CHAPTER II.

OF THE SAVAGES BAPTIZED THIS YEAR, AND SOME BURIALS.

IT seems that our Lord wishes to authorize the purity of the immaculate Conception of his holy Mother, by the [24] great assistance he gives to those who honor this chief dignity of the Virgin. I sent last year to Your Reverence the formula of a vow which we made according to your advice in all our Residences, on the eighth of December, a day dedicated to this sacred Conception. We concealed this act of devotion, and Your Reverence has published it, using the same words in which we made the vow, and in which we will pledge ourselves again, God helping, every year on the same day. The blessings that heaven has bestowed upon our insignificant labors, since that time, are so evident that I would like to urge upon all our Fathers of Old France, yea even of all the world, and all the good souls who cherish the conversion of these Tribes, to ally themselves with us through these holy vows, uniting all the fasts, all the prayers, all the sufferings, all the most secret acts of virtue, of those who will enter into this alliance, to be presented to the Divinity in honor of and as an act of thanks for the immaculate Conception of the holy Virgin, in order to obtain through her mediation the application of the blood of her Son [25] to our poor Savages, the entire abnegation and love for +JESUS+ on the Cross, with a truly Christian death, to those who procure their salvation and to all those associated in the practice of this act of devotion, the formula of which is given at the end of last year's Relation. I wrote in that Relation that we had baptized twenty-two persons; this year, since these vows were presented to God, we have baptized more than a hundred, and, before that, very few. In all, since the departure of the Ships up to the present, we have made one hundred and fifteen Savages children of the Church. Furthermore, God has given us great openings for the salvation of these Tribes, making them resolve upon two points which show that the faith has entered into their souls. The first is, that they are not vexed at us for baptizing their sick children; indeed, they even summon us to do this. The second is, that the more aged ones are likewise beginning to wish to die Christians, asking for baptism when they are sick, in order not to go down into the fires with which they are threatened. In short, we have obtained what we hardly dared to ask for, so greatly [26] do we see them alienated from their former inclinations; that is, the promise to give us some little girls, but I will speak of this in its place. All these favors have come from heaven, through the merits of the holy Virgin and of her glorious Spouse, since the vows which I have mentioned. Let us come down to particulars, and follow the order of time of these Baptisms.

Le neufiesme de Decembre, iustement le lendemain de la feste de la Conceptiõ: Le sieur Iean Nicolet, Truchement pour les Algonquins aux trois Riuieres, vint donner aduis aux Peres, qui demeuroient en la Residence de la Conception, scize au mesme lieu, qu'vn ieune Algonquin se trouuoit mal, & qu'il seroit à propos de le visiter. Les Peres se transportent incontinent en sa Cabane, demandant permission à son pere de l'instruire, Dieu sembloit auoir disposé les cœurs de ces Barbares, que nous luy auions presentez, faisant nos vœux le iour precedent. Ce pauure Barbare se monstre fort content du bien qu'on procuroit à son fils: le Pere Buteux l'instruit, & pource que le malade estant Algonquin n'entendoit qu'à demy la langue Montagnese, dont se [27] seruoit le Pere, vne femme Sauuage bien versee en ces deux langues, seruoit d'interprete, faisant couler par sa bouche la foy & les veritez Chrestiennes dans l'ame de ce pauure ieune garçon, sans les retenir pour soy: iustement à la façon de ces canaux, ou de ces aqueducs, qui versent les sources d'eau toutes entieres, sans rien reseruer pour eux. Enfin le douziesme du mois, voyant que leur malade abaissoit, ils le baptiserent apres l'auoir instruit, & luy donnerent nom Claude; il mourut bien tost apres, prononcant les saincts noms de +IESVS+ & de +MARIE+, ses parens demanderent aux Peres, s'ils ne seroient pas bien contents qu'on mist ce corps aupres des François; C'est bien nostre desir, repartent-ils. Nous luy ferõs vn honneur, leur dismes nous, que nous denierions au plus grãd Capitaine du mõde, s'il n'estoit Chrestiẽ. Hastez vous donc de preparer ce qui est necessaire pour l'enterrer à vostre mode, dirent-ils, puis qu'il est à vous. Il se fit vn beau conuoy de tous nos François, apres lesquels venoient les Sauuages deux à deux, auec vne modestie qui ne sentoit rien du Barbare. A l'issuë de l'enterrement le pere du defunct [28] fit vn festin aux Sauuages, pendant lequel, comme il ne mangeoit point selon leur coustume; tantost il chantoit, maintenant il discouroit; I'ay perdu l'esprit, disoit-il, la mort de mon fils me tire hors de moy-mesme; ie me suis veu autrefois entre les mains de nos ennemis, tout prest d'estre mis en pieces, & d'estre déchiré à belles dents, iamais ie ne perdy courage, il ne faut pas que ie le perde maintenant; i'ay dequoy me consoler, puis que mon fils, s'il eust vescu, n'auroit pas manqué de tirer vengeance des Hiroquois. Et se tournant vers les Peres, Vous auez de beaucoup allegé ma douleur, rendans les derniers honneurs à mon fils. Voila la harangue de ce pauure Barbare, sur les funerailles de son fils, qui a bien d'autres pensées maintenant dans le ciel.

On the ninth of December, the very next day after the feast of the Conception, sieur Jean Nicolet,[29] Interpreter for the Algonquins at the three Rivers, came to inform the Fathers who lived in the Residence of the Conception, situated at the same place, that a young Algonquin was sick, and it would be well to visit him. The Fathers immediately hastened to his Cabin, and asked his father's permission to instruct him; God seemed to have prepared the hearts of these Barbarians, whom we had presented to him in our vows the day before. This poor Barbarian appeared very glad at the good that was being done to his son; Father Buteux instructed him; and, as the sick man was an Algonquin, and only half understood the Montagnese tongue, which [27] the Father used, a Savage woman, well versed in both these languages, served as interpreter, allowing the faith and Christian truths to flow from her lips into the soul of this poor young man without retaining them for herself,--precisely like those canals or aqueducts which discharge whole fountains of water, without reserving any for themselves. Finally, on the twelfth of the month, seeing their patient was sinking, they baptized him, after having given him instruction, and named him Claude; he died shortly afterwards, pronouncing the holy names of +JESUS+ and +MARY+. His parents asked the Fathers if they would not like to have his body placed near the French. "That is indeed our desire," they answered. "We will show him an honor," we told them, "that we would refuse to the greatest Captain in the world, if he were not a Christian." "Hasten then and prepare what is necessary to bury him in your way," they said, "since he is yours." A fine escort was formed, consisting of all our Frenchmen; and after them came the Savages, two by two, with a modesty which savored in no wise of Barbarians. After the burial, the father of the dead man [28] gave a feast to the Savages, during which,--as he did not eat, according to their custom, now singing, now talking,--he said, "I have lost my courage, the death of my son has undone me; at other times I have seen myself in the hands of our enemies, about to be cut to pieces and torn by their teeth, and I have never lost courage; I ought not to lose it now, for I have something to console me, since my son, if he had lived, would not have failed to wreak vengeance upon the Hiroquois." And turning towards the Fathers, "You have greatly soothed my grief, by rendering the last honors to my son." Such was the discourse of this poor Barbarian at the obsequies of his son, whose thoughts are now quite different in heaven.

Le vingt-deuxiesme du mesme mois, les mesmes Peres ressentirent l'effect des bontez de la saincte Vierge, au baptesme d'vn ieune garçon âgé d'enuiron dix ans: cét enfant ne vouloit point du tout ouïr parler de nostre creance, s'imaginant qu'estre baptizé, & mourir incontinent apres, estoit la mesme chose. Et en effect [29] comme nous ne confions pas aisément ces eaux sacrées, sinon à ceux qu'on voit n'en deuoir point abuser pour estre voisins de la mort, ces Barbares ont eu pour vn temps cette pensée, que le Baptesme leur estoit fatal. Nous auions beau leur representer que nous estions tous baptisez, & que nous viuions plus long temps qu'eux: Ces eaux, disoient-ils, sont bonnes pour vous, mais non pas pour nous. Les Peres voyans ces resistances, s'addressent à nostre commune Mere, & luy demandent cette ame pour son Fils. Chose estrange! l'enfant non seulement ne les fuit plus, mais il demande d'estre porté en leur maison. Le Pere Quentin à ces paroles, le prend, l'embrasse, l'apporte tout languissant en sa chambre, où il fut baptizé, & nommé André par Monsieur de Malapart, son parrain. Ce pauure petit estoit d'vne humeur si douce & si facile, qu'il se rendoit aymable à tout le monde: voila pourquoy le Pere Buteux l'ayant autrefois demandé à sa mere; Ie n'ay garde, fit-elle, de te le donner, ie l'ayme comme mon cœur. C'est vne prouidence bien particuliere du bon Dieu, que cette mere fust absente pendant [30] son instruction & son baptesme. Car il est croyable qu'elle y auoit apporté de l'empeschement, suiuant l'erreur qui les a tenu long-temps, que ce qui nous donne la vie leur cause la mort; on eut bien de la peine d'auoir le corps de ce petit innocent apres sa mort, comme ie vay dire tout maintenant.

On the twenty-second of the same month, the same Fathers experienced the effects of the goodness of the holy Virgin, in the baptism of a young boy about ten years of age. This child did not wish to hear us speak of our belief at all, imagining that to be baptized and to die immediately after was the same thing. And, in fact, [29] as we do not readily bestow these sacred waters except upon those who we see are not going to abuse them, on account of their proximity to death, these Barbarians for a while had this idea that Baptism was fatal to them. We explained clearly to them that we were all baptized, and that we lived longer than they did. "These waters," they said, "are good for you, but not for us." Our Fathers, seeing this resistance, addressed themselves to our common Mother, and asked from her this soul for her Son. Wonderful thing! the child not only no longer avoids them, but he asks to be brought to their house. At these words, Father Quentin takes him in his arms, and carries him, weak and languid, into his own room, where he is baptized and named André, by Monsieur de Malapart,[65] his godfather. This poor child was of a disposition so sweet and gentle, that he made himself loved by every one; hence when Father Buteux once asked his mother for him, "I have no intention," said she, "of giving him to thee, I love him as my own heart." It is a very special providence of the good God that this mother was absent during [30] his instruction and baptism. For it is probable that she would have thrown some impediments in the way, in accordance with the error so long prevalent among them, that what gives life to us gives death to them. There was considerable trouble in getting the body of this little innocent after his death, as I am now going to relate.

Le vingt-septiesme, Monsieur de Maupertuis donna le nom de Marie à vne petite fille âgée de deux ans, que les Peres baptizerent; elle estoit fille de defunct Capitanal, Capitaine des Sauuages, homme vaillant, & fort sage pour vn Barbare. Il auoit laissé trois enfans à sa femme, vn garçon âgé d'enuiron dix-sept ans, & deux petites filles: la plus petite de ces filles est au ciel, le garçon est mort tres-miserablement, comme ie diray cy apres. A mesme temps qu'il mourut, le petit André trespassa: or comme ils estoient parens, on les enterra dans vn mesme sepulchre, au desceu de nos Peres, qui en ayant eu le vent se vindrent plaindre à la grande mere d'André, de ce qu'on auoit enterré ce petit baptizé sans les aduertir. Le Pere Buteux prie qu'on leur rende le corps pour le placer auec nous: vn Sauuage [31] luy repart, Va-t'en, on ne t'entend pas; c'est vne réponse que nous font par fois les Sauuages, quand on les presse de faire vne chose qui ne leur agrée pas. Il est vray que nous ne parlõs encore qu'en begayant, mais neantmoins quand nous leur disons quelque chose conforme à leurs desirs, iamais ils ne nous font ces reproches. Le Pere voyant cela va querir l'Interprete, on luy répond que l'affaire est faite, que l'enfant est enterré auec le fils du Capitanal, & que la femme du Capitanal s'offenseroit, si on foüilloit en la fosse de son fils. Le Pere la va trouuer, la prie de laisser tirer du sepulchre le corps de ce petit enfant, elle ne répond aucun mot: vn Capitaine se trouuant là dessus, prend la parole. Hé bien, dit-il, les deux corps sont à toy, porte les auec les François: mais ne les separe point, car il s'entr'ayment. Si sont-ils bien loing l'vn de l'autre, fit le Pere, l'vn a esté baptisé, & l'autre non, & par consequent l'vn est bien heureux, & l'autre gemit dans les flammes. Ne tient-il qu'à cela pour estre ensemble, & pour estre bien heureux, fit ce Sauuage, tu n'as point d'esprit, déuelope celuy qui n'est pas baptisé, & luy iette [32] tant d'eau sur la teste que tu voudras, & puis les enterre en mesme sepulchre. Le Pere se sousrit, & luy fit entendre que cela ne seruiroit de rien. Ce Barbare en fin acquiesça, & nos Peres tirerẽt le petit André du sepulchre profane, & le mirent en terre saincte. _Vnus assumetur, & alter relinquetur._ Apres l'enterrement la mere de celuy qui estoit mort sans Baptesme, voyant qu'on auoit rebuté son fils, cõme le corps d'vne ame damnée, pleuroit à chaudes larmes. Ah mon fils, disoit-elle, que ie suis marrie de ta mort: le Pere alors qui auoit veu les Iongleurs soufflans ce ieune garçon en sa maladie; luy dit, voila la guerison que ces badins promettoient à ton fils: ta petite fille est malade, donne toy bien de garde de les appeller, ny de la faire chanter. Iamais, dit-elle, ils n'en approcheront, si elle empire ie vous appelleray: quelque temps apres les Peres la iugeant bien malade, la baptiserent au grand contentement de la mere.

On the twenty-seventh, Monsieur de Maupertuis[66] gave the name Marie to a little girl two years old, whom the Fathers baptized; she was the daughter of the late Capitanal, Captain of the Savages,--a brave man and very wise for a Barbarian.[67] He had left his wife with three children, a boy of about seventeen years, and two little girls; the smaller of these girls is in heaven, the boy died very pitiably, as I shall tell hereafter. At the same time that he died, little André passed away; now, as they were relations, they were buried in the same grave, without our Fathers knowing it; they, when they had heard about it, went to André's grandmother to complain that this little baptized boy had been buried without their knowledge. Father Buteux begged them to give him the body to place in our cemetery; a Savage [31] answered him, "Go away, we do not understand thee." This is an answer that the Savages occasionally make to us, when we urge them to do something that does not suit them. It is true that, as yet, we speak only stammeringly; but, still, when we say something which conforms to their wishes they never use these reproaches. The Father, seeing this, went in search of the Interpreter; he is told that the affair is ended, that the child is buried with Capitanal's son, and that Capitanal's wife would be offended if we were to ransack the grave of her son. The Father goes to see her, and begs her to allow them to take the body of this little child out of the grave; she answers not a word; a Captain who is present begins to talk. "Oh well," says he, "the two bodies belong to thee, take them to the French; but do not separate them, for they are fond of each other." "Yet they are quite distant from each other," said the Father; "the one has been baptized and the other has not, and consequently the one is happy and the other groans in the flames." "If that is all it depends upon to be together and to be happy," said this Savage, "thou hast no sense; take up the one who has not been baptized, and throw [32] as much water on his head as thou wishest, and then bury them in the same grave." The Father smiled, and gave him to understand that that would avail nothing. This Barbarian finally acquiesced; and our Fathers took little André from the profane grave, and placed him in holy ground. _Unus assumetur, et alter relinquetur._ After the burial, the mother of the one who died without Baptism, seeing her son had been discarded like the body of a lost soul, shed bitter tears. "Ah, my son," she said, "how sorry I am for thy death." Then the Father, who had seen the Jugglers blowing upon this youth in his sickness, said to her, "Behold the cure that these triflers promised to thy son; thy little girl is sick, be careful not to summon them nor have them sing to her." "Never," said she, "shall they come near her; if she grows worse, I will call you." Some time afterward the Fathers, deeming her very sick, baptized her, to the great satisfaction of the mother.

