But I cannot make the money to leave on and I hope you will do all you can in the way of helping me to secure a job and I hope you will let me here from you in short.

WILMINGTON, N. C., May 4, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Wright a fiew words for work i ask to hand this editor to read we are work mens wont to work but wages is so little we cant get out we wont to leave the south and work. Pleas wright let me know 10 mens able body men will stick to work we well come.

DALLAS, TEX., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I read your advertisement in the Chicago Defender and having been unable to find work here I want a chance of this kind also a friend of mine, we are both willing to work. Tell me how soon you can send and how many you are willing to send for.

AUGUSTA, GA., 5-28-17.

_Gentlemens:_ In reading the defender the paper of our race the numerous wanted of labor in your state I would like make some of the good pay for God knows we need it in Augusta. Gentlemens I made very effort to come out in Illinois or some other place where I can live deason. I have payed as much as too dollars & that I cant get away from here, we can scarcely live in Augusta not say anything about debt. I wish you gentlemens would asist me in getting away from here not only my self but some friends or send an agent threw here I mean agent not some so call agent--or if you gentlemens see I get a transportation I am real in what I am saying any kind that a living in. I am twenty years exspierince in yellow pine lumber willing to do any thing else that pays gentlemens answer at once. I like to come now to get settled by winter.

PENSACOLA, FLA., April 23, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I saw your advice in the Chicago Defender I thought to wright for farther in fennashion I would be glad to now how I can get ther I am a laborn man want to get where work is plentiful & good wedges i want to get in a Christian nise place i have a good family and car for them I want to come up there to see the place & then latter on send for family can u send for me or describe me to some one who will send for me.

ST. LOUIS, April 28, 1917.

_Dear Gentlemens:_ I have been advise through the columns of the Chicago Defender to get in connection with you as they claim that you are in position to look after colored labor and help I am anxious to get a study position in some small villiage or town near Chicago. I am from Alabama and dont believe in loafing I am now employed at a firm as porter, packer, asst. shipping clerk but I cant live on the pay. I am to go to Detroit next Saturday but if I can hear from you I would rother take your advise. Please let me hear from you. I was intending to go by Chicago and call on you but I thought it wise to write because here in St. Louis they dont like to see a man idle.

_Dear sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and enjoy it very much. I saw in todays defender where labor was wanter transportation advanced from Chicago. Now I have a good steady position where I have been working for three years with the American Sugar refinery but I would like to make a change I know that I can better my condition where I work it 12 hours. Therefore I would welcome the 8 hours with pleasure. Please send me full information. I would like to get a transportation for my self and son 16 years of age. I will enclose self address envelope for a reply at once.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/30/17.

_Sir:_ In reading the Chicago paper we find advertisement asking for labor men. I am a man of family and would like very much to come to this kind of job but having a wife and five children to support couldnt very well leave on a railroad pass as I hate to leave my family behind without support for at one dollar and seventy five cents per day I couldnt do very much in a short while. Now will you please inform me of this transportation that is advertised. I am a colored man weighs about 160 pounds and forty nine years old. Please write me full particulars at this address.

COLLINS, MISS., April 7, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I saw where you needed labor and I am a hard working man but I cant make above a living here and hardly that and so if you can assist me your kindness will never be forgotten. I shall look to hear from you by return mail.

GREENVILLE, S. C., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I would like for you to write me and tell me how is time up there and jobs is to get. I would like for you to get me a job and my wife. She is a no. 1 good cook, maid, nurse job I am a fireing boiler, steame fitter and experiences mechencs helpe and will do laboring work if you can not get me one off those jobs above that i can do. I have work in a foundry as a molder helper and has lots of experense at that. I am 27 yrs of age. If you can get me job I would like for you to do so please and let me no and will pay for trouble. looking to hear from you wright away please if you new off any firm that needs a man give them my address please I wont to get out of the south where I can demand something for my work. I will close.

LUTCHER, LA., May 13, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I have been reading the Chicago defender and seeing so many advertisements about the work in the north I thought to write you concerning my condition. I am working hard in the south and can hardly earn a living. I have a wife and one child and can hardly feed them. I thought to write and ask you for some information concerning how to get a pass for myself and family. I dont want to leave my family behind as I cant hardly make a living for them right here with them and I know they would fare hard if I would leave them. If there are any agents in the south there havent been any of them to Lutcher if they would come here they would get at least fifty men. Please sir let me hear from you as quick as possible. Now this is all. Please dont publish my letter, I was out in town today talking to some of the men and they say if they could get passes that 30 or 40 of them would come. But they havent got the money and they dont know how to come. But they are good strong and able working men. If you will instruct me I will instruct the other men how to come as they all want to work. Please dont publish this because we have to whisper this around among our selves because the white folks are angry now because the negroes are going north.

WINSTON, N. C., May 17, 1917.

_Dear Friend:_ a little information i am asking concerning work i am a stranger to you and you is one to me but i saw your optunity to the colorred people of the south as i am a reader of the Defender and all so the new York age to i seen Sunday that you is wanting labers i wants to come up there i am working eavery day but wedges is cheap don her i am a firman and cannot make a living hardly and am married man too. if you can secure me a job and send me past for me and a nother friend he is married no children i would like to lern how to do molding as the colorred man is bared of from that kind of work in the south.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 18, 1917.

_Sir:_ this is John ----. will you please get me a job as I have had bad luck an it left me in pour shape I am a molder and machinists but I will work as helpe a while jest I an wife sen transpertation for two I an wife.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 5, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Kindly inform me by return mail are there any factories or concerns employing colored laborers, skilled or unskilled, the south is ringing with news from Chicago telling of the wonderful openings for colored people, and I am asking you to find the correct information whether I could get employment there or not. Please find postage enclosed for immediate reply.

CHARLESTON, S. C., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I saw your add in the Chicago Defender where you wanted laborers and I taught that this would be a grand oppotunity for me to better my present conditions so I taught I would write you and ask you would you be kind enough as to give me a job dear sir. I am a single man and would be willing to do any kind of work, dear sir would you be kind enough as to forward me a transportation and I would come write away so please do the best you can for me. There is but little down here to be gotten dear sir will you kindly grant me that favor. Hopeing to receive a favorable answer.

GREENWOOD, S. C., May 8, 1917.

_Dear Friend:_ I saw in the Chicago Defender where you waned labor. pleas send pass for as many men as you can are let me know what I must do to get one by return mail because I wont to leave the south and go north where you get a better chance. So please answer at once.

SUMTER, S. C., May 12, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Could you get me a job in the ---- Tin Plate Factory at ----, Pa. a job for (3) three also a pass from here for (3) I am a comon laborer and the other are the same. If you could we will be ever so much ablige and will comply with your advertisement. If you cant get a job just where we wish to go we will thank you for a good job any where in the state of Pa. or Ohio. I am in my 50 the others are my sons just in the bloom of life and I would wish that you could find a place where we can make a living and I also wish that you could find a place where we all three can be together. If you will send us a pass we will come just as soon as I receive it. If you find a place that you can send us please let us hear what the job will pay. Nothing more. I am yours respectfully.

CARRIER, MISS., May, 1917.

Please sir will you please send me transportation for me and my wife I am willing to work anywhere you put me at the rate I am going it would take me from now until Cristmas to feed myself and get money enough to come with. Wages is so low and grocery is so high untill all I can do is to live. Please answer soon to.

NEWBERN, ALA., 5-21-1917.

_My dear Sir:_ Your letter of the 11th inst. to hand and contents noted. In reply I wish to thank you for the kind offer relative to the laides. We shall leave for New York on or before June 20th; I desire to know if it be possible to secure our transportation fare from the parties to whom they shall work? Owing to conditions (here) in the south one is hardly able to eke out an existence on the paltry salaries allowed by our white friends; therefore we need help. If you can comply with our request, we shall be very grateful to you; & I wish to say in advance that you will not have cause to regret for whatever the charges may be we shall pay them willingly. I shall furnish the best references as to character.

Now, if it be possible for us to secure our transportation, we could leave here on or before the 5th of June. We prefer coming by water as it is cheaper. I trust that I have made myself plain and that you will see your way clear to serve us.

NEWBERN, ALA., 4/7/1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am in receipt of a letter from ---- of ----, ----, in regards to placing two young women of our community in positions in the North or West, as he was unable to give the above assistance he enclosed your address. We desire to know if you are in a position to put us in touch with any reliable firm or private family that desire to employ two young women; one is a teacher in the public school of this county, and has been for the past six years having duties of a mother and sister to care for she is forced to seek employment else where as labor is very cheap here. The other is a high school pupil, is capable of during the work of a private family with much credit.

