CHAPTER XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.

[331 i.e., 333] REASONS WHY THE CULTIVATION OF NEW FRANCE OUGHT TO BE UNDERTAKEN IN EARNEST.

HERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters. Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them, so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify them to men in writing.

Et premierement, si lon considere le temporel, c'est vne autre France en influence, & condition du ciel, & des elements: en estenduë de pays dix ou douze fois plus grande, si nous voulons: en qualité, aussi bonne, si elle est cultiuée, du moins, il n'y a point d'apparence qu'elle doiue estre pire; en situation; à l'autre bord de nostre riuage, pour nous donner la science, & la seigneurie de la mer, & nauigage; ie dy mille biens, & vtilitez. En vn mot, quãd ie dy vne autre France, & vne autre Espagne à cultiuer.

And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain to be cultivated.

2. En apres, les tentatiues, que nous auons ja faict tant de fois dés cent, & dix ans, nous obligent à constance; si nous ne voulons auec la mocquerie des estrangers perdre encores le fruict de [333 i.e., 335] tant de temps consumé, & des pertes de tant & d'hommes, & de biens, qu'il a conuenu faire pour acquerir la cognoissance de ces terres, Costes, Golfes, & diuers endroits, laquelle (Dieu mercy) nous auons acquis auec la bienvueillance, & familiarité du peuple. Peuple debonnaire, qui nous tend les mains auec vn desir incroyable, & vne douleur bien grande de nous y voir mastinés; non pour autre raison, sinon que les entreprinses, qui ont esté faictes iusques à maintenant, ayant esté quasi soustenuës par des particuliers; il n'est pas de merueille s'ils ont succombé au faix, & aux frais, qu'vne telle oeuure requiert.

2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for a hundred and ten years, oblige us to continue, unless we wish, to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e., 335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places, which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and intimacy of the people,--a gentle people, who extend to us their hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see us defeated,--for no other reason than that the enterprises which have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely sustained by private individuals, have sunk--and it is not to be wondered at--under the burden and the expenses, which such a work requires.

3. Que si nous nous lassons, ou languissons, nous auons deuant les yeux prou d'autres, qui nous ont monstré d'auoir courage. Et certes en cas que nous n'y faisions [334 i.e., 336] nostre deuoir, il n'y a point de raison d'empescher autruy. Considerons donc si cela nous est fort aduantageux de perdre le profit, que rapportent de ces contrées to[9] les ans plus de cinq c[~e]s de nos nauires, qui y vont, soit à la pesche des baleines, soit à celle des moluës & autres poissons, soit à la traicte, de la pelleterie des Castors, Elans, Martres, Loups marins, Loutres, &c. Car il ne faut pas attendre d'y auoir part, si d'autres saisissent le domaine, ainsi qu'a bien declaré ces annees la dispute arriuée à Spitsbergen, & autrepart.

3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk, Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.[19] For we must not expect to have any share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at Spitsbergen and elsewhere.

4. Voila pour le temporel: mais pour le spirituel, auquel l'indicible, grace de Dieu nous surhausse iusques au surnom & gloire de tres-Chrestiens. Calculons & supputons les benefices qui nous accompaignent & obligent [335 i.e., 337] incessamment en suite de ce premier la vocation à l'Eglise Saincte & cognoissance de nostre Sauueur Iesus-Christ; & lors nous pourrons sommer combien grande seroit l'ingratitude, & combi[~e] horrible chastiment elle porteroit encroupe, si nous ne taschions de faire priser ceste grace, la communiquant à nos proches à la proportion de nos moyens, & redeuances. Tel chastiment a esté sagement remarqué par le venerable Bede. Car quelque peu auant son aage, les Escossois furent illustrés de diuine lumiere, à ce qu'ils se recogneussent estre tombés en heresie par illusion, & mesgarde; là où les Bretons, ou ceux de la Prouince de Galles, furent precipités en l'abysme, & tenebres des faux-bourgs d'Enfer, les heresies, desquels deux effects si contraires, & si opposés ce grand Sainct, [336 i.e., 338] & cognoissant veritable des oeuures de la prouidence, & Iustice Eternelle; en rapporte les causes à deux dispositions diuerses de l'vn, & l'autre peuple. Parce, dit-il, que les Escossois auoyent aumosné aux Anglois auparauant par grande charité, & deuotion ce qu'ils auoyent reçeu de la verité Euangelique; & partant Dieu leur volut faire misericorde à mesure comble, & entassee, leur ouurant les yeux, pour y se voir deceus, & trompés. Là où les Bretons, soit par negligence, soit par autre intemperie d'ame, ne s'estoient guieres souciez de voir lesdicts Anglois perir miserablement en leur infidelité; Et partant meriterent cõme seruiteurs ingrats de perdre le talent de la foy Catholique, lequel ils n'auoyent daigné mettre à profit, & d'autruy, & d'eux mesmes. O que [337 i.e., 339] de choses nous aurions à penser, & dire sur ce sujet.

4. So much for the temporal; but as to the spiritual, in which the inexpressible grace of God raises us to the surname and glory of "most Christian," let us calculate and sum up the benefits which accompany and favor us [335 i.e., 337] continually after this first one, which is our calling to the Holy Church and knowledge of our Savior, Jesus Christ; and then we shall be able to estimate how great would be our ingratitude, and how horrible the chastisement it would bring with it, if we do not try to enhance the value of this grace by communicating it to our fellow-men in proportion to our means and opportunities. Such chastisement has been wisely commented upon by the venerable Bede. For, shortly before his age, the Scotch were illuminated by a divine light, so that they saw themselves fallen into heterodoxy by delusions and inadvertence; while the Bretons, or those people of the Province of Wales, were cast into the abyss and shadows of the outskirts of Hell, the heresies; of these two so contrary and opposite effects this great and Saintly Man, [336 i.e., 338] so truly acquainted with the works of providence and Eternal Justice, attributes the causes to the two different dispositions of the two nations. "For," says he, "the Scotch had previously given to the English, through great charity and devotion, what they had received of Evangelical truth; and therefore God wished to show them mercy in a full and overflowing measure, opening their eyes that they might see themselves deceived and mistaken. While the Bretons, either through negligence or other lack of spiritual moderation, were quite indifferent when they saw the English perishing miserably in their infidelity; therefore they deserved, as ungrateful servants, to lose the talent of the Catholic faith, which they had not deigned to profit by, either for others or for themselves." Oh, what [337 i.e., 339] food there is for reflection and discourse upon this subject!

Mais soit assez d'auoir au deuant de nos yeux que ces pauures peuples, ces images de nostre Dieu comme nous, & capables de sa iouyssance, ces consorts de nostre espece, & presque de mesme qualité auec nous, sont sur le bord de l'horrible gouffre des feux infernaux, voire plusieurs centaines d'iceux precipitez chaque iour dans les peines eternelles, & abysmes de damnation, sans espoir de deliurance. O Dieu! nous nous estonnons de ces iugements espouuentables; comme il y a bien dequoy s'estonner; mais nous n'auons pas le sens pour apperceuoir, ny l'entendem[~e]t pour recognoistre, que le sang de ceste si cruelle exequution est dessus nos mains, qui ne nous euertuons pas de l'empescher: dessus nos [338 i.e., 340] pieds, qui ne nous remuons point pour y remedier; dessus nos maisons, qui les bastissons tant superbement, sans nous soucier de l'eternelle demeure de nos freres; dessus nos bourses, nos possessiõs, nos moyens, & nostre coeur qui sommes si peu esmeus de tels spectacles & contribuons si peu, là où le Fils de Dieu, nostre Sauueur, n'a point espargné sa vie. Plaise luy nous faire misericorde, & receuoir de nous, & de toute creature loüange, & benediction, à tous les siecles des siecles. Ainsi soit-il.

FIN.

But let it be enough to keep before our eyes the vision of these poor natives, these images of our God as we are, and as capable of enjoying him, these companions of our own species, and almost of the same quality as we, who are upon the edge of the horrible gulf of the fires of hell, many of them even precipitated every day into eternal torments, and profound depths of everlasting punishment, without hope of deliverance. O God! we are amazed at these frightful judgments, as there is much in them to cause our amazement; but we have not the sense to perceive, nor the understanding to appreciate, that the blood of this so cruel execution is upon our hands, who do not exert ourselves to prevent it; upon our [338 i.e., 340] feet, which do not move to remedy it; upon our houses, which we build so magnificently without caring for the eternal dwellings of our brothers; upon our purses, our possessions, our wealth, and our hearts, which are so little moved by such spectacles and contribute so little to that for which the Son of God, our Savior, did not spare even his life. May it please him to grant us mercy, and to receive from us and from all his creatures, praises and blessings forever and ever. Amen.

END.

Table des Choses Plvs Remarqvables.

ABSENCE _du P. Biard occasiõne les François de ne s'exposer au danger de se perdre._ _p._ 178.

_Acadie, pays des Souriquois, proche de Canada._ _p._ 4.

_Açores, Isles de la couronne d'Espaigne._ _p._ 281.

_Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes Capitaines Canadois offrent aux François prins par l'Anglois, de les retirer & entretenir._ _p._ 35.

_Alain Yeon Pilote de S. Malo charitable enuers les François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 257.

_Ambassadeur de France en Angleterre, sollicite la liberté des Iesuites de Canada captifs._ _p._ 296.

_Anglois auancent quatre vingts lieuës sur la nouuelle France._ _p._ 228.

_Anglois desfaict par l'Armouchiquois, & pourquoy._ _p._ 179.

_Anglois habitués en la Virginie à deux cens cinquante lieuës des François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 227.

_Anglois conduicts à S. Sauueur par mesgarde des Canadins, qui les croyoyent estre François._ _p._ 229.

_Anglois enuabissent le nauire des François de S. Sauueur, pillent l'habitation, captiuent les François._ _p._ 235.

_Anglois desrobe finement aux François leurs lettres Royaux, pour les priuer de iuste defense en leur captiuité._ _p._ 238.

_Anglois pouuant ietter en mer les Iesuites captifs, pour ne se perdre à leur occasion, se contente de les cacher._ _p._ 286.

_Anglois contraints d'aborder aux Açores, sont garentis par la charité des Iesuites leurs prisonniers._ _p._ 289.

_Anglois recognoissans du bon office receu des Iesuites._ _p._ 290.

_Anglois tenant captifs les Iesuites, soupçonné d'estre pirate par les siens mesmes._ _pag._ 29.

_Anglois soupçonné d'estre pirate, se iustifie par le tesmoignage des Iesuites ses prisonniers._ _p._ 293.

_Anglois apprehendent d'aborder aux terres de l'Espagnol, auec des Iesuites captifs._ _p._ 285.

_Anglois n'ont que pretendre en la nouuelle France._ _p._ 320.

_Anguilles se peschent en my-Septembre._ _p._ 47.

_Arbres fruictiers fort rares en Canada._ _p._ 31.

_Arbres forestiers de Canada._ _p._ 32.

_Arcs & pauois sur la tombe des hommes._ _p._ 92.

_Ardoise en Canada._ _p._ 32.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois se saisit secrettement des commissions des François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 238.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois veut renuoyer en France tous les François dans vne chaloupe, auec euident danger de leur perte._ _p._ 251.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois s'oppose fort au Mareschal de la Virginie, à ce que ses prisonniers les François ne soyent pendus._ _p._ 262.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois equitable._ _p._ 270.

_Armes des Canadois, l'arc & la targue._ _p._ 55.

_Armoiries de Madame de Guerche-ville posées au Cap de la Heue, en signe de possession._ _p._ 216.

_Armouchiquois baillent grand soupçon aux François de les vouloir piller sous pretexte de trocque._ _p._ 178.

_Armouchiquois assés disposés au Christianisme._ _p._ 180.

_Assis. Estre assis, signe de reuerence entre les Canadois._ _p._ 91.

_Association de la Marquise de Guercheville auec le sieur de Potrincourt au faict de Canada._ _p._ 188.

_Asticou Sagamo en la coste d'Acadie._ _p._ 222.

_Aumars, ou Cancres de mer, furent peschés par les François de S. Sauueur en leur grande disette._ _p._ 253.

_Auoir chien & sac, en Canada, est iouyr du droict de proprieté._ _p._ 51.

Autmoins _sont les Prestres des Canadois._ _p._ 54.

Autmoins, _Medecins & Sorciers engeollent les simples Canadois._ _p._ 79.

Autmoins _se font donner force presents pour la cure des malades._ _p._ 87.

Autmoins _inuocans Dieu par le nom du Soleil, en cas de necessité._ _p._ 96.

Index of the Most Important Subjects.