Le trente-vniesme vne fille âgée d'enuiron seize ans fut baptisée, & nommée Anne par vn de nos François. Le Pere Buteux l'instruisant luy dit, que si estant Chrestienne elle venoit à mourir, son [33] ame iroit au Ciel dãs les ioyes eternelles. A ce mot de mourir elle eut vne si grande frayeur, qu'elle ne voulut plus iamais prester l'oreille au Pere: on luy enuoya le Sieur Nicolet truchement, qui exerce volontiers semblables actions de charité, elle l'escoute paisiblement; mais comme ses occupations le diuertissent ailleurs, il ne la pouuoit visiter si souuent: c'est pourquoy le Pere Quentin s'efforça d'apprendre les premiers rudimens du Christianisme en Sauuage, afin de la pouuoir instruire: cela luy reüssit si bien, que cette pauure fille ayant pris goust à cette doctrine salutaire, desira le Baptesme, que le Pere luy accorda. La grace a plusieurs effects; on remarqua que cette fille fort desdaigneuse & altiere de son naturel, deuint fort douce & traittable estant Chrestienne.

On the thirty-first a girl about sixteen years old was baptized and named Anne by one of our Frenchmen. Father Buteux while instructing her, told her that, if she were a Christian, when she came to die her [33] soul would go to Heaven to joys eternal. At this word, "to die," she was so frightened that she would no longer listen to the Father. Sieur Nicolet, the interpreter, who willingly performs such acts of charity, was sent to her, and she listened to him quietly; but, as his duties called him elsewhere, he could not visit her very often. Hence Father Quentin tried to learn the first rudiments of Christianity in the Savage tongue, in order to be able to instruct her; he succeeded in this so well that the poor girl, having tasted this wholesome doctrine, desired Baptism, which the Father granted her. Grace produces many results; it was remarked that this girl, naturally very disdainful and proud, grew very gentle and tractable on becoming a Christian.

Le septiesme de Ianuier de cette année mil six cens trente six, le fils d'vn grand Sorcier ou Iongleur fut faict Chrestien, son pere s'y accordant apres de grandes resistances qu'il en fit: car comme nos Peres éuentoient ses mines, & le decreditoient, il ne pouuoit les supporter en sa Cabane. Cependant comme [34] son fils tiroit à la mort, ils prierent le sieur Nicolet de faire son possible pour sauuer cette ame: ils s'en vont donc le Pere Quentin & luy en cette maison d'écorce, pressent fortement ce Sauuage de consentir au baptesme de son petit fils: comme il faisoit la sourde oreille, vne bonne vieille luy dit: Quoy pense-tu que l'eau que ietteront les Robes noires sur la teste de ton enfant, le fasse mourir? Ne vois tu pas qu'il est déja mort, & qu'à peine peut-il respirer? Si ces gens là te demandoient ta Pourcelaine, ou tes Castors, pour les offices de charité qu'ils veulent exercer enuers ton fils, tu aurois quelque excuse; mais ils donnent & ne demandent rien, tu sçay le soin qu'ils ont des malades, laisse les faire; si ce pauure petit meurt ils l'interreront mieux que tu ne sçaurois faire. Le malade fut donc baptizé, & nommé Adrien par le sieur du Chesne, Chirurgien de l'habitation; il mourut quelque temps apres. Le Pere Buteux le demanda pour l'enseuelir à nostre façon. Non, non, dirent les parens: tu ne l'auras pas tout nud, attends que nous l'ayons paré, & puis nous te le donnerons. Ils luy peignent la face de [35] bleu, de noir & de rouge; ils le vestent d'vn petit Capot rouge, puis l'enfourrent de deux peaux d'Ours, & d'vne robe de peau de Chat sauuage, & par dessus tout cela d'vn grand drap blanc, qu'ils auoient acheté au Magazin, ils accommodent ce petit corps dans tout ce bagage, en forme d'vn paquet bien lié de tous costez, & le mettent entre les mains du Pere, qui baise doucement ces sacrées dépoüilles pour témoigner aux Sauuages l'estime que nous faisons d'vn petit Ange baptizé. On l'enterra au Cimetiere de nos François, auec solemnité: ce qui plaist fort à ces Barbares, & qui les induit bien souuent à permettre qu'on face Chrestiens leurs enfans.

On the seventh of January of this year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, the son of a great Sorcerer or Juggler was made a Christian, his father consenting to it after having offered a great deal of opposition; for, as our Fathers were revealing his schemes and throwing discredit upon him, he could not endure them in his Cabin. However, as [34] his son was on the verge of death, they begged sieur Nicolet to do all he could to save this soul. So they went, Father Quentin and he, to his bark house, and strongly urged this Savage to consent to the baptism of his little son; as he turned a deaf ear, a good old woman said: "What! dost thou think the water the black Robes will throw upon the head of thy child will make him die? Dost thou not see that he is already dead, and that he can hardly breathe? If these people were asking thy Porcelain or thy Beavers, for the charitable acts which they exercise towards thy son, thou wouldst have some excuse; but they give and ask nothing; thou knowest how they care for the sick, let them go on; if this poor little one dies, they will bury him better than thou couldst." So the sick child was baptized and named Adrien by sieur du Chesne,[68] Surgeon of the settlement; he died some time afterwards. Father Buteux asked for him, to bury him in our way. "No, no," said the parents, "thou canst not have him naked; wait until we have adorned him, and then we will give him to thee." They painted his face [35] blue, black, and red; they dressed him in a little red Cloak, and lined it with two Bear skins and a robe of wild Cat skin, and over all placed a large white sheet which they had bought at the Store. They arranged the little body in all this paraphernalia, in the form of a package tied closely on all sides, and placed it in the hands of the Father, who gently kissed these sacred remains, to show the Savages how greatly we esteemed a little baptized Angel. It was buried in our French Cemetery, with solemnity. This greatly pleases these Barbarians, and often influences them to allow their children to be made Christians.

Le huictiesme du mesme mois de Ianuier, vne ieune fille vniquement aymée de ses parens, mais encor plus de Dieu, s'en alla au Ciel, apres auoir esté lauée dans le sang de l'Agneau. Ie remarqueray en cét endroit les folies que fit son pauure pere pour la pouuoir guerir. Son beau frere luy vint dire qu'il auoit songé que sa niepce gueriroit, si on la faisoit coucher sur vne peau de mouton, variée de diuerses figures; on en cherche aussi [36] tost, on en trouua, on peint dessus mille grotesques, des canots, des auirons, des animaux, & chose semblable: les Peres qui n'auoient pas encore instruit cette fille, sont instance que ce remede est inu[ti]le: mais il le faut éprouuer. La malade repose sur ces peintures, & n'en reçoit aucune reelle guerison. Vn autre Charlatan fut d'auis, que si on donnoit à la malade vn drap blanc pour cheuet, sur lequel on auroit figuré des hommes chantans & dançans, que la maladie s'en iroit. On se met incontinent en deuoir de peindre des hommes sur vn drap; mais ils ne firent que des marmousets, tant ils sont bons Peintres: ce remede ne succeda non plus que le premier. La pauure fille se couche sur ce drap, sans reposer, ny sans guerir. Que ne peut l'affection naturelle des peres & des meres enuers leurs enfans? Ces bonnes gens cherchoient par tout la santé de leur fille, horsmis en celuy qui la pouuoit donner. Ils consultent vne fameuse Sorciere, c'est à dire vne fameuse badine. Cette femme dit qu'elle auoit appris, soit du Manitou, soit d'vn autre, ie m'en rapporte, qu'il falloit tuer vn chien, & que les hommes le mangeassent [37] en festin. De plus, qu'il falloit faire vne belle robe de peau de Cerf, l'enrichir de leurs matachias rouges faits de brins de Porc épic, la donner à la malade, & qu'elle en gueriroit. Comme on preparoit ce festin, vn Sauuage songea, que pour la guerison de cette fille, il falloit faire vn banquet de vingt testes d'Elans: voila les parens de la fille bien en peine: car comme il n'y auoit gueres de neige, on ne pouuoit courre, encore moins prendre l'Eslan. Sur cette grande difficulté on consulte les Interpretes des songes, il fut conclud qu'il falloit changer ces vingt testes d'Orignac en vingt grãds pains tels qu'ils en achetent de nos François, & que cela auroit le mesme effect. Ils ne se tromperent pas, d'autant que ces pains & ce festin de chien, ne firent autre chose que remplir le ventre des Sauuages; c'est tout ce qu'auroient peu faire ces vingt testes d'Orignac: car pour guerir vn malade, ny les banquets, ny les belles robes ne seruent de rien.

On the eighth of the same month of January, a young girl peculiarly loved by her parents, but still more so by God, went to Heaven after having been washed in the blood of the Lamb. I will notice in this place the follies her poor father committed, in order to be able to cure her. His brother-in-law came to tell him that he had dreamed his niece would recover, if they had her lie upon a sheepskin painted with various figures; a search was made for one [36] immediately, one was found, and they painted thereon a thousand grotesque figures, canoes, paddles, animals, and such things. The Fathers, who had not yet instructed this girl, urged earnestly that this remedy was useless; but they must try it. The patient rested upon these paintings, but received no real benefit. Another Charlatan was of the opinion that, if they gave the sick girl a white sheet as pillow, upon which had been drawn pictures of men singing and dancing, the sickness would disappear. They began immediately to paint men upon a sheet, but they made nothing but monkeys, such good Painters are they; this remedy succeeded no better than the first. The poor girl lay down upon this sheet without resting, and without recovering. What cannot the natural affection of fathers and mothers do for their children? These good people sought everywhere the health of their daughter, except in him who could have granted it. They consulted a famous Sorceress, that is, a famous jester. This woman said she had learned,--whether from Manitou or some one else, I cannot say,--that they would have to kill a dog and that the men should make [37] a feast of it. Furthermore, that they would have to make a beautiful robe of Deer skin, trim it with their red matachias made of Porcupine quills, and give it to the patient; and that she would thus recover. While they were preparing this feast, a Savage dreamed that, for the recovery of this girl, they would have to prepare a banquet of twenty head of Elk. Now the girl's parents were placed in great anxiety, for, as there was but little snow, they could not pursue and much less capture the Elk. In this great difficulty, they consulted the Interpreters of dreams; it was decided that they must change the twenty head of Moose to twenty big loaves of bread, such as they buy from our French, and that this would have the same effect. They were not mistaken, inasmuch as this bread and this dog feast did nothing but fill the stomachs of the Savages; and this is all the twenty Moose heads could have done, for, to cure the sick, neither banquets nor beautiful robes avail.

Pendant qu'on appliquoit ces beaux remedes, les Peres s'addressoient à Dieu pour le salut de cette pauure ame: ils venoient voir cette pauure fille; mais les [38] parens ne vouloient pas permettre qu'on luy parlast de nostre creance, s'imaginant que le Baptesme nuisoit au corps, quoy qu'il en fust de l'ame. Attendez, disoient-ils, quand nostre fille n'en pourra plus, quand nous aurons cherché tous les remedes, dont nous nous seruons, s'ils ne reüssissent, nous vous permettrons de l'instruire. Les Peres voyans cela desisterent pour vn temps de visiter la malade, traictant de la guerison de son ame auec Dieu. La mere de la fille se sentit portée à desirer qu'on la vinst instruire, son mary y contrarioit. Enfin, Dieu qui tient les cœurs de tous les hommes entre ses mains, amolit ceux de ces Barbares, pour le bien de leur enfant; non seulement ils n'ont plus d'auersion des Peres, mais au contraire ils les font inuiter, leur donnant asseurance que leur fille les écouteroit volontiers. Les Peres y volent aussi tost, le Pere Buteux prend la parole, déduit le mieux qu'il peut les principaux articles de nostre foy. Les parens, pour ayder le Pere qui n'a pas encore la perfection de la langue, & pour soulager leur enfant, reïteroient doucement, & expliquoient en termes plus significatifs [39] ce qu'on disoit à cette pauure ame, qui se montroit alterée de cette doctrine, comme vne terre seiche de la rosée du Ciel: on employe quelque temps à l'enseigner, tousiours auec le contentement des parens, & beaucoup plus de la malade. Pendant la nuict elle disoit par fois à sa mere, Ne sera-il pas bien tost iour, le Pere ne viendra-il pas de bon matin, puis s'addressant à Dieu, luy disoit. _Mißi ka, khichitaien chaouerimitou_, toy qui as tout fait, fais moy misericorde. _Khiranau, oue ka nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin_. Toy qui est mort pour nous, ie crois en toy, ie t'ayme, secours moy. Le Pere la visitant, elle luy disoit, Tu me réioüis quand tu me viens voir, i'ay retenu ce que tu m'as enseigné, & là dessus luy expliquoit fidelement. Le soir auant sa mort, vn sien oncle estant venu voir les Peres, & soupant auec eux, leur dit, Ma niepce est bien malade, vous la deuriez baptiser: on luy replique, qu'on la veut plainement instruire; Si toutesfois, luy dit-on, tu la voyois notablement baisser, appelle nous, & nous l'irons voir. Sur les dix ou onze heures de nuict, ce pauure Sauuage s'en vint au trauers de la neige, & d'vn [40] froid tres piquant, crier à pleine teste proche de l'habitation de nos François, qu'ils vinssent viste baptiser la malade, & qu'elle s'en alloit mourant. Les peres s'éueillent à ces cris bien étonnez, que ny les grands chiens qu'on détache la nuict, ny la rigueur du froid n'auoient point empesché ce bon homme de les venir appeller. Le sieur Nicolet, & le sieur de Launay les accompagnerent, celuy cy fut le Parrain, & la nomma Marie, son pere & sa mere, quoy que Barbares, témoignerent receuoir du contentement de cette action, & remercierent les Peres & nos François, d'auoir pris la peine de sortir pendant vne nuict si fascheuse, que le sieur Nicolet s'en trouua mal. La pauure fille n'eut qu'autant de paroles, qu'il en falloit pour accepter le baptesme, qu'elle auoit tant desiré: car si tost qu'elle l'eut receu elle entre en l'agonie, & bien tost apres s'en alla en Paradis, auec l'étolle d'innocence, dont le Ciel la venoit de couurir. Son oncle la voyant morte, fit appeller le Pere Buteux, & luy dit, Vous n'aymez pas seulement pendant la vie, mais encore apres la mort, ma niepce est à vous, enterrez la à vostre [41] mode. Faites vne grande fosse; car mon frere à qui la tristesse a dérobé la parole, veut loger auec elle son petit bagage: ils vouloient enterrer auec cette fille deux chiens, & plusieurs autres choses: pour les chiens, on leur dit que les François ne seroient pas bien aises qu'on logeast auec eux de si laides bestes; Permets nous donc, dirent-ils, de les enterrer prés de vostre Cimetiere; car la defuncte les aymoit, & c'est nostre coustume de donner aux morts, ce qu'ils ont aymé ou possedé pendant leur vie. On combat tant qu'on peut cette superstition, qui se va abolissant tous les iours; neantmoins on tolere en ces premiers commencemens beaucoup de choses, qui se détruiront d'elles mesmes auec le temps. Si on refusoit à ces pauures ignorans, de mettre dans la fosse de leurs trespassez leur petit equipage, pour aller en l'autre vie, disent-ils, ils nous refuseroient aussi l'abord de leurs malades, & ainsi plusieurs ames se perdroient, qu'on va petit à petit recueillant, iusques à ce que les iours de la grande moisson viennent. Ils enueloperent donc le corps mort de plusieurs robes, ils luy donnerent ses affiquets, ses [42] braueries, quãtité de porcelaine, qui sont les diamans & les perles du païs, & de plus on mit dans la fosse deux auirons, & deux grands sacs remplis de leurs richesses, & de diuers outils ou instrumens, dont se seruent les filles & les femmes. Pour conclusion le pere de cette fille tant aymée, voyant l'honneur qu'on rendoit à son enfant, & comme on luy auoit fait faire vn beau cercueil, ce qui plaist infiniment à ces Barbares, il se ietta sur le col du Pere Buteux, & luy dit _Nikanis_, mon bien-aymé, en verité ie cognois que tu m'ayme, & tous vous autres qui portez cét habit, vous cherissez nostre Nation. Puis apostrophant son enfant; Ma fille que tu es heureuse d'estre si bien logée: cét homme est l'vn des principaux de sa nation, sa femme s'est fait Chrestienne, comme nous dirons en son lieu, nous esperons qu'il mourra Chrestien, aussi bien que ses plus proches. Ainsi soit-il.