Doubtless you have learned of the great exodus of our people to the north and west from this and other southern states. I wish to say that we are forced to go when one things of a grown man wages is only fifty to seventy five cents per day for all grades of work. He is compelled to go where there is better wages and sociable conditions, believe me. When I say that many places here in this state the only thing that the black man gets is a peck of meal and from three to four lbs. of bacon per week, and he is treated as a slave. As leaders we are powerless for we dare not resent such or to show even the slightest disapproval. Only a few days ago more than 1000 people left here for the north and west. They cannot stay here. The white man is saying that you must not go but they are not doing anything by way of assisting the black man to stay. As a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church (north) I am on the verge of starvation simply because of the above conditions. I shall be glad to know if there is any possible way by which I could be of real service to you as director of your society. Thanking you in advance for an early reply, and for any suggestions that you may be able to offer.

With best wishes for your success, I remain, very sincerely yours.

BREWSTER, ALA., Jan. 6, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am writing you enregards if work in the north I would like to came in turch with some of the leading men that wants colerd laborer and what about transportation there is a good deal of peple here wanting jobs.

TROY, ALA., 3-24-17.

_Dear Sir:_ I received you of Feb. 17 and was very delighted to hear from you in regards of the matter in which I writen you about. I am very anxious to get to Chicago and realy believe that if I was there I would very soom be working on the position in which I writen you about. Now you can just imagine how it is with the colored man in the south. I am more than anxious to go to Chicago but have not got the necessary fund in which to pay my way and these southern white peoples are not paying a man enough for his work down here to save up enough money to leave here with. Now I am asking you for a helping hand in which to assist me in getting to Chicago. I know you can do so if you only will.

Hoping to hear from you at an early date and looking for a helping hand and also any information you choose to inform me of,

I remain as ever yours truly.

COLUMBIA, S. C., Dec. 1, 1917.

_Dear Ser:_ I am out of work and was inform to write you all about work in the north I am a labor and is willing to work any where. I am in need of work very bad let me here from you at once.

CHARLESTON, S. C., April 27, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ i was told by Mr. ---- ---- to rite you for one of cards as he say you got a lot of work to do in a brick yard and i am a hard working man i want to work and will work at any thing that pays so i rite to you for one of your blank so i can fill it out i dont care how soon i can get there and go to work there is no work here that pays a man to stay here so please send blank as soon as you can. Hoping to here from you soon.

SAVANNAH, GA., April 29, 1917.

_Dear sir:_ I receive your letter and glad to hear from you, the reason why i wanted to come up there is for more wages, i am a man with family and works hard, but dont get sufficient wages to support my family. i does any kind of ordinary hard work such as farming or teamster or most anything, i would like to no what kind of work you got up there to do as i fell satisfied that i could please you, and also state your price that you pay, and if this application is satisfactory why ans and i am willing to come right way.

_Dear Sir:_ After reading a very interesting letter of Miss--, it affords me great interest to ask you for some information in regards to employment in Connecticut and to eliminate some writing and get the right understanding. I will ask you to please furnish me with an application form and in the mean time I may receive all information that you may give. Also please if you cannot get me employment in Connecticut, write me if there are any openings in New Jersey or New York. I am very anxious to leave the south as there are no chances of jobs here worth while. I have a recommendation as machine helper which I can send if required.

Hoping to have an interview as early as possible.

SAVANNAH, GA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ In seeing your advertisement in reference to securing a position for those desiring, I decided to take advantage of this opportunity as I desire better wages to meet the present high cost of living.

Hoping to hear from you at once in reference to the above request.

FORT GAINES, GA., Oct. 9, 1916.

_Dear Sir:_ Replying to your letter dates Oct. 6th the situation here is this: Heavy rains and Boll weavel has caused a loss of about 9,000 bales of cotton which together with seed at the prevailing high prices would have brought $900,000.00 the average crop here being 11,000 bales, but this years' crop was exceptionally fine and abundant and promised good yeald until the two calamities hit us.

Now the farmer is going to see that his personal losses are minimised as far as possible and this has left the average farm laborer with nothing to start out with to make a crop for next year, nobody wants to carry him till next fall, he might make peanuts and might not, so taking it alround, he wants to migrate to where he can see a chance to get work.

I have carpenters, one brick mason, blacksmith, etc., wanting to leave here, can send you their names if definate proposition is held out.

HOUSTON, TEX., 2-25-17.

_Dear Sir:_ Would you please to be so kind to advise us on what condition to get in tuch with some club on micration movement we have 1000 of idle people here and good working people would be trully glad to except of that good oppertunity of coming north and work. Now please give us the full detales of the movingment so we can get to gether now please advise right away of the main headquarters of the club for we are ready for business just as soon as we can get a understanding from the main club for we have lots of people in Tex. want to no direct about it and want to go. We take your paper in this citey and your paper was all we had to go by so we are depending on you for farther advise. Dear editor you muss excuse our bad letter for we rote it in a hurry.

KEATCHIE, LA., 12/8/16.

_Dear Sir:_ I have been reading in the Union-Review and other papers about the work of your department and I am writing to you for some information. I would like to know about general conditions, as to wages, cost of living, living conditions etc.

Also as to persons of color adopting themselves to the northern climate, having been reared in the south. This information would be much appreciated and would be also of much interest to not only the writer of this letter but to many more. Many books would be written dealing with conditions here in regard to the Negro. Compared with other things to which we have almost become resigned, the high cost of living coupled with unreasonably low wages is of greatest concern. We have learned to combat with more or less success other conditions, but thousands of us can bearly keep body and soul together with wages 60, 75 and $1.00 and meat at 19, flour $10 and $12 per bbl and everything else according.

LIVE OAK, FLA., Feb. 12, 1917.

_Dare Sire:_ Replying to youse some times ago were reseav an was glad to here from you so please let me no how is bisness up nourth and cod I get a job as I wont to go nourth as we dont get half pay for our wourk down here so please let me here from you an can I get a persistion in youre city.

SAVANNAH, GA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I write you to let you know that I am out of employment as jobs are very hard to find down here and I would like to have a job in your firm in N.Y. as I have relatives there I can pack tobacco and I would like very much to work in your firm in N.Y. or Conn. and I would like for you to send me a ticket as soon as possible.

LITTLE ROCK, ARK., 5/2/17.

_Der Sir:_ It affordes me much pleasure to write to you a few lines in regardes of a posision sir i were reared in the state of ill. your home state, but have been here for eight years working as a helper in a blacksmith shop and have been taking the Defender regular for a long time so i have decided to come back to my home state once more where i can get better pay so o will ask you to please help me in getting a good job. i wont to learn the molders trade or some good trade that i can make more than i am making here. i am a Christian and have been for 20 years. am a member of the first Baptist Church here an a member of the United Brethren of Odd Fellows and is in good standing. now please assist me just as soon as possible i am ready to come up just as soon as i get a hearing from you. Please look after it for me at once if you can not get me a job in your town, I will go anny place you send me.

JACKSON, MISS., April 20, 1917.

_Sir:_ i wants to know do yo want somme famlis to move up their if you do rite and let me no at once and i will get yo some at once to come up their to work for you if you do rite an let me no at once and i will get them. now write an let me no at once send me work an i will try to bill your wont if you will aide me to get them up their i can get all that yo wont here to come up their and will come if they had any way to comt i wont to come but the times is so harde that i cant make the money to come on i want to move up their at once if i hade some way to come i wod come at once.

CHARLESTON, S.C., April 29, 1917.

_dear sir:_ I found your address by Mr. ---- ---- kindness. I wrote him a letter concerning of a just a half of chance and any kind of a job will do just so I am out of this part of the country. Now here is my lines of work. I am a first class clothes cleaner and presser, can operate any kind of clothes pressing machine. I have got reference to show that I am good in that line from Mr. ----, a member of our city. I am a waiter european or american, alicout or short order, and I am bell hop and knows the rules of a hotel. I am lawfully married and has no children. My wife and myself are both from Augusta, Ga. but I am working down here but I dont like it, I am just barely making a living and thats all. Now my wife can work too. She can cook, nurse and do house work, I simply make a distintion about my home being in Augusta Ga for this reason, some Charlestonians speaks such bad language. Now please do the best you can for me and let me hear from you as soon, as possible and let me know your terms. I am ready. Good-by.

HAWKINSVILLE, GA., Apr. 16, 1917.

_My dear friends:_ I writen you some time ago and never received any answer at all. I just was thinking why that I have not. I writen you for employ on a farm or any kind of work that you can give me to do I am willing to do most any thing that you want me to so dear friends if you just pleas send ticket for me I will come up thear just as soon as I receives it I want to come to the north so bad tell I really dont no what to do. I am a good worker a young boy age of 23. The reason why I want to come north is why that the people dont pay enough for the labor that a man can do down here so please let me no what can you do for me just as soon as you can I will pay you for the ticket and all so enything on your money that you put in the ticket for me, and send any kind of contrak that you send me.

HOUSTON, TEX., 4-29-17.

