Part 2

The history of Joachim Hane's mission is still more obscure than that of Sexby or Stouppe. One of its objects probably was to communicate with the French Protestants. Slingsby Bethell, the only contemporary who mentions it, in a discussion on the policy of the Long Parliament towards foreign Protestants says that they treated with the deputies of Bordeaux on a plan for the ruin of popery and the advancement of the Protestant religion. But Cromwell, 'usurping the government did not only overthrow the design, but probably betrayed it to the French King with the lives of some engaged in the business; for Mr. Joachim Haines (by birth a German) general engineer to the army, and one of his own emissaries employed in that affair, who after Cromwell and Mazarin were agreed was pursued through France, and escaped miraculously, did believe he was discovered by Oliver, his errand being known only to himself and his confident[18].' Bethell's accusation against Cromwell deserves no credit. There is no trace of this belief in Hane's narrative, or in Hane's later conduct. Oliver and Mazarin did not agree till eighteen months after Hane's return from France. It is simply an example of the vague slanders which the extreme republicans circulated against the ruler they regarded as an apostate. Ludlow tells a similar story about Cromwell betraying Sexby to the French, probably confusing Hane and Sexby, and echoing Bethell's charge[19].

Hane himself says nothing of the nature of his mission in his narrative. When he was examined he stoutly denied that he was anything more than a gentleman travelling for his pleasure; but as he justly observes 'to speak the truth in all things did not consist with my safety at that time' (p. 9). Amongst Thurloe's correspondence there are two letters which may have been written by Hane[20]. Both are signed Israell Bernhard; one is dated Paris, October 25, 1653, the other Rochelle, November 15. Hane was at those places on the dates mentioned, and the second letter contains a still more remarkable parallel. The writer says, 'I intend to go two days hence to Bordeaux,' that is presumably on November 17. Now Hane's narrative states that he went from Rochelle to Bordeaux on November 18. It is very improbable that Thurloe had two correspondents in France whose movements tallied so exactly with those of Hane. In each letter the writer assumes the character of a merchant, and begins by giving various details about the state of trade. The first ends with a rather enigmatical reference to the proposed purchase of a house. 'I long to heare whether your neighbour Mr. Smith still hath a mind to buy Mr. Rob. tenement, that layeth towards you from his other house; if he intends to build such a house upon as he talketh, he had need of 6 or 7000 pound to begin withall, and then he may have a habitation to spend 2000 pound a yeare in it; but I am sure he will not perfect the building in so short a time as he was speaking to us, for he will have but a few materialls neere hand, and there is not so much as a hedge about the garden, but he will be forced to make new hedges round about. I would have him take good advise before he medle with the bargaine.' In the letter from Rochelle he says, 'All things hereabouts are pritty quiet; the prince's party being sufficiently silenced, so that we hope they will not rise in hast again. We are perswaded, that the government of our towne is in surer hands than it was three yeare ago, when we were betrayed with a corrupted governor, who kept the two towers next the haven for the prince de Condé, and did much annoyance to the towne from off them; the which after they were reduced, one of them was burned downe, and the other is now repairing againe, so that we hope we shall feare no more such bustling as formerly we have had[21].' The passage from the first letter probably refers to some French port, to the state of its fortifications, and to the cost of repairing them, while the second gives important facts as to the present state of the fortifications of Rochelle. At the moment information on that subject was of some importance to Cromwell. About October, 1651, there had arrived in England a person named Conan, whose object was to negotiate for a due pecuniary consideration to the persons concerned in the reception of an English governor into that town. He is frequently mentioned in Barrière's letters to Condé. In a letter dated October 24, 1653, Barrière relates an interview which he had with Cromwell the previous day. He found him, he said, well disposed to assist the prince. 'Ce à quoy j'ay trouvé plus de disposition s'a esté à l'afaire de La Rochelle; et pour sest effect il me demanda de luy faire voir Conan, qui présentement est avecque luy. A son retour je vous manderay ce qu'il luy aura dit, car en me séparant de luy, il me dit que quant il auroit veu sest homme là, il me diret ce qu'il pourroit faire.' On a later page, after mentioning Conan's intended departure for Spain, he adds: 'Monsieur de Conan vient tout présentement de parler à Cromwel, qui l'a fort questionné sur les moyens de faire réussir l'affaire dont il est question, et a tesmoigné désirer avec passion qu'elle se peut exécuter; mais pourtant luy a dit qu'il ne ce pourroit enguager à rien jusques à ce que l'on eust des nouvelles d'Espagne, et que lorsqu'il auret de l'argent, on fourniroit toutes les choses necessaires, luy a recommendé de revenir le plus tost qu'il pourret, et que peut estre a son retour les afaires auroyent changé de face et, que, sela estant, luy, Cromwel, et tout ce qui gouverne en Angleterre estoyent entièrement portés a sela pour le soulagement du peuple et pour le service de Son Altesse.'