_ABSENCE of Father Biard causes the French not to expose themselves to danger of ruin._ _p._ 178

_Acadia, country of the Souriquois, near Canada._ _p._ 4

_Açores, Islands of the Spanish crown._ _p._ 281

_Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes, Canadian Captains, offer to the French, captured by the English, to take them away and maintain them._ _p._ 35

_Alain Yeon, Pilot of St. Malo, charitable towards the French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 257

_Ambassador of France in England, solicits the liberation of the captive Jesuits of Canada._ _p._ 296

_Advancement of the English eighty leagues into new France._ _p._ 228

_English defeated by the Armouchiquois, and why._ _p._ 179

_English settled in Virginia, two hundred leagues from the French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 227

_English guided to St. Sauveur through a misunderstanding of the Canadians, who supposed them to be French._ _p._ 229

_English invade the ship of the French of St. Sauveur, plunder the settlement, and capture the French._ _p._ 235

_English cunningly rob the French of their Royal patents, to prevent their making an honest defense in their captivity._ _p._ 238

_English, having power to throw the captive Jesuits into the sea, not to ruin themselves on their account, content themselves with hiding them._ _p._ 286

_English, compelled to land at the Açores, are rendered safe through the charity of the Jesuits, their captives._ _p._ 289

_English acknowledge this kind service of the Jesuits._ _p._ 290

_English, holding the Jesuits captive, themselves suspected of being pirates by their own countrymen._ _pag._ 29

_English, suspected of being pirates, are acquitted on the evidence of the Jesuits, their prisoners._ _p._ 293

_English are afraid to land upon Spanish territory, with their Jesuit prisoners._ _p._ 285

_English merely pretenders to new France._ _p._ 320

_Eel-fishing in the middle of September._ _p._ 47

_Fruit trees very rare in Canada._ _p._ 31

_Forest trees of Canada._ _p._ 32

_Bows and shields upon the men's graves._ _p._ 92

_Slate in Canada._ _p._ 32

_Argal, an English Captain, secretly seizes the commissions of the French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 238

_Argal, an English Captain, wishes to send all the French to France in a small boat, with evident danger of their being lost._ _p._ 251

_Argal, an English Captain, strongly opposes the Marshal of Virginia, so that his French prisoners should not be hanged._ _p._ 262

_Argal, an English Captain, a just man._ _p._ 270

_Arms of the Canadians, the bow and the shield._ _p._ 55

_Armorial Bearings of Madame de Guerche-ville placed at Cap de la Heve, as a sign of possession._ _p._ 216

_Armouchiquois strongly suspected by the French of intending to plunder them, under pretext of trade._ _p._ 178

_Armouchiquois disposed favorably to Christianity._ _p._ 180

_Seated. To be seated, a sign of reverence among the Canadians._ _p._ 91

_Association of the Marquise de Guercheville with sieur de Potrincourt in Canadian affairs._ _p._ 188

_Asticou, a Sagamore on the coast of Acadia._ _p._ 222

_Lobsters, or sea Crabs, were caught by the French of St. Sauveur in their great poverty._ _p._ 253

_To have a dog and a bag, in Canada, is to enjoy the rights of property._ _p._ 51

Autmoins _are the Priests of the Canadians._ _p._ 54

Autmoins, _Medicine men and Sorcerers dupe the simple Canadians._ _p._ 79

Autmoins _require many presents for the cure of the sick._ _p._ 87

Autmoins _invoke God by the name of the Sun, when they are in need._ _p._ 96

_B._

_Baie de Chinictou en Canada, estendue en belles prairies._ _p._ 27.

_Baie Françoise entre Port Royal, & la riuiere S. Jean._ _p._ 165.

_Baie des mines à vingt & deux lieuës de Port Royal._ _p._ 203.

_Baye de Genes, ainsi appellée par Chãplain._ _p._ 204.

_Baye des mines large de huict lieuës._ _p._ 205.

_Baptesme trop facilement conferé au Mexique, auec notable dommage des baptisés._ _p._ 106.

_Baptesme conferé aux Canadois non instruits au deuoir de Christianisme, & le mal qui en reussit._ _p._ 111.

_Baptesme des personnes aagées, non bien instruites, differé auec grande consideration._ _p._ 115.

_Baptesme desiré des Canadins auãt la mort._ _p._ 310.

_Baptesme guerit vn enfant Canadin malade à la mort._ _p._ 318.

_Baptisés en Canada sans precedente instruction, ne sçauoyent rien du Chrestien, non pas mesmes leur nom de Baptesme._ _p._ 109.

_Basques ont alienés les Excomminquois en Canada de nos François._ _p._ 33.

_Biencourt & Robin en faueur des Caluinistes, consentent que les Iesuites n'entrent dans leur nauire._ _p._ 134.

_Biencourt par le moyen des Iesuites fait voile en Canada, beaucoup plustost qu'il ne pouuoit autrement._ _p._ 138.

_Biencourt soupçonne que Madame de Guerche-ville le veut despoüiller des droicts de Canada._ _p._ 197.

_Bretons ont descouuert la France nouuelle._ _p._ 2.

_Bretons souuent malades en Canada._ _p._ 15.

_Cabanes d'Hyuer des Canadois, d'un clos rond de perches fermées en poincte par le haut, couuertes de peaux, nattes, ou escorces._ _p._ 40. 41.

_Cabanes des Canadois toujours en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux._ _p._ 41.

_Cabanes d'Esté des Canadois, larges & longues, & couuertes de nattes, ou escorces._ _p._ 42.

_Calais. Le Gouuerneur, & Doyen de Calais accueillent, & secourent charitablement les Iesuites de Canada renuoyés d'Angleterre._ _p._ 299.

_Caluinistes ne peuuent trouuer bon que les Iesuites passent en Canada, ouy bi[~e] tous autres Ecclesiastiques._ _p._ 133.

_Canada n'est qu'vne partie de la France nouuelle, sçauoir est, la coste du long de la grande riuiere Canadas._ _p._ 3. 4.

_Canada, Prouince de la France nouuelle premierement descouuerte par Iaques Cartier l'an 1524._ _p._ 4.

_Canada parallele à la France, en mesme climat, & eleuation de Pole._ _p._ 9.

_Canada plus froide que nostre France, & pourquoy._ _p._ 10.

_Canada sujecte au Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre._ _p._ 14.

_Canada apporte maladie aux oiseux._ _p._ 16.

_Canada germe aussitost au Printemps que nostre France._ _p._ 18.

_Canada és endroits les plus froids rend les bleds meurs en son temps._ _p._ 19.

_Canada n'a point de hautes montagnes._ _p._ 20.

_Canada fort entrecoupée de riuieres, & bras de mer, en est renduë plus froide._ _p._ 23.

_Canada à cause des continuelles forests est moins eschauffée du Soleil, & pource plus froide que les campagnes ouuertes._ _p._ 24.

_Canada pour n'estre labourée est couuerte d'vne dure crouste, quasi impenetrable au Soleil, & partant beaucoup plus froide._ _p._ 24.

_Canada produict la vigne sauuage en beaucoup d'endroits, qui meurit en son temps._ _p._ 31.

_Canada és terres cogneües des François, n'a que dix mille habitans._ _p._ 73.

_Canada, horsmis Port Royal, donné à Madame de Guercheuille._ _p._ 190.

_Canada du Gouuernement du Prince de Soissons._ _p._ 330.

_Canada pourquoy doit estre cultiuée des François._ _p._ 331.

_Canadois fideles au François cõtre l'Anglois._ _p._ 34.

_Canadois charitables enuers les François captifs de l'Anglois._ _p._ 35. 36.

_Canadois ont honne memoire des choses sensibles._ _p._ 36.

_Canadois comprennent, & iugent bien les choses sensibles._ _p._ 36.

_Canadoises ceintes dessus, & dessous le ventre._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois quasi tous sans barbe, horsmis les bien robustes._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois ne peuuent retenir la memoire d'vne suitte de paroles._ _p._ 27.

_Canadois mocqueurs des personnes contrefaites._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois n'ont point le corps contrefaict, ny defectueux._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois vestus de peaux conroyées auec le poil, & bigarrées de couleurs._ _p._ 39.

_Canadois paoureux, & grands vanteurs._ _p._ 55.

_Canadois forts, & addroicts à la lutte, & non à autre combat._ _p._ 55.

_Canadois liberaux & recognoissans._ _p._ 58.

_Canadois prattiquët la Polygamie plus pour le proufit, que pour l'incontinence._ _p._ 62.

_Canadois maladifs depuis la hãtise des Frãçois, à cause de leurs excés à manger viandes non accoustumées._ _p._ 69.

_Canadois ne se soucient du lendemain, viuãs du iour à la iournée._ _p._ 70.

_Canadois oincts d'huile de loup marin sentent mal._ _p._ 77.

_Canadois se font Chrestiens, seulement pour marque d'amitié auec les François._ _p._ 109.

_Canadois se plaignent fort qu'on ne les ait aduerty des deuoirs du Christianisme auãt leur baptesme, ausquels ils ne se fussent obligés, s'ils les eussent cogneus._ _p._ 111.

_Canadins baptisés à la poursuitte du sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 126.

_Canadois ne peuu[~e]t exprimer par parole que les choses fort sensibles, & materielles._ _p._ 151.

_Canadins sujects d'Asticou inuitent les Iesuites à prendre logis en leur terre._ _p._ 222.

_Canadins caressent les Anglois, les croyans estre François, & par ignorance les menent à S. Sauueur, où ils pillent & captiuent les François._ _p._ 229.

_Canadin s'attriste fort, ayant recogneu que par mesgarde il auoit mis les François de Sainct Sauueur entre les mains de l'Anglois._ _p._ 231.

_Canadins portent grande compassion aux François captifs de l'Anglois, & leur offrent toute amitié._ _p._ 246.

_Canadins donnent largement de leur proye aux François de S. Sauueur necessiteux._ _p._ 253.

_Canadins bien recogneus peuuent estre cy apres mieux aidés au salut de leur ame._ _p._ 306.

_Canadins ayans grande confiance aux François, peuuent estre mieux aidez par eux, que par autres en leur conuersion._ _p._ 307.

_Canadins grandement fideles aux François._ _p._ 308.

_Canadins ennemis de l'Anglois, & Holandois._ _p._ 309.

_Canadins affectionnez au Baptesme._ _p._ 310.

_Canadine malade à la mort, guerie par le Catechisme, & vne Croix penduë au col._ _p._ 313.

_Canadois ne portent point de hauts de chausses._ _p._ 39.

_Canadois portent greues, & souliers de peaux d'eslan._ _p._ 39.

_Canadois plant[~e]t nouuelles cabanes à chaque changement de lieu, & de residence._ _p._ 40.

_Canadois se cabanent en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux._ _p._ 41.

_Canadois se couchent à l'entour du foyer, sur des peaux de loups marins, la teste sur vn sac._ _p._ 41.

_Canadois à chacune des treize lunes annuelles ont nouuelle chasse, ou pesche._ _p._ 42.

_Canadois ne viuent que de chasse, & de pesche._ _p._ 42.

_Canadois meurent de faim quand la chasse, & pesche ne reüssit._ _p._ 43.

_Canadois sont fort incõmodés de pluye, & de nege, quand elle ne gele pas._ _p._ 44.

_Canadois portent des raquettes au pied sur la nege molle, pour chasser._ _p._ 44.

_Canadois riches en gibier d'eau, non de terre._ _p._ 46.

_Canadois en my-Septembre de la mer vont à la pesche des riuieres._ _p._ 47.

_Canadois ne possedent rien en proprieté auant leur mariage._ _p._ 51.

_Canadois ont des quereles sur le refus des droicts les vns enuers les autres._ _p._ 52.

_Canadin guery par la Croix, & Catechisme._ _p._ 315.

_Canadins hurlent horriblement aupres de leurs malades mourans._ _p._ 317.

_Campseau coste de mer loin de six vingts lieuës de Port Royal._ _p._ 139.

_Cap de la Heue en la coste de l'Acadie._ _pag._ 216.

_Cap de sable._ _p._ 255.

_Cap Breton._ _p._ 263.

_Cap Forchu._ _p._ 255.

_Caribous, moitié asne, moitié cerf, bons à manger._ _p._ 43.

_Castors & Eslans ont leur seconde chasse en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._ 47.

_Castors se prennent en Feuier & Mars, pour la premiere chasse._ _p._ 43.

_Catechisme exactement practiqué est tres-necessaire aux Canadins à cause de leur façon de viure vagabonde._ _p._ 102. 103. 104.

_Catechisme & Croix penduë au col d'vne Canadine la guerit de maladie mortelle._ _p._ 313.

_Catechisme guerit vn Canadin malade._ _p._ 215.

_Cauots, esquifs des Canadois, faicts, d'escorce de bouleau, fort legers, capables de toute vne famille, & vtensiles necessaires._ _p._ 48.

_Cauot fort commode pour la pesche, & voiture._ _p._ 48.

_Cauot faict quarante lieuës en vn iour._ _pag._ 49.

_Champlain fonde l'habitation de Kebec._ _p._ 121.

_Champlain descouure la coste de la riuiere S. Laurens._ _p._ 121.

_Champlain Lieutenant du sieur de Monts._ _p._ 121.

C_hamplain allant à Kebec passe à trauers des glaçons de mer enormément gros & affreux._ _p._ 139.

C_harbon de terre en Canada._ _p._ 32.

C_hair boucanée, ou sechée à la fumée, mise en reserue._ _p._ 70.

C_harmes, Chesnes, Hestres, & Peupliers en Canada._ _p._ 32.

C_hasse & pesche sont tout le reuenu des Canadois._ _p._ 42.

C_hasse premiere des Castors en Feurier, & Mars._ _p._ 43.

C_hasse seconde des Castors, & Eslans en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._ 47.

C_heuille plantée en terre par l'Autmoin faignant de chasser le Diable._ _p._ 82. 83. 84.