_Dear Sir:_ I am a constant reader of the "Chicago Defender" and in your last issue I saw a want ad that appealed to me. I am a Negro, age 37, and am an all round foundry man. I am a cone maker by trade having had about 10 years experience at the buisness, and hold good references from several shops, in which I have been employed. I have worked at various shops and I have always been able to make good. It is hard for a black man to hold a job here, as prejudice is very strong. I have never been discharged on account of dissatisfaction with my work, but I have been "let out" on account of my color. I am a good brassmelter but i prefer core making as it is my trade. I have a family and am anxious to leave here, but have not the means, and as wages are not much here, it is very hard to save enough to get away with. If you know of any firms that are in need of a core maker and whom you think would send me transportation, I would be pleased to be put in touch with them and I assure you that effort would be appreciated. I am a core maker but I am willing to do any honest work. All I want is to get away from here. I am writing you and I believe you can and will help me. If any one will send transportation, I will arrange or agree to have it taken out of my salary untill full amount of fare is paid. I also know of several good fdry. men here who would leave in a minute, if there only was a way arranged for them to leave, and they are men whom I know personally to be experienced men. I hope that you will give this your immediate attention as I am anxious to get busy and be on my way. I am ready to start at any time, and would be pleased to hear something favorable.

CHARLESTON, S. C., April 29, 1917.

_Kind Sir:_ Read your adv. in the Chicago Defender. I would like very much to have you take me in consideration. I am strong and ambitious. Would work under any conditions to get away from this place for I am working and throwing away my valuable time for nothing. Kindly let me hear from you at your earliest.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., June 10, 1917.

_Kind Sir:_ I read and hear daly of the great chance that a colored parson has in Chicago of making a living with all the priveleg that the whites have and it mak me the most ankious to want to go where I may be able to make a liveing for my self. When you read this you will think it bery strange that being only my self to support that it is so hard, but it is so. everything is gone up but the poor colerd peple wages. I have made sevle afford to leave and come to Chicago where I hear that times is good for us but owing to femail wekness has made it a perfect failure. I am a widow for 9 years. I have very pore learning altho it would not make much diffrent if I would be throughly edacated for I could not get any better work to do, such as house work, washing and ironing and all such work that are injering to a woman with femail wekness and they pay so little for so hard work that it is just enough to pay room rent and a little some thing to eat. I have found a very good remady that I really feeling to belive would cure me if I only could make enough money to keep up my madison and I dont think that I will ever be able to do that down hear for the time is getting worse evry day. I am going to ask if you peple hear could aid me in geting over her in Chicago and seeking out a position of some kind. I can also do plain sewing. Please good peple dont refuse to help me out in my trouble for I am in gret need of help God will bless you. I am going to do my very best after I get over here if God spair me to get work I will pay the expance back. Do try to do the best you can for me, with many thanks for so doing I will remain as ever,

Yours truly.

MCCOY, LA., April 16, 1917.

_Dear Editor:_ I have been takeing your wonderful paper and I have saved from the first I have received and my heart is upset night and day. I am praying every day to see some one that I may get a pass for me, my child and husband I have a daughter 17 who can work well and myself. please sir direct me to the place where I may be able to see the parties that I and my family whom have read the defender so much until they are anxious to come dear editor we are working people but we cant hardly live here I would say more but we are back in the jungles and we have to lie low but please sir answer and I pray you give me a homeward consilation as we havent money enough to pay our fairs.

HERNANDO, MISS., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I have heard so much about the demand for negro labor and the high price paid for it in the northern part of this country (the U. S.). I've decided to investigate the rumor from the most reliable source. And as it generally known that newspaper men are the best informed, therefore have thought to request of you for the particulars of the matter. Will you furnish me the desired information or point out such party, or parties that can and will do so. (Personal.)

PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Please send me at once a transportation at once I will sure come if I live send it as soon as possible because these white people are getting so they put every one in prison who are not working I can not get any I can do any kind of common labor. I am a brick layer also a painter I want to go to Cleveland and I have good health and will do my best to improve. They are two family my mother want to come she is a good cook house clean, so all she want is information. I am not going to bring my family when I come I am gong to send back for it. Dont fail to send my Fla. transportation by return mail if you want I can get them as many as you want.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 29, 1917.

_Dear sir:_ reading the Chicago Defender seeing thair are still plenty work in the north I am an automobile repaire and wishes position at once as I am out of employmen and are a man of family and a working man indeed. Hoping to receive ticket by Return Mail or anser

FULLERTON, LA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I was looking over a news paper and seen your address and has been wanting to go some where in you country where i can get better wedges and i would like to come up there of corse i dont know anything about that work but i can learn it in a short while. and if you can give me a job i would like to know and i want to know weather you will send me a pass or not i has a wife an i would like to know will you send me a pass for i and my wife if you will i want you to write me and let me know as soon as you can and tell we what you can do about the matter so this all

HOUSTON, TEX., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I thought I would write you a few lines of importance I ask you to help me that much the lord will help you I am a christians I try to make a honest living a man ought to help another when he try to help his self. this is only one I will do any kind of work if any company pass in up their I can pay half of my fare. I am motherless and fatherless I dont care when I go I am gone trust in the lord if you yill help me the Lord will pay you I am with donfident I am not a loafer If my fare is advance up their it a written contract that I will work it out.

May God bless you. Answer soon

NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I write you a few lines asking you if there is a chance please let me know I can do most any kind of work labor or helper packer willing to learn a trade I see where they sends transportation well I would be willing if one of the firms would send me a pass then when I start to work for them they could take it out of my wages every week untill it was paid for. All I ask is give me a chance and I will make good. Hopeing that my letter will meet with your Apporval and if there is a firm that is willing to send me a pass to come to work up there Please show them my letter and they can deduck out of my wages for the pass. Hopeing that you will hear of one of the firms that wants laborers and Helpers and that they will let me know when writing adress is to

G---- A----, ---- ---- Ave. New Orleans, La.

Please write and let me know if theres a chance. I remain yours

PENSACOLA, FLA., 4/29/17.

_Dear Sir:_ in reading the Chicago Defender I saw yore wants add for foundry ware house and yard men I do truly ask you to pleas give me some instruction How I can get there I am a working man I am not sport or a gamble or class with them if I kno it But I am study evry day working man of family wife and one child 9 years old but this is hard time in the south now and I have not the means to come. But if you can get me up there I will give you good service in yore ware house and yard work. My daily work has been in a ware house for the past 6 years and i kno one more good man that want to come too with family and would be glad to get up there as soon as I can. I will garntee you good and reglar service from Both of us.

Hopeing to here from you soon

PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: Im a reader of the Defender, and I saw in this weeks issue where you stated that three cities were in need of moulders and helpers. And as I have once worked in a foundry, as a helper I have some experience of the work and would like very much to know under what conditions could you put me in touch with a firm in a small size town, where it would send me a transportation.

I would leave tomorrow, if I had such opportunity. I am married, have a wife and two small children, and cant support them in this place properly.

Hoping to receive some kind of reply.

SAVANNAH, GA., April 29, 1918.

_Dear Sir_: I were reading your advertisement in the Chicago Defender where you were in need for men at the ---- ----. I am a hard working man in the south and get nothing for it I would like to recive a hearing from you in return mail in rgard of seeking a transportation for me and my nephew if you will send for me and my nephew I will come at once and I garantee you that you wont regret it. We are hard workers of the south please oblige.

Answer at once return mail I will be at your call.

MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917

_Dear Sir_: I was reading in the Chicago defender where They wanted so many men to work. I am very anxious to work. I can do most any kind of work I have been out of a job ever since January. will you please try and get me in Chicago, so that I can be able to get one of those jobs. please get me a job. I have a wife and we can hardly live in this place. I am a machinist by trade. I am a Schauffer also. I can repair an auto to. please send for me at once, as I am in need of work.

My age is 25 years and my wife is 21 years. My name is ----

SAVANNAH, GA., April 24, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ As I my self intend to go north or some place where I can get good wages so as to better my condition and aim to go in a few days if I can get off right. I would have been gone before now but I could not save enough money out of small wages and high cost of living to get away, since I saw a piece in the Chicago Defender about you I am eager to get in touch with you at once as I understand you are in the employment business if so please let me hear from you by return mail as I must leave in a few days if can get away the right way. So if you have some good jobs open in some small towns or cities that will pay good wages please let me hear from you this week if can do so. Write me the kind of work and wages paid and where at so I can choose the kind I like, also let me know if I can get a ticket sent me to come on with a garntee to pay for it out of my first wages a part each pay day until paid. Please let me hear from you at once.

ATLANTA, GA., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ In reading the Chicago Defender I find that there are many jobs open for workmen, I wish that you would or can secure me a position in some of the northern cities; as a workman and not as a loafer. One who is willing to do any kind of hard in side or public work, have had broad experience in machinery and other work of the kind. A some what alround man can also cook, well trained devuloped man; have travel extensively through the western and southern states; A good strong _morial religious_ man no habits. I will accept transportation on advance and deducted from my wages later. It does not matter where, that is; as to city, country, town or state since you secure the positions. I am quite sure you will be delighted in securing a position for a man of this description. I'll assure you will not regret of so doing. Hoping to hear from you soon.