While they were making use of these fine remedies, the Fathers were addressing themselves to God for the salvation of this poor soul; they came to see the wretched girl, but her [38] parents would not permit them to talk to her about our belief, imagining that Baptism injured the body, whatever it might do for the soul. "Wait," said they; "when our daughter is completely exhausted, when we have tried all the remedies of which we can avail ourselves,--if they do not succeed, we will permit you to instruct her." The Fathers, upon hearing this, desisted for a while from visiting the sick girl, negotiating for the recovery of her soul with God. The mother of the girl felt inclined to have her instructed, her husband was opposed to this. At last, God, who holds the hearts of all men in his hands, softened those of these Barbarians, for the good of their child. Not only were they no longer averse to the Fathers, but on the contrary they had them invited there, assuring them that their daughter would listen to them willingly. The Fathers immediately fly thither; Father Buteux begins to talk, presenting as well as he can the principal articles of our faith. The parents, to assist the Father, who is not yet well versed in the language, and to soothe their child, repeat softly and explain in clearer terms [39] what was said to this poor soul, which showed itself as thirsty for this doctrine as the dry earth for the dew from Heaven; some time was employed in instructing her, the parents always contented, and the patient still more so. During the night, she would sometimes say to her mother, "Will it not soon be day? Will the Father not come early in the morning?" Then addressing God, she would say to him: _Missi ka khichitaien chaouerimitou_, "Thou who hast made all, have pity upon me." _Khiranau, oue ka nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin._ "Thou who hast died for us, I believe in thee, I love thee, help me." When the Father visited her, she said to him, "Thou givest me joy when thou comest to see me; I have remembered what thou hast taught me," and thereupon she explained it to him accurately. The evening before her death, one of her uncles, having come to see the Fathers and remaining to sup with them, said, "My niece is very sick, you ought to baptize her." They replied that they wished to instruct her sufficiently. "If, however," they said to him, "thou see her perceptibly weakening, call us, and we will go and see her." At ten or eleven o'clock at night, this poor Savage came through the snow and the [40] piercing cold, and cried out in a loud voice when he neared the French settlement, that they should come quickly and baptize the sick girl, for she was going to die. The fathers, awakened by these cries, were indeed astonished that neither the great dogs that are let loose at night, nor the rigor of the cold, had prevented this good man from coming to call them. Sieur Nicolet and sieur de Launay[69] accompanied them; the latter was Godfather and gave her the name Marie. Her father and mother, although Barbarians, showed that they were pleased at this act, and thanked the Fathers and our Frenchmen for having taken the trouble to come out on a night so bad that sieur Nicolet was made sick by it. The poor girl had only words enough to accept the baptism which she had so much desired; for, as soon as she had received it, she entered into the pangs of death, and soon after went to Paradise, clad in the robes of innocence with which Heaven had just covered her. When her uncle saw that she was dead, he had Father Buteux called and said to him, "You love, not only during life, but even after death; my niece belongs to you, bury her in your [41] way. Make a big grave, for my brother, whom grief has stricken dumb, wishes to place with her her little belongings." They wished to bury with this girl two dogs, and several other things. As to the dogs, they were told that the French would not be pleased if such ugly beasts were placed among them. "Permit us, then," said they, "to bury them near your Cemetery; for the dead girl loved them, and it is our custom to give to the dead what they loved or possessed when they were living." We do all we can to oppose this superstition, which is every day becoming less general; nevertheless, one tolerates, in these first beginnings, many things which in time will disappear of themselves. If these poor ignorant people were refused the privilege of placing in the graves of their dead their few belongings, to go with them to the other life, they say, they would also refuse to allow us to approach their sick; and thus many souls would be lost which we are gathering in little by little, until the days of the great harvest come. So they enveloped the dead body in several robes; they gave her her trinkets, [42] her ornaments, a quantity of porcelain, which is the diamonds and pearls of this country;[70] and besides this they put in the grave two paddles, and two large bags filled with their wealth, and with different utensils or instruments which the girls and women use. Finally, the father of this girl, so dearly beloved,--seeing the honor they were showing his child, and that they had made her a beautiful coffin, a thing which gives infinite pleasure to these Barbarians,--threw himself upon Father Buteux's neck and said, "_Nikanis_, my well-beloved, in truth I recognize that thou lovest me, and that all of you, who wear this gown, cherish our Nation." Then apostrophizing his child: "My daughter, how happy thou art to be so well lodged!" This man is one of the principal men of his nation; his wife has become a Christian, as we shall relate in the proper place. We hope that he will die a Christian as well as his family. So may it be.

Le vingtiesme du mesme mois Dieu fit paroistre sa bonté en la conuersion & au Baptesme d'vn Sauuage, dont nos Peres sembloient quasi auoir desesperé: ce ieune homme estant malade, le Pere Buteux [43] l'alla visiter: comme il y alloit grand nombre de personnes dans sa cabane, il l'inuita de venir faire vn tour en nostre maison, si sa maladie luy permettoit: il s'y transporte incontinent, apres quelques discours le Pere le iette sur les articles de nostre creance, mais auec peu de succés: car ayant espousé la fille d'vn des plus grands Charlatans du païs, il n'estoit pas pour se rendre à la premiere semonce: comme on le pressoit sur les biens de la vie future, s'il n'en vouloit pas iouïr, il repartit, qu'il ne pouuoit pas croire cela; car mon ame, disoit-il, apres ma mort n'aura point d'esprit, & par consequent ne sera pas capable de ces biens. Comment sçais tu, luy fit le Pere, que les ames apres leur trespas sont stupides, & sans connoissance; deux de nos hommes, replique-il, sont retournez autresfois apres leur mort, & l'ont dit à ceux de nostre nation. Ces ames qui retournerent auoient-elles de l'esprit? Non, fit-il. Tu te trompes, dit le Pere, car c'est auoir de l'esprit, de cognoistre qu'on n'a point d'esprit; mais laissons cette subtilité, est-ce pas auoir de l'esprit que d'estre bon chasseur? iamais les Sauuages ne nieront [44] cette proposition, car leur plus grande Philosophie & Theologie n'est pas en leur teste, mais en leurs pieds. Or est-il, poursuiuit le Pere, qu'il y a des ames des Sauuages qui chassent brauement aux ames des Castors & des Eslans, donc elles ont de l'esprit. A cét argument vn peu trop pressant pour vn Sauuage il ne respondit autre chose, sinõ que puis que ses gens n'alloient point au Ciel, qu'il n'y vouloit point aller; Vous autres, disoit-il, vous asseurez que vous allez là haut, allez y donc à la bonne heure, chacun aime sa nation, pour moy i'iray trouuer la mienne. Le Pere voyant bien qu'il s'opiniastreroit chãge de discours, l'interroge sur son mal; C'est, respond-il, vn meschant Algonquain qui m'a procuré cette maladie qui me tient dans le corps, pource que m'estant fasché contre luy, la peur qu'il eut que ie ne le tuasse l'a induit à traitter de ma mort auec le Manitou. Et comment sçais-tu cela? I'ay faict consulter le Manitou, qui m'a dit que ie me hastasse de faire des presens aux _Manitousiouekhi_, ce sont leurs Iongleurs, & qu'il preuiẽ droit mon ennemy, luy ostant la vie, & par ainsi que ie guerirois: mais [45] mõ malheur est que ie n'ay plus rien, i'ay donné ma Pourcelaine & mes Castors, & à faute de pouuoir continuer ces presens il faut que ie meure. Voila l'vnique vtilité de l'art de ces Iongleurs, c'est qu'ils tirent tout ce qu'ils peuuent des pauures malades, & quand ils n'ont plus rien ils les abandonnent. Les Iaponois ont des erreurs toutes semblables, ils croyent que les pauures ne pouuans rien donner aux Bonzes, ne sçauroient aller en Paradis. Les Chrestiens sont obligez d'adorer & de recognoistre la bonté de leur Dieu. Que la foy a de clarté pour estre vn flambeau obscur, & que nostre creance pour estre releuée par dessus les forces de la nature, s'accorde bien auec la raison! Les Theologiens disent bien à propos, qu'il faut auoir _piam motionem_, pour donner consentement aux propositions de nostre foy; il faut que la volonté s'amolisse, & qu'elle quitte sa dureté naturelle; ce qui se fait par vn doux soufle ou mouuement du S. Esprit, lequel nous induit à croire. Ie voy tous les iours des hommes conuaincus sur cette verité, que nostre creance est bonne, qu'elle est saincte, qu'elle est conforme à la raison, & apres [46] tout cela, ne voyant aucune conclusion de ces premices, ie m'escrie, Qu'auons nous faict à Dieu pour nous auoir donné la Foy, qui a tant de peine d'entrer en l'ame de ces pauures Sauuages! Mais pour retourner à nostre ieune homme, les Peres auoient comme desesperé de son salut; neantmoins comme la conuersion d'vne ame depend de celuy qui est tout-puissant, ils ne laissoient pas de le visiter, pour luy donner de fois à autre quelque crainte de l'enfer, ou quelque esperance de la vie eternelle. En fin ce pauure ieune homme fut touché tout à coup, cet entendement plein de tenebres commence à voir le iour, & sa volonté deuient soupple & obeyssante aux volontez de Dieu, comme vn enfant bien né aux desirs de ses parens. Les Peres entrans certain iour en sa Cabane il leur fait present d'vn morceau d'Eslan qu'on luy auoit donné: le Pere Buteux luy dit, Nous ne venons pas icy pour receuoir, mais pour te donner; nous ne cherchons pas tes biens, mais nous te voulons donner ceux du Ciel; si tu voulois croire en Dieu que tu serois heureux! Oüy, dit-il i'y veux croire, & ie veux aller auec luy; il disoit [47] cela les mains iointes, les yeux esleuez au Ciel, d'vn accent si deuot, auec vne posture si composée, que les Peres resterent tous remplis de ioye & d'estonnement, voyant que Dieu en fait plus en vn moment que tous les hommes en cent ans; aussi est-il le Dieu des cœurs. Voila ce cœur de pierre changé en vn cœur de chair, il escoute auidemẽt ce qu'il croioit déja, il est tout plein de regrets de ses resistances, il ne peut assez admirer la bonté de celuy qui l'a si doucement vaincu. Les Peres l'ayant veu si bien disposé, offrent pour luy le sacré sainct sacrifice de la Messe, & apres vne bonne instruction luy changerent en fin le nom sauuage d'_Amiskoueroui_ au nom de Nicolas, qui luy fut donné au sainct Baptesme. Dieu sçait prẽdre son temps quand il luy plaist. A l'heure qu'il fut touché, qu'il fut baptisé, & qu'il mourut, certains gauffeurs & badins qui demeuroient en sa Cabane, & qui auroiẽt faict leur possible pour le détourner du Christianisme estoient allez a la chasse, ils retournerent iustement deux heures apres sa mort, bien estonnez de ce qui c'estoit passé: mais _quis vt Deus_? Qui pourra détourner la bonté de Dieu, [48] non plus que ses foudres? _Non est qui se abscondat à calore eius._ Il n'y a cœur de bronze qui ne se liquefie, quand Dieu le veut brusler.

On the twentieth of the same month, God showed his goodness in the conversion and Baptism of a Savage, of whom our Fathers had almost despaired. This young man was sick, and Father Buteux [43] went to visit him. As a great many people were going into his cabin, he invited him to make a visit to our house, provided his illness would permit it; he went there immediately. After some conversation, the Father reverted to the articles of our belief, but with little success; for, having married the daughter of one of the greatest Charlatans of the country, he would not surrender at the first summons. When the blessings of the future life were urged upon him, and he was asked if he did not wish to enjoy them, he answered that he could not believe those things. "For," said he, "after my death my soul will have no intelligence, and hence will not be capable of enjoying these blessings." "How dost thou know," replied the Father, "that souls, after their departure from this life, are without sensibility and knowledge?" "Two of our men," he answered, "once returned, after their death, and told this to the people of our nation." "Did those souls that returned have any intelligence?" "No," he replied. "Thou art mistaken," said the Father, "for it is intelligence to know that one has not intelligence; but let us leave these subtleties. Does it require intelligence to be a good hunter?" The Savages will never deny [44] this proposition, for their greatest Philosophy and Theology is not in their heads, but in their feet. "Now is it true," continued the Father, "that there are souls of Savages that are bravely hunting the souls of Beavers and of Elks? Then they must have intelligence." To this argument, a little too forcible for a Savage, he answered nothing, except, that as his people were not going to Heaven, he did not wish to go there. "You people," said he, "are sure of going up yonder. Well and good, go there, then; each one loves his own people; for my part, I shall go and find mine." The Father, seeing clearly that he would be obstinate, changed the subject and asked him about his disease. "It is," he replied, "a wicked Algonquain who has given me this disease which sticks in my body, because I was angry at him; and his fear that I would kill him induced him to bargain for my death with the Manitou." "And how dost thou know that?" "I have had the Manitou consulted, and he told me I should make haste and give presents to the _Manitousiouekhi_,"--these are their Jugglers,--"and that he would forestall my enemy, taking his life, and that thus I would be cured; but [45] my misfortune is that I have nothing more,--I have given my Porcelain and my Beavers; and, because I cannot continue these presents, I must die." So the only use to which these Jugglers put their art is to draw what they can from poor sick people; and, when they have nothing more, they abandon them. The Japanese have similar errors. They believe that, as the poor can give nothing to the Bonzes, they cannot go to Paradise. Christians are obliged to adore and to acknowledge the goodness of their God. What light there is in faith, though it be a dark lantern; and how well our belief, though it may be elevated above the forces of nature, conforms to reason! Theologians say very truly that it is necessary to have the _piam motionem_ in order to consent to the propositions of our faith; the will must be softened and must give up its natural hardness. This is done by the gentle breathing or stirring of the Holy Spirit, which leads us to believe. I daily see men who are convinced of this truth, that our belief is good, that it is holy, that it conforms to reason; and, after [46] all that, seeing no conclusions drawn from these premises, I exclaim, "What have we done to God that he gives us this Faith, which enters with so much difficulty into the souls of these poor Savages!" But to return to our young man. The Fathers had, as it were, despaired of his salvation; nevertheless, as the conversion of a soul depends upon him who is all-powerful, they did not cease to visit him, to impart to him, from time to time, some fear of hell, or some hope of eternal life. At last, this poor young map was touched all at once; this understanding full of darkness began to see the day; and his will became supple and obedient to the will of God, like a dutiful child to the desires of its parents. One day, when the Fathers entered his Cabin, he made them a present of a piece of Elk-meat which had been given him; Father Buteux said to him, "We do not come here to receive, but to give to thee; we are not seeking thy goods, but wish to give thee those of Heaven; if thou wouldst believe in God, how happy thou wouldst be!" "Yes," said he, "I wish to believe, and I wish to go to him." He said [47] this with his hands clasped, his eyes raised to Heaven, with an accent so devout and a manner so composed, that the Fathers were filled with joy and astonishment, seeing that God does more in a moment than all men can do in a hundred years; he is indeed the God of hearts. Behold this heart of stone changed into a heart of flesh. He listens eagerly to what he already believes; he is full of regret at his former opposition; he cannot sufficiently admire the goodness of him who has so gently vanquished him. The Fathers, seeing him so well disposed, offered for him the holy sacrifice of the Mass; and, after thorough instruction, finally changed the savage name _Amiskoueroui_ to the name Nicolas, which was given to him in holy Baptism. God knows how to take his time when he pleases. At the time he was converted, when he was baptized and when he died, certain scoffers and triflers who lived in his Cabin, and who would have done all they could to divert him from Christianity, had gone to the chase; they returned exactly two hours after he died, very much astonished at what had taken place; but _quis ut Deus_? Who can turn away the goodness of God, [48] any more than his thunderbolts? _Non est qui se abscondat à calore ejus._ There is no heart of bronze that will not melt when God wishes to heat it.