A letter written on November 14 from Madrid by the Comte de Fiesque to the Prince de Condé adds: 'La resolution est prise icy de ligue offensive et deffensive entre l'Angleterre et l'Espagne, pour laquelle il sera porté expressément qu'ils attaqueront ou la Guyenne, ou la Normandie, ou qu'ils descendront a la Rochelle, selon ce qui sera jugé a propos pour le bien du party, et cela dans le mois d'Avril prochain[22].'

The projected league between England and Spain came to nothing, but the existence of these schemes at the time when Hane was sent to France and the indications afforded by Hane's letters explain the objects of his mission.

A minister like Stouppe was an admirable choice when the main object was to learn from Huguenot preachers and Huguenot politicians what their views of the political situation were. If, however, Cromwell was to intervene in France and send an army to Guienne, as he was asked to do, he required also some trustworthy information about the Huguenot strongholds and the coast seaports. The state of the defences of Bordeaux and La Rochelle, and the comparative military value of the different places which Condé's agents and the agents of Bordeaux offered him, were questions on which the opinion of a skilled engineer would be of the greatest value. It is probable that Hane's mission was more military than political, and that he was rather a spy than a political intriguer.

Whether spy or political intriguer his peril was much the same. The tortures with which the hangman of Bordeaux threatened him were employed impartially to extract the truth from either. One of Sexby's four companions had been arrested on suspicion in Languedoc. 'He was put in prison,' says Sexby, 'and after racked to make him confess with whom he had corrispondence, but God inabled him to keep secret what he knew, though the torture and paine he suffered cost him his life[23].' It was only by a miracle that Hane escaped a similar fate. The story of his escapes and his wanderings is so vivid and picturesque that it seemed worth rescuing from entire oblivion, even though it throws little light on the dark places of Cromwell's foreign policy.

Hane's services and sufferings were not unrewarded. Before he started the Council of State had voted that £100 a year in Scottish lands should be settled upon him 'to encourage him and his family to settle in this nation.' On November 1, 1653, Mr. Moyer, on behalf of the Council, moved Parliament to give effect to this recommendation. He reported 'that there is one Major Hane, by birth a foreigner, who hath performed many eminent services in the war of Scotland; hath very great skill in fortifications and all matters relating to the profession of an engineer, and is of very great use at this time in services of that nature; that he is a person eminent for godliness, and of undoubted affection to this commonwealth.' Parliament, however, in a fit of economy, or because it knew nothing of the nature of Hane's services, negatived the vote without a division[24]. This was merely a postponement of his reward. On June 26, 1654, Cromwell's Council of State voted that an ordinance for naturalizing Hane should be prepared, and agreed to another ordinance settling lands to the value of £120 a year upon him. Eventually the naturalization ordinance was made to date June 26, 1654, and that conferring the lands July 27 of the same year, and both ordinances were confirmed by Cromwell's second Parliament on April 28, 1657[25]. Hane meantime had returned to his duties in Scotland, where he no doubt superintended the erection of those forts at Inverness, Leith, Ayr, and Inverlochy, which were built to bridle the Scots. It is not improbable that the plans of those forts, which still exist in Worcester College Library, were drawn by Hane's hand. William Clarke, the owner of the plans in consequence of his position as secretary to General Monk, was necessarily acquainted with Hane; and the narrative of Hane's adventures in France was doubtless copied by Clarke from Hane's original manuscript. The copy is dated as begun on October 14, 1657, which proves that Hane must have committed his story to writing within a very short time after the events had occurred.