SHREVEPORT, LA., April 26-17.

_Dear Sirs:_ I am writing you as to how and where I can go to obtain better freedom and better pay for the balence of my life as being a contance reader of the Chicago defender the add in front cover first colum refered me to you. If you can put me in touch of some one that I ma communicate with as to the position I will be verry grateful to you. I am a cook & barber also thorughly acquainted with steam works hoping to hear from you will full particular

I am yours for better success.

P S I has a fair education.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 7, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am earnestly in need of work and would be very glad if you could recomend me to some of the firms that you are securing labor for. I saw your add in the Defender.

CRICHTON, MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.

_Sirs and Gentelmen:_ I am poor man and honest working man and I am here in the south this hard country seeking for labor that I can make an onest living I can do most any kind of commond work and I will do so please put me next. Give me an early reply years to please

PENSACOLA, FLA., May 7, 1917.

_Gentelmen:_ I wants to ask you to look out for a job for me in that section as I am a good tailors helper good sewer and as cleaning presing and dyeing I have had nine years experance in that line but I will do other work if I can get it as factory work in or out of the city will do I am man of a family and have no time to piack work. Thanks

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 9, 1917.

_My dear Sir:_ In looking over the Chicago Defender why I come across your name in connections with ---- ---- of Chicago and thinking that you could do me a lots of good why I thought that I would write you asking of you to locate me with transportation with some one who are looking for a hard working honest and sober colored man.

Will do any kind of work. Am a farmer, saw mill man, a good cook. Also I have worked for quite awhile for express company here.

I am unable to pay my way to your city at present and any help extended me along that line will be more than appreciated by me. Am married, and my wife is a first class cook and house woman.

Now if I am not taking too much of your time why please let me hear from you at once as I would like very much to get out of the south as quick as possible for there is nothing here for a colored man, any more.

Please give my name to some one that needs a good man, who is willing to send transportation for me and wife, or my self. I probably can make some arrangements to get there in a few days.

Hoping to hear from you in a few days and thanking you for same before hand.

LETTERS ABOUT BETTER EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES

ANNISTON, ALA., April 23, 1917.

_Dear sir:_ Please gave me some infamation about coming north i can do any kind of work from a truck gardin to farming i would like to leave here and i cant make no money to leave I ust make enought to live one please let me here from you at once i want to get where i can put my children in schol.

WEST PALM BEACH, FLA., April 25, 1917.

_My dear Sir:_ While reading the Chicago Defender of april 21st I saw that you was the man to write to four a job as say the paper I have some children I lost my wife just a year ago and I would like to get a place where I could proply educate them I am a bober by trade I been in the work for 20 years study, I dont drink al all any thing like whiskey I am a church man and all the children belong to the church too your trully

PITTSBURG, PA., April 26, 1917.

_dear sir:_ your letter was all write this one leaves me all write i means what is write this is a matter of buisness and no folishness and joaking in this Please dont think i set down and write something just because i seen it in your paper for i am a working man i work for my living dont i am saying just to get a jobe i no i am south rais man i want some places to send my children to school my means is that i am to old to old.

_Dear Sir:_ I saw your add in the Chicago Defender for laborers. I am a young man and want to finish school. I want you to look out for me a job on the place working morning and evening. I would like to get a job in some private family so I could continue taking my piano lesson I can do anything around the house but drive and can even learn that. Send me the name of the best High school in Chicago. How is the Wendell Phillips College. I have finish the grammer school. I cannot come before the middle of June.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5/5x17

_My dear sir:_ I have you reply stating all the information to me. I thank you very much for same I must say I think you are a real friend. now the best classes of colored men in the south are still here but are making preparation to come north and are not particular about coming to Chicago. All we want is to know just what youve told me here in this letter. I have been living here in New Orleans only seven years. I formerly live in the country but owing to bad conditions of schools for my children I sold my property and moved here. I didnt think there was any justice in my paying school taxes and had no fit school to send by children to. I have been employed here as night eatchman for the last four years and are still working at it but my wajes are so small the high cost of living leaves very little for traveling expenses but never the less I have a boy sixteen years old as soon as school closes I will take him north with me hoping to find work for him and I during vacation. You will see me soon. Thanking you kindly.

GRABOW, LOUISIANA, 5/9/17

_My dear Sir:_ your letter to me togeather with information was recieved and noted carefully from the same I find that work in and about Chicago is not plentiful as agents are makeing out as I know for myself that I have been talked to hard to leave at once for Chicago. I am a carpenter by trade tho I have 10 years experience in the shop. I were under the empression that one would have to join the carpenter's union or machinist union on order to obtain work. Tho I know joining a union would put a stress om me as my straight life policy exemps me from such. Your letter being wrote in paragraphs I Parag 5) you are advising men who knows the molders trade or wanting to learn the machinist trade which are those 4 or 5 cities? Should chances in the same better I would not get as far as Chicago. I am a man of family and contemplated that with my Hudson could drive to Chicago by land in 8 days, but as you advise leaving my family I consider you knows best, tho at present I dont see any enducements at all. $3.00 per day is carpenter wedge in this part of Louisiana for 10 hours and $4.00 machinest. But our chances are so slim. Causes me to be disgusted at the south. Our poll tax paid, state and parish taxes yet with donations we cannot get schools. What do you think of conditions here? Thanking you for your past and in advance for your future information I am verry truly yours.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 17, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: I received your letter and was indeed glad to hear from you I am expecting to arrive in Chicago abou the 14th of June as I want to get my wife and children place until I can send for them. I am going to place them with my father over in Pass Christian Miss and my expense will be very cheap. Of course I am very anxious to get work because I have been working and supporting my family for the last 15 years and my wife never had to work out yet and I keep my children in school all the time. I will wire you just before I arrive so you will expect me in the office. I will be very glad for any service are information that you will be able to give me as I am coming. I think I would like to work in Detroit Mich. I am not so much on Chicago on account of my children. I am glad you can help me and place me in a job right away.

ALEXANDRIA, LA., 4/23/11.

_Gentlemens_: Just a word of information I am planning to leave this place on about May 11th for Chicago and wants ask you assistence in getting a job. My job for the past 8 years has been in the Armour Packing Co. of this place and I cand do anything to be done in a branch house and are now doing the smoking here I am 36 years old have a wife and 2 children. I has been here all my life but would be glad to go wher I can educate my children where they can be of service to themselves, and this will never be here.

Now if you can get a job with eny of the packers I will just as soon as I arrive in your city come to your pace and pay you for your troubel. And if I cant get on with packers I will try enything that you have to effer.

CRESCENT, OKLA., April 30, 1917.

_Sir_: I am looking for a place to locate this fall as a farmer. Do you think you could place me on a farm to work on shares. I am a poor farmer and have not the money to buy but would be glad to work a mans farm for him. I am desirous of leaving here because of the school accommodations for children as I have five and want to educate them the best I can. Prehaps you can find me a position of some kind if so kindly let me know I will be ready to leave here this fall after the harvest is layed by. I am planting cotton.

GRANVILLE, MISS., May 16, 1917.

_Dear Sir_: This letter is a letter of information of which you will find stamp envelop for reply. I want to come north some time soon but I do not want to leve here looking for a job wher I would be in dorse all winter. Now the work I am doing here is running a gauge edger in a saw mill. I know all about the grading of lumber. I have abeen working in lumber about 25 or 27 years My wedges here is $3.00 a day 11 hours a day. I want to come north where I can educate my 3 little children also my wife. Now if you cannot fit me up at what I am doing down here I can learn anything any one els can. also there is a great deal of good women cooks here would leave any time all they want is to know where to go and some way to go. please write me at once just how I can get my people where they can get something for their work. there are women here cookeing for $1.50 and $2.00 a week. I would like to live in Chicago or Ohio or Philadelphia. Tell Mr Abbott that our pepel are tole that they can not get anything to do up there and they are being snatched off the trains here in Greenville and a rested but in spite of all this, they are leaving every day and every night 100 or more is expecting to leave this week. Let me here from you at once.

PELAHATCHEE, MISS., April 27, 1917.

_Dear Sirs_: I see through the Chicago Defender that you have a reputation of furnishing employment to men. Kindly give me the particulars. What class of work do you get men? I am writing you to know that I may obtain an; employment through you. I want a good paying job that I may be able to educate my children. Kindly let me hear from you.

DEO VOLENTE, MISS., April 30, 1917.