Le vingt-cinquiesme, iour de la Conuersion de sainct Paul, vn ieune Sauuage fut nommé Paul, son pere luy procura dans sa maladie, ce qu'il ne prenoit pas pour soy dans la santé: tant s'en faut qu'il se monstrast fasché qu'on instruisist son fils, âgé de quinze à seize ans, qu'au contraire il l'exhortoit à prester l'oreille aux Peres, & par fois les venant visiter luy-mesme, & les ayant ouy parler des choses de l'autre vie, il racontoit par apres à ses enfans ce qu'il auoit apris, n'ayant pas assez de courage d'embrasser & professer les veritez qu'il aprouuoit en son cœur. Les respects humains font bien du mal par tout.

On the twenty-fifth, the day of saint Paul's Conversion, a young Savage was named Paul. His father secured for him in his sickness what he did not take for himself in health. So far was he from showing anger at the instruction given his son, a boy of fifteen or sixteen, that on the contrary, he urged him to listen to the Fathers; and having sometimes visited them himself, and having heard them speak of the realities of the other life, he related afterwards to his children what he had learned, not having enough courage to embrace and profess the truths that he approved in his heart. Fear of the world does a great deal of harm everywhere.

Le vingt-huictiesme & vingt-neufiesme, deux sœurs ont esté enrollées au Catalogue des enfans de Dieu. La plus petite, âgée de deux ans, chante maintenant ses grandeurs parmy les Chœurs des Anges. L'aisnée l'a suiuie quelque temps apres, elle auoit enuiron seize ans, quand elle prit vne nouuelle naissance en Iesus-Christ, [49] estant tombée malade, il ne fut pas difficile de luy persuader qu'elle se fist Chrestienne. Il semble qu'elle auoit déja la foy deuant que les Peres luy parlassent; son frere frequentoit en nostre Maison, instruisant nos Peres en sa langue, & comme on luy parloit souuent de nos Mysteres, il racontoit à sa sœur ce qu'il auoit appris. Il estoit plus heureux iettãt cette semence sacrée, que les Peres mesmes: car on n'a point remarqué qu'elle ait encore germé en son ame, & elle a porté des fleurs & des fruicts dans le cœur de sa sœur: laquelle interrogée en sa maladie, si elle ne vouloit pas estre baptisée, répondit, qu'elle en auoit vn grand desir. Les Peres la voulans instruire, trouuerent qu'elle en sçauoit assez pour receuoir le sainct Baptesme, ce qui les étonna & consola: Elle fut donc nommée Ieanne, receuant auec ce nom si grande abondance de grace, qu'il sembloit que le Fils de Dieu prist vn plaisir particulier en cette nouuelle Espouse. Le Pere Buteux la voyant sur son depart pour s'en aller dans les bois auec sa mere, & les autres Sauuages, luy dit, Adieu ma fille, souuenez vous que vous estes maintenant [50] amie de Dieu, & que si vous mourez, il vous menera dans sa maison, remplie de tout bon-heur. Adieu mon Pere, repartit-elle, ie ne vous verray plus; mais il importe peu que ie meure, puisque ie dois aller en si bon lieu. Elle dit cela auec vn tel sentiment de pieté, que les larmes en vindrent aux yeux des deux Peres, rauis de voir vne petite Barbare, parler en Ange de Paradis. Mais que vous pourrions nous donner, Ieanne, puis que vous nous quittez pour vn si long-temps? luy dirent-ils. Si vous auez du raisin donnez m'en vn peu, ce sera la derniere fois que vous me soulagerez en ma maladie, car ie m'en vais mourir dans les bois: mais ie croy que i'iray au Ciel; à vostre auis, mon Pere? Oüy ma fille, vous y irez, si vous perseuerez en la foy. Asseurez vouz, dit-elle, que ie croy en Dieu, & que i'y croiray toute ma vie. Ils luy donnerent tout le raisin qu'ils auoient de reste, qui n'estoit pas grande chose, le peu qu'on leur auoit enuoyé, ayant déja esté distribué à beaucoup d'autres malades. Quand on vint à lier cette pauure fille auec sa petite sœur, toutes deux nouuellement baptisées, sur leurs longues traisnes, pour les mener [51] dans ces grandes forests, il sembloit aux Peres qu'on leur arrachast le cœur: car ces pauures gens n'auoient autres viures qu'vn peu de pain qu'ils leur donnerent; leur disner & leur souper estoit en la prouidence de Dieu, leurs hostelleries la neige & les arbres, & vn peu d'écorce. Vn grand Nordoüest, qui est le vent le plus froid de ces Contrées, souffloit sur ces pauures malades, & cependant ils s'en alloient tous aussi contens, comme s'ils eussent deu entrer dans vne terre de promission. O que ie me voulois de mal, m'écrit le Pere qui m'a enuoyé ces memoires, voyant ce beau spectacle! ces gens me condamnoient de pusillanimité, ne iettant pas si fortement ma confiance en Dieu, qu'ils la iettent en leurs arcs & en leurs fleches, & ne faisant par vertu, ce que ces Barbares font par nature.

On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth, two sisters were enrolled in the Catalogue of the children of God. The smaller, about two years old, now sings his greatness among the Choirs of the Angels. The elder followed her, a short time afterward. She was about sixteen years old when she received a new birth in Jesus Christ; [49] having fallen sick, it was not hard to persuade her to become a Christian. It seems that she had already possessed the faith, before the Fathers talked with her; her brother was in the habit of visiting our House to instruct our Fathers in his language; and, as they often spoke to him of our Mysteries, he related to his sister what he had learned. He was happier than the Fathers themselves in scattering this sacred seed; although it has not been observed to have as yet germinated in his soul, it has borne flowers and fruit in the heart of his sister. When she was asked during her sickness if she did not wish to be baptized, she answered that she greatly desired it. The Fathers, intending to instruct her, found that she knew enough to receive holy Baptism, which surprised and consoled them. So she was called Jeanne, receiving with this name so great an abundance of grace, that it seemed as if the Son of God took particular pleasure in this new Spouse. Father Buteux, seeing her at her departure to go into the woods with her mother and the other Savages, said to her, "Farewell, my daughter; remember that you are now [50] a friend of God, and that if you die he will take you to his house, filled with all blessings." "Farewell, my Father," she replied, "I shall see you no more; but it matters little if I die, since I am to go to such a good place." She said this with so deep a sense of piety, that tears came to the eyes of the two Fathers, who were carried away at seeing a little Barbarian speak like an Angel of Paradise. "But what can we give you, Jeanne, since you are going to leave us for so long a time?" they said to her. "If you have any raisins, give me a few; this will be the last time you will relieve me in my sickness, for I am going to die in the woods. But I believe that I will go to Heaven. Do you think so, my Father?" "Yes, my daughter, you will go there, if you continue in the faith." "Be assured," she said, "that I believe in God, and that I will believe in him all my life." They gave her all the raisins they had left, which were not many,--the few that had been sent them having already been distributed to many other invalids. When they came to tie this poor girl with her little sister, both newly baptized, upon the long sledges, to take them [51] into these great forests, it seemed to the Fathers like tearing out their hearts; for these poor people had no other food than a little bread that they gave them; their dinner and supper depended upon the providence of God, their hostelries were the snow and trees, and a little bark. A strong Northwester, the coldest wind of these Countries, blew upon these poor invalids, and yet they went away as contented as if they were about to enter a promised land. "Oh, how disgusted I was with myself," writes the Father who sent me these memoirs, "when I saw this beautiful sight! These people condemned me of cowardice, for not placing my confidence in God as strongly as they do theirs in their bows and arrows, and in not doing from virtue what these Barbarians do from nature."

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL VIII

XXV

See Vol. VII., for particulars of this document.

XXVI

As with its predecessor for 1635, the _Relation_ of 1636 (Paris, 1637), although for the convenience of bibliographers styled Le Jeune's, is a composite. The first half, closing with p. 272, is the annual report of Le Jeune, as superior, dated August 28, 1636; the second half, separately paged, is a special report on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf, dated Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636.

For the text of the document, we have had recourse to the Lamoignon copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library, which is there designated as "H. 65," because described in Harrisse's _Notes_, no. 65.

_Collation_ (H. 65). Title, with verso blank; "Extraict du Privilege du Roy" (dated Paris, Dec. 22, 1636), p. (1); "Approbation" by the provincial (dated Paris, Dec. 15, 1636), p. (1); "Table des Chapitres," pp. (4); Le Jeune's _Relation_ (11 chaps.), pp. 1-272; Brébeuf's Huron _Relation_, (in two parts, 4 and 9 chaps. respectively), pp. 1-223; verso of last leaf blank.

There are two copies in the Lenox Library, in which we have discovered a number of textual variations which have never been noted before. For the sake of convenience we shall designate these as Lamoignon and Bancroft, the names of former owners whose individual impress they bear. Our reprint, as previously stated, is from the Lamoignon copy. The Quebec reprint (vol. 1, 1858) follows a copy with the text corresponding with the Bancroft variations. All the differences which we have discovered occur in the Huron _Rel ation_, and the references are to the pagination of that part. We give the principal ones below.

LAMOIGNON.

P. 85, last line ends with "s'il ne leur fust" The last four lines of p. 85 are spaced freely to make up for the elision of "arriué." P. 146, l. 2, reads: "d'où ils tirent" P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliance. Si leurs champs" P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe ils sont" P. 158, l. 9, reads: "cõtre" P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentẽt: le" P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ces pauures miserables chanteront" P. 158, l. 18, reads "s'ils estoiẽt vaillãs hommes, ils leur arrachẽt" P. 159, last line ends with "quelque Peuple auec qui ils"

BANCROFT.

P. 85, last line ends with: "s'il ne leur fust arriué" P. 146, l. 2, reads: "dont ils tirent" P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliances, si leurs champs" P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe; ils sont" P. 158, l. 9, reads: "contre" P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentent" P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ce pauure miserable chantera" P. 158, l. 18, reads: "s'il estoit vaillant homme, ils luy arrachent" P. 159, last line ends with: "quelques Peuples auec lesquels ils"

There is still another edition of this _Relation_ in which the matter was reset entirely, and in which the text-page is much larger than in the one described above. Pilling (_Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages_, p. 18) describes the British Museum copy, and the following collation is based on his very careful account of it.

_Collation_ (H. 66). Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; "Table des Chapitres," pp. (2); Le Jeune's _Relation_, pp. 1-199; Brébeuf's Huron _Relation_, pp. 1-164.

Copies of H. 65 may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (two variations), Harvard, Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private), Archives of St. Mary's College (Montreal), and the British Museum. The Barlow copy (1889), no. 1276, sold for $17.50. Priced by Harrassowitz (1882), no. 23, at 125 marks. Copies of H. 66 are in the British Museum, and in the Bibliothèque Nationale (imperfect). We know of no example in America.

NOTES TO VOL. VIII

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text._)

1 (p. 9).--Concerning the increase of French colonists at this time, see vol. vii., _note_ 8.

2 (p. 13).--_Pemptegoüs_: one of numerous variants of the name Penobscot (often mentioned by Lescarbot and Biard as Pentegoët). Specific reference is here made to the peninsula of Matchebiguatus (contracted later to Bagaduce), the site of the present Castine, at the mouth of Penobscot River (see vol. ii., _note_ 6). It was visited by Champlain in 1604, and by John Smith, twelve years later. From that time, it was more or less frequented by English fishing vessels; and, in 1630, the Plymouth Company established here a post for traffic with the Indians. It is this trading station to which Le Jeune refers; in 1635, it was taken for the French by Charles d'Aulnay de Charnisay, a lieutenant of the Commander de Razilly.

The family of Razilly (Razilli or Rasilly), of Touraine, was one of rank, ability, and renown. Early in the seventeenth century it was represented mainly by three brothers--François, who in 1612 undertook, with Daniel de la Touche de la Ravardière, to found a French colony at Maranham, in Brazil; Claude, seigneur de Launay, who also went to Maranham--this colony being destroyed by the Portuguese in 1615; and Isaac, a chevalier of Malta, and commander of the isle Bouchard. All of these men held positions of honor and responsibility in the court, the army, or the navy. François served later as field marshal in the army, and was also sent as ambassador to Savoy. Guérin says that Claude and Isaac became two of the most skillful and renowned seamen of their age; they were commanders of squadrons, and even admirals, in many important naval contests. A memoir relating to "colonies, in view of the increase in the maritime power of France," was presented (1626) by Isaac de Razilly to Richelieu, to which Guérin ascribes much influence in securing the formation of the Company of New France, in the following year.

Isaac was one of the Hundred Associates, and after 1628 was their naval commander. In the spring of 1629, the company, hearing that Kirk's expedition was about to set out from England, prepared a fleet, loaded with supplies for the suffering colonists at Quebec. Orders were given that some of the vessels should sail directly from Dieppe or La Rochelle for Canada, leaving the rest to go later, under Razilly. These orders were neglected, so that, instead of reaching Quebec by the end of May, and thus affording timely aid to Champlain, the ships waited for Razilly--whose commission for Canada was, however, revoked upon the conclusion of the peace of Susa (April 24, 1629), and he was instead sent to Morocco. The vessels finally set sail from La Rochelle, but were delayed by bad weather, thus failing to reach Quebec before its capture by Kirk. The ship commanded by De Caen was taken by the English; that belonging to the Jesuits was wrecked off Canso (see vol. iv., doc. xix.); and those under Desdames and Joubert made their way back to France. In the spring of 1630, another expedition was fitted out by the Company of New France, under Razilly's command, for the recapture of Canada; but it was not despatched thither, owing to the promise of Charles I. to restore Quebec to France--an agreement that was, however, not carried into effect until 1632, because of Louis's delay in paying the dowry that he had promised with Henrietta Maria, Charles's queen. Finally, in that year, De Caen was sent to occupy Quebec for his king. At the same time, Razilly was commissioned to "put the Company of New France in possession of Port Royal"--for which purpose he was given an armed ship named "Espérance en Dieu," and the sum of 10,000 livres; he was also to take with him three Capuchin missionaries. The document authorizing this enterprise was signed by Richelieu March 27, 1632, two days before the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye. Razilly's formal commission to receive Port Royal from the English bears date of May 10 in the same year. These documents are given by Margry, in _MSS. rel. Nouv. France_, vol. i., pp. 85, 110.

Razilly was appointed governor of Acadia, D'Aulnay and Charles de la Tour being his lieutenants; he also obtained from the Company of New France (May 29, 1632) a concession at St. Croix river and bay, 12 by 20 leagues in extent. He established his seat of government at La Hêve. In January, 1635, was formed an association--headed by Isaac and Claude de Razilly, and Cardinal Richelieu--to colonize Port Royal and La Hêve. Isaac de Razilly died in November of that year, and was succeeded by D'Aulnay as governor of Acadia. Claude de Razilly inherited his brother's estates, which, with his own interests in Acadia, he subsequently transferred to D'Aulnay. Harrisse says (_Notes_, p. 57): "He seems to have died in poverty, about the year 1666--at least, we have reason to suppose this, from the petition in verse addressed to the king in 1667, by his sister Marie, a celebrated poetess known as 'Calliope' [1621-1704] to whom Louis XIV. granted a pension of 2,000 livres, in consideration of the straitened circumstances to which she had been reduced by her brother's losses (Titon du Tillet, _Parnasse François_, Paris, 1732, fol., p. 487)."

Concerning the Razillys, see Guérin's _Navig. Français_, pp. 313-338; Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 53-57; and Moreau's _Histoire de l'Acadie Françoise_ (Paris, 1873), pp. 112-117, 129-144.