C_hiens du malade mangés en Tabagie._ _pag._ 89.

C_hinictou est vne Baye en Canada fort belle en prairies._ _p._ 27.

C_hinictou pays de Canada fertile & aggreable._ _p._ 204.

Chiquebi _racine à guise de truffes, dont les Iesuites viuoyent en temps de famine._ _p._ 213.

C_hirurgien Anglois Catholique, charitable enuers les François de S. Sauueur blessez._ _p._ 241.

C_oquilles, & poissons de toute sorte foisonnent en la mer de Canada durant cinq mois._ _p._ 45.

C_oste de la riuiere Sainct Iean en Canada, abondante en vigne sauuage, & noyers._ _p._ 31.

C_oste de S. Sauueur fort aggreable._ _p._ 225.

C_roix penduë au col d'vn Canadin le guerit d'vne longue maladie._ _p._ 315.

C_roix plantée au Cap de la Heue._ _p._ 216.

C_roix plantée au Port S. Sauueur._ _p._ 226.

C_oudriers sont frequents en Canada._ _p._ 31.

C_ounibas pays inhabitable à cause du froid._ _p._ 21.

_B._

_Bay of Chinictou in Canada, surrounded by beautiful meadows._ _p._ 27

_French Bay, between Port Royal and the river St. John._ _p._ 165

_Bay of mines, twenty-two leagues from Port Royal._ _p._ 203

_Baye de Genes, thus called by Champlain._ _p._ 204

_Bay of mines eight leagues wide._ _p._ 205

_Baptism too easily administered in Mexico, with notable detriment to those baptised._ _p._ 106

_Baptism administered to the Canadians not yet instructed in the duties of Christianity, and the evils which result therefrom._ _p._ 111

_Baptism of aged persons, not well instructed, deferred with great consideration._ _p._ 115

_Baptism desired by Canadians before dying._ _p._ 310

_Baptism cures a Canadian child sick unto death._ _p._ 318

_Those baptised in Canada without previous instruction, know nothing of Christianity, not even their Baptismal names._ _p._ 109

_Basques have alienated the Excomminquois in Canada from our French._ _p._ 33

_Biencourt and Robin, out of regard for the Calvinists, agree that the Jesuits must not enter their ship._ _p._ 134

_Biencourt by means of the Jesuits sails for Canada, much sooner than he could have done without them._ _p._ 138

_Biencourt suspects that Madame de Guerche-ville wishes to rob him of his rights in Canada._ _p._ 197

_Bretons discovered new France._ _p._ 2

_Bretons often sick in Canada._ _p._ 15

_Winter Cabins of the Canadians; a circle of poles closed at the top and covered with skins, mats, or pieces of bark._ _p._ 40, 41

_Cabins of the Canadians always in a beautiful location, and near good water._ _p._ 41

_Summer Cabins of the Canadians long and wide, and covered with mats or bark._ _p._ 42

_Calais. The Governor and Dean of Calais welcome and kindly assist the Jesuits of Canada sent back from England._ _p._ 299

_Calvinists are not satisfied to have the Jesuits go to Canada, but are willing to take all other Ecclesiastics._ _p._ 133

_Canada is only a part of new France, namely, the land along the great river Canadas._ _p._ 3, 4

_Canada, a Province of new France, first discovered by Jaques Cartier, in the year 1524._ _p._ 4

_Canada parallel to France, in the same climate and Polar elevation._ _p._ 9

_Canada colder than our France, and why._ _p._ 10

_Canada subject to Scurvy or land disease._ _p._ 14

_Canada brings sickness to those who are idle._ _p._ 16

_Canada shows vegetation as early in Spring as our France._ _p._ 18

_Canada in the coldest places yields the wheat crop in its season._ _p._ 19

_Canada has no high mountains._ _p._ 20

_Canada, very much intersected by rivers and arms of the sea, is thereby rendered colder._ _p._ 23

_Canada, on account of the continuous forests, is less heated by the Sun, and therefore colder than the open countries._ _p._ 24

_Canada, not being cultivated, is covered with a hard crust, almost impenetrable to the Sun, and therefore much colder._ _p._ 24

_Canada produces the wild grape in many places, which ripens in its season._ _p._ 31

_Canada, in the lands known to the French, has only ten thousand inhabitants._ _p._ 73

_Canada, with the exception of Port Royal, given to Madame de Guercheville._ _p._ 190

_Canada under Authority of the Prince de Soissons._ _p._ 330

_Canada, why the French should cultivate it._ _p._ 331

_Canadians faithful to French against English._ _p._ 34

_Canadians kind to French made prisoners by English._ _p._ 35, 36

_Canadians have a good memory for visible and material things._ _p._ 36

_Canadians comprehend and estimate well the things known through the senses._ _p._ 36

_Canadian women wear belts above and below the stomach._ _p._ 37

_Canadians nearly all beardless, except the more robust._ _p._ 37

_Canadians have no memory for a consecutive arrangement of words._ _p._ 27

_Canadians scoffers at ill-shapen people._ _p._ 37

_Canadians' bodies are not ill-shapen or defective._ _p._ 37

_Canadians dressed in skins which have been curried and decorated in various colors._ _p._ 39

_Canadians cowardly and great boasters._ _p._ 55

_Canadians strong and skillful in wrestling, and not in any other kind of combat._ _p._ 55

_Canadians generous and grateful._ _p._ 58

_Canadians practice Polygamy more for profit than for incontinence._ _p._ 62

_Canadians sickly since their intercourse with the French, on account of their excesses in eating food to which they are not accustomed._ _p._ 69

_Canadians not anxious about to-morrow, only living from day to day._ _p._ 70

_Canadians, when they rub themselves with seal oil, have a bad smell._ _p._ 77

_Canadians embrace Christianity only as a sign of friendship with the French._ _p._ 109

_Canadians complain greatly that they were not advised of the duties of Christianity before their baptism, to which they would not have bound themselves if they had known them._ _p._ 111

_Canadians baptized through the instrumentality of sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 126

_Canadians can express in words only the more visible and material things._ _p._ 151

_Canadian subjects of Asticou invite the Jesuits to locate in their territory._ _p._ 222

_Canadians embrace the English, believing them to be French, and through ignorance guide them to St. Sauveur, where they plunder and capture the French._ _p._ 229

_Canadians very sorrowful when they recognized that through inadvertence they had delivered the French of Saint Sauveur into the hands of the English._ _p._ 231

_Canadians show great sympathy for the French taken prisoners by the English, and offer them many favors._ _p._ 246

_Canadians give generously of their game to the needy French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 253

_Canadians, well understood, can afterwards be better assisted in the salvation of their souls._ _p._ 306

_Canadians, having great confidence in the French, can be better aided by them, than by others, in their conversion._ _p._ 307

_Canadians very faithful to the French._ _p._ 308

_Canadians enemies of the English and Dutch._ _p._ 309

_Canadians fond of Baptism._ _p._ 310

_Canadian woman sick unto death, cured by the Catechism and a Cross hung around her neck._ _p._ 313

_Canadians do not wear trousers._ _p._ 39

_Canadians wear leggings and shoes of elk skin._ _p._ 39

_Canadians erect new houses at every change of place and residence._ _p._ 40

_Canadians camp in pleasant localities and near good water._ _p._ 41

_Canadians lie around the fire, upon seal skins, their heads upon bags._ _p._ 41

_Canadians have new game or fish for every one of their thirteen moons._ _p._ 42

_Canadians live only upon game and fish._ _p._ 42

_Canadians die of starvation when hunting and fishing are not successful._ _p._ 43

_Canadians are very greatly inconvenienced by the rain and snow when it does not freeze._ _p._ 44

_Canadians wear snowshoes upon the feet when the snow is soft, for hunting._ _p._ 44

_Canadians rich in marine, not in forest game._ _p._ 46

_Canadians, in the middle of September, come from the sea to fish in the rivers._ _p._ 47

_Canadians possess no property before marriage._ _p._ 51

_Canadians quarrel when some refuse dues to others._ _p._ 52

_Canadian cured by the Cross and Catechism._ _p._ 315

_Canadians howl terribly around their dying friends._ _p._ 317

_Campseau seacoast distant one hundred and twenty leagues from Port Royal._ _p._ 139

_Cap de la Heve on the coast of Acadia._ _pag._ 216

_Cape sable._ _p._ 255

_Cape Breton._ _p._ 263

_Cape Forchu._ _p._ 255

_Caribou, half ass, half deer, good to eat._ _p._ 43

_Chase, the second time for the Beaver and Elk in October and November._ _p._ 47

_Capture of the beaver in the first hunt, in February and March._ _p._ 43

_Catechism exactly attended to is very necessary to the Canadians, on account of their wandering mode of life._ _p._ 102, 103, 104

_Catechism and Cross, hung from the neck of a Canadian woman, cure her of a mortal illness._ _p._ 313

_Catechism cures a sick Canadian._ _pag._ 215

_Canoes, the skiffs of the Canadians, made of birch-bark, very light, capable of holding an entire family and their necessary utensils._ _p._ 48

_Canoe very convenient for fishing and conveyance._ _p._ 48

_Canoe makes forty leagues in one day._ _pag._ 49

_Champlain establishes the settlement of Kebec._ _p._ 121

_Champlain explores the shores of the river St. Lawrence._ _p._ 121

_Champlain, Lieutenant of sieur de Monts._ _p._ 121

_Champlain, going to Kebec, passes through enormous and frightful masses of ice._ _p._ 139

_Coal in Canada._ _p._ 32

_Smoked meat, or meat dried in smoke, stored away._ _p._ 70

_Elm, Oak, Beech, and Poplar in Canada._ _p._ 32

_Hunting and fishing are the only resources of the Canadians._ _p._ 42

_First hunt for Beavers in February and March._ _p._ 43

_Second hunt for Beavers and Elk in October and November._ _p._ 47

_Stick planted in the ground by the Autmoin, feigning to chase away the Devil._ _p._ 82, 83, 84

_Dogs of the sick man eaten in the Tabagie._ _pag._ 89

_Chinictou is a Bay in Canada surrounded by beautiful meadows._ _p._ 27

_Chinictou a country of Canada fertile and pleasant._ _p._ 204

Chiquebi, _a root something like truffles, upon which the Jesuits lived in time of famine._ _p._ 213

_English Surgeon, a Catholic, charitable towards the wounded French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 241

_Shellfish, and fish of all kinds, swarm in the Canadian sea during five months._ _p._ 45

_Banks of the river Saint John in Canada abounding in wild grapes and nuts._ _p._ 31

_Coast of St. Sauveur very agreeable._ _p._ 225

_Cross hung from the neck of a Canadian cures him of a long illness._ _p._ 315

_Cross planted at Cap de la Heve._ _p._ 216

_Cross planted at the Port of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 226

_Hazel trees very abundant in Canada._ _p._ 31

_Counibas country uninhabitable on account of the cold._ _p._ 21

_D_

_Defunct enseuely auec son sac, ses peaux, fleches, & autres meubles siens, & presents de ses amis._ _p._ 92.

_Diable familier à Membertou encore Payen._ _p._ 95.

_Diable trauaillant les Canadois auant la venuë des François._ _p._ 95.

_Dieu entre les Canadois est nommé du nom du Soleil._ _p._ 96.

_Dix mille personnes seulement en toutes les terres de Canada._ _p._ 73.

_Droict de proprieté en Canada se practique par la possession du chien, & du sac._ _p._ 51.

_Dueil à la mort des parens & amis, est de se broüiller la face de noir._ _p._ 90.

_Du Pont le ieune reconcilié au sieur de Potrincourt à la requeste du P. Biard._ _pag._ 147.

_Du Pont le ieune reconcilié au sieur de Potrincourt se confesse, & faict ses Pasques au bord de la mer, auec grande edification des assistans._ _p._ 148.

_Du Pont perd son nauire, & le recouure à la requeste du P. Biard._ _p._ 148.

_Du Pont le ieune employé pour traduire le Catechisme en langue Canadine._ _p._ 175.

_Du Pont le ieune retire en son nauire vne partie des François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 256.

_D_

_Dead men buried with their bags, skins, arrows, and other possessions, and presents from their friends._ _p._ 92

_Devil familiar to Membertou while yet a Pagan._ _p._ 95

_Devil tormenting the Canadians before the coming of the French._ _p._ 95

_God, among the Canadians, is known by the same name as the Sun._ _p._ 96

_Ten thousand people only in all the lands of Canada._ _p._ 73

_Right of property in Canada evidenced by the possession of the dog and of the bag._ _p._ 51

_Dead kindred or friends mourned by smearing the face with black._ _p._ 90

_Du Pont the younger reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt at the request of Father Biard._ _pag._ 147

_Du Pont the younger, reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt, confesses, and receives the Easter Sacrament on the seashore, to the great edification of those present._ _p._ 148

_Du Pont loses his ship and recovers it at the request of Father Biard._ _p._ 148

_Du Pont the younger employed to translate the Catechism into the Canadian language._ _p._ 175

_Du Pont the younger takes into his ship part of the French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 256

_E_

_Enfans en grand nombre sont la force des Sagamos Canadois._ _p._ 62.

_Enfant Canadin malade à la mort guery par le Baptesme._ _p._ 318.

_Eplan de Canada se prend en Mars._ _p._ 45.

_Eplan, petit poisson comme Sardine._ _p._ 213.