In the summer of 1657 Hane was called to a new sphere of action. Cromwell had allied himself with France, and 6,000 English soldiers had been despatched to Flanders. In September Turenne and Sir John Reynolds laid siege to Mardyke, for which purpose the Protector had promised to provide artillery and mortar-pieces. Hane was sent for from Scotland to take part in the siege. He had just obtained leave from Monk to go to England, on account of the dangerous illness of his wife, and Monk's messenger overtook him at Alnwick and brought him back to Scotland. Before he could sail however Mardyke had fallen. On September 29, 1657, Monk wrote to congratulate Thurloe on its capture, and in the same letter announced Hane's departure: 'You may acquaint his Highness that Mr. Hane sett sayle from hence on Saturday morning last the wind being very fair. Hee had his tackling fixt, and everything ready to play his morter-piece, as soone as a platforme should be layd for it; being hee could not gett those materialls there, which hee carried with him, wee thought fitt to provide him heere, and wee hope hee was there on Monday last.' He was immediately sent back to England to report to the Protector the state of his new acquisition. Lockhart wrote on October 3 to Thurloe that in order that his Highness 'might want no informatione that can be given him concerning that place, Mr. Hains, the ingeneer (who hath visited the place and consithered all the defects of it), will be with his Highnesse before these can come to your lordships hands.' When Dunkirk fell Hane was again summoned to inspect and add to its fortifications, but he was taken ill immediately after his arrival. On August 11, 1658, Lockhart informed Thurloe of his death. 'Mr. Hains the ingeneer is dead. I endeavoured all I could to cherish him, both before and during his sicknesse; but the poor man was so desperately mallancholly, as I could not perswade him it was possible for him to live[26].' He had survived all his perils and borne them with a stout heart, only to die a commonplace death and to have it attributed to lack of resolution.

_The Journall of Mr. Joachim Hane his Passages in France in the yeare 1653._

A SHORT Relacion of the severall wonderfull passages which I did meete withall in my jorney into France.

* * * * *

When by the Lord's providence who disposeth of all the wayes and actions of man, I had undertaken a jorney into France upon some private occations, Anno. 1653, tending towards Rie, where being come I found a ship ready to goe to Rouen, in Normandie, which I made use of for my transportacion thether. Having set sayle on the 11th of the same wee crossed the sea with a faire wind, and came upon the coast of France on the 12th of October by day breake in the morning without any impediment, and entred the River's mouth. Wee met with a small man of warr, which being licenced to robb by a comission from the Scottish King, made an attempt upon us even within the River of Seine, having noe regaurd at all to the nation right of the King's dominions; but wee made all the resistance wee could, changing some shotts with him for the space of halfe an houre, till hee dispared of his enterprize, and wee were carried upp by the floud farther into the land. Being thus free from the pirate, wee arrived at Quillebeuf that day. There I left the ship and went by land on horse back to Rouen, from whence after three dayes rest I directed my course to Parris and after to Orleans, where I tooke boate and went downe the River of Loyre to Nantes, vissiting by the way the Citties of Bloys, Amboys, Toures, Saumeur, and Angeirs. From Nantes I went to Rochell by land with the messager, and thus farr I had reasonable good sucses in my intended jorney.

But when the Lord intended to carry mee through a faire tryall, wherein I might more experimentally learne to know his power and strenght, his knowledge and wisdome, his love and care over his children, and his faithfullnes to all those that put their trust in him, hee suffred the malice of sume pernicious sperits to worke upon me. The beginning whereof happened in this manner. Being come to Rochell I went to inquire of a marchant of whom I was to receive a sume of monny by bill of exchange. And among the rest I mett with a companie of 6 or 7 persons, most of them being Flemings, standing together in the publique meeting place, where the merchants as upon the Exchang at noone and in the evening use to come togeather. In this companie, as I was enquiring of them for the said marchant, there was found a Scott, who whilst I was receiving instruccion of a Fleming to find out the merchant, looked very ernestly upon mee; and at last tooke an occacion to aske mee whether I was not an Englishman or noe: 'for I am very confident,' said hee, 'that I have seene you at Edinburgh or with the English army.' I replyed I had indeed spent some time in England, where perhaps hee might have seene mee, but for Scotland I never had beene their. He againe answered, that yet for all that he durst lay a wager that I have seene you their, though you deny it. And so I declyning to have any further discourse with him we had no more words together, nor did I ever speake with him any more after that tyme.