3 (p. 13).--Quebec, like the other Canadian provinces, possesses great mineral wealth. Magnetic and hematite iron ores are abundant; and a rich vein of chromic iron has recently been found and worked, at Coleraine. A considerable quantity of copper is also mined in Quebec; gold to the amount of $260,905 was produced during the years 1877-94; and in 1894, this province yielded 101,318 ounces of silver. Among its other important mineral productions are asbestos, phosphates, petroleum, and building-stones.

Pierre Boucher (governor of Three Rivers in 1653-58 and 1662-67) thus mentions the mineral products of Canada, in his _Histoire véritable et natvrelle de la Novvelle France_, (Paris, 1664), chap. i.: "Springs of salt water have been discovered, from which excellent salt can be obtained; and there are others, which yield minerals. There is one in the Iroquois Country, which produces a thick liquid, resembling oil, and which is used in place of oil for many purposes. There are also many mines, according to report; I am certain that there are mines of iron and copper in many places. Various reliable persons have assured me that there is a great abundance of lead, and that not far from us; but, as it is along the road by which our Enemies pass, no one has yet dared to go thither to make its discovery."

4 (p. 15).--In regard to the Canadian policy of the Hundred Associates, see vol. iv., _notes_ 21, 38; and vol. vii., _note_ 18. Cf. Faillon (_Col. Fr._, pp. 343-352); he complains that the company, although at first making some efforts to bring over colonists, soon evaded the obligations imposed by their charter, and sent to Canada few besides their own fur-trade employees; that they cleared no land, and only sent provisions to the colony; that they made concessions (as to Giffard, Bourdon, and many others) obliging those to whom lands were given to assume the company's duties of clearing lands, and sending and supporting colonists--which acts should at the same time inure to the benefit of the Associates, and be credited to their account, as if performed by them.

5 (p. 17).--Concerning Duplessis-Bochard, see vol. v., _note_ 34.

6 (p. 19).--Le Jeune states, in the _Relation_ for 1634 (vol. vii. of this series, p. 229), that this fort was built on St. Croix Island (see vol. ii., _note_ 66). The island was afterwards known by the name of the fort. Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 260, _note_) thus cites Faucher: "The little island below Richelieu, where now is a light-house, is precisely the same where was formerly situated a fort, to intercept passage in time of war. The channel adjacent to the island has been measured, and its greatest width is seven arpents; vessels generally pass at a distance of three or four arpents from the island. In all the river, there is no place more suitable for the erection of a fort. At low tide, no water remains in the channel."

7 (p. 19).--_Metaberoutin_: the Three Rivers (St. Maurice); see vol. ii., _note_ 52.

8 (p. 45).--Pierre Pijart was born at Paris, May 17, 1608, and, soon after attaining his majority, became a Jesuit novice. His studies were successively pursued at Paris, La Flèche, and Caen; and, in July, 1635, he came to Canada. He was at once assigned to the Huron mission, where he remained five years. In November, 1640, he went with Garnier to open the Mission of the Holy Apostles among the Tionnontates or Tobacco Nation. This tribe, however, refused to listen to them; and within a year they were obliged to abandon this mission for a time. Pijart was employed at the Ste. Marie residence for some three years. In September, 1645, he was located at Three Rivers, being mentioned by Lalemant, in the _Journal des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1871), p. 5, as "procureur des Hurons." In August, 1650, he returned to France.

9 (p. 47).--Pierre Feauté, a lay brother in the Jesuit order, came to Canada in the summer of 1635; occasional mention of him in _Journ. des Jésu._ shows that he was employed in the Jesuit residence of Notre-Dame des Anges in 1636, and, later, at Quebec. In November, 1651, he made a voyage to France, whither he seems to have finally returned in October, 1657.

Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 212) cites _Catalogus Provinciæ Franciæ_ to show that Brother Pierre le Tellier was, toward 1665, in charge of the _petite école_, or primary department, of the college of Quebec.

10 (p. 47).--Claude Quentin came to Canada in July, 1635, and was assigned soon afterwards to the residence of Three Rivers, with Buteux, where he remained two years. In the summer of 1638, he was sent to the station at Miscou, returning some time later to Quebec, on account of ill-health. In the autumn of 1641, he was appointed procuror of the Canadian missions, occupying this position about six years--during which time he made several journeys between Canada and France, apparently making a final return to the latter country Oct. 21, 1647.

11 (p. 47).--François Joseph le Mercier was born at Paris, Oct. 4, 1604, and, at the age of eighteen, entered the Jesuit novitiate. In 1635, he came to Canada, and labored in the Huron mission until its destruction; he was at Ossossané in 1641-42, and at Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye in 1644. In June, 1656, he went, with other Jesuits, on the mission to the Onondagas, returning to Quebec the following year. He remained on the St. Lawrence during the rest of his labors in Canada, being superior of the missions in that province from August, 1653, until 1658, and again from 1665 to 1670. In November, 1659, he was assigned to a mission at Côte de Beaupré, where he labored nearly a year, being declared vicar of Quebec in October, 1660. Sommervogel says that Le Mercier returned to France in 1673, and was then sent to Martinique as superior of that mission, where he remained until his death, June 12, 1690.

Le Mercier, as superior, wrote various _Relations_ of the Canadian missions, which will appear in later volumes of this series. The Hurons named him Chaüosé; the Iroquois, Teharonhiagannra.

12 (p. 49).--_Echom_ (correctly spelled Echon): see vol. v., _note_ 44.

13 (p. 55).--_Anguien river:_ named for the eldest son of the prince of Condé, whose titular designation was duke of Anguien, or Enghien, from the city of that name in Hainault, near Brussels. The nobleman thus referred to (also mentioned in _Relation_ for 1636, chap. i.) was later known as "the great Condé;" in 1642, he married a niece of Richelieu. The last scion of the house of Condé who bore this name was the unfortunate Louis Antoine, duke of Enghien, court-martialed and shot at Vincennes, March 21, 1804, by order of Napoleon Bonaparte.

The Anguien River cannot well be identified; the name does not appear on maps of that time.

14 (p. 59).--_Petite Nation:_ see vol. v., _note_ 56.

15 (p. 61).--Jean de Quen was born at Amiens in May, 1603, and became a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen. His studies were pursued at Paris; and he afterwards became a teacher in the colleges at Amiens (1630-31), and Eu (1632-35). Coming to Canada in the summer of 1635, he was employed for several years at Quebec--at the college, and at Notre-Dame de Récouvrance. In 1640, he was at Sillery, of which mission he was the head from 1641 to 1649. During this time, he also made evangelizing journeys to neighboring tribes: and, at times, labored in the Ste. Croix mission at Tadoussac, and at Three Rivers. In June, 1651, he went on a mission to the Oumaniwek tribe, and apparently spent the ensuing two years in labors with this and other tribes on the upper Saguenay, with his headquarters at Tadoussac. To him is ascribed the honor of having, while engaged in this work, discovered Lake St. John. In 1655-56, he was superior of the missions of New France, and seems to have remained at Quebec until his death, which occurred Oct. 1, 1659, occasioned by a contagious fever brought on a French vessel, whose sick and dying sailors De Quen was nursing at the hospital.

In August, 1878, the demolition of the old Jesuit College at Quebec brought to light the remains of De Quen, Du Peron, and Jean Liégeois. For detailed accounts of this discovery and its attendant circumstances, with valuable historical information regarding this and other buildings in that city, see Faucher de Saint-Maurice's _Relation des fouilles dans le Collège des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1879); also Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 225-227, 456-465.

16 (p. 61).--Concerning these Turkish pirates, and others, see vol. iv., _note_ 29.

17 (p. 65).--André Richard (here written Antoine, apparently by some error), born Nov. 23, 1600 (or 1599), became a Jesuit, Sept. 26, 1621, at Paris. A student successively at Paris, La Flèche, and Rouen, he was a teacher at Amiens (1624-26), Orleans (1626-28), Caen (1629-30), and Nevers (1631-33). In February, 1634, he departed for Canada, and, with Perrault, was stationed at Cape Breton, replacing Daniel and Davost. Richard remained at this mission about six years, being then sent to Miscou as a co-worker with Jean d'Olbeau, who had gone there in the preceding year; the latter fell ill with scurvy in December, 1642, and, afflicted with paralysis resulting therefrom, he was obliged to leave for France in the following summer--dying, however, while on the voyage, through an accidental explosion of powder, which destroyed the ship.

In 1646, Richard was joined by De Lyonne; and he remained on the coast of Gaspe--during most of the time, at Miscou--until 1661, making voyages to France in 1658 and 1659. According to Dionne ("Miscou," in _Canada-Français_, July, 1889), he spent the year 1661-62 at Chedabouctou in Acadia, after which he went back to France. Returning to Canada in 1666, he became superior of the Jesuit residence at Three Rivers; he is said to have died in 1696.

18 (p. 65).--Charles Turgis was born at Rouen, Oct. 14, 1606, and became a Jesuit as soon as he attained his majority. He studied at La Fléche and Clermont, and was a teacher in the former college during two years. In 1635, he arrived in Canada, and was sent to Miscou with Du Marché, to minister to the French (then 23 in number) residing at that post. The climate of Miscou, although now salubrious, seems to have been, at that early time, full of danger to Europeans; the island was repeatedly swept by the scurvy, which was usually fatal. The missionaries soon became its victims; Du Marché was compelled to return to France, and Turgis, although more robust, and longer resisting the disease, was laid low by it in March, 1637, dying on May 4. An account of his illness and death is given in the _Relation_ for that year, which says of him: "He was equally regretted by the French and by the Savages, who honored and tenderly loved him."

19 (p. 65).--Charles du Marché was assigned to the Miscou station at the same time as Turgis (1635), the missionary residence being named St. Charles. Within a year of their arrival, Du Marché was attacked by the prevalent scourge of that region--the _mal du terre_, or scurvy--and was compelled to return to Quebec. Here he remained a few months, being employed at the chapel as confessor; in August, 1636, he was aiding Buteux at Three Rivers; later, he returned to France.

20 (p. 67).--Concerning Jean Liégeois, see vol. vii., _note_ 7.

Gilbert Burel, a lay brother, had come to Canada with the first Jesuit missionaries (1625), and again, with Le Jeune, in 1632. The latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does not occur in the _Relations_, excepting in this passage in our text.

21 (p. 69).--_Sonontoerrhonons_, also variously written Entouhonorons (Champlain), Sonnontouans, Tsonnontouans: the westernmost and also the largest of the five Iroquois tribes or cantons; by early Dutch writers called Sennecas or Sinnekens, by the English Senecas, and among themselves Nun-dá-wa-o-nó (Morgan) or Nan-do-wah-gaah (Marshall). The latter writer says that the name Sonnontouan is derived from the Seneca words _onondah_, "hill," and _go waah_, "great,"--"the people of the great hill," alluding to Boughton Hill, where was located their principal village, Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah (or Gandagaro); and that "Seneca" is a corruption of Nan-do-wah-gaah.--See his pamphlet, _First visit of De la Salle to the Senecas_ [Buffalo, 1874], p. 44.

Beauchamp, in his "Origin and Early life of the N. Y. Iroquois," _Transactions of Oneida Hist. Society_, 1887-89, (Oneida, N. Y., 1889), p. 124, derives the Senecas "from the Eries, perhaps within historic times. That the Senecas differed from the other Iroquois, in religious observances, totems and clans, habits of life, and other things, is very clear." He also writes, in a recent letter: "The Senecas always had two great villages, and were probably at first a minor confederacy--the two branches being clearly distinguished in all historic times, and even now. Among the leading founders of the League they had two great chiefs where the others had but one, in every account. In the last half of the seventeenth century, the two great Seneca towns, "held by their two branches, were at Mendon, and at Boughton Hill, Victor. In 1660, the easternmost Seneca village was 20 miles west of Geneva, and all were comprised within a very few miles." Their villages are shown on J.S. Clark's map of "Seneca Castles and Mission Sites," in Hawley's "Early Chapters in Seneca History," _Cayuga Co. Hist. Collections_, No. 3, (Auburn, N. Y., 1884); see also his note identifying their sites, pp. 25, 26. This paper is a careful and minute account of the Jesuit missions among the Senecas (1656-84), with valuable annotations by both Hawley and Clark. The chief Seneca villages in recent times were near the sites of the present Geneva, Canandaigua, Lima, and Avon.

22 (p. 71).--This chief, La Perdrix, is mentioned also in the _Relation_ for 1634. In regard to the Island tribe, see vol. v., _note_ 57.

23 (p. 71).--_Attiguenongha_ (Atignenongach, Attigneenongnahac, Attiniatoenten): this and the Attignaouantan, or Bear Nation, (see vol. v., _note_ 17), were not only the most important, but the oldest of the Huron tribes, "having received into their country, and adopted, the others" (_Relation_ for 1639, chap. i.), and being able to trace their tribal history for two centuries back. This tribe was the southernmost of the Huron clans; one of its most important towns was Teanaustayé, located in what is now Medonté township. Here was situated the Jesuit mission of St. Joseph, destroyed by the Iroquois in 1649.

24 (p. 71).--_Arendarhonons_, Ahrendarrhonons, or Renarhonons (Sagard, who also calls them "nation de la Roche"): the easternmost tribe of Hurons, located west of the Severn River. They were the first of the Hurons to engage in trade with the French, and regarded themselves as the special allies of the latter. It was with this tribe that Champlain spent the winter of 1615-16 (see vol. v., _note_ 52), at their village of Cahiagué, where, later, was established the Jesuit mission of St. Jean Baptiste.

25 (p. 75).--The Ottawa and St. Lawrence Rivers have many and often dangerous rapids; but both rivers are now rendered navigable by canals around the rapids. The Chaudière Falls above Ottawa, and the Lachine Rapids above Montreal, are the most noted of these obstructions. In the St. Lawrence River are 30 miles of rapids. The elevation between Lake Ontario and tidewater is 240 feet.

The name "Rivière des Prairies" was at first applied to the Ottawa River (see vol. ii., _note_ 53); but it is now restricted to the channel that separates Isle Jésus from the island of Montreal.

26 (p. 81).--Simon Baron was one of the Jesuit donnés. Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 53): "He had lived at Chibou, Cape Breton Island, about 1631, and had there acquired some surgical knowledge. In 1634, he was in the service of the Jesuits, and accompanied the missionaries to the Huron country, whence he returned in 1637. He is mentioned at Three Rivers in 1637, 1658, and 1664." During the epidemic of 1637, Baron acquired renown through his facility in handling the lancet.

27 (p. 85).--Concerning La Rochelle, see vol. v., _note_ 60.

28 (p. 91).--For location of Toanché, see vol. v., _note_ 61.

29 (p. 99).--Jean Nicolet, a native of Cherbourg, France, came to Quebec in 1618, probably at the age of about 20 years. Like Marsolet, Brulé, and others, he was sent by Champlain to live among the Indians, that he might acquire a knowledge of the country, of the natives, and of their language. For this purpose, Nicolet went (1620) to the Algonkins of Allumettes Island, where he remained two years; while among this tribe, he accompanied a large body of their warriors to the Iroquois country, in order to arrange a treaty of peace--an enterprise successfully accomplished. He then spent some nine years among the Nipissings, during which time he wrote an account of these savages, their customs, etc., as Le Jeune informs us in the _Relation_ for 1636.

Upon the recovery of Canada by the French, Nicolet returned to Quebec, probably early in 1633. In June, 1634, Champlain sent him on an exploring expedition westward--partly in the hope of finding the "sea of China" which was at that time supposed to lie not far west of the regions of America then known, and thereby discovering the long-looked-for short passage to Asia; partly to become acquainted with the savage tribes lying beyond the "Mer douce" (Lake Huron), and to extend the French trade for peltries. Upon this trip (accompanying Brébeuf as far as Allumettes Island), Nicolet went to his old abode, Lake Nipissing. Thence, with a bark canoe, and an escort of seven Hurons, he voyaged by French River into Lake Huron, and northward to St. Mary's Straits and Mackinac; and thence by Lake Michigan, Green Bay, and the Fox River, as far as a village of the Mascoutins, probably in what is now Green Lake county, Wisconsin. He was thus the first white man who, so far as is recorded, had entered this region. From the Mascoutin village, he journeyed southward to what is now Northern Illinois,--afterwards returning to Canada by the same route on which he had set out; he reached Quebec early in the autumn of 1635. This notable voyage was generally supposed to have occurred in 1639, until Sulte advanced the theory, in _Mélanges d'Histoire et de Littérature_ (Ottawa, 1876), pp. 426, 436, that it must have been in 1634-35--a theory apparently verified by Butterfield, in his painstaking _Discovery of the Northwest by Jean Nicolet_ (Cincinnati, 1881).