_Dear Sirs_: I am expecting to come with my family to your town, or some smaller town near you, in the near future. Would like to farm near Chicago or some small town near Chicago where my children can have good educational advantages. Seeing the Chicago Defender that your organization was in position to give me the proper infermation therefore I write asking you to please give me the above infermation. By so doing you will greatly oblige me.

-------------------- (colored)

STARKVILLE, MISS., May 28, 1917.

_Sir:_ Your name have bin given me as a Relibal furm putting people in toutch with good locations for education there children Now I am a man of 40 years old by traid I am a barber of 20 years experence I am now in the business for white but I can barber for either white or colord I have a wife and seven children 5 girls and 2 boys allso I am a preacher I dont care for the large city life I rather live in a town of 15 or 20 thousand I want to raise by family nice and I would like for my children to have the advantage of good schools and churches Now if you are in a persison to help me a long this line I would be glad to here from you.

GREENVILLE, S. C., 5/2/1917.

_Sir:_ I have been impressed to the extent of writing you by having noted an article in the Chicago Defender regarding the good work your organization is accomplishing.

I am a Negro mechanic, having served the paint trade since 1896, 30 years years of age, married, no booster, a graduate of N. Y. trade school, first honor, class of 1906, wish to change location for better educational advantages for my children consequently will be glad to have you endeavor to place me. Hoping to hear from you at earliest convenience. Willing to accept position in any good north western city, with white or colored firm.

ATLANTA, GA., April 22, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I now rite to inquier of the works in the north as I saw your ad in the Chicago Defender I wants to come north if thair is any work up their I wants to get in a good place whear I can educate my children I am a natif of Charleston West Va but come off down here in this hard luck countary and married & raised a fanily and wants to get in a good location to raise them sence you are in the busness I wants some information I would like to hear from you pearsonaly if I can I am not pertickley about Chicago just since I get a good place in the north whear I can educate my children how is groceries in the countary let me hear from you at & early date.

AUGUSTA, GA., April 27, 1917.

_Sir:_ Being a constant reader of your paper, I thought of no one better than you to write for information.

I'm desirous of leaving the south but before so doing I want to be sure of a job before pulling out. I'm a member of the race, a normal and colloege school graduate, a man of a family and can give reference. Confidentially this communication between you and me is to be kept a secret.

My children I wished to be educated in a different community than here. Where the school facilities are better and less prejudice shown and in fact where advantages are better for our people in all respect. At present I have a good position but I desire to leave the south. A good position even tho' its a laborer's job paying $4.50 or $5.00 a day will suit me till I can do better. Let it be a job there or any where else in the country, just is it is east or west. I'm quite sure you can put me in touch with some one. I'm a letter carrier now and am also a druggist by profession. Perhaps I may through your influence get a transfer to some eastern or western city.

Nevada or California as western states, I prefer, and I must say that I have nothing against Detroit, Mich.

I shall expect an early reply. Remember keep this a secret please until I can perfect some arrangements.

GLEBDON, ALA., April 22, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ I seen it in the Chicago Defender that if any one dezire to locate in a small town where they can get fairly good wages and educate there children address you who neads men and stop paying men 50 cts & $1.00 for Job well i wont to come there where i can get work & fairly good wages & educate my children & i am not able to bear my expences i have a wife & 7 chrildren & if you can make any preparation for me to come & bring them let me here from you i have too boys big enough to work one 12 years old the other 10 and i have been trying to get away from here for some time & i cant get ot without your aid i seen it on a small paper a littler strip where Mr. ---- ---- at the state of Neb at omaha he advise any one that wont to go north or west rite him & send a too sent stamp withen your letter that i may not be slighte and then when her and your he send a blank with the letter to be fill an send him $1.50 one dollar an half which he say it is all is required no more money i will hafter pay i wrote hem for a pass & that what he told me to do & when i arrive i would have a job all ready now when i seem what the Chicago defender says about men get money that way it cause me to stop & study would it a safe plan of me to go out on such terms an so i ask you Gentlemen for all infermation that you can give me in the regards of leaving the south let me here from you at once we colored people havin a hard time down here now i have paper here but I aint sind it yet

LETTERS ABOUT THE TREATMENT OF NEGROES IN THE SOUTH

MACON, GA., April 1, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am writing you for information I want to come north east but I have not sufficient funds and I am writing you to see if there is any way that you can help me by giving me the names of some of the firms that will send me a transportation as we are down here where we have to be shot down here like rabbits for every little orfence as I seen an orcurince hapen down here this after noon when three depties from the shrief office an one Negro spotter come out and found some of our raice mens in a crap game and it makes me want to leave the south worse than I ever did when such things hapen right at my door, hopeing to have a reply soon and will in close a stamp from the same.

SAVANNAH, GA., May 5, 1917.

_Dear sir:_ I rite you these few lines seeking information how could I get up north and if you could do me any good I an five more men would like to come but we have no money we would come to any reasonable terms that you makes, and if you cannot do the five no good please sir try and do some thing for me. I rite you this mostly for my self I am in a bad shape. I am willing to do most any kind of work labaring excuiseing hotel. You was recomended to me by Bro -- -- ---- of Savannah Tribune, now in plain words plese send for me or get some of the contractors to send and I will willingly come to terms. I am willing await you ans. In short.

SPARTA, GA., Jan. 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Information reaches me that you can give information as to places that colored men can get employment in the north and east as quite a number of we colored men in this vicinity contemplates leaving the south providing we can get employment at reasonable wages. I would like to know where to locate, what kind of work and what wages paid skilled and unskilled laborer, & whether transportation can be furnished. Hoing to hear from you by return mail.

CHARLESTON, S.C., 4/4/17.

_Dear Sir:_ I have heard about you as being an employment beura so I would like very mutch for you to get me a job, and if you will please send ticket by rail because we are not allowed to leave by boat any mour. so I will take a job as porter--butler--hosler bellman can furnish reference an 27 years old married. Please notify right away.

SANFORD, FLA., 5/12/17.

_Dear Sir:_ The winter is about over and I still have a desire to seek for myself a section of this country where I can poserably better my condishion in as much as beaing asshured some protection as a good citizen under the Stars and Stripes so kind sir I am here asking you agin if you know directly or indirectly of any opening that you could direct me to where I can make a reasonable livelyhood kindly inform me. Why I write you agin is because it appears to me from your headings that your concern ar making some opening for the (col) from the south and agin I do not cear to live here in a simple way if poserable I would like to be shure of an imployment before I leave Kindley do what ever good you can for me.

PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ I perchanced to run across your address. The which I am proud of. I like my fellow southerner am looking northward. But before leaving the South Id like to know just wher I am goin and what Im to do if posible. I see from your card that you can help me and I believe you will. I want to say that I dont hope to travil north to loaf. I will be seeking better employment and better wa es mainly. I might state just here what Im best fitted for. 1st Im a christain man a man of sober habits. Ive had several years experience in business for 20 years Ive been a salesman & collector or business mgr thirteen years of said time I were engaged in the industrial insurance work. worked from a green agent to dist mgr ship at present am engaged as a salesman and collector. But would accept position as jarnitor of general utility man ordainary cook the which I ve served in a short order house for whites only. And also in a house run for both races. In fact will serve in any honest capacity That I'm capeble of that pays well. Please excuse these persional reference but Im striveing to make the acquaintance, can furnish reference as to integrity and ability any information given me in my efort will be gratefully received. Thanking you in advance.

TROY, ALA., Oct. 17, 1916.

_Dear Sirs_ I am enclosing a clipping of a lynching again which speaks for itself. I do wish there could be sufficient presure brought about to have federal investigation of such work. I wrote you a few days ago if you could furnish me with the addresses of some firms or co-opporations that needed common labor. So many of our people here are almost starving. The government is feeding quite a number here would go any where to better their conditions. If you can do any thing for us write me as early as posible.

BHAM, ALA., May 13, 1917.

_Sir:_ the edeater of the paper i am in the darkness of the south and i am trying my best to get out do you no where about i can get a job in new york. i wood be so glad if cood get a good job hear in this beautifull city o please help me to get out of this low down county i am counted no more thin a dog help me please help me o how glad i wood be if some company wood send me a ticket to come and work for them no joking i mean business i work if i can get a good job.

ANNE MANTL, ALA., April 24, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ I read in the Chicago Defender of last week that you were in the employment buisness now sire we want to leave the south and settle in some small town in Illinoise or any other good northern state where we can get fairely good wagges and be protected we are disgusted with the south since we hear that we can do better we want to get up a club to get north. Please tell us how to go about it all of us dont have a lot of money but we are able and willing to work and just want a chance. Thanking you in advance for any thing you may do for us we are

BRYAN, TEX., Sept. 13, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am writing you as I would like to no if you no of any R. R. Co and Mfg. that are in need for colored labors. I want to bring a bunch of race men out of the south we want work some whear north will come if we can git passe any whear across the Mason & Dickson. please let me hear from you at once if you can git passes for 10 or 12 men. send at once. I beg to remain.