Now whilest I was inquireing for my marchant, and discoursing with the Scott after the manner expressed, their was also a Frenchman in the number of the company who was a familiar aquaintance and constant companion of the Scotts, for all the weeke after I continued their I never saw either of them aloane, but alwayes both of them very intimatly conversing together. This Frenchman being but of a meane quallity, and in the judgment of my further experience a man of a hungry condition, after he had heard both my inquiry for the marchant and the questions the Scott putt to me, went to the said marchant on purpose to learne what my expeditions were with him, what sume of money I had to receive of him as also the progresse of my journey: namely whither: when: and by what occasions I would goe from Rochell. For being void of all suspition of tretchery I did freely aske councell of my marchant which way I might with most safety goe from Rochell to Burdeaux; who because he could not retourne my money to Burdeaux by Bill of Exchange, advised me to take the said money in gold, and goe by water from Rochell to Burdeaux by the way of Mornack and Regan where their was no danger to be feared. The which councell I did embrace, and went accordingly on the 18th of November from Rochell to Burdeaux on a small hoy wherin their weere severall other passingers: and amongst the rest this Frenchman, the Scotts companion formerly mentioned, who undertooke the journey from Rochell to Burdeaux on purpose to try whether either by order or by any other action he might gett advantage against me; to which end he had drawne three others of the passengers more to his side, that his designes against me might be carried on with more strength and authority. These compliants oft shewed themselves very active along the journey; first by insinuateing themselves into my company by various discourses, and by diveing into my affairs with all manner of subtill questions, and afterwards by frameing and deviseing many frivolus and groundless accusations against me; though neither of my discourse nor of my carriage they could borrow any more matter of suspetion, then the Frenchman formerly mentioned had instiled into them aforehand. After we were come therefore upon the River Garonne, and got soe hye as Blaye (which is a small towne with a cittadell where the cheife Governour of Bourdeaux doth reside, and where all customes for importacion and transportacion are discharged) myne adversaryes, which were now increased to the number of foure more, went to the Governour of the place, desiring a gaurd from him to conduct mee as a suspect'd person to prison, the which was granted them; whereupon I was taken out of the hoy that I came thether in, and was placed with the gaurd and myne adversarye into a greate open boate to goe directly for Bourdeaux.

Heare I came to know those whome had a hand in myne accusacion, who otherwise before that in all the jorney caried themselves very courtiosly towards mee, but now began their trecherous malice against mee openly, all their former complements and courtious usage being now degenerated into mockings and scoffings and spightfull langage. For all the way up to Bordeaux they used all possible endeavours to agravate to the highest measure the affliccions of my mind by all manner of reproches and affronts they put upon mee. They contryved as it were a comidy, or rather a tragedie, whereby they laboured to set forth to the life my future suffrings, introducing severall persons, whereof some acted the hangman's part, some the condemned prisoner's, some bore other officers parts, making the mast of the boate for a payre of gallowes, while I perforce was the sad subject of their hopes, I was to undergoe both in my torture and finall execucion, making continuall repetition of such lamentable cryes and dullfull exprecions as I should use if I came to feele the unsufferable torments of racking. And more over they would perswade now and then that I was ingaged to them for their insolences; for said they 'all the paynes wee take in our play are intended for your learning.' They called upon all the people they met upon the River, desiring them that if they had a mind to see an English saint hanging on the gallowes they should repair to Bourdeaux within two or three days.

With such and the like pastime wee arrived at Bourdeaux about 4 of the clock in the afternoone, where the gaurd that came with mee from Blaye was discharged, and I carried to a greate house in the Citty, which I tooke to be a house of entertainment because a great supper was their prepared for my sake, though without myne order, and likwise three of mine adversaryes being Rochellers intended to lodge their. But before we came to the house, because they would spare no meanes to increase my terrors they called the hangman, because our way fell out by his doore, recomending me to his care; who very courteously received me, promissing and engageing to me all his abillityes to be ready for my service. After I was lodged and sufficient care taken for me in the said house, myne accusers were very busye in provideing all necessaryes for my examination; wherupon severall persons to the number of seaven or eight did appeare their an houre before supper tyme, and went into a roome by themselves to advise upon the questions they intended to put unto me. And againe by the tyme that we had made an end of our supper the hangman came also, with two of his servants or attendants bringing his instruments along with him. After supper was done I was called to those eight men that were come to try me; for they continued their ever since they came, and supped also in a roome by themselves, but I and myne accusers supped in another roome. And when I came in unto them they demanded of me from whence I came, whither I intended, what my expeditions were in Burdeaux, what my aquaintance were that I had their, item what countryman I was and of what profession, whether I had skill in the Lattine tongue, whether I had beene long in France? Other frivolus questions they put to me, viz. where I had beene in such a yeare and at such a tyme of that yeare, what my busines had beene their, where my parents lived; and many other trifleing demands they asked me. Myne answers to all these questions they tooke in writing, on purpose to propound them againe to me in the midst of my tortures, where in case I had not answered according to trueth they thought it would be impossible (as indeed it would have falne out so, for to speake the trueth in all things did not consist with my safety at that tyme) for me to remember the same expressions to all those questions they had made to me, that so having found me in severall tales they might have the stronger grounds of their suspition against me.