Nicolet, after his return to Canada, resumed his employment (begun in 1633) as clerk and interpreter at Three Rivers. Oct. 7, 1637, he married Marguerite (then aged eleven years), second daughter of Guillaume Couillard. Probably about this time, he obtained, jointly with his brother-in-law, Le Tardif (see vol. v., _note_ 49), the estate of Belleborne (so named from the brook of Belleborne, which traverses the "plains of Abraham"). In 1641, the Iroquois having attacked the Algonkins in the near vicinity of Three Rivers, Nicolet, with the Jesuit Ragueneau, attempted, but with little success, to turn aside the hostile savages.

Nicolet died Oct. 29, 1642, being drowned at Sillery; he left but one child, Marguerite, who in 1656 married Jean Baptiste le Gardeur.

Full accounts of Nicolet and of his discoveries are given in Butterfield's monograph, and by Sulte, _ut supra_; also in Jouan's "Jean Nicolet," and Butterfield's bibliography of the subject, _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, vol. xi., pp. 1-25. Cf. also Sulte's "Notes on Jean Nicolet," _Id._, vol. viii., pp. 188-194. Nicolet river and lake, in Wolfe county, Que., are named for this noted explorer; the river had been, until about 1640, known as the St. Jean.

30 (p. 103).--_Le Borgne_: this name, meaning "the one-eyed," was applied by the French, during many years, to the Algonkin chief at the head of the Island tribe (see vol. v., _note_ 57), whose native name was Tessouehat (or Tessoueatch).

Champlain mentions that, in June, 1603, he met at Tadoussac an Algonkin sagamore named Besouat; Laverdière (_Champlain_, p. 76) thinks this is simply an error for Tesouat. Just ten years later, Champlain visited Tessouat at Allumettes Island, and speaks of the latter as "a good old Captain."

Again, in 1629, he mentions Le Borgne (apparently the successor of the first-named) as "a good Savage and a man of intelligence" (Laverdière's ed., p. 1198). It was this man who is mentioned in our text as alarming the Hurons by reports of Champlain's intended vengeance for Brulé's murder; he died in August, 1635. In the spring of that year, he had gone (as Brébeuf tells us) with an Algonkin embassy to the Huron country, to ask the latter tribes to unite with them in an attack upon the Iroquois, which proposal was declined by the Hurons.

A third Le Borgne was Tessouehat (called by the Hurons Andesson or Ondesson), characterized by the missionaries as "unusually arrogant and malicious" (_Relation_ for 1641). Much to their surprise, he came down to Montreal in March, 1643, for Christian instruction, and was baptized under the name of Paul. In the _Relation_ for that year, Vimont says of this chief: "As soon as he became a Christian, God gave him the gentleness and meekness of a little child;" and the missionaries were greatly delighted and edified by his piety.

In May, 1646, a chief of this name took part in a council held at Three Rivers with an embassy from the Iroquois; but, as he invoked the sun to be a witness of the negotiations, he must have been a heathen, and therefore a successor to the preceding chief. This same man was rebuked by a converted Indian at Sillery for not being a Christian; but his pious death, after an illness of two years, is recorded in the _Relation_ for 1654. He, too, like his predecessor, was renowned as much for his arrogance as for his eloquence.

31 (p. 105).--_Oënrio_ (Ouenrio, or Wenrio): the site of this village, which was located in a populous Huron neighborhood, has not been identified beyond question. Du Creux's map places it near the head of an inlet--evidently the one now known as Dault's Bay, on the west side of Tiny township; and he associates it with the mission of St. Charles. There are remains which correspond very nearly to this position; though some have supposed that Oënrio was nearer Penetanguishene Bay, where the remains of another village have been found. As it contained part of the Hurons from Toanché, it may be assumed that it was not far from Thunder Bay.--A.F. HUNTER.

32 (p. 111).--_Sagamité_: see vol. v., _note_ 28.

33 (p. 115).--_Mer douce_: see vol. i., _note_ 54.

34 (p. 115).--Brébeuf here gives the Huron names of the other tribes composing the great Huron-Iroquois family. Concerning the _Khionontaterrhonons_ (Tobacco Nation), see vol. v., _note_ 18.

_Atiouandaronks_ (Attiwandarons, Atiraguenrek, or Atirhangenrets): called by the French "Nation Neutre," because they were at peace with both the Hurons and the Iroquois, between whom they lived. Harris thus endeavors to account for this neutrality, in his paper, "The Flint-Workers," _Publications of Buffalo Historical Society_, vol. iv. (Buffalo, 1896), p. 239: "There is but one solution of this problem, and that is to be found in the immense quantities of flint along the east end of Lake Erie. Without flint arrow and spear heads, the Iroquois could not cope with the Hurons, nor the Hurons with the Iroquois; and, as the Neutrals controlled the chert beds, neither nation could afford to make the Neutrals its enemy."

Eastward of the Neutrals, lay the territories of the Five Nations, or Iroquois League. Clark's map of this region, showing locations of the several tribes and of their villages, is given in Hawley's _Early Chapters of Cayuga History_, 1656-84 (Auburn, N. Y., 1879); Morgan (_Iroq. League_) also gives a map, showing locations in recent times. For historical sketch of the tribes included in the League, see Beauchamp's _Origin of N. Y. Iroquois_ (cited in _note_ 21, _ante_) pp. 119-142; he says: "The Huron-Iroquois family thus seems to have been the last wave of the migratory tribes advancing from the west and northwest, and had not reached the sea 300 years ago, except a few individuals on the St. Lawrence. The Tuscaroras might also be excepted.... Almost parallel with these [the Algonquins], but a little later as a whole, the Huron-Iroquois, finding the southern regions occupied, advanced along the north, through Michigan, Canada, and Ohio, pressing toward the sea, but generally prevented from reaching it by the Algonquins. This is very nearly the tradition of the Delawares, who represent the Iroquois as moving from the west in a line parallel with their own migrations, but a little in the rear. The Huron-Iroquois occupied temporarily the solitudes of Canada and New York, as well as Michigan and Northern Ohio, gathering strength within their narrow limits, until they could force a passage south along the Susquehanna. There the Andastis stopped and grew strong. The Eries passed along the south shore of their lake, the Hurons and Neutrals on the north. The Tuscaroras reached North Carolina, and all the southern Iroquois may have had temporary homes in New York at an early day." For estimates of the military strength of the respective tribes, in 1660 and 1677, see Parkman's _Jesuits_, p. 297.

(1) _Sonontoerrhonons_ (Senecas): see _note 21, ante_. (2) _Ouioenrhonons_ (Ouiogweronons, Oiogouins, or Goyogouins): the Cayugas, next east from the Senecas, and probably kindred with them. The name of the tribe is derived from that of the lake, the meaning of which is variously rendered. Beauchamp says (_Iroq. Trail_, p. 57): "D. Cusick makes it _Go-yo-goh_, 'mountain rising from water;' Albert Cusick, _Kwe-u-kwe_, 'where they drew their boats ashore;' L. H. Morgan, _Gwe-u-gweh_, 'at the mucky land.' All seem to refer to the higher and firm land beyond the Montezuma marshes." Much valuable information regarding this tribe is given in Hawley's _Early Cayuga Hist._ (cited _supra_); on p. 21, a note by Clark thus mentions their chief towns: "Their principal village, Goi-o-gouen (a name also applied by the early French writers to the country and canton of the Cayugas), appears to have been located at this time [1657] about 3½ miles south of Union Springs, near Great Gully Brook. Thiohero, ten miles distant, was on the east side of Seneca River, at the northern extremity of Cayuga Lake. The archæological remains in the vicinity of Goi-o-gouen indicate different locations occupied at different periods, one of which was on a point at the junction of two ravines about four miles from the lake; this was very ancient, and probably occupied in the prehistoric age." The site of Thiohero has been recently identified, 2½ miles east of Savannah. (3) _Onontaerrhonons_ (Onnontaes, Onnondaetonnons, or Onnontagués): the Onondagas (in their own tongue, Onondáhka). Beauchamp says (_Orig. of N. Y. Iroquois_, pp. 123, 124, 130): "It is very likely that there was an earlier Huron-Iroquois settlement of Central New York [before the coming of the Mohawks] from Jefferson county, where there are many fort sites. Among these are traces of Huron burial customs, and the earthenware is generally finer than that farther south, there being often temporary deterioration in such things, as men recede from the parent stock. From that region the Onondagas certainly came, as they relate.... I have little doubt that the Onondagas were driven out of Jefferson county by the Hurons, about the same time that the Mohawks had to leave Montreal." An interesting mention of this tribe, at nearly the same time as Brébeuf's (possibly a little earlier), is made by Arent Van Curler (who calls them "Onnedagens"), in his Journal of 1634-35, (accompanied by an Iroquois vocabulary), a translation of which, with notes by James G. Wilson, is published in _Annual Report of Amer. Hist. Association_, 1895, pp. 81-101. This was probably the most influential of the Five Nations; their village of Onnontagué (Onondaga) was the capital of the confederacy, where their principal councils were held. Clark says (_Early Cayuga Hist._, p. 9): "This was situated on a considerable elevation between two deep ravines, formed by the west and middle branches of Limestone Creek, in the present town of Pompey, N. Y., two miles south of the village of Manlius. It contained at this time [1656] 300 warriors, with 140 houses, several families often occupying a single house. Their cornfields extended for two miles, north and south, and in width from one-half to three-fourths of a mile, interspersed with their dwellings. The grand council chamber was here, in which all matters of interest, common to the several nations of the League, were decided. This site was abandoned about 1680." Beauchamp writes: "At the time of Champlain's attack on the Oneida town, the Onondagas were living on the east side of Limestone Creek, about 1½ miles west of Cazenovia Lake. Alarmed by this invasion, they went farther south, selecting a site which commanded the whole valley. Then, as the Huron war progressed favorably, they went northward again, crossing the ridge and reaching the west branch of Limestone Creek, being on its banks a little south of Pompey Center about 1640. In 1654, Le Moyne visited them at their great village still farther north, at Indian Hill, two miles south of Manlius village. Thence, by a gradual removal, they went to the east side of Butternut Creek, where their fort was burned in 1696. Soon afterward, they occupied the east side of Onondaga Valley, but were almost entirely on the west side of the creek by 1750; and after the sale of their lands they retired to their present reservation." (4) _Onoiochronons_ (Oneiouchronons, Oneiouts, or Onneyouts): "the people of the stone," commonly known as Oneidas. This tribe and the Cayugas were of somewhat inferior rank among the other Iroquois tribes. According to Pyrtæus, "the alliance having been first proposed by a Mohawk chief, the Mohawks rank in the family as the _eldest brother_, the Oneidas as the _eldest son_; the Senecas, who were the last that consented to the alliance, were called the _youngest son_." Cf. _Relation_ for 1646, chap. i.: "Onnieoute is a tribe which, the greater part of its men having been destroyed by the upper Algonquins, was compelled to call upon the Annierronnons to repeople it; whence it comes that the Annierronnons call it their daughter." They lived almost entirely in Madison county, having usually one village, but sometimes two. Their settlements were entirely confined to the valleys of Oneida and Oriskany Creeks,--mainly the former." (5) _Agnierrhonons_ (Agnongherronons, Anniengehronnons, Agniers, or Aniers): "the people of the flint," called Maquas by the Dutch, and Mohawks by the English; the easternmost of the Iroquois tribes, occupying the lower part of the Mohawk River valley. They were probably the inhabitants of Hochelaga (Montreal), whom Cartier found in 1535, and the name Canada, then first used by the French, is itself a Mohawk word. Their own traditions represent the Mohawks as living on the St. Lawrence, in alliance with the Algonkin tribe of Adirondacks; a dispute arising between them, the former were driven out by their Algonkin neighbors, probably late in the sixteenth century.--See Beauchamp's _N. Y. Iroquois_; cf. Sulte's sketch of the Algonkin-Iroquois wars, in vol. v. of this series, _note_ 52; the latter thinks that the Montreal Iroquois had retired to Lake Simcoe by 1615. Beauchamp says (_Iroq. Trail_, p. 55): "The three Mohawk castles were in Montgomery county. When first visited by the Dutch, there was a castle for each clan, the Bear, Wolf, and Turtle. Two villages only were in existence about 1600, as the Wolf clan sprang out of the Bear (according to an early writer), having probably lived with them. One of the two villages is on the south side of the river; the other is in Ephrata, in Fulton county." Wilson says, in a note on Van Curler's Journal (_Am. Hist. Asso. Rept._, 1895, p. 99): "The abandoned castle pointed out by the Mohawks seems to have marked their farthest eastern extension. Their early villages were in a radius of a dozen miles from Canajoharie, but they moved eastward until checked by the Mohicans. Later, European pressure forced them back until the western castle was at Danube." The sites of these Mohawk towns in 1642, as identified by Clark, are thus given by Shea, in his translation of Martin's _Life of Jogues_ (3rd ed., N. Y., 1885), p. 85: "Ossernenon (Osserinon, Agnié, Oneougiouré, or Asserua), later Cahniaga or Caughnawaga, was near the present station of Auriesville; Tionnontoguen, on a hill just south of Spraker's Basin, about 13 miles west of Ossernenon; Andagaron, or Gandagaron, between them, and also on the south side of the river." Beauchamp makes some corrections on Clark's map, which will be noted in later volumes. It was at Ossernenon that the martyrdom of Isaac Jogues occurred--an event which is now being commemorated by the erection of a costly memorial church, at Auriesville.

_Andastoerrhonons_ (or Andastes): called Minquas by the Dutch, and Susquehannocks or Conestogas by the English. Ragueneau (_Relation_ for 1648) mentions "the Andastoëronons, allies of our Hurons, and who talk like them." Clarke (_Early Cayuga Hist._, p. 36, _note_) thus describes them: "_Andastes_, a term used generically by the French, and applied to several distinct Indian tribes located south of the Five Nations, in the present territory of Pennsylvania. They were of kindred blood and spoke a dialect of the same language as the Iroquois of New York. The most northerly of these tribes, called by Champlain in 1615 Carantouannais, were described by him as residing south of the Five Nations, and distant a short three days' journey from the Iroquois fort attacked by him that year, which fort is supposed to have been located in the town of Fenner, Madison Co., N. Y. Late researches appear to warrant the conclusion that the large town called Carantouan by Champlain was located on what is now called "Spanish Hill," near Waverly, Tioga Co., N. Y. One of the most southerly tribes was located at the Great Falls between Columbia and Harrisburg, Pa., and in the vicinity of the latter place; described by Gov. Smith in 1608 as occupying five towns, and called by him Sasquesahanoughs or Susquehannas. At an early date, a tribe resided in the vicinity of Manhattan, called Minquas; and the Dutch colonists appear to have applied this term to all cognate tribes west of them and south of the Five Nations. The Jesuit Fathers had no missions among them, although frequent reference is made in the _Relations_ to the wars between them and the Iroquois. These tribes were engaged in various wars with the Iroquois, which began as early as 1600 and continued with more or less frequency until 1675, those nearest the Five Nations being first overthrown. At the latter date, their power for further resistance appears to have been completely broken, and they were incorporated into the League; a part, however, retreated southward, and were menaced by the Maryland and Virginia troops, the last remnant falling victims to the butchery of the 'Paxton boys' [1763]." Cf. Shea's paper on these tribes, _Hist. Mag._, vol ii., pp. 294-297. In 1651, a part of the Minquas, then living on the Delaware River, sold their lands to the Dutch West India Company, reserving only the right of hunting and fishing thereon (_N. Y. Colon. Docs._, vol. i., pp. 593-600). There was also a division known as the "Black Minquas," who were claimed by the Mohawks as an offshoot.