_Eslans, & Castors ont leur seconde chasse en Octobre, & Nouembre._ _p._ 47.

_Eslans se prennent pour la seconde chasse en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._ 47.

_Espoux Canadois donne à son beau-pere, & ne reçoit rien de luy._ _p._ 61.

_Estuues frictions, sueurs vsitées en Canada pour la santé._ _p._ 77.

_Estourgeon se pesche en Auril._ _p._ 45.

_Eteminquois, Montaguets, Souriquois alliez aux François en Canada._ _p._ 34.

_Excomminquois ennemis des François en Canada, à l'occasion des Basques._ _p._ 33.

_E_

_Large families the strength of Canadian Sagamores._ _p._ 62

_Canadian child sick unto death cured by Baptism._ _p._ 318

_Canadian smelts taken in March._ _p._ 45

_Smelt, a little fish like a Sardine._ _p._ 213

_Second chase for Elk and Beaver in October and November._ _p._ 47

_Elk are captured in the second chase in October and November._ _p._ 47

_Canadian husband gives to his father-in-law, instead of receiving from him._ _p._ 61

_Rubbing and vapor-baths used in Canada for the health._ _p._ 77

_Sturgeon are caught in April._ _p._ 45

_Eteminquois, Montaguets, Souriquois, allies of the French in Canada._ _p._ 34

_Excomminquois, enemies of the French in Canada, on account of the Basques._ _p._ 33

F

_Fæal l'vne des Isles des Açores._ _p._ 287.

F_emmes Canadoises portent le fais du mesnage, & sont de pire condition, que chambrieres._ _p._ 62.

F_emmes Canadoises pudiques._ _p._ 66.

F_emmes Canadoises durement traictées de leurs maris._ _p._ 65.

F_emmes Canadoises peu fecondes à cause de leurs trauaux continuels._ _p._ 72.

F_leurs de lis rasées en Canada par l'Anglois._ _p._ 271.

F_oin de Canada haut de la longueur d'vn homme._ _p._ 26.

F_rançois de S. Sauueur accusés d'estre bannis & pirates, pour ne pouuoir produire leur commission surprinse par l'Anglois._ _p._ 239.

_France nouuelle est propre des François priuatiuement aux Anglois._ _p._ 320.

F_rançois ont enseigné l'vsage du poison, & autres mal-heurs aux Canadois._ _p._ 68.

F_rançois doiuent entreprendre la culture de Canada._ _p._ 331.

F_rançois en danger de se perdre parmy les Armouchiquois, par vn soupçon fondé en apparence._ _p._ 178.

F_rançois pretendent iustement desboutter l'Anglois de la nouuelle France._ _p._ 320.

F_rance nouuelle est vne forest perpetuelle._ _p._ 4.

F_rance nouuelle, partie Occidentale de l'Amerique._ _p._ 1.

F_rance nouuelle descouuerte l'an 1504. par les Bretons._ _p._ 2.

F_rançois Bretons ont les premiers descouuert la nouuelle France._ _p._ 2.

_France nouuelle pourquoy doit estre cultiuée par les François._ _p._ 331.

F

_Fæal, one of the Islands of the Açores._ _p._ 287

_Canadian women bear the burdens of the household, and are in a worse condition than chambermaids._ _p._ 62

_Canadian women modest._ _p._ 66

_Canadian women badly treated by their husbands._ _p._ 65

_Canadian women not fruitful on account of their continual hardships._ _p._ 72

_Fleurs-de-lis erased in Canada by the English._ _p._ 271

_Hay in Canada as high as a man._ _p._ 26

_French of St. Sauveur accused of being outlaws and pirates, because they could not produce their commission, which had been seized by the English._ _p._ 239

_New France is owned by the French exclusive of the English._ _p._ 320

_French have taught the use of poison and other evils to the Canadians._ _p._ 68

_French ought to undertake the cultivation of Canada._ _p._ 331

_French in danger of ruin among the Armouchiquois, on account of a suspicion based upon appearances._ _p._ 178

_French justly assume to overrule the claims of the English in new France._ _p._ 320

_New France is an interminable forest._ _p._ 4

_New France, Western part of America._ _p._ 1

_New France discovered in the year 1504, by the Bretons._ _p._ 2

_French Bretons the first discoverers of new France._ _p._ 2

_New France, why it ought to be cultivated by the French._ _p._ 331

G

_Glaçons etrangement gros, charriez cent lieux dans la mer par les riuieres._ _p._ 139.

_Garçons, ou non encores mariez n'acquierent rien à eux-mesmes, ains à leur Sagamo._ _p._ 51.

_Gilbert du Thet Iesuite tué par les Anglois à S. Sauueur._ _p._ 241.

_Greues, & souliers des Canadois._ _p._ 39.

_Guerres des Canadois se prattiquent par surprises._ _p._ 55.

G

_Masses of ice, wonderfully large, drifted a hundred leagues into the sea through the rivers._ _p._ 139

_Boys, or those not yet married, can acquire nothing for themselves, but for their Sagamore._ _p._ 51

_Gilbert du Thet, Jesuit, killed by the English at St. Sauveur._ _p._ 241

_Leggings and shoes of the Canadians._ _p._ 39

_Wars of the Canadians are carried on by strategy._ _p._ 55

H

_Habitans des terres de Canada dix mille en tout._ _p._ 73.

_Habitans de S. Malo fort charitables enuers les François reuenans de Canada._ _p._ 258.

_Habits de peaux veluës des Canadois._ _p._ 39.

H_arenc se pesche en Auril._ _p._ 45.

H_auts de chausses ne sont en vsage en Canada._ _p._ 29.

H_enry IIII. se fasche que le sieur de Potrincourt ne se haste pour Canada._ _p._ 125.

_Henry IIII. Roy de France, destine les Iesuites en Canada._ _p._ 123.

_Henry Membertou malade meurt à Port Royal, fort Chrestiennement._ _p._ 162.

_Herbes potageres fort grandes, & bonnes en Canada._ _p._ 27.

_Huguenot de Dieppe remarque vne guerison merueilleuse d'vne Canadine._ _p._ 314.

_Huile de graisse de loup marin, sausse annuelle des Canadois._ _p._ 43.

H

_Inhabitants of the lands of Canada, ten thousand in all._ _p._ 73

_Inhabitants of St. Malo very charitable towards the French returning from Canada._ _p._ 258

_Clothes of the Canadians made of hairy skins._ _p._ 39

_Herring fishing in April._ _p._ 45

_Trousers are not used in Canada._ _p._ 29

_Henry IIII. is angry because sieur de Potrincourt does not hasten to Canada._ _p._ 125

_Henry IIII., King of France, appoints the Jesuits to Canada._ _p._ 123

_Henry Membertou, being sick, dies at Port Royal in a very Christian Manner._ _p._ 162

_Pot herbs very large and good in Canada._ _p._ 27

_Huguenot of Dieppe notices the marvelous cure of a Canadian Woman._ _p._ 314

_Seal oil the Canadian sauce the year round._ _p._ 43

I

_Iaques Cartier descouure Canada en la France nouuelle l'an 1524. & 1534._ _p._ 4.

_Iean Denys de Honfleur, va en la France nouuelle l'an 1506._ _p._ 3.

_Iean Verazan prend possession de la France nouuelle au nom de François I. Roy de France._ _p._ 3.

_Iesuites captifs en Angleterre visitez honorablement par les habitans du lieu._ _p._ 296.

_Iesuites exhortent les Canadois baptisez auant leur venuë en Canada, de reietter la Polygamie, & ce qu'on leur respond._ _p._ 111.

_Iesuites ne veulent baptiser les adultes qu'apres auoir esté deuëment instruicts, dont ils sont calomniez à tord._ _p._ 110. 111. 112.

_Iesuites taschent à tourner en Canadois les principes de la Foy, mais les mots ne se trouuent suffisans pour ce faire._ _p._ 112.

_Iesuites ne baptisent point les personnes aagées sans estre deuëment catechisées, & à fort bonne raison._ _p._ 114.

_Iesuites destinez en Canada par le Roy Henry IIII._ _p._ 123.

_Iesuites exclus de l'entrée d'vn nauire, en faueur des Caluinistes._ _p._ 134.

_Iesuites desmarent pour Canada en Ianuier. 1611._ _p._ 138.

_Iesuites arriuez à Port Royal en Iuin 1611._ _p._ 149.

_Iesuites defendus de calomnie par le tesmoignage mesme des Caluinistes._ _p._ 142.

_Iesuites s'estudient à la langue Canadine, mais les Canadins ne les y seruent fidelement._ _p._ 151. 152.

_Iesuites sont empeschez de proufiter en la langue Canadine, par ceux mesmes, qui les deuoyent aider._ _p._ 154.

_Iesuites ne veulent consentir que Membertou soit enterré auec ses predecesseurs infideles._ _p._ 161.

_Iesuites bastissent de leurs mains vue chaloupe pour aller à la queste des viures en temps de famine._ _p._ 210.

_Iesuites cueillent le_ Chiquebi _racine, & peschent l'Eplan, & le Harenc en temps de famine._ _p._ 213.

_Iesuites & autres François de S. Sauueur sont menez à la Virginie._ _p._ 260.

_Iesuites garentissent l'Anglois qui les tenoit captifs, de la main de l'Espagnol._ _p._ 289.

_Iesuites des Isles Açores sont portez en Galles Prouince d'Angleterre._ _p._ 292.

_Iesuites mettent és mains du sieur de Biencourt en sa necessité toutes leurs prouisions pour le soulager, & les siens._ _p._ 209.

_Iesuites sont retirez de Port Royal, & transportez prés de l'Isle de_ Pemetiq _pour dresser nouuelle habitation._ _p._ 219.

_Iesuites produits tesmoins en Angleterre, pour la iustification du Capitaine qui les tient captifs, le deliurent de soupçon._ _p._ 293.

_Iesuites captifs defrayez en Galles par le Iuge du lieu fort charitablement._ _p._ 295.

_Iesuites de Canada captifs en Angleterre, renuoyez libres à Calais._ _p._ 298.

_Ingrés, c'est à dire Anglois, hays des Canadois._ _p._ 35.

_Isle longue à dix lieües de Baye Francoise._ _p._ 254

I

_Jaques Cartier explores Canada in new France in the years 1524 and 1534._ _p._ 4

_Jean Denys, of Honfleur, goes to new France in the year 1506._ _p._ 3

_Jean Verazan takes possession of new France in the name of Francis I., King of France._ _p._ 3

_Jesuit prisoners in England receive honorable visits from the inhabitants of the place._ _p._ 296

_Jesuits exhort the Canadians, baptized before they came to Canada, to discard Polygamy, and what they answer thereto._ _p._ 111

_Jesuits do not wish to baptize the adults until they have been properly instructed, for which they are unjustly slandered._ _p._ 110, 111, 112

_Jesuits try to change into the Canadian tongue the principles of the Faith, but suitable words for this purpose cannot be found._ _p._ 112

_Jesuits do not baptize aged persons unless they are properly catechized, and with very good reason._ _p._ 114

_Jesuits appointed to Canada by King Henry IIII._ _p._ 123

_Jesuits excluded from entering a ship, out of regard for the Calvinists._ _p._ 134

_Jesuits sail for Canada in January, 1611._ _p._ 138

_Jesuits arrive at Port Royal in June, 1611._ _p._ 149

_Jesuits acquitted of slander by the evidence of Calvinists themselves._ _p._ 142

_Jesuits study the Canadian language, but the Canadians do not serve them faithfully._ _p._ 151, 152

_Jesuits are prevented from making progress in the Canadian language by the very ones who ought to aid them._ _p._ 154

_Jesuits do not wish to consent that Membertou be buried with his infidel ancestors._ _p._ 161

_Jesuits build with their own hands a boat, to go in search of food in time of famine._ _p._ 210

_Jesuits gather the_ Chiquebi _root, and fish for Smelts and Herring, in time of famine._ _p._ 213

_Jesuits and other French of St. Sauveur are taken to Virginia._ _p._ 260

_Jesuits save the English, who hold them prisoners, from the hands of the Spaniards._ _p._ 289

_Jesuits are carried from the Açores Islands to Wales, a Province of England._ _p._ 292

_Jesuits place in the hands of sieur de Biencourt, in his need, all their provisions, to nourish him and his people._ _p._ 209

_Jesuits are withdrawn from Port Royal, and taken to the Island of_ Pemetiq, _to establish a new settlement._ _p._ 219

_Jesuits, produced as witnesses in England, for the justification of the Captain who holds them prisoners, deliver him from suspicion._ _p._ 293

_Jesuit prisoners' expenses in Wales very kindly paid by the Judge of the place._ _p._ 295

_Jesuits of Canada, prisoners in England, liberated and sent to Calais._ _p._ 298

_Ingrés, that is English, hated by the Canadians._ _p._ 35

_Long Island, ten leagues from French Bay._ _p._ 254

K

Kadesquit, _port d'Acadie destiné au nouueau logis des François._ _p._ 221

Kebec _habitation fondée par Champlain._ _p._ 121

_Kinibequi, riuiere proche des Armouchiquois, à soixante & dix lieües de port Royal._ _p._ 176

K

Kadesquit, _a port of Acadia, intended as a new residence for the French._ _p._ 221