OAKDALE, LA., April 21, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I saw in the Defender something concerning the employment up there. I would like mighty well to come if I could get a job I would be ready to come about the 15th of May. I will take a job in town or out of town either one. There are 3 or 4 more business men that are interested and would come, write me at once and let me know about the situation. Some hasn't the fund to come with and if the employer would furnish them transportation they would readily come at once.

So far as me I couldn't come until I could arrange to sell out as I am in business for God knows I want to leave the South land. Let me hear from you at once.

SAVANNAH, GA., 4/21/17.

_Dear Sir:_ Through the Chicago Definder I am writing your company to get in touch with you. as I am seeking employment in the north part of the country for the betterment of my condition. & friends wishes to follow after me. if there is any advice or assistant you can give to us please let me know at once, we are not choice about locating in the city as we will be satisfied with a small town as well as any part of the north.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 17, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ I am a race man and aire inquireing Dear Sir from some one that I know is in position to give me the proper information truthfully enclosed please find stamps for return mail. Dear sir I have a wife & a son also that has a wofe and one child we desire to come north to live if we could only get a pass to that end. The passes that are being issued in New Orleans to members of the race are verry limited and it is a little dificult for me to get a pass out I am no railroad man but I can work also my son if my son and I could get a pass to Illinois we would come at once and leave our wives at home untill we could work and send for them ourselves. Dear sirs if you know of any firm that desires any one of the race that wants to come north with their families please inform them and me as I would like verry much to come north but have not the money to pay my fare with please answer by return mail. Please help me as I wants to get from the south so bad. Thanking you in advance I am yours in the Lord. I am 40 years old. Please help me to get away from the south. Please keep this letter and not put it in public print. Dear sir I further ask that the firm or firms in which I am offered employment desire a recommendation as a work or laborer I can furnish them with same for honesty and etc. Please answer. Please answer as there are others of the race that wants to come north in great numbers and would like to be informed how to come north.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5/20/17.

_Dear Sirs:_ My silfe and a friend is after hearing from you contemplating the idea of coming north we have been told that yours is the business of informing those who are coming there of what is the very best way and about work, etc. Wish to say we need your information and are very anxious of being advised by you. We will want work as soon as were there and we are not perticular about Chiago. Anywhere north will do us and I suppose the worst place there is better than the best place here. Please inform us by return mail where we can get work and how in doing so you will be helping us wonderfully and we will more than appreciate your efforts, wishing you much success and hoping to hear from you this week, I am, Yours with best wishes.

PALESTINE, TEX., 1/2/17.

_Dear Sir:_ I hereby enclose you a few lines to find out some few things if you will be so kind to word them to me. I am a southerner lad and has never ben in the north no further than Texas and I has heard so much talk about the north and how much better the colard people are treated up there than they are down here and I has ben striveing so hard in my coming up and now I see that I cannot get up there without the ade of some one and I wants to ask you Dear Sir to please direct me in your best manner the stept that I shall take to get there and if there are any way that you can help me to get there I am kindly asking you for your ade. And if you will ade me please notify me by return mail because I am sure ancious to make it in the north because these southern white people are so mean and they seems to be getting worse and I wants to get away and they wont pay enough for work for a man to save up enough to get away and live to. If you will not ade me in getting up there please give me some information how I can get there I would like to get there in the early spring, if I can get there if posible. Our southern white people are so cruel we collord people are almost afraid to walke the streets after night. So please let me hear from you by return mail. I will not say very much in this letter I will tell you more about it when I hear from you please ans. soon to Yours truly.

SAVANNAH, GA., May 16, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I written you a special letter on last week containing stamped envelope for early reply asking a favor of you, as I am in the south and are trying all that I can to get away as I told you in my letter that I have been here all my life, which is about 40 years and trying with all of my might all of that time to make an honest living and all of it seems to be a failure and now as I heard of better wages and better treatment you can receive acording to character and behavior. I am seeking to get there by the help of the good Lord and if it is any possible way of you securing work I and 2 daughters I will gladly try all I can to repay you for your trouble. I wont say any thing of my children as they are very honorable to me they have never slept one night from under my roof. Now dear friend I write you this as I have heard that you all are a friend to the needy and if there is any hope for me please let me know by return mail.

ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.

_Kind friend:_ While reading the Chicago Definder i saw and advertisement for laborers wanted i am down in the south with my familey and wishes to become a northern citysin i have onley worked for two firms in my life and i am 35 years old. Worked in Augusta Ga for more than 20 years and only made 10 dolars a week fore years ago i moved to Atlanta went to weark for the ---- Cleaning Co of Atlanta, only making 10 a weak the wages is so small i cant harly feed by familey and i cant save enough money to get away i would like to get to Cleavland ohio i have some friends thear saying that the wages is good if it is eney way you can help me get up thear i will assure you i will be a wearthy citysin wishing to hear from you soon. i am a man that wants to weark and by gods help i beleive i will concur some old day.

ATLANTA, GA., April 22, 1917.

_Gentlemen:_ I am an experienced packer having been regularly employed for quite a number of years for such work and I am now employed by one of Atlanta's largest firms as a packer. I desire to leave the south and would like for you to secure me a position or put me in touch with some firm that needs a colored packer, kindly advise me what your terms are for such work. I am not particular about living in Chicago. Thanking you in advance.

MOBILE, ALA., Jan. 8, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am writing you to see if you can furnish me with any information in regards to colored men securing employment. I would like to know if you could put me in touch with some manufacturing company either some corporation that is employing or in of colored men. My reason is there are a number of young men in this city of good moral and can furnish good reference--that is anxious to leave this section of the country and go where conditions are better. I taken this matter up with Mr. ---- of Boston and he referred me to you. I myself is anxious to leave this part of the country and be where a negro man can appreshate beaing a man at the present time I am working as office man for a large corporation which position I have had for the past 11 years, having a very smart boy in his studies I wish to locate where he could recive a good education. I could at a few days notice place 200 good able bodied young men that is anxious to leave this city, these men I refer to is men of good morals and would prove a credit to the community. If you can furnish me with the desired information it will be gladly received, it makes little or no difference as to what state they can go to just so they cross the Mason and Dixie line, trusting you will furnish me with any information you have at hand at an early date, I await your reply.

HOUSTON, TEX., April 3, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I have read the Defender and I have put my mine on it and I wood lik to know mor abot it and if yo pleas send me a letter abot the noth I will thenk uo becaus we have so miney members of the race wont to come and live up thear and all they is waitin on is a chanch and that is all and they will say fair wel to this old world and thay all will come, some is rail road some is shop and anny thang thay can gets to do. With hold the name.

HOUSTON, TEX., May 16, 1917.

_Sir:_ I sincerely ask of you this very important favor I and my family consists of 4--husband, wife boy 14 years boy of 4 months also three others male of healthy and ambitious character also dependable to our race asking at any time, are you able to communicate with any firm or person needing such as are stated thereon. I sincerely ask you to refer such to said adress as we are only here asking the Lord to aid us out of this terrible state we are now in. We do any kind of work for an honest liveing.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., July 1, 1917.

_Kind Sir:_ in reading your paper I see where you could get me and my family a job so if can I would be verry glad as it is my wish to leave the south, any kind of a job all rite with me. I will remane, Yours truly.

PENSACOLA, FLA., 5-19-17.

_Dear Editor:_ Would you please let me no what is the price of boarding and rooming of Chicago and where is the best place to get a job before the draft will work. I would rather join the army 1000 times up there than to join it once down here.

WARRINGTON, FLA., 4-24-17.

_Sir:_ i red the Chgo Deffedeer and i seen where yo was in the need of good men that wanted worke Sir I would like very much to leave the South and come north if I could get a imployment my trade is carpenter or seament finisher and I am willan to do any kind of worke that come before me I can do which I am not working at my trade now I am working in a store now and I can bring yo some good men all so bring my recommendashon with me Hopin yo will rite me at wonce and let me here from yo. My addres.

JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 11, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ given me. Although i am badly disapointed because i realy want to be among the northern folk and i have got the means to leave here with and by the way you have explain matter to me it would pay me best to have a transportation so I can be sure of having a job when I gets there.

PENSACOLA, FLA., 5-18-17.

_Dear Sir:_ Just a few lines to ask your ade en getting a job as waiter. I am a waiter of 10 or 12 years exsperience in the city of New Orleans, 4 years here in this city also. I can cook and serve as butler, I am verry anxious to get up there becaus I have a family and I desire a study job en a more better city than this. If you know of any one will send a transportation for a good man please send for me. I am willing to pay my transportation back in monthly payments. I will appreciate any favor you can do for me along these lines as I am in need of a good job just now. Can furnish best of refrience.