_Rhiierrhonons_ (Riguehronons, Eriechronons, Errieronons, or Erigas): called by the French "Nation du Chat" ("Cat Nation"). This appellation was given, according to the _Relation_ for 1654, "because in their country are a prodigious number of wild cats." But on this point Beauchamp writes thus: "Albert Cusick, my Onondaga interpreter, tells me that _Kah-kwah_ [another name applied to this tribe] means 'an eye swelled like a cat's,'--that is, prominent rather than deep-set; this would indicate that the name refers to a physical characteristic, rather than to the wild cats mentioned by the missionaries." This tribe inhabited the south shore of Lake Erie; they were fierce and warlike, and used poisoned arrows; they had frequent wars with the Iroquois, and were vanquished and utterly destroyed by the latter in 1655-56.

_Ahouenrochrhonons_ (Awenrherhonons, or Wenrôhronons): a small tribe at the eastern end of Lake Erie, lying between the Eries and the Neutrals. According to the _Relation_ for 1639, this tribe was for some time allied to the Neutrals; but, some dispute arising between them, the Awenrherhonons left their own country in that year, and took refuge with the Hurons. The _Relation_ for 1641 (chap. vi.) mentions them as living at the town of Khioetoa (St. Michel), and as well disposed towards the missionaries.

The two remaining tribes in Brébeuf's list have not yet been identified. Beauchamp thinks the _Scahentoarrhonons_ may have been the Skenchiohronons, mentioned as a sedentary tribe in the _Relation_ for 1640 (indicated on Sanson's map as Squenguioron, at the west end of Lake Erie); the _Conkhandeenrhonons_ he conjectures to have been the Carantouans, or possibly one of the divisions of the Senecas (q.v., _ante_).

35 (p. 117).--_Sonontoen_ (Sonnontouan, Tsonnontouan, or Tegarnhies): see _note 21, ante_: the chief town of the Senecas. It was also known by the names of Totiakton, Theodehacto and Dá-u-de-hok-to (Morgan), meaning "at the bend," or "bended stream." It is in the town of Mendon, on the N.E. bend of Honeoye Creek, two miles N. of Honeoye Falls, and 12½ miles due S. from the centre of Rochester; see Clark's map, cited in _note 21, ante_.

Franquelin's _Carte de la Louisiane_ (1684) shows Sonontouan east of the present Genesee River; south of it a point is thus designated, _fontaine d'eau qui brule_, "spring of water which burns." Cf. the _fontaine brulante_ on Bellin's map in Charlevoix's _Nouv. France_, tome i., p. 440. René de Galinée, in his journal of La Salle's voyage (1669-70), also mentions this spring, as situated four leagues south of Sonnontouan. Marshall, commenting on this in his pamphlet, _De la Salle among the Senecas_, p. 23, _note_, describes the spring (one of many in Western New York), in which an inflammable gas rises from the water, and is readily lighted with a match.

At Sonnontouan was located the Jesuit mission of La Conception.

36 (p. 117).--A similar description of Ataentsic and Jouskeha is given by Sagard (_Canada_, Tross ed., pp. 452-455), from whom Brébeuf seems to have obtained part of the information given in the text--two sentences being the same, word for word, as in Sagard--an appropriation easily explained, in view of Brébeuf's recent arrival among the Hurons, and consequent difficulties in obtaining a knowledge of their beliefs. Sagard says that they told him that "this God Youskeha existed before this Universe, which, with all that was therein, he had created; that, although he grew old, like all things in this world, he did not lose his being and his power; and that, when he became old, he had power to rejuvenate himself in a moment, and to transform himself into a young man of twenty-five or thirty years; thus he never died, and remained immortal, although, like other human beings, he was to some extent subject to corporeal necessities."

Lafitau (_Mœurs des Sauvages_, t. i., pp. 244, 401) also mentions Ataentsic--"the Queen of the Manes"--but names her grandson Tharonhiaouagon. Parkman thinks this latter personage (also written Tarenyowagon) was a divinity peculiar to the Iroquois Five Nations. Brinton discusses these legends at length in _American Hero-Myths_ (Phila., 1882), pp. 53-62; and also in _Myths of the New World_ (3rd ed.), pp. 156, 203-205; in the latter work, he considers that Taronhiawagon was but Jouskeha (Ioskeha) under another name, and explains the stories of all these deities as myths of the Sun and Moon, of Night and Day, of the conflict between light and darkness. Cf. Parkman's _Jesuits_, lxxv.-lxxvii., and the outline of Huron cosmogony given by Hale in _Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore_, vol. i., pp. 177-183; see also Cusick's account of the creation, in Beauchamp's _Iroquois Trail_, pp. 1-5.

37 (p. 121).--For references on the subject of the immortality of souls, see vol. vi., _note_ 17.

38 (p. 125).--Scanonaenrat (where was the mission of St. Michael) was one of the largest towns of the Huron country--itself comprising the entire nation of the Tohontahenrats. It was on the forest trail leading from the upper mission towns in Tiny township to Teanaustayé (St. Joseph), and about 1¼ leagues from the latter (_Relation_ for 1639). Du Creux's map places it at a short distance northwest of the small body of water now known as Orr Lake; and there are extensive remains in the tract between this lake and the modern village of Waverley that correspond very well with the numerous references to St. Michael in the _Relations_. Here have been found, in a space about two miles square, traces of a large town, and of half a dozen others, smaller, but similar. With each of these sites there is, instead of the usual ossuary, a cemetery of isolated graves. In this respect the Tohontahenrats appear to have differed from the other Huron nations, who adopted the ossuary almost to the exclusion of every other mode of burial. One small ossuary, however, was found in this tract in 1895 (_Ontario Archæol. Rept._, 1894-95, p. 42). Among its contents were four brass finger-rings, on which can be distinctly seen the cross and the initials I. H. S. Patches of ground strewn with iron tomahawks--indubitable signs of Indian conflict--are common in this neighborhood, confirming the Jesuits' accounts of the battles of 1648-50, when seven hundred Huron warriors were quartered here (_Relation_ for 1649, chap. iii.), and suggesting other conflicts which these chroniclers had probably overlooked in the general confusion of that period. Several farms in the first concession of Medonté township (lots 68 to 74 inclusive), in the immediate neighborhood of St. Michael, abound in this class of relics. Dr. Taché's location of this mission town, as given in the map of the Huron country in Parkman's _Jesuits_, is several miles from the correct position.--A. F. HUNTER.

39 (p. 125).--_Lake of the Hiroquois_: see vol. i., _note_ 67.

40 (p. 135).--See Hunter's note on the Tobacco Nation, vol. v., _note_ 18. Hale found, in 1872-74 (_Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore_, vol. i., p. 178), among the Wyandots of the Anderdon Reserve, "the most archaic form of the Huron-Iroquois speech that had yet been discovered. I believe it to be the dialect which was spoken by the tribe formerly known to the French colonists as the 'Tobacco People' (Nation du Petun), but among the Hurons and Iroquois as the Tionontates (corrupted by the English to Dionondaddies), which means, apparently, 'people beyond the hills.'"

41 (p. 139).--_Neutral Nation_ (Atiwandaronks): see _note_ 34, _ante_. Their villages were situated north of Lake Erie, mainly on the western side of Niagara (Onguiaahra) River. The Récollet La Roche-Daillon, writing in 1627, says (Shea's _Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp. 265, 266) that the Neutrals had then twenty-eight towns, cities, and villages, under one renowned chief, Souharissen, who "acquired this honor and power by his courage, and by having been repeatedly at war with seventeen nations that are their enemies, and taken heads or brought in prisoners from them all." Coyne writes us: "The early reports and maps show clearly that they occupied the entire north shore of Lake Erie, from river to river, besides extending a short distance east of the Niagara. There can be no reasonable doubt that the numerous earthworks and village sites from Detroit to Buffalo, on the north shore, are remains of the Neutral tribes or nation. Sanson's map of 1656, and Du Creux's of 1660, are perfectly clear on this point, and entirely consistent with Lalemant's relation of the visit of Brébeuf and Chaumonot to this nation in 1640-41, as well as with Champlain's brief reference and Daillon's letter describing his sojourn there in 1626-27." Beauchamp writes: "A fort and cemetery in Cambria, Niagara county, I consider a town of the Neutrals. It contains French articles, and there were no Seneca towns in that vicinity at any time." Cf. the description of these remains given by O. Turner, in _Pioneer History of Holland Purchase_ (Buffalo, 1850), pp. 26-28.

Morgan says (_Iroq. League_, p. 41, _note_): "The Neuter nation were known to the Iroquois as the 'Cat Nation'--the word itself, Je-go-sa-sa, signifying 'a wild cat' Charlevoix has assigned this name to the Eries." Marshall thinks, in his _Niagara Frontier_ (rev. ed., Buffalo, 1881), p. 6, that "the Neutral Nation were called Kah-kwas by the Senecas, and were exterminated by them as early as 1651." Beauchamp differs from this opinion, saying: "On the map of 1680, the Kakouagoga, 'a nation destroyed,' is placed near Buffalo, but no mention is made of the Eries; for this reason I think Marshall mistaken in identifying the Kah-kwas with the Neutrals."

For a more detailed account of this tribe, see Harris's _Flint-Workers_, cited in _note_ 34, _ante_; and Coyne's _Country of the Neutrals_.

42 (p. 139).--The village of Onentisati (Onnentisati) was situated about midway on the west side of Tiny township. In the Ontario Archæological Museum are some relics taken from a bone-pit at the supposed site of Onentisati--three portions of beavers' jaws with teeth, two bone awls, one trumpet-mouthed pipe-head, and one of cylindrical shape.--A. F. HUNTER.

43 (p. 141).--François Petit-Pré was one of the Jesuit engagés; he remained with the missionaries in the Huron country during several years, and was the only Frenchman at the mission who escaped the pestilence of 1637. The registers of Three Rivers mention him as present there in 1635, and again in 1641. The river Petit-Pré, in Montmorency county, Que. (granted to Jean de Lauson, in 1652), may have been named for him.

44 (p. 157).--Julien Perrault arrived in Canada April 30, 1634, and, with André Richard, was sent to the Cape Breton mission. He must have returned to France within a year, for his name does not appear in the list given by Le Jeune at the end of the _Relation_ for 1635, nor is his name mentioned elsewhere in the _Relations_.

45 (p. 157).--For various names applied to Cape Breton Island, see vol. ii., _note_ 62. For its history, with copious bibliographical and statistical notes, see Bourinot's valuable monograph, _Historical and Descriptive Account of the Island of Cape Breton_ (Montreal, 1892). An excellent map of the island is given at the end of Brown's _Cape Breton_.

46 (p. 157).--_Chibou_: also known as Grand Chibou or Cibou; the inland estuary or lake now called Bras d'Or, which extends from the eastern to the southwestern part of the island, almost severing it in two. The name Bras d'Or is modern (perhaps a corruption of Labrador, the name, given the inlet on old charts, both French and English). See Bourinot's _Cape Breton_, p. 93; and Brown's _Cape Breton_, pp. 2, 5, 77.

47 (p. 159)--_Marmot_: either the hoary marmot (see vol. vi., _note_ 22), or the allied species, _Arctomys monax_, commonly called "woodchuck," which abounds throughout the northern United States and Canada.

_Parrot fish_: a name given to various species of the families _Labridæ_ and _Scaridæ_, from their brilliant colors, or the peculiar shape of the head. Most of these species belong to tropical or semi-tropical regions, but several are found along the northern Atlantic coast. That mentioned in the text may be the cunner or blue-perch, _Ctenolabrus adspersus_.

48 (p. 185).--For origin of the term "patriarch," as applied to priests, see vol. i, pp. 161, 163, and _note_ 25.

49 (p. 215).--The war here referred to was a part of the Thirty Years' War. Gustavus Adolphus, the leader of the Protestant alliance, was killed at the battle of Lutzen, Nov. 16, 1632. Richelieu had, in 1631, formed a treaty of alliance between France and Sweden; this was renewed in 1633, with Oxenstiern, the successor of Gustavus; and France, in accordance therewith, gave moral and financial support to the Protestants in their struggle against Austria and Spain. Finally, in May, 1635, France, having formed an alliance with Holland, declared war against Spain, and the allied armies invaded the Netherlands; while other French armies were sent into Lorraine, Germany, and Italy. Thus scattered, and often under inefficient commanders, the armies of France could accomplish little; and for years the war continued with but slight advantage for either side. Not until Oct. 24, 1648, was the long conflict ended by the treaty of Westphalia.

50 (p. 217).--The death of Champlain, who had long been governor of New France (see vol. ii., _note_ 42), occurred Dec. 25, 1635. His successor was Charles Huault de Montmagny, a chevalier of the military order of St. John of Jerusalem, more commonly known as Knights of Malta. His commission was dated March 10, 1636; but Sulte (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 59) notes that certain official "acts" of the Hundred Associates, dated at Paris Jan. 15, 1636, mention Montmagny as "governor for the said company, under the authority of the king and of the cardinal duke of Richelieu, of Quebec and of other places on the river St. Lawrence." This would imply that the Associates had appointed him to this post in anticipation of Champlain's death, or possibly to supersede the latter. He arrived at Quebec on June 11 following.

The praises lavished by the missionaries upon Montmagny seem largely justified by his conduct as governor, and by the opinions of other historians. He was a man of great personal courage, executive ability, good judgment, and profound piety. He was a warm friend and supporter of the Jesuit missions, as also of the new religious colony founded at Montreal, which he escorted thither in May, 1642. Montmagny's commission was renewed June 6, 1645. Eleven months later, he received from the Company of New France a concession of land at Rivière du Sud, 1½ leagues along the St. Lawrence, and four leagues in depth; also of two islands in the same river, Île aux Oies and Île aux Grues.

Recalled to France, Montmagny left Canada Sept. 23, 1647. He remained at Paris at least four years; Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 363, _note_) cites a MS. of Aubert de la Chesnaye as stating that Montmagny spent the last years of his life with a relative at St. Christopher's, W.I., but thinks there is no proof of the correctness of this assertion.

51 (p. 217).--Pierre Chastellain and Charles Garnier arrived at Quebec with Montmagny, June 11, 1636; and on July 21 they left Three Rivers with the Indian trading canoes, to join the mission in the Huron country. Both were attacked by the smallpox in the following September, but in due time recovered their health. Chastellain labored at Ihonatiria about two years; was at Ossossané in 1638-39; then at St. Joseph (Teanaustayé). In November, 1640, he was left in sole charge of the residence of Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye, and was there in 1644. The _Journ. des Jésu._ mentions him as officiating at Quebec from December, 1650, to March, 1664. The Hurons called him Arioo.

52 (p. 217).--Charles Garnier was born May 25, 1606, and became a Jesuit novice Sept. 5, 1624, at Paris. His studies were pursued at Clermont, 1626-36, except while he was an instructor at Eu (1629-32). In 1636 he came to Canada (see _note_ 51, _ante_), and labored among the Hurons. In November, 1639, he went with Isaac Jogues on a mission to the Tobacco Nation; but this tribe feared them as sorcerers, owing to the calumnies of certain Hurons, and after a few months the Jesuits were driven away, and obliged to return to the Huron missions. A year later, Garnier, with Pierre Pijart, made another though similarly unavailing attempt to reach this tribe. But in 1647 a third effort proved successful, and Garnier, with several assistants, established in the Tobacco Nation two missions, St. Jean and St. Mathias. These were highly prosperous until Dec. 7, 1649, when the town of Etarita (St. Jean) was destroyed by an Iroquois band, most of the inhabitants killed or made prisoners, and Garnier himself slain. The _Relation_ for 1650 (chap. iii.) gives a long account of the life, death, character, and devoted piety of this missionary. Among the Hurons he was known as Ouaracha (Waracha). Two of his brothers were also priests--Henry a Carmelite, and Joseph a Capuchin.