Kebec _settlement, founded by Champlain._ _p._ 121

_Kinibequi, a river near the Armouchiquois, seventy leagues from port Royal._ _p._ 176

_L_

_La Marquise de Guercheuille impetre en don Canada, horsmis port Royal._ _p._ 190

_Langage Canadois fort manque à exprimer vne infinité de chose fort ordinaires._ _p._ 151

_La Marquise entre en association pour le fait de port Royal auec le sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 188

_La Motte, Lieutenant de la Saussaye._ _p._ 223

_Le sieur de Potrincourt va en Canada, & faict baptiser au plustost des Sauuages._ _p._ 126

_La Motte Gentilhomme François, captif auec les Iesuites de Canada, mis en liberte._ _p._ 301

_Langues differentes entre les peuples de Canada._ _p._ 54

_Lapins, & leuraux assez rares en Canada._ _p._ 46

_La Royne donne aux Iesuites cinq cens escus pour le voyage de Canada._ 130

_Legumes croissent fort grands, & bons en Canada._ 27

_Le sieur de Potrincourt emprunte des prouisions de bouche des François ses voisins, & leur fait recognoistre son fils pour Vice-admiral._ 146

_Le sieur de Potrincourt retourne de Canada en France vn mois apres qu'il y estoit arriué pour enuitailler port Royal._ 149

_Louys Membertou Sagamo faict Tabagie à quinze François de sainct Sauueur retournans en France._ 255

_Loups marins se prennent à foison en Ianuier._ 42

_Loup marin, poisson fraye sur terre és Isles de Canada._ 43

_Loutres ont leur chasse principale en Feurier, & Mars._ 43

_Lugubres hurlements à la mort des Canadois._ 90

_Lunes. Par Lunes les Canadois sont assortis de nouuelle chasse, ou pesche._ 42

_L_

_The Marquise de Guercheville given the grant of Canada, with the exception of port Royal._ _p._ 190

_Canadian Language very weak in expressing an infinite number of very ordinary things._ _p._ 151

_The Marquise enters into partnership in the affairs of port Royal with sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 188

_La Motte, Lieutenant of la Saussaye._ _p._ 223

_Sieur de Potrincourt goes to Canada and has a number of the Savages baptized as quickly as possible._ _p._ 126

_La Motte, a French Gentleman, prisoner with the Jesuits of Canada, set at liberty._ _p._ 301

_Different languages among the tribes of Canada._ _p._ 54

_Rabbits and hares rather scarce in Canada._ _p._ 46

_The Queen gives to the Jesuits five hundred écus for the Canadian voyage._ 130

_Vegetables grow very large and are good in Canada._ 27

_Sieur de Potrincourt borrows some provisions from his French neighbors, and makes them recognize his son as Vice-admiral._ 146

_Sieur de Potrincourt returns from Canada to France a month after he had come to reprovision port Royal._ 149

_Louys Membertou, Sagamore, makes Tabagie for fifteen Frenchmen of saint Sauveur returning to France._ 255

_Seals are caught in abundance in January._ 42

_Seal, fish which breeds upon the Islands in Canada._ 43

_Otters are hunted chiefly in February and March._ 43

_Doleful howls at the death of Canadians._ 90

_Moons. The Canadians arrange their hunting and fishing by Moons._ 42

_M_

_Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille zelée en l'affaire de Canada._ 127

_Madame de Guercheuille defraye les Iesuites au chemin de Canada._ 130

_Madame de Guercheuille trouue l'expedient d'exclure les Caluinistes du nauire où ils ne vouloyent admettre les Iesuites._ 135

_Madame de Guercheuille trouue le fonds d'vne rente perpetuelle en Canada, pour y entretenir les Iesuites._ 137

_Madame de Sourdis fournit aux Iesuites le linge pour Canada._ 130

_Madame la Marquise de Vernueil fournit aux Iesuites les habits d'Eglise, & autres vtensiles pour Canada._ 130

_Magasins des Canadois, sont quelques sacs de prouision pendus en vn arbre._ 71

_Magiciens frequents en Canada._ 94

_Magistrats de la Virginie prennent resolution de ruiner toutes les places des François en Canada, piller tous les nauires, & renuoyer les personnes en France._ 264

_Malades cruellement traittez en Canada._

_Malade tardant à mourir estouffé à force d'eau froide qu'on luy verse sur le ventre._ 85

_Malade ayant testé sans rien donner, reçoit des presents._ 89

_Mareschal de la Virginie veut faire pendre les François de sainct Sauueur._ 261

_Mariages cõme se traitt[~e]t entre Canadois._ 61

_Matachias, chaines, & parures des femmes Canadoises._ 37

_Matachias, ioyaux, cueilliées sur la fosse des femmes._ 92

_Medecines ordinaires des Canadois, estuues & frictions._ 77

_Membertou, Sagamo, & Autmoin tout ensemble._ 54

_Membertou n'a iamais eu qu'vne femme à la fois, mesmes estant Payen, iugeant la Polygamie infame & incommode._ 65

_Membertou, & son fils retirez des mains de l'Autmoin, qui les auoit condamnez de maladie mortelle._ 87

_Membertou appellé le Capitaine, apres sa mort._ 93

_Membertou seul d'entre les Canadi[~e]s baptisez auoit fait profit du baptesme._ 109

_Membertou premier baptisé des Sagamos._ 158

_Membertou logé & serui par les Iesuites dans leur cabane iusques à sa mort._ 158

_Membertou demande d'estre enterré auec ses majeurs, les Iesuites luy remonstrent que cela repugne au Christianisme: il persiste quelque temps, puis en fin acquiesce._ 160. 162

_Membertou desire d'estre bien instruict, pour se rendre Predicateur de l'Euangile._ 163

_Membertou conseille au P. Enemond malade d'escrire à Biencourt qu'on ne l'a point tué, mais qu'il est mort de maladie._ 202

_Memoires de France effacées en Canada, par les Anglois._ 265. 271

_Merueille, Capitaine natif de S. Malo, estant prisonnier, fait tout deuoir de bon Chrestien._ 173

_Meuano, Isle à l'emboucheure de la Baye Françoise._ 254

_Mine d'argent en la Baye saincte Marie, en Canada._

_Mine de fer à la riuiere S. Iean._ 32

M_ines de cuyure à port Royal, & à la Baye des mines._ 32

M_ocosa terre ferme, où est située la Virginie des Anglois._ 227

M_ois. Chaque mois de l'année les Canadois ont pesche, ou chasse abondante, ou tous les deux._

M_ontaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins alliez aux François en Canada._ 34

_Monts deserts, Isle, appellée_ Pemetiq. 219

_Morts enterrez assis, les genoux contre le ventre, la teste sur les genoux._ 91

_Moulues foisonnent en la coste de mer dés le commencement de May iusques à la my-Septembre._ 45

_M_

_Madame la Marquise de Guercheville zealous in the affairs of Canada._ 127

_Madame de Guercheville defrays the expenses of the Jesuits on their journey to Canada._ 130

_Madame de Guercheville devises an expedient to exclude the Calvinists from the ship in which they did not wish to admit the Jesuits._ 135

_Madame de Guercheville raises a fund for a continual income in Canada, to maintain the Jesuits there._ 137

_Madame de Sourdis furnishes the Jesuits with the linen for Canada._ 130

_Madame la Marquise de Vernueil furnishes the Jesuits with the Ecclesiastical robes and other utensils, for Canada._ 130

_Magazines of the Canadians are bags of provisions hung to a tree._ 71

_Magicians very common in Canada._ 94

_Magistrates of Virginia decide to ruin all the places of the French in Canada, to plunder their ships, and to send the people back to France._ 264

_Sick people cruelly treated in Canada._

_Sick people who are slow to die, smothered by pouring a quantity of cold water upon their stomachs._ 85

_Sick person having made his will without giving anything, himself receives gifts._ 89

_Marshal of Virginia wishes to have the French of saint Sauveur hanged._ 261

_Marriages, how arranged among Canadians._ 61

_Matachias, chains, and adornments of Canadian women._ 37

_Matachias, jewels, collected upon the graves of the women._ 92

_Medicines in use among the Canadians, vapor-baths and rubbing._ 77

_Membertou, both Sagamore and Autinoin._ 54

_Membertou had only one wife at a time, even when a Pagan, considering Polygamy both wicked and inconvenient._ 65

_Membertou and his son withdrawn from the hands of the Autmoin, who had pronounced their illnesses fatal._ 87

_Membertou called "the Captain" after his death._ 93

_Membertou, of all the Canadians who were baptized, profited by his baptism._ 109

_Membertou the first Sagamore to be baptized._ 158

_Membertou lodged and cared for by the Jesuits in their cabin up to the time of his death._ 158

_Membertou asks to be buried with his fathers; the Jesuits urge that this would be contrary to Christianity; he insists for some time, then finally yields._ 160, 162

_Membertou wishes to be well instructed, to make himself a Preacher of the Gospel._ 163

_Membertou advises Father Enemond, who is sick, to write to Biencourt, that they did not kill him, but that he died of illness._ 202

_Mementos of France effaced in Canada, by English._ 265, 271

_Merveille, Captain, a native of St. Malo, being a prisoner, performs all the duties of a good Christian._ 173

_Meuano, Island at the mouth of French Bay._ 254

_Mine of silver at Baye sainte Marie, in Canada._

_Mine of iron at the river St. John._ 32

_Mines of copper at port Royal and Bay of mines._ 32

_Mocosa, the mainland in which the Virginia of the English is situated._ 227

_Months. Every month of the year in Canada has an abundance of fish or game, or both._

_Montaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins, allies of the French in Canada._ 34

_Mount desert, Island, called_ Pemetiq. 219

_Dead people buried in a sitting posture, the knees against the stomach, the head upon the knees._ 91

_Codfish abound near the seacoast from the beginning of May until the middle of September._ 45

_N_

_Nattes de rozeau, fort menues, & bien tissues, deffendent les cabanes de la pluye._ 42

_Nauire arriue à propos à ceux de port Royal en leur grande disette._ 186

_Nauire captif des François de S. Sauueur commandé par Turnel Anglois est porté par le vent aux Açores Isles de la coronne d'Espagne._ 281

_Nauire de la Saussaye arriue en Canada._ 216

_Nicolas Adams Iuge de Pembroch en Angleterre, charitable enuers les Iesuites captifs._ 295

_Noyers frequents en la coste de la riuiere sainct Iean._ 31

_Noms changez aux trespassez apres qu'ils sont enterrez._ 9

_Nopces des Canadois auec solemnelle Tabagie, chants, & danses._ 62

_Norembegue, terre de Canada aussi bonne que nostre France._ 26

_Norembegue, & Acadie païs de la France nouuelle._ 4

_Normans sont allez en la France nouuelle, l'an_ 1500. _deux ans apres les Bretons._ 3

_Nouuelle France separée de la Guienne de huict cens, ou mille lieües par mer._

_Nouuelle France, partie occidentale de l'Amerique._ 1

_N_

_Mats of reeds, well woven, and very fine, protect the cabins from rain._ 42

_Ship arrives very opportunely for those at port Royal in their great need._ 186

_Ship captured from the French of St. Sauveur, commanded by Turnel, an Englishman, is carried by the wind to the Açores Islands of the crown of Spain._ 281

_Ship of la Saussaye arrives in Canada._ 216

_Nicolas Adams, Judge, of Pembroch in England, kind to the captive Jesuits._ 295

_Nuts abundant upon the banks of the river saint John._ 31

_Names of the dead changed after they are buried._ 9

_Nuptials of the Canadians with solemn Tabagie, songs, and dances._ 62

_Norembegua, country of Canada, as good as France._ 26

_Norembegua and Acadia, countries of new France._ 4

_Normans went to new France in the year_ 1500, _two years after the Bretons._ 3

_New France separated from Guienne by eight hundred or one thousand leagues of the sea._

_New France, the western part of America._ 1

_O_

_Oeufs d'oyseaux de proye d'eau abondent en Canada._ 45

_Oyes blanches, & grises, passageres en Canada._ 46

_Oyseaux de proye de mer couurent les Isles de Canada de leurs oeufs._ 45

_Oyseaux originaires, & passagers rares en Canada; ceux de proye sont frequents._ 46

_Onction d'huyle de Loup marin vsitée en Canada contre le chaud, & le froid._ 77

_Orignacs sont de saison en Feurier & Mars._ 43

_Ours bons à manger en Canada aux mois de Feurier & Mars._ 43

_Outardes, ou Canes sauuages se prennent en Auril._ 45

_Outardes passageres en Canada._ 46

_O_

_Eggs of marine birds of prey abundant in Canada._ 45

_White and grey geese, birds of passage in Canada._ 46

_Marine birds of prey cover the Islands of Canada with their eggs._ 45

_Native birds and birds of passage rare in Canada; birds of prey common._ 46

_Anointing with Seal oil used in Canada against heat and cold._ 77

_The season for moose is in February and March._ 43

_Bears good to eat in Canada in the months of February and March._ 43

_Bustards, or wild Ducks, are taken in April._ 45

_Bustards, birds of passage in Canada._ 46

_P_

_Pembroch, ville principale de Galles en Angleterre._ 292

_Pentegoët riuiere, a vne Sagamie du long de son riuage._ 53

_Pencoït, Isles à vingtcinq lieües de sainct Sauueur._ 228

_Perdrix grises à grãd queüe en Canada._ 46

_Pere Enemond Massé se loge auec Membertou pour apprendre la langue Canadine._ 200

P_ere Enemond Massé, luy quinziesme renuoyé par l'Anglois en France dans vne chaloupe._ 252

P. _Biard tient auec soy vn Canadin, pour apprendre la langue sauuage._ 201

_Pere Biard, & P. Enemond Massé destinez pour Canada._ 129

_Pere Biard ne veut enseigner aux Anglois le logis de saincte Croix, dont il court peril de sa vie._ 264

_P. Biard court fortune d'estre ietté en terre deserte, ou en mer par les soupçons de l'Anglois._ 268

_Pere Biard preuue efficacement au Capitaine Anglois, que les François de S. Sauueur sont bien aduoüés du Roy de France._ _p._ 244.