MOBILE, ALA., May 3, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ Alowe me to congralate you on your wonderful paper it is a help to a lot of the people of our race it shows us the difference between north and south. We are doing fine in our way but would like to do better a lots of us would like to come up there but are not able and dare not ask some one to help us to go for the law will have us. I like your paper and would like to see more of Mobile news in it. Who is your agent in Mobile. There is lots of idle men in Mobile lots have trades but they are not supplied with work and can't get anything to go off with. Several men were arrested on being labor agents. Would like to correspond with you if you could help our pepel eny. You may let me no threw your paper.

NEW BERN, N.C., May 5, 1917.

_Dear sire:_ I seen you ade in the Chicago Defender for different occpatisions and I in close you for and transportation for ten men as I has them menny reddy now and wood be glad to leave at the earliest date and I can get as menny as you wont and all so I wont a job for my self because we ar in a bad condition in this country and wish to in press a pon your mind the condition of we poor colored people how we are geting a long in the south and I want to show you how we ar treated by the white of the south by sending you this strip to read for you self so I will close I wish to here from you in the return mail at wonce. Please

ALEXANDRIA, LA., May 5, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I read your ad in the Chicago Defender paper where are in need of 20 bench molder witch mean machinery men who under stand the manufacture work and I am one who will be willing to learn the trade at small wage about $2.25 a day and I also have five more here who will come with me if you only send me six of your transportation soon as can and I also wish that you will not turn me down. I am looking for your letter promptly and will be deeply glad to get it as I trust in the Lord that you will send me six of your transportation as I am willing to come in work. we will come at once when you send them to me send me a special delivery letters with them in it and I will pay you when we are there.

ATLANTA, GA., May 2, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and is verry proud of it and by reading the Chicago Defender I saw your adv. and I want to consult with about a position in a Chicago firm. I would like verry much to get a position there or eny where above the Mason Dixon line. I am a competet chauffer or butler. I am married no children. My wife is a cook nearse or maid, and if you cannot supply me with some position within about 10 days will you please put me in tutch with some other employment and if you can supply me with eather of those posetins please write me. I am also a first class laundry man. I hold reference as good shirt ironer, coller ironer or extractor man in the wash room. Please let me here from you. the peoples is leaving here by the thousands.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.

_Sur:_ in reding the defender i saw they advurtise that you sen transportation at advanced from Chicago now dear sur please let me know i am a maride man an hav a famly off 5 now if you cant sen for all send 2 one for me and my brother he live with me he is 18 yers old then i can arang for the rest after i get out there now pleas tri and do sumthing for me i am working her for nothing i will bee to glad to get a way from here so pleas sen me a pas for me an my brother and we will sen for the res of the famly after i get there ancer this letter soon as you get it try to get us work in the ware house or yard work i am a cook an utly man have to cook serv drink and short ordes an work al nite.

MEMPHIS, TENN., April 29, 1917.

_Sir:_ Seeing the wonderful opportunity that is being offered the colored man of the south by the northern industries and the aid in which your organization is giveing them it aroused within me the ambition that prompts every man to long for liberty. What I want to say is I am coming north and seeing your call for me thought I would write you and list a few things I can do and see if you can find a place for me any where north of the Mason and Dixon line and I will present myself in person at your office as soon as I hear from you. I am now employed in the R. R. shop in Memphis. I am a engine watchman, hostler, red cup man, pipe fitter, oil house man, shipping clerk, telephone lineman, freight caller, an expert soaking vat man that is one who make dope for packing hot boxes on engines. I am a capable of giving satisfaction in either of the above name positions. I bought a Chicago Defender and after reading it and seeing the golden opportunity I have decided to leave this place at once.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am writeing you the third time because i am anxious to leave the south and come north but up to this writeing i have fail to hear from you i notice in the defender that you are still calling for men i am engineer and all round machine man i am and would be very glad if you could locate me a position in the Molders Manufacturing or any thing pertaining to machine work. I am not in a position to pay my way out there and would like to get transportation for my self wife and nephew he all so can do machine work. So please let me hear from you.

MONROE, LA., April 30, 1918.

_Dear Sirs:_ I was reading in the Defender one of your recent advertising about laborers wanted for foundry warehouse and yard work. I would like to respond to the advertising but I aint fiancel able also my brother we are both very poor boys and would like to get where we would be able to have a chanse in the world and get out from among all of the prejudice of the southern white man. please send me and my brother transportation tickets so we can come right away. I belong to church but my brother does not but you would not tell the difference by his actions. Please send tickets by the 15th of May. I am now working at public work I owe a few debts I want to act honest I want to pay all of my responsible debts so I can face my debtors anywhere in the world.

LITTLE ROCK, ARK., May 7, 1917.

_Sir:_ I am a reader of the Defender and i found in it on last Saturday April 28th why that you could place mens in iny job or trade they follows. I am riten you this letter an in it i am leting you know my condition so that if you ever did help a man in this way pleas help me the help is this. help me to get a job in yor city as blacksmith helper bareler maker helper or molder helper. i kin furnish references for those jobs. i has a wife and a 11 yr old girl who are now in the 7 grade and i wants to bringe them with me when I come i am now employed as black smith helper my pay is 26-1/2 per hour but the white comes so hard onus in these departments so that we are frade to speak what is right becase they dont want us in those departments they has been trying to put us out for 4 years. before they begen to work a ginst ys we had all colord help but now they has 75 per cent white help and it is hard for this 25 per sent colord to stay hear and i found in the Defender just what i has ben looking for is a little help and if you will only do as i has said God will bless you. now remember i dont ask you to send me a transportation to come on if you will just get me a job for me i will be please at that and i will pay you charges when i come i will be ther in 4 or 5 days from the date i reseave yor ancer so pleas ancer as soon as you kin.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 23, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ As a constant reader of your most valuable paper the Defender and after viewing from time to time the services that you are rendering not only to the race of which you are one of its honored leaders but one who are doing services to the sacred cause of humanity, and your admireable editorials has impressed me so much until I feal that I know you personaly. now sire I note with pleasure that you are manifesting a very great interest in our people from the south and as I am a man of family and are always willing and ready to grasp any opertunity that will tent to better my condition I raise my head and I am now looking to the North of this benighted land for hope there I feal that if once there that I may be granted the opertunities of peacefully working out my mission on earth. without fear of molestation. Now sir I am a painter by trade. I am also a first class creol cook and as I above said that you seams very much interested in your newcomers well fare to the extent of trying to place them in some lucrative position. I ask you one favor and that is this will you please advise me as to if I come up there will you try and get me work.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 21, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ As it is my desire to leave the south for some portion of the north to make my future home I desided to write to you as one who is able to furnish proper information for such a move. I am a cook of plain meals and I have knowledge of industrial training. I recieved such training at Tuskegee Inst. some years ago and I have a letter from Mrs. Booker T. Washington bearing out such statement and letters from other responsible corporations and individuals and since I know that I can come up to such recommendations, I want to come north where it is said such individuals are wanted. Therefore will you please furnish me with names and addresses of railroad officials to whom I might write for such employment as it is my desire to work only for railroads, if possible. I have reference to officials who are over extra gangs, bridge gangs, paint gangs and pile drivers over any boarding department which takes in plain meals. I have 25 years experience in this line of work and understand the method of saving the company money.

You will please dig into this in every way that is necessary and whatever charges you want for your trouble make your bill to me, and I will mail same to you.

Wishing you much success in your papers throughout the country, especially in the south as it is the greatest help to the southern negro that has ever been read.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-20-17.

_Dear Sir:_ I am sure your time is precious, for being as you an editor of a newspaper such as the race has never owned and for which it must proudly bost of as being the peer in the pereoidical world. am confident that yours is a force of busy men. I also feel sure that you will spare a small amount of your time to give some needed information to one who wishes to relieve himselfe of the burden of the south. I indeed wish very much to come north anywhere in Ill. will do since I am away from the Lynchman's noose and torchman's fire. Myself and a friend wish to come but not without information regarding work and general suroundings. Now hon sir if for any reason you are not in position to furnish us with the information desired. please do the act of kindness of placing us in tuch with the organization who's business it is I am told to furnish said information, we are firemen machinist helpers practical painters and general laborers. And most of all, ministers of the gospel who are not afraid of labor for it put us where we are. Please let me hear from you.

NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and while reading I seen where you are aiding those in search of work and I thought that I would drop you a few lines though I am far away but if there is any way that you could get a pass please try and do that much for us as we are a party of four good working men the southern white are trying very hard to keep us from the north but still they wont give us no work to do they dont pay us any thing and still dont want us to go. now please answer at your very earliest I am

DAPNE, ALA., 4/20/17.