53 (p. 219).--Upon the death of Champlain (see _note_ 50, _ante_), a temporary successor was appointed, Marc Antoine de Brasdefer, sieur de Chasteaufort, the commandant of the new post at Three Rivers, whose commission had been for some time in the hands of Le Jeune--the former, according to Kingsford (_Canada_, vol. i., p. 149), having "been appointed to act as Governor in case of any extraordinary event. The Jesuit Father had accordingly possessed the unusual power of superseding Champlain, when he had deemed it advisable." Chasteaufort accordingly administered the affairs of the colony until the arrival of Montmagny (June, 1636). He then resumed command of the post at Three Rivers, where he still was in February, 1638.

54 (p. 221).--M. de Courpon was admiral of the fleet of Canada in 1641. Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii, p. 119, _note_) that De Courpon, in that year, gave his own surgeon to Maisonneuve for the new colony at Montreal.

55 (p. 221).--Nicolas Adam, four days after his arrival (June 12, 1636), was seized by a fever which brought on a stroke of paralysis, disabling his hands and feet. In the _Relation_ for 1637 (chap. xv.) he relates how he was cured, after an illness of three months, by a novena of communions in honor of the Virgin. He remained at Notre-Dame des Anges, giving religious instruction to the residents there. In the summer of 1642, he returned to France, at the command of his superiors; according to Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 433, _note_), because he could not learn the Indian language.

56 (p. 221).--Ambroise Cauvet, a lay brother, is mentioned by _Journ. des Jésu._ as at Quebec in 1645, 1646, and 1648, employed in various ways as a domestic and artisan; he returned to France Sept. 18, 1657.

57 (p. 221).--The Norman families of Le Gardeur and Le Neuf (allied by marriage) came together to Canada with Montmagny (June, 1636), and were prominent and influential among the early colonists. Catherine de Cordé, widow of René le Gardeur, sieur de Tilly, came with two sons and a daughter; and Jeanne le Marchant, widow of Mathieu le Neuf de Hérisson, brought two sons and two daughters. Some of these had also wives and children; in all, they numbered 18 persons; Sulte gives a list of their names and relationships in _Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 60. The remainder of the 45 persons mentioned in the text probably included their servants, and families brought over as colonists.

Pierre le Gardeur, sieur de Repentigny, (born about 1610?) had at this time three children, and fixed his residence at Quebec. During 1642-47, he was commander of the Canadian fleet of the Hundred Associates; and in his care Dauversière placed the provisions, arms, and other supplies purchased by the latter for the colony of Montreal (1642). In the autumn of 1644, Le Gardeur and Jean Paul Godefroy (afterwards his son-in-law), went to France as delegates from the inhabitants of Canada, to obtain from the government some restriction of the fur-trade monopoly hitherto enjoyed by the Company of New France; they also requested that Récollets might be sent to Canada as parish priests, for the benefit of the French population--the Jesuits being mainly missionaries to the Indian tribes. The latter effort failed; but the fur trade was ceded by the company to the French colonists of the St. Lawrence valley; the latter were obliged to support their government, the garrisons, and the religious establishments, and to pay the company 1,000 pounds of beaver skins annually as a seignorial rent. For particulars of this arrangement, see Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., pp. 338, 339; the royal decree confirming it (dated March 6, 1645) is given in _Édits du Conseil du Roi concernant le Canada_ (Quebec, 1854), pp. 28, 29. Other decrees (March 27, 1647, and March 5, 1648) reorganized the government, and granted a considerable degree of autonomy to the inhabitants.--See Ferland, _ut supra_, pp. 356-358, 363-365; and Sulte's _Can.-Français_, vol. iii., pp. 7, 8, 14; cf. Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. ii., pp. 92-94.

Pierre le Gardeur had done much to bring about these political changes; but, for some reason, he opposed the new ordinances, so strongly that he was superseded in the command of the fleet. Departing immediately afterwards for Canada, he died at sea (July, 1648), from an epidemic disease that prevailed on shipboard. He had obtained from the Company of New France (April 16, 1647) two concessions on the St. Lawrence--the seigniory of Lachenaye, and that afterwards known as Cournoyer, opposite Three Rivers.

58 (p. 221).--Jacques le Neuf de la Poterie (born 1606) came to Canada in 1636, with Pierre le Gardeur, whose sister Marguerite was his wife (see _note_ 57, _ante_). In the preceding January, De la Poterie had obtained a grant of the seigniory of Portneuf, above Quebec, on which he made improvements, and where at first he resided. He was governor of Three Rivers during November, 1645-August, 1648; June, 1650-August, 1651; September, 1652-July, 1653; and July, 1658-December, 1662. In 1649, he purchased a fief at Three Rivers from Champflour; and in the same year he obtained a grant of the Isle aux Cochons, at the mouth of the St. Maurice River. About this time, he was active in the organization of a volunteer militia. In 1665, De Mézy (then governor of New France) a few days before his death gave De la Poterie a commission appointing the latter as his successor, in case of that event; but the council refused to recognize his authority, excepting over the militia. In October, 1666, he went to France; but it is not known whether he returned thence.

Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. vii., p. 42) that the Le Neuf family became extinct after the conquest of Canada.

59 (p. 227).--Concerning the Marquis de Gamache, see vol. vi., _note_ 9.

60 (p. 227).--Various acts of the Hundred Associates, from 1634 to 1647, are signed by Lamy (L'Amy), "for the company;" but other information regarding him is not available.

61 (p. 229).--This was Emery de Caen; concerning his indemnification for losses incurred at the capture of Quebec by Kirk, see vol. iv., p. 258, _note_ 21; and vol. vii., _note_ 18.

62 (p. 235).--Marie Madeleine de Wignerod (Vignerot) was the daughter of René de Wignerod, marquis du Pont de Courlai (who died in 1625), and of Françoise Duplessis, sister of Cardinal Richelieu. About 1620, Marie became the wife of Antoine de Beauvoir de Roure, marquis de Combalet; two years later, an officer in the Huguenot war, he fell in battle at Montpellier. His widow refused to marry again, and devoted her time and fortune to works of piety and charity. Le Jeune's _Relation_ for 1635 directed her attention to the Canadian missions, and his suggestion as to the foundation of a hospital at Quebec at once appealed to her heart--an impression doubtless strengthened by the counsel of Vincent de Paul, who was an intimate friend of the Cardinal. She offered to send thither, at her own expense, some Hospital nuns from Dieppe; the Company of New France granted them lands; and the undertaking was aided not only by Madame de Combalet, but by Richelieu himself, who also gave his niece (1638) the estate of Aiguillon, and conferred upon her the title of duchess. After various delays, the Hotel-Dieu of Quebec was established in 1639. The Duchess d'Aiguillon continued for many years to aid this and other charitable enterprises; she died April 17, 1675.

63 (p. 237).--_Montmartre_: an eminence on the western side of Paris, about three hundred feet in height; so called (Lat. _mons martyrum_) because St. Denis, bishop of Paris in the third century, and two other Christians, were beheaded at the foot of the hill. The Chapel of Martyrs built here was still visible in the seventeenth century; and in it Ignatius Loyola pronounced his first vows, Aug. 15, 1534. The church of St. Pierre de Montmartre, evidently the one referred to in the text, was built in the twelfth century, by Louis VI. It served as a chapel for the Benedictine convent also founded by that monarch, and rebuilt by Louis XIV.; this was a "royal convent," the abbess being appointed by the king, not elected by the nuns. During the Reign of Terror, the abbess and all the inmates of this house were guillotined. A costly church has recently been erected on the highest point of Montmartre, where formerly stood temples dedicated to Mars and Mercury.

The heights of Montmartre were long famous for quarries of gypsum (hence the name "plaster of Paris"). Here, too, was begun the Communist insurrection of 1871.--See Hare's _Walks in Paris_ (N.Y. and London, 1888), pp. 481-486.

64 (p. 237).--Concerning the Ursulines, see vol. v., _note_ 3. Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 67): "The seigniory of Ste.-Croix, in Lotbinière county, measuring one league of frontage by six in depth, was granted Jan. 15, 1637, by the company, to Jean de Beauvais, commissary of the French marine, in order to found at Quebec a convent of Ursuline nuns."

There were many orders of hospital nuns, formed mainly to nurse the sick, but often also caring for neglected children and repentant women. The one introduced by the duchess d'Aiguillon was apparently that of the Hospital Sisters of the Mercy of Jesus, established in 1630, according to the rule of St. Augustine: it was confirmed eight years later by letters patent, and in 1664 and 1677 by papal bulls.

Both the Ursuline and the Hospital nuns arrived at Quebec Aug. 1, 1639.

65 (p. 253).--Sulte (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., pp. 40, 54, 92) gives this information regarding him: "André de Malapart, a native of Paris, a soldier and a poet, wrote an account of this campaign [the expulsion of Stewart's colony from Cape Breton by Charles Daniel; see vol. iv. of this series, _note_ 46], which he addressed to M. Jean de Lauson, and which was published in 1630. In 1635, he was at Three Rivers, and four years later was commandant at that post. He was still in Canada in 1641." Tanguay (_Dict. Généal._, vol. i., p. 406) says: "In 1649, the registers designate him as 'arcis moderator' [commandant];" but the date here given is apparently a typographical error.

66 (p. 253).--M. de Maupertuis was in charge of the trading post at Three Rivers, in 1635-36.

67 (p. 253).--_Capitanal_, or Kepitanal (Creuxius, _Hist. Canad._, pp. 116, 182): a Montagnais chief of great ability. Le Jeune gives at length (vol. v., pp. 205-211) the speech delivered by this man at a conference between Champlain and the Montagnais savages, May 24, 1633, and highly praises his intellect and eloquence. Capitanal died in the autumn of 1634: his traits of character, and his relations with the French, are described by Le Jeune in the _Relation_ for 1635, _ante_, p. 55.

68 (p. 259).--Adrien du Chesne (Duchêne), a surgeon, came from Dieppe to Canada, probably about 1620. He remained with his wife at Quebec during the English occupation; and, after the return of the French, practised his profession at Quebec and Three Rivers. In October, 1645, he is mentioned by the _Journ. des Jésu._ (p. 9), in connection with his nephew Charles le Moyne, the father of the noted explorer Le Moyne d'Iberville.--See Sulte's _Can.-Français_, vol. ii., pp. 7, 144.

69 (p. 267).--Pierre de Launay (born 1616), a native of the province of Maine, France, is first mentioned in January, 1636, as an agent of the Hundred Associates; this position he seems to have retained at least until 1645; in that year he married Françoise Pinguet, at Quebec. Certain Indians from Tadoussac made complaints to the Quebec council (June, 1646) concerning De Launay's methods of trade, and the exorbitant prices charged by him. He was killed by the Iroquois, Nov. 28, 1654.

70 (p. 269).--_Porcelain, which is the diamonds and pearls of this country_: According to Littre, _porcelain_ (a word of Italian origin; adopted, with slight variations, into nearly all European languages) was a name given, from very early times, to a univalvular, gastropodous mollusk, _Cypræa;_ especially used for the species _C. moneta_, the money cowry of Africa and the East Indies, and for its shell. The same term was applied to the nacre (from which were made vases, ornaments, etc.) obtained from the shells of this and many other mollusks; and the enameled pottery brought from the Orient about the 16th century was also called "porcelain," from its resemblance to this nacre.

The early explorers on this continent found shells, or beads made therefrom, everywhere in use among the natives as currency. Cartier mentions this article as called "esurgny" by the Indians at Montreal; Champlain and other French writers applied the term already familiar to them, "porcelain;" the English colonists adopted the name in use among the natives of New England, "wampum" (from _wompi_, "white"); while the Dutch traders called it "sewan" (seawant, or zee-wand; a corruption of _seah-whóun_, "scattered, loose").

An interesting account of this Indian money is given by Roger Williams, in his _Key into the Language of America_ (London, 1643),--reprinted, with careful and extensive annotations (mainly philological) by J. H. Trumbull, in _Publications of the Narragansett Club_, vol. i. (Providence, R. I., 1866). In chap. xxvi. of this work, pp. 173-178, "Concerning their Coyne," the author says: "The _Indians_ are ignorant of Europes Coyne; yet they have given a name to ours, and call it _Monêash_ from the _English_ Money. Their own is of two sorts; one white, which they make of the stem or stocke of the _Periwincle_, which they call Meteaûhock, when all the shell is broken off: and of this sort six of their small beads (which they make with holes to string the bracelets) are currant with the _English_ for a peny. The second is black, inclining to blew, which is made of the shell of a fish which some _English_ call _Hens_, Poquaûhock, and of this sort three make an _English_ peny.... This one fathom of this their stringed money, now worth of the English but five shillings (sometimes more), some few yeeres since was worth nine, and sometimes ten shillings per Fathome: the fall is occasioned by the fall of Beaver in _England_: the Natives are very impatient, when for English commodities they pay so much more of their money, and not understanding the cause of it; and many say the English cheat and deceive them, though I have laboured to make them understand the reason of it.... Their white they call _Wompam_ (which signifies white): their black _Suckduhock_ (_Súcki_ signifying blacke). Both amongst themselves, as also the English and Dutch, the blacke peny is two pence white: the blacke fathom double, or two fathom of white. Before ever they had _Awle blades_ from _Europe_, they made shift to bore this their shell money with stone, and so fell their trees with stone set in a wooden staff, and used wooden _howes_: which some old & poore women (fearfull to leave the old tradition) use to this day. They hang these strings of money about their necks and wrists, as also upon the necks and wrists of their wives and children." Trumbull (pp. 140, 175, _ut supra_) says that the Poquaûhock was the _Venus mercenaria_, the round clam, or quahaug; the Meteaûhock was probably the _Pyrula carica_ or _P. canaliculata_, which have retained the name of "periwinkle" on the coast of New England. (The two latter species are also known as _Fulgur carica_ and _Scycotypus canaliculata_.) From these shells were cut beads of cylindrical shape, through which holes were drilled; these beads were then strung upon cords, or the sinews of animals, and, when woven into plaits about as broad as the hand, made wampum "belts." In early times, various articles were used as substitutes for the shell beads--colored sticks of wood, porcupine quills, and glass or porcelain beads, brought from Europe by the traders.

The early traders readily adopted wampum as a medium of exchange in their transactions with the Indians, in both purchase and sale. Thus it "quickly became a standard of values, the currency of the colonists to a great extent in their transactions with each other, and even a legal tender." In Massachusetts, "wampampeag" was legal tender (Act of 1648) for all debts less than forty shillings, "except county rates to the treasurer,"--the white at eight for a penny, and the black at four for a penny. "So slow were the red men to relinquish this currency, that wampum continued to be fabricated until within fifty years in several towns of New York State (chiefly at Babylon, L. I.) to meet the demand for it by Western fur traders."--See Ingersoll's "Wampum and its History," in _American Naturalist_, vol. xvii. (1883), pp. 467-479.

Beauchamp says (_N. Y. Iroquois_): "I have mentioned the lack of wampum among the early New York Iroquois, as a proof that they had not reached the sea; but it was not abundant even on the coast in prehistoric times. On early Iroquois sites it is not found, nor anything resembling it.... A few stray, prehistoric, small wampum beads might be expected low down in the Mohawk valley, but I know of none; west of this, they are absolutely unknown. When, therefore, we are told of ancient wampum belts in New York, coeval with and recording the formation of the Iroquois league, we may settle it in our minds that such do not exist and never did. The most ancient Onondaga belt is modern, and it is doubtful if any one is much over a century old."

Wampum was used not only as money, and for purposes of ornament; it was sent with a messenger as his credentials, and was the mark of a chief's authority; it was used for "presents" or gifts, both within and without one's tribe; it was paid as ransom for a prisoner, or as atonement for a crime; and was used in negotiating and in recording treaties. The wampum "means nothing to white man, all to Indian," said recently a prominent Onondaga. Cf. Hale's "Indian Wampum Records," in _Popular Science Monthly_, February, 1897.

Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired.

Corrections.

The first line indicates the orginal, the second the correction.

Note 20

latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 163); but his name does latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does