_Pesche abondante depuis May, iusques à my-Septembre._ _p._ 45.

_Pesche successiue de diuers poissons dés la my-Mars iusques en Octobre._ _p._ 44. 45. 46.

_Petun, & fumée d'iceluy practiquée par les Canadois, contre le mauuais temps, la faim, & autres maux._ _p._ 78.

_Peuples de Canada trois en tout alliés des François._ _p._ 34.

_Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts Lieutenant du Roy Henry IIII. en la France nouuelle._ _p._ 5.

_Pilotois, Medecin sorcier._ _p._ 80.

_Pilote François Caluiniste offre toute amitié aux Iesuites captifs des Anglois._ _p._ 245.

_Plastrier recognoist le sieur de Biencourt._ 157.

_Plaisant discours de Louys Membertou auec le P. Enemond Massé malade._ 202.

_Ponamo poisson de Canada fraye sous la glace en Decembre._ _p._ 47.

_Port Royal & Saincte Croix, deux logis bastis par le sieur de Monts en la France nouuelle._ _p._ 8.

_Port Royal a forme de Peninsule._ _p._ 24.

_Puritain procure tout le mal qu'il peut aux Iesuites._ _p._ 268.

_Port Royal mal enuitaillé sur l'Hyuer, pour grand nombre de personnes._ _p._ 144.

_Port aux Coquilles à vingt & vne lieuës de Port Royal._ 155.

_Port au Mouton._ 255.

_Port Royal bruslé par l'Anglois._ 271.

_Port Royal à quelles conditions cedé au sieur de Potrincourt par le sieur de Monts._ 122.

_Port Royal sans aucune def[~e]se perdu pour les Frãçois, & pillé & bruslé par l'Anglois._ 266

_Port de S. Sauueur nouuellement appellé de ce nom, & destiné à nouuelle habitatiõ de François._ 220.

_Port de S. Sauueur fort capable, & à l'abry du vent._ 225.

_Presage mauuais d'vn signe paroissant au ciel._ 167.

_Proprieté de Canadois est en la possession du chien, & du sac._ 51.

_Prouision pour Port Royal mal mesnagée à Dieppe, & dans le nauire._ 194.

_Pyramides de perches sur les tombeaux des nobles de Canada._ 92.

_P_

_Pembroke, the principal city of Wales in England._ 292

_Pentegoët river has a Sagamie along its banks._ 53

_Pencoït, Islands twenty-five leagues from saint Sauveur._ 228

_Gray partridges with large tails, in Canada._ 46

_Father Enemond Massé goes to live with Membertou to learn the Canadian language._ 200

_Father Enemond Massé, one of fifteen sent by the English to France in a shallop._ 252

_Father Biard keeps with him a Canadian, to learn from him the language of the savages._ 201

_Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé appointed to Canada._ 129

_Father Biard refuses to disclose to the English the position of sainte Croix, for which he is in danger of losing his life._ 264

_Father Biard runs the risk of being cast upon a desert land, or into the sea, through the suspicions of the English._ 268

_Father Biard proves satisfactorily to the English Captain, that the French of St. Sauveur are under the protection of the King of France._ _p._ 244

_Fish abundant from May to the middle of September._ _p._ 45

_Continuous fishing for different kinds of fish from the middle of March until October._ _p._ 44, 45, 46

_Tobacco used among the Canadians as a protection against bad weather, famine, and other evils._ _p._ 78

_Tribes of Canada, only three are allies of the French._ _p._ 34

_Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, Lieutenant of King Henry IIII. in new France._ _p._ 5

_Pilotois, Medicine man and sorcerer._ _p._ 80

_French Pilot, a Calvinist, shows great friendliness to the Jesuit prisoners of the English._ _p._ 245

_Plastrier acknowledges sieur de Biencourt._ 157

_Amusing talk of Louys Membertou with Father Enemond Massé, when he was ill._ 202

_Ponamo, a fish of Canada, spawns under the ice in December._ _p._ 47

_Port Royal and Sainte Croix, two stations established by sieur de Monts, in new France._ _p._ 8

_Port Royal in the form of a Peninsula._ _p._ 24

_Puritan makes all the trouble he can for the Jesuits._ _p._ 268

_Port Royal badly provisioned for the Winter, on account of the great number of persons._ _p._ 144

_Port aux Coquilles, twenty-one leagues from Port Royal._ 155

_Port au Mouton._ 255

_Port Royal burned by the English._ 271

_Port Royal, on what conditions ceded to sieur de Potrincourt by sieur de Monts._ 122

_Port Royal, defenseless, is lost to the French, and pillaged and burned by the English._ 266

_Port of St. Sauveur newly called by this name, and intended as a new habitation for the French._ 220

_Port of St. Sauveur very spacious, and protected from the wind._ 225

_Presage of evil in a phenomenon appearing in the heavens._ 167

_Property of the Canadians lies in the possession of a dog and a bag._ 51

_Provisions for Port Royal badly managed at Dieppe and in the ship._ 194

_Pyramids of poles upon the tombs of the grandees of Canada._ 92

R.

_Racine_ Chiquebi _à guise de truffes._ 213.

_Raisons obligeãtes le François à cultiuer Canada._ 331.

_Religion des Canadois, pure sorcelerie._ 93.

_Riuieres & bras de mer fort frequens, rendent Canada beaucoup plus froid._ 24.

_Robe sacrée, & pretieuse des Autmoins._ 96.

_Roland Sagamo, & autres donnent du pain aux François de S. Sauueur._ 255.

R.

_Root_, Chiquebi, _resembles truffles._ 213

_Reasons why the French ought to cultivate Canada._ 331

_Religion of the Canadians, pure sorcery._ 93

_Rivers, and many arms of the sea, make Canada much colder._ 24

_Robe of the Autmoins, sacred and precious._ 96

_Roland, a Sagamore, and others give bread to the French of St. Sauveur._ 255

S.

_Sac, fleches, peaux, chiens, & autres meubles du defunct enseuelis auec luy._ 92.

_Sagamie au riuage de Saincte Croix._ 53.

_Sagamie au bord de la riuiere S. Iean._ 53.

_Sagamochin, petit Sagamo._ 52.

_Sagamo, est le chef, & Capitaine de quelque puissante famille._ 51.

_Sagamos recogneus de leurs sujects en payant le droict de chasse, & de pesche._ 51.

_Sagamies diuisées selon la portée des Bayes & Costes de riuieres._ 53.

_Sagamos tiennent les Estats en Esté._ 53.

_Sagamos & Autmoins seuls ont voix és assemblées publiques._ 53. 54.

_Sagamos Armouchiquois retirent bien à propos leurs gens du nauire François, pour euiter querelle._ 179

_Sainct Iean, riuiere en Canada._ 31

_Sainct Iean, riuiere fort perilleuse en son emboucheure._ 165

_Sainct Laurens, riuiere charrie des glaces enormes bien auant en haute mer._ 139

_Sainct Sauueur, habitation des François en Canada, en la terre de la Norembegue._ 19

_Sainct Sauueur, port ainsi nommé de nouueau en la coste d'Acadie, destiné à vne habitation nouuelle._ 229

_Sainct Sauueur, prins & pillé par les Anglois._ 237

_S. Sauueur bruslé par les Anglois._ 265

_Saincte Croix est au païs des Eteminquois._ 7

_Saincte Croix, Isle en la France nouuelle, premiere demeure du sieur de Monts, Lieutenant pour le Roy._ 7

_Saincte Croix, Isle de riuiere à six lieües de port aux Coquilles._ 156

_Saussaye arriue en Canada pour dresser nouuelle habitation, & separer les Iesuites de port Royal._ 215

_Saussaye Capitaine s'amuse trop à cultiuer la terre, & neglige le bastiment, cause de de la perte de S. Sauueur._ 226.

_Saussaye Capitaine de S. Sauueur ne peut produire ses lettres de Commission, luy ayans esté secrettement enleuées par l'Anglois._ 239.

_Saussaye Capitaine renuoyé en France par l'Anglois, auec quatorze François._ 252.

_Schoudon Sagamo, nommé le Pere apres sa mort._ 93.

_Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre, coustumier en Canada._ 14.

_Sepulcres des Canadois voutés auec des bastons, & de la terre dessus._ 92.

_Soissons. Le Prince de Soissons Gouuerneur de Canada._ 330.

_Souliers, & greues des Canadois._ 39.

Souriquois, Montaguets & Etechemins _alliés des François en Canada._ 34.

_Tabagie, banquet des Canadois._ 46.

_Tabagie des prouisions du malade ayant testé._ 89.

_Testament des Canadois auant la mort._ 88.

_Thomas Aubert, Normand va en la France nouuelle l'an 1508._ 2

_Thomas Deel, Mareschal d'Angleterre à la Virginie, homme fort aspre enuers les François captifs._ 261. 300

_Thomas Robin associé du sieur de Potrincourt au negoce de Canada._ 127

_Tortues abondent en Decembre._ 47

_Trocque des peaux de Castors, Eslants, Martres, loups marins en Esté._ 33

_Trois peuples alliés aux François en Canada._ 34

_Turnel, Capitaine Anglois tourne son amour en haine contre le P. Biard, & pourquoy._ 276

_Turnel Lieutenant Anglois soupçonné de son Capitaine pour auoir conferé auec le P. Biard._ 267

_Turnel Capitaine Anglois porté cõtre son gré aux terres d'Espagne, se reconcilie aux Iesuites, pour y auoir leur faueur._ 282.

S.

_Sack, arrows, skins, dogs, and other property of the deceased buried with him._ 92

_Sagamie on the banks of Sainte Croix._ 53

_Sagamie on the banks of the river St. John._ 53

_Sagamochin, little Sagamore._ 52

_Sagamore is the chief and Captain and some powerful family._ 51

_Sagamores acknowledged by their subjects by paying a tax of game and of fish._ 51

_Sagamies divided according to the extent of the Bays and river Banks._ 53

_Sagamores hold State Councils in Summer._ 53

_Sagamores and Autmoins alone have a voice in the public assemblies._ 53, 54

_Sagamores of the Armouchiquois very opportunely withdraw their people from the French ship to avoid a quarrel._ 179

_Saint John, a river of Canada._ 31

_Saint John, a river which is very dangerous at its mouth._ 165

_Saint Lawrence, a river whose drift ice extends far out into the open sea._ 139

_Saint Sauveur, a settlement of the French in Canada, in the land of Norembegua._ 19

_Saint Sauveur, a port so named recently, on the coast of Acadia, intended for a new settlement._ 229.

_Saint Sauveur, taken and pillaged by the English._ 237

_St. Sauveur burned by the English._ 265

_Sainte Croix is in the country of the Eteminquois._ 7

_Sainte Croix, an Island in new France, first residence of sieur de Monts, Lieutenant for the King._ 7

_Sainte Croix, an Island of the river, six leagues from port aux Coquilles._ 156

_Saussaye arrives in Canada to establish a new settlement, and take the Jesuits from port Royal._ 215

_Saussaye, Captain, in amusing himself too much with the cultivation of the land, neglects the construction of buildings, and causes the loss of St. Sauveur._ 226

_Saussaye, Captain of St. Sauveur, cannot produce the letters containing his Commission, these having been secretly appropriated by the English._ 239

_Saussaye, Captain, sent back to France by the English with fourteen Frenchmen._ 252

_Schoudon, Sagamore, called "the Father" after his death._ 93

_Scurvy, or land disease, common in Canada._ 14

_Sepulchres of the Canadians arched over with sticks, with earth on top._ 92

_Soissons. The Prince de Soissons, Governor of Canada._ 330

_Shoes and leggings of the Canadians._ 39

Souriquois, Montaguets, and Etechemins, _allies of the French in Canada._ 34

_Tabagie, a Canadian banquet._ 46

_Tabagie from the provisions of a sick man who has made his will._ 89

_Testament of the Canadians before death._ 88

_Thomas Aubert, Norman, goes to new France in the year 1508._ 2

_Thomas Deel, English Marshal in Virginia, a man very severe to the French captives._ 261, 300

_Thomas Robin associated with sieur de Potrincourt in the affairs of Canada._ 127

_Turtles abundant in December._ 47

_Trade in the skins of Beavers, Elks, Martens, and seals, in Summer._ 33

_Three tribes allied with the French in Canada._ 34

_Turnel, English Captain, has his love for Father Biard changed into hate, and why._ 276

_Turnel, English Lieutenant, suspected by his Captain for having conferred with Father Biard._ 267

_Turnel, English Captain, carried against his will to the lands of Spain, becomes reconciled to the Jesuits, in order to have their favor._ 282

V.