_Sir:_ I am writing you to let you know that there is 15 or 20 familys wants to come up there at once but cant come on account of money to come with and we cant phone you here we will be killed they dont want us to leave here & say if we dont go to war and fight for our country they are going to kill us and wants to get away if we can if you send 20 passes there is no doubt that every one of us will com at once, we are not doing any thing here we cant get a living out of what we do now some of these people are farmers and som are cooks barbers and black smiths but the greater part are farmers & good worker & honest people & up to date the trash pile dont want to go no where. These are nice people and respectable find a place like that & send passes & we all will come at once we all wants to leave here out of this hard luck place if you cant use us find some place that does need this kind of people we are called Negroes here. I am a reader of the Defender and am delighted to know how times are there & was to glad to, know if we could get some one to pass us away from here to a better land. We work but cant get scarcely any thing for it & they dont want us to go away & there is not much of anything here to do & nothing for it. Please find some one that need this kind of a people & send at once for us. We dont want anything but our wareing and bed clothes & have not got no money to get away from here with & beging to get away before we are killed and hope to here from you at once. We cant talk to you over the phone here we are afraid to they dont want to hear one say that he or she wants to leave here if we do we are apt to be killed. They say if we dont go to war they are not going to let us stay here with their folks and it is not any thing that we have done to them. We are law abiding people want to treat every bordy right, these people wants to leave here but we cant we are here and have nothing to go with if you will send us some way to get away from here we will work till we pay it all if it takes that for us to go or get away. Now get busy for the south race. The conditions are horrible here with us. they wont give us anyhing to do & say that we wont need anything but something to eat & wont give us anything for what we do & wants us to stay here. Write me at once that you will do for us we want & opertunity that all we wants is to show you what we can do and will do if we can find some place, we wants to leave here for a north drive somewhere. We see starvation ahead of us here. We want to imigrate to the farmers who need our labor. We have not had no chance to have anything here thats why we plead to you for help to leave here to the North. We are humane but we are not treated such we are treated like brute by our whites here we dont have no privilige no where in the south. We must take anything they put on us. Its hard if its fair. We have not got no cotegous diseases here. We are looking to here from you soon.

GREENVILLE, MISS., May 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ this letter is from one of the defenders greatest frends. You will find stamp envelope for reply. Will you put me in tuch with some good firm so I can get a good job in your city or in Cleveland, Ohio or in Philadelphia, Pa. or in Detroyet, Michian in any of the above name states I would be glad to live in. I want to get my famely out of this cursed south land down here a negro man is not good as a white man's dog. I can learn anything any other man can. Not only I want to get out of the south but there are numbers of good hard working men here and do not know where they are going and what they are going to. Also I could get a good deal of men from here if I could get in tuch with some firms that would furnish me the money as passes. Now in conlution, I want to know what is the trouble? I cannot get anything more through the Defender. I have written to the Defender some 3 or 4 times and eather articel was never published. I recieves a free copy of the Defender every week and the people here are all ways after me to write some doings to the Defender and if I write anything it is never published.

GREENVILLE, MISS., 5-20-17.

_Dear Sir:_ I write you asking you some information as I am a reader of your paper I have been buying a paper every Sunday for 5 months I want to come to your city to live and every thing is so hard down here everything is so high and wages is low until we just can live I want to know what will it cost from St. Louis to Chicago. I can get from Greenville to St. Louis cheap by boat. I want to come up there the last of June. I ask you to assist me in getting a job I can do most any kind of hard work and have a common education. If you will look me up a good job it will be highly appreciated and your kindness will never be forgotten.

SELMA, ALA., 4-15-17.

_Dear Sir:_ If you no of any firm or corporation who need a good reliable man please notify me I want get out of the south. I cant live on the salary I am getting I am not so bent on coming to Chicago. But anywhere up that way where there is an opening for labor please attend to this matter at once. I can do any kind of common labor please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience. I take the Defender every week I see where southern people are being put on jobs when they reach the North please look for me a job or hand this to some one that will be inturested in it.

MOSS POINT, MISS., April 29, 1917.

_Dear Sir:_ I read your advt in the Chicago Defender wanting laborers for foundry, ware house, and yard work with transportation paid. I'll come at once and lots of others here would also come if you will transport us there for we are anxs to get of southen soil.

LAUREL, MISS., May 10, 1917.

_Dear sir:_ i rite you i seen in Chicago paper that you aftiese for laborer ninety miles from Chicago and i am a experienced molder and i do truly hope you will give me a job for i am sick of the south and please send me a transportation i have a family and wife and three children my oldes child is 8 years old and i wont to bring my famiely with me so please send me a transportation at once for i am redy to come at once me and my family i will pay you for your trubel with all pleasure if i can get up there please send after us at once for i am redy to come at once and i have not got money to pay our train fair and if you will send after us i will sure pay you your money back so i will close from your truly ansure soon

LETTERS FROM SOUTH TO FRIENDS NORTH AND FROM NORTH TO FRIENDS SOUTH

MACON, GA., May 27, 1917.

_Dear Mary:_--I just got in from B. Y. P. U. eat a little bite and got my writing together. Now May dear you mus pardon me for not answering promp I no you will when I tell you the cause We had a souls stiring revival this year I mis you so much We baptised 14 and after the Revival had closed up come George B---- confesing Christ so we baptized the first sunday in May and the third Sunday in May George were baptise May I cant tell you how I feel I wrote Ella J---- A---- Ella said she cried as far as she is from here so she no I cut up but I diden I am just as quite as I can be Sam H---- joined to. B os Jones Hattie J---- boy Geo L---- Mr. B---- two boys Walice P---- I dont know the others. Dear May I got a card from Mrs. Addie S---- yesterday she is well and say Washington D.C. is a pretty place but wages is not good say it better forther on Cliford B---- an his wife is back an give the North a bad name Old lady C---- is in Cleavon an wonte to come home mighty bad so Cliford say. I got a hering from Vick C---- tell me to come on she living better than she ever did in her life Charlie J---- is in Detroit he got there last weak Hattie J---- lef Friday Oh I can call all has left here Leala J---- is speaking of leaving soon There were more people left last week then ever 2 hundred left at once the whites an colored people had a meeting Thursday an Friday telling the people if they stay here they will treat them better an pay better. Huney they are hurted but the haven stop yet. The colored people say they are too late now George B---- is on his head to go to Detroit Mrs. Anna W---- is just like you left her she is urgin everybody to go on an she not getting ready May you dont no how I mis you I hate to pass your house Everybody is well as far as I no Will J---- is on the gang for that same thing hapen about the eggs on Houston road. His wife tried to get him to leave here but he woulden Isiah j---- is going to send for Hattie. In short Charles S---- wife quit him last week he aint doin no better May it is lonesome her it fills my heart with sadiness to write to my friends that gone we dont no weather we will ever see one or nother any more or not May if I dont come to Chgo I will go to Detroit I dont think we will be so far apart an we will get chance to see each other agin I got a heap to tell you but I feal so sad in hart my definder diden come yesterday I dont no why it company to me to read it May I received the paper you sent me an I see there or pleanty of work I can do I will let you no in my next lettr what I am going to do but I cant get my mind settle to save my life. Love to Mr. A----. May now is the time to leave here. The weather is getting better I wont to live out from town I would not like to live rite in town My health woulden be good 75 blocks burned in Atlanta. they had fire department from Macon, Augusta, in Savanah--well all of the largest cities in Georgia to help put out that fire the whites believe the Gurmons drop that fire down Now may I hope we will meet again so we can talk face to face just lik I once have. I will write to Mrs. V---- soon we hurd Mr. L---- is there I didn't tell the nabors, I was writing to you M. W---- will write next weak to you

Now we no that we or to pray for each other by by.

From

MARY B----

P. S. I will tell you this Ida gone out to about a farm and wants me to take one but I feal like I make more up there than I will fooling with a farm May if I stay here I will go crazy I am told there is no meeting up there like we have here now May tell me about the houses you can write me on a pos card of some of the building. May tell me about the place. Lilian D---- come here last night an tore my mind al to peaces I got your paper an note so I will keep up corespond with you.

NASHVILLE, TENN., Aug. 14, 1917.

_Dear Mrs. T----.:_ I received your card and was glad to hear from you pleas excsue me for not writing before now I have been sick and have got a tubl headacke write back to me and let me know how times is--I know you are getting fat of good boes--I wish it was here--T---- sent love to you and said to get her a boe. You ought to send me a apron or waist one--J---- said hody and write to him and tell him about the browns up there and tell R---- I said hody. I see T---- down to Mrs. S---- G---- and to tell Mrs. N---- I said hody--how is the weigh up there--we can get all the beerret we want--You think of me in your prays and I will think of you in my prays

By By From your FRIEND.

ATLANTA, GA., July 4, '17.

_Hello Mr. M----:_ How are you at this time--I arrived here safe and all O. K. and I am well and hope you are the same. Mrs. M---- told me that she reecived the money you sent to her and everybody sends love to you. I found my baby very sick when I come home but he is better now and I am going to try to come back up there in short time. How are times there now since my leaving there. I stopped in Cincinnati Ohio for 4 days then I left for G. but I will be with you some days I hope. Ask J---- W---- did he get my