_Vessies d'orignac à garder l'huile du loup marin._ 43

_Vible Bullot reçoit en son nauire vne partie des François de S. Sauueur._ 256

_Virginie. Fort des Anglois en la terre ferme de Mocosa à_ 250. _lieuës de S. Sauueur._ 227

_Vigne sauuage en plusieurs endroits de Canada, qui meurit en sa saison._ 31.

FIN.

V.

_Bladders of moose skin in which to keep the seal oil._ 43

_Vible Bullot receives in his ship a part of the French of St. Sauveur._ 256

_Virginia. A fort of the English on the mainland of Mocosa_, 250 _leagues from St. Sauveur._ 227

_Vine, wild, in many places in Canada, which ripens in its season._ 31

END.

Privilege.

MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-[pro]uincial de la Compagnie de IESVS, en la Prouince de Lyon, permet, (suiuant le Priuilege dõné par les Roys tres-Chrestiens à la mesme Compagnie) à LOVYS MVGVET de faire imprimer, & vendre la Relation de la nouuelle France en Canada, & ce pour le terme de quatre ans. Faict à Lyon, ce 23. Ianuier 1616.

M. COYSSARD.

License.

MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-provincial of the Society of JESUS, in the Province of Lyons, permits, (according to the License granted by the most Christian Kings to the same Society) to LOUYS MUGUET to have printed, and to sell, the Relation of new France in Canada, and this for the term of four years. Done at Lyons, this 23rd of January, 1616.

M. COYSSARD.

XV-XVII

THREE LETTERS BY CHARLES LALEMANT

XV.--Au Sievr de Champlain; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625

XVI.--Au R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625

XVII.--Epistola ad Præpositum Generalem; Nova Francia, Augustus 1, [1626]

SOURCE: Documents XV. and XVI., are reprinted from Sagard's _Histoire du Canada_ (Paris, 1636), pp. 868-870. In Document XVII., we follow Father Felix Martin's apograph (now in the Archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal) of the original Latin MS. in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome.

Lettre du R. P. Charles Lallemant Superievr des Missions en Canada au Sievr de Champlain.

[868] M_ONSIEVR_,

_Nous voicy graces à Dieu dans le resort de vostre Lieutenance où nous sommes heureusement arriuez, aprés auoir eu vne des belles trauerses_ [869] _qu'on aye encor experimenté. Monsieur le General aprés nous auoir declaré qu'il luy estoit impossible de nous loger ou dans l'habitation où dans le fort, & qu'il faudroit ou, repasser en France, ou nous retirer chez les Peres Recollects, nous a contrainct d'accepter ce dernier offre. Les Peres nous ont receus auec tant de charité qu'il nous ont obligez pour vn iamais. Nostre Seigneur sera leur recompence. Vn de nos Peres estoit allé à la traicte en intention de passer aux Hurons ou aux Hiroquois, auec le Pere Recollect qui est venu de Frãce, selon qu'ils aduiseroient auec le Pere Nicolas, qui se deuoit treuuer à la traicte & conferer auec eux, mais il est arriué que le pauure Pere Nicolas au dernier saut s'est noyé, ce qui a esté cause qu'ils sont retournez, n'ayans ny cognoissance, ny langue, ny information: nous attendons donc vostre venuë, pour resoudre ce qui sera à propos de faire. Vous sçaurez tout ce que vous pourrez desirer de ce pays du P. Ioseph, c'est pourquoy ie me contente de vous asseurer que ie suis,_

_Monsieur, Vostre tres-affectionné seruiteur_,

_Charles Lalemant._

_De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet 1625._

Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant,[20] Superior of the Missions in Canada, to Sieur de Champlain.

[868] S_IR,_

_Thanks to God, here we are in the district of your Lieutenancy, where we arrived after having one of the most successful voyages_ [869] _ever yet experienced. Monsieur the General,[21] after having told us that was impossible to give us lodging either in the settlement or in the fort, and that we must either return to France, or withdraw to the Recollect Fathers'[22] obliged us to accept the latter offer. The Fathers received us with so much charity, that we feel forever under obligations to them. Our Lord will be their reward. One of our Fathers, together with the Recollect Father who came from France,[23] went to the trading station[24] with the intention of going to the Hurons or to the Hiroquois, as they should think best after consulting Father Nicolas, who was to be at this station to confer with them. But it happened that poor Father Nicolas was drowned in the last of the rapids,[25] for which reason they returned, as they knew no one there, and had no knowledge of the language or of the country. We are therefore awaiting your arrival, to determine what it will be well to do. You will hear all you wish to know of this country from Father Joseph,[26] therefore I am content to assure you that I am,_

_Sir, Your very affectionate servant,_

_Charles Lalemant._

_Kebec, this 28th of July, 1625._

Lettre du R. P. Charles Lallemant Superievr des Missions en Canada au R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects.

M_ON REUEREND PERE,

Pax Christi._

_Ce seroit estre par trop mescognoissant de ne point escrire à vostre Reuerence, pour la remercier, tant des lettres qui furent dernierement escrites en nostre faueur aux Peres qui sont icy en_ [870] _la nouuelle France, comme de la charité que nous auons receues desdits Peres, qui nous ont obligez pour vn iamais, ie supplie nostre bon Dieu qu'il soit la grande recompence & des vns & des autres, pour mon particulier i'escris à nos Superieurs, que i'en ay vn tel ressentiment que l'occasion ne se presentera point que ie ne le fasse paroistre, & les supplie quoy que d'ailleurs bien affectionnez de tesmoigner à tout vostre sainct Ordre le mesme ressentiment. Le P. Ioseph dira à vostre Reuerence le suict de son voyage pour le bon succez duquel, nous ne cesserons d'offrir & prieres & sacrifices à Dieu, il faut ceste fois aduancer à bon escient les affaires de nostre Maistre, & ne rien obmettre de ce qu'on pourra s'aduiser estre necessaire, i'en ay escrit à tous ceux que i'ay creu y pouuoir contribuer que ie m'asseure s'y emploieront si les affaires de France le permettent, ie ne doute point que vostre Reuerence ne s'y porte auec affection, & ainsi_ virtus vnita, _fera beaucoup d'effet, en attendant le succez ie me recommande aux saincts Sacrifices de vostre Reuerence, de laquelle ie suis._

De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet 1625.

Tres-humble seruiteur Charles Lalemant.

A mon Reuerend Pere le P. Prouincial des RR. Peres Recollects.

Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant, Superior of the Missions of Canada, to the Reverend Father Provincial of the Reverend Recollect Fathers.

M_Y REVEREND FATHER:

The peace of Christ be with you._

_It would be altogether too ungrateful not to write to your Reverence to thank you, both for the letters which were recently written in our behalf to the Fathers who are here in [870] new France, and for the kindness which we have received from these Fathers, who have placed us under everlasting obligations to them. I pray our good Lord that he may be an ample recompense for both. As to me I write to our Superiors that I am so grateful for this that I shall lose no opportunity to show my appreciation of it; and I implore them, although they are already very much attached to your Fathers, to express the same gratitude to all your holy Order. Father Joseph will tell your Reverence the purpose of his voyage,[27] for the success of which we shall not cease to offer prayers and sacrifices to God. The affairs of our Master must be advanced in earnest this time, and nothing must be omitted which may be deemed necessary. I have written to all of those who, I thought, could contribute to this enterprise, and who, I believe, will occupy themselves with it, the affairs of France permitting. I do not doubt that your Reverence will take an interest in the work, and thus_ virtus unita _will achieve good results. In awaiting our success I commend myself to the holy Sacrifices of your Reverence, of whom I am,_

Kebec, this 28th of July, 1625.

The very humble servant, Charles Lalemant.

To my Reverend Father, the Father Provincial of the Reverend Recollect Fathers.

Epistola Patris Caroli Lalemant Superioris Missionis Canadensis ad Reverendissimum Patrem Mutium Vitelleschi, Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Romæ.

(_Transcripsit Pater Felix Martinus ex codice Latino qui in Archivis Jesu, Romæ, conservatur_).

ADMODUM REVERENDE IN CHRISTO PATER.

Pax Christi.

Non miretur Paternitas vestra si nullas a postremis, hoc est ab anno litteras habuerit a nobis, adeo enim remoti sumus a littore maris, ut semel duntaxat singulis annis visitemur a Gallis et quidem ab iis tantum quibus libera est ad nos navigatio, nam cæteris est interdicta; quo fit ut si casu aliquo perirent naves illæ onerariæ vel certe a prædonibus caperentur, ab una Dei providentia expectanda essent alimenta quibus vitam sustentare possemus; a barbaris enim hominibus vix necessaria ad vitam habentibus nihil sperandum, sed qui hactenus providit Gallis, hic jam tot annis commorantibus et nihil nisi lucrum temporale quærentibus non deerit suis uni Dei gloriæ et animarum saluti invigilantibus. Hoc igitur anno toti pene fuimus in perdiscendo barbaro idiomate, uno aut altero mense excepto quibus terram coluimus unde tenuem nobis victum comparare utcumque possemus. Pater Joannes Brebeuf vir et pius et prudens et corpore robustus acerbum hyemis tempus cum barbaris transegit, unde maximam peregrinæ linguæ cognitionem hausit; nos interim ab interpretibus licet maxime alienis a communicando barbaro hoc idiomate obtinuimus, præter spem et expectationem omnium, quod sperare poteramus. Sed hæc sunt tantum gemini idiomatis rudimenta, multo plura supersunt. Ad multiplicationem quippe nationum multiplicantur idiomata; ac terram hanc longe lateque diffusam incolunt quinquaginta ut minimum nationes, ingens sane campus in quo nostra excurrat industria; messis multa operarii pauci qui tamen eo sunt animo, per Dei gratiam, ut nullis terreantur difficultatibus, quamvis fructus spes magna nondum affulgeat, adeo rudes sunt incolæ et proxime at bestias accedentes. Certe hoc unum solatur nos quod Deus optimus, maximus, in repetenda mercede, fructus non tam sit habiturus rationem quam voluntatis nostræ et laboris impensi, modo grata sit ipsi hæc nostra qualiscumque voluntas, non est quod male locatam operam nostram existimemus: nullus ergo alius hoc anno fructus quam loci, personarum et idiomatis duarum nationum cognitio, si barbarorum ratio habeatur, nam Gallis nostris qui tres hic tantum supra quadraginta numerantur præsto fuimus, quorum generales totius vitæ confessiones audivimus, habita prius exhortatione de ejus confessionis necessitate, singulis præterea mensibus geminam ad eos concionem habuimus; his majora dabit sequens annus Deo bene juvante et totum hoc negotium ut hactenus fecit promovente.

Letter from Father Charles Lalemant, Superior of the Missions of Canada, to the Very Reverend Father Mutio Vitelleschi,[28] General of the Society of Jesus, at Rome.

(_Transcribed by Father Felix Martin from the original Latin MS., preserved in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome._)

VERY REVEREND FATHER IN CHRIST:

The peace of Christ be with you.

Your Paternity need not be surprised to have received no letters from us during the year since our last; for we are so remote from the sea-coast that we are visited only once a year by French vessels, and then only by those to whom navigation hither is allowed, for to others it is interdicted; so that, if by any mischance those merchant ships should be wrecked, or be taken by pirates,[29] we could look to Divine providence alone for our daily bread. For from the savages, who have scarcely the necessaries of life for themselves, nothing is to be hoped; but he who has hitherto provided for the needs of the French, who have dwelt here so many years only with a view to temporal gain, will not abandon his faithful ones who seek only the glory of God and the salvation of souls. During the past year we have devoted ourselves almost entirely to learning the dialect of the savages, excepting a month or two spent in cultivating the soil, in order to obtain such slight means of subsistence as we could. Father Jean Brebeuf,[30] a pious and prudent man, and of a robust constitution, passed the sharp winter season among the savages, acquiring a very considerable knowledge of this strange tongue. We, meantime, learning from interpreters who were very unwilling to communicate their knowledge, made as much progress as we could hope, contrary to the expectation of all. But these are only the rudiments of two languages; many more remain. For the languages are multiplied with the number of the tribes; and this land, extending so far in every direction, is inhabited by at least fifty different tribes, truly an immense field for our zeal. The harvest is great, the laborers are few; but they have, by God's grace, a courage undaunted by any obstacles, although the promise of success is not yet very great, so rude and almost brutish are the natives. We have, truly, this one consolation, that God in his goodness and power, in the distribution of his rewards will not so much consider our success as our good will and our efforts. Provided only that our desires, such as they may be, be pleasing in his sight, we shall have no reason for deeming our efforts misspent. Our labors this year have had no further fruit than a knowledge of the country, of the natives, and of the dialects of two tribes, if the savages alone be considered. As regards the French, whose number does not exceed forty-three, we have not been negligent. We have heard their general confessions, relating to their whole past life, after first holding an exhortation on the necessity of this confession. Each month, moreover, we have preached two sermons to them. To these efforts the following year will add still greater ones, if God help and promote our enterprise as he has done hitherto.

Valent nostri omnes, per Dei gratiam.... Vix unus utitur linteis cum decumbit. Quod superest nobis temporis a propria et proximorum salute id totum in excolenda terra insumitur. Longe alia fuissent virtutum incrementa, si alium Nostri non desiderassent superiorem. Facile est Paternitati Vestræ remedium adhibere, longe melius obsequentis quam imperantis personam sustineo. Dabit hoc mihi ut bene spero Paternitas Vestra a qua id, qua possum animi demissione, peto, nec hujus remedii defectu remorabitur diutius alacritatem nostrorum in augendis virtutibus. E Gallia missi sunt ad nos hoc anno operarii primum hic domicilium Societatis erecturi quod omnino necessarium indicavimus propter Gallos nostros hic commorantes et nusquam alibi. Erigentur postea in aliis nationibus in quibus major speratur fructus. Certas enim et statas sedes habent, ad eas brevi missuri sumus unum e nostris vel duos potius, nimirum Patrem Joannem de Brebeuf et Patrem Annam de Noue, quorum missio si succedat lætissimus aperitur Evangelio campus; barbarorum opera eo deducendi sunt, neque enim aliis vectoribus uti possunt. Cum bona superiorum venia redit in Galliam Pater Philibertus Noyrot, hoc totum negotium ut hactenus fecit promoturus. Indiget Paternitatis Vestræ auctoritate ut libere possit agere cum iis qui res nostras curant. Facessunt ipsi aliquid negotii Lutetiæ Patres nostri, nescio quam ob rem, nonnihil videntur alieni ab hac missione, cui nisi favisset bonæ memoriæ Pater Cottonus omnino jacuissent res nostræ.... Verum quia rediturus est ineunte vere Pater Noyrot, omnino alius e nostris erit necessarius Lutetiæ vel Rothomagi qui in ipsius locum sufficiatur et rerum nostrarum curam suscipiat, necessaria singulis annis mittat et litteras nostras accipiat; si tamen ita judicaverit Paternitas Vestra. Septem ergo hic residui erimus. Patres quatuor: P. Enemundus Masse, admonitor et confessarius, P. Joannes de Brebeuf, P. Annas de Noue et ego. Coadjutores vero tres: Gilbertus Burel, Joannes Goffestre et Franciscus Charreton, parati omnes ad quosvis labores pro Dei gloria suscipiendos. Sanctissimis Paternitatis Vestræ Sacrificiis commendant se omnes.

P. V. filius humillimus Carolus Lalemant.

E Nova Francia Cal. Aug.

We are, God be thanked, all well.... Hardly one of us uses bed-linen when he sleeps. All our time that is not devoted to seeking the salvation of our fellow-men and of ourselves is occupied in tilling the soil. Far greater would be our growth in virtue, if another of Our Brothers were not more desirable as superior. This it is easy for Your Paternity to remedy, as I feel myself far better fitted for obedience than for command. I truly hope that Your Paternity, from whom I ask it with all possible submission, will grant me this, and will not longer hinder, for lack of this remedy, the eagerness of our brethren to increase their virtues. Some workmen have been sent to us this year from France, to construct the first dwelling of the Society here, which we considered as quite indispensable on account of our French, who settle here and nowhere else. Others will be built later among other tribes from whom we expect greater results. To those that have fixed settlements we shall in a short time send one of our number or rather two; Father Jean de Brebeuf and Father Anne de Noue.[31] If their mission is successful, a most promising field will be opened for the Gospel. They must be taken there by the savages, for they can not use any other boatmen. With consent of his superiors, Father Philibert Noyrot[32] returns to France to promote as hitherto the interests of our enterprise. He stands in need of the influence of Your Paternity in order to negotiate freely with those who have charge of our affairs. Our own Fathers at Paris, for some reason, put difficulties in our way, and seem rather unfriendly to our mission; so that, but for the favor of Father Cotton,[33] of blessed memory, our affairs would have fallen to the ground.... As Father Noyrot is to return at the beginning of spring, another of our members will be absolutely necessary at Paris, or at Rouen, to fill his place and to look after our interests, sending us yearly what supplies we need, and receiving our letters, if Your Paternity so decide. There thus remain seven of us here; four priests, Father Enemond Masse,[34] as admonitor and confessor, Father Jean de Brebeuf, Father Anne de Noue, and myself; and three lay brothers, Gilbert Burel, Jean Goffestre, and François Charreton, all of us ready to undertake any labors whatsoever for the glory of God. We all commend ourselves to the Most Holy Sacrifices of Your Paternity.

Your Paternity's most humble son Charles Lalemant.

New France, August 1st.

XVIII

CHARLES LALEMANT'S

Lettre au Hierosme l'Allemant

Kebec, Aoust 1, 1626

PARIS: JEAN BOUCHER, 1627

SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from original in Lenox Library.

LETTRE DV PERE CHARLES L'ALLEMANT SVPERIEVR DE LA MISSION de Canadas; de la Compagnie de I E S V S. _Enuoyee au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant son frere, de la mesme Compagnie_

Où sont contenus les moeurs & façons de viure des Sauuages habitans de ce païs là; & comme ils se comportent auec les Chrestiens François qui y demeurent.

_Ensemble la description des villes de ceste contree._

A PARIS, PAR IEAN BOVCHER, ruë des Amandiers à la Verité Royale. 1627.

LETTER FROM FATHER CHARLES L'ALLEMANT SUPERIOR OF THE MISSION of the Canadas; of the Society of JESUS. _Sent to Father Jerome l'Allemant, his brother, of the same Society_

In which are contained the manners and customs of the Savages inhabiting that country; and on what terms they live with the French Christians who reside there.

_Together with the description of the towns of that country._

PARIS, JEAN BOUCHER, ruë des Amandiers Verité Royale. 1627.

[1 i.e., 3] Lettre dv Pere Charles L'Allemant Superieur de la Mission de Canadas, de la Compagnie de IESVS. Au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant son frere.

Pax Christi.

I'ESCRIVIS l'an passé à Vostre Reuerence (enuiron la my-Iuillet) le succés de nostre voyage; depuis ce temps ie n'ay peu vous escrire, à cause que les vaisseaux n'abordent icy qu'vne fois l'an. C'est pourquoy il ne faut attendre des nouuelles de nous que d'annee en annee: Et si ces vaisseaux venoient vne fois à manquer, ce seroit bien merueille si vous en receuiez deuant deux ans; outre qu'il nous faudroit ceste annee attendre de l'vnique prouidence de Dieu les choses necessaires à l'entretien de ceste vie. Donc depuis mes dernieres, voicy ce que i'ay peu recognoistre de ce païs, & ce qui s'est passé: Ce païs est d'vne grande estenduë, ayant bien mille ou douze cens lieuës de longueur; sa largeur, enuiron le 40. degrez vers l'Orient; il est borné de la mer Oceane, & vers l'Occident, de la mer de la Chine. Plusieurs Nations l'habitent: lon m'en a nommé 38. ou 40. sans celles que lon ne cognoist pas, que les Sauages neantmoins asseurent. Le lieu où les François se sont habituez appellé Kebec, est par les 46. degrez & demy, sur le bord d'vn des plus beaux fleuues du monde, appellé par les François, la riuiere de sainct Laurens, esloigné pres de deux cens lieuës de l'emboucheure du dit fleuue, & cep[~e]dãt le flot monte encore 35. ou 40. lieuës au dessus de nous. [4] L'endroit le plus estroit de ceste riuiere est vis à vis de l'habitation, & toutesfois sa largeur y est plus d'vn quart de lieuë. Or quoy que le païs où nous sommes soit par les 46 degrez & demy plus Sud que Paris de pres de deux degrez, si est-ce que l'Hyuer, pour l'ordinaire, y est de 5. mois & demy; les neiges de 3. ou 4. pieds de hauteur; mais si obstinees qu'elles ne fondent point pour l'ordinaire que vers la my-Auril, & commencent tousiours au mois de Nouembre, pendant tout ce temps on ne void point la terre; voire mesme nos François m'ont dit, qu'ils auoient traisné le may sur la nege, au premier iour de May: L'annee mesme que nous arriuasmes, & ce auec des raguettes; car c'est la coustume en ce païs de marcher sur des raguettes pendãt l'Hyuer, de peur d'enfoncer dans la neige, à l'imitation des Sauuages, qui ne vont point autrem[~e]t à la chasse de l'orignac. Le plus doux Hyuer qu'on ait veu, est celuy que nous y auons passé (disent les Anciens habitans) & cependant les neiges commencerent le 16. Nouembre, & vers la fin de Mars commencerent à fondre, la longueur & continuation des neiges est cause que lon pourroit douter si le froment & le seigle reussiroit bien en ce païs; i'en ay veu neãtmoins d'aussi beau qu'en vostre France, & mesme le nostre que nous y auons semé, ne luy cede en rien; pour plus grande asseurance il faudroit y semer du bled mesteil; l'orge & l'auoine y viennent le mieux du monde, plus grainuës beaucoup qu'en France. C'est merueille de voir nos pois tant ils sont beaux. Ainsi la terre n'est pas ingrate (comme vostre Reuerence peut voir.) Plus on va montant la riuiere, & plus on s'apperçoit de la bonté d'icelle. Les vents qui regnent en ce païs, sont, le Nor-d'Est, le Nor-Ouest, & le Sur-Ouest. Le Nor-d'Est ameine les neges en Hyuer, & les pluyes en autre saison. Le Nor-Ouest est si froid qu'il penetre iusques aux moüelles des os; le Ciel est fort serein quand il souffle. Depuis l'emboucheure de ceste Riuiere iusques icy, il n'y a point de terre defrichee, ce ne sont que bois. Ceste Nation icy ne s'occupe point à cultiuer la tetre [terre], il n'y a que 3. ou 4. familles qui en ont defriché 2. ou 3. arpens où ils sement du bled d'Indes; & ce depuis peu de temps. On m'a dit que c'estoit les RR. PP. Recolects qui leurs auoient persuadé. Ce qui a esté cultiué en ce lieu par les François est peu de chose, s'il y a 18. ou 20. arpens de terre [5] c'est tout le bout du monde. A deux cens lieuës d'icy en montant la Riuiere, il se trouue des Nations plus stables que celles cy, qui bastissent de grands villages, lesquels ils fortifient contre leurs ennemis; & trauaillent à bon escient à la terre; d'où vient qu'elles ont quantité de bled d'Inde, & ne meur[~e]t pas de faim comme celles cy, si sont-elles plus sauuages en leurs moeurs, commettans sans se cacher, & sans honte aucune, toute sortes d'impudences. Or quoy que ceste Riuiere nous conduise à ces Nations là, si est-ce pourtant qu'il y a bien de la difficulté à y aller, à cause des saults qui se trouu[~e]t sur la Riuiere (qui sont de certains precipices d'eau, qui empesch[~e]t tout à fait qu'on ne puisse nauiger.) C'est pourquoy lors que les Sauuages arriuent à ces saults là, il faut qu'ils portent leurs batteaux sur leurs espaules, auec tout leur bagage, & qu'ils s'en aillent par terre quelquesfois 2. 3. 4. & 8 lieuës, & ainsi que passent les François lors qu'ils y vont. Les RR. PP. Recolects y sont allez quelquesfois, & y ont porté tous leurs viures pour vn an, ou dequoy en acheter; car d'attendre que les Sauuages vous en donn[~e]t c'est folie, si ce n'est qu'ils vous ayent pris sous leur protection, & que vous vouliez demeurer dans leurs villages & cabanes; car alors il vous nourriront pour rien; Mais qui s'y pourroit resoudre! les yeux religieux ne peuuent supporter tant d'impudicitez qui s'y commettent à descouuert: c'est pourquoy les RR. PP. Recolects ont esté contraints de bastir des Cabanes à part; mais aussi falloit il qu'ils achetassent leurs viures. En ces Nations il n'y a eu ceste annee aucun Religieux; quand nous arriuasmes icy l'an passé il y auoit vn P. Recolet qui s'en venoit auec les Sauuages, au lieu de la traitte 35. lieuës au dessus de ceste habitation; mais au dernier sault qu'il passa son canal se renuersa & se noya: En descendant les Sauuages ne mettent pied à terre pour les sauls; mais seulem[~e]t en montant. Ainsi ces saults font que ces Nations sont de difficile abord. Or bien qu'il n'y ait point eu de Religieux en ces Nations, les marchands n'ont pas laissé d'y enuoyer des François pour entretenir les Sauuages, & les amener tous les ans à la traitte. Ces François par consequent n'ont oüy la Messe toute l'annee, ne se sont ny confessez, ny communiez à Pasques, & viuent dans des occasions tres-grandes de pecher. _Quæritur_, s'ils peuuent en cõscience y aller de la forte; Vostre [6] Reuer[~e]ce me fera plaisir de consulter quelqu'vn de nos Peres pour en sçauoir la resolution & me l'escrire.

[1 i.e.,3] Letter[35] from Father Charles L'Allemant, Superior of the Mission of Canadas, of the Society of JESUS. To Father Jerome l'Allemant, his brother.[36]

The peace of Christ be with you.

LAST year (about the middle of July) I wrote to Your Reverence in regard to the success of our voyage. I have not been able to communicate with you since then, because the ships touch here only once a year; and therefore news can be expected from us only from year to year. And if these ships failed once, it would not be surprising if you did not receive news before two years; besides, during the intervening year we should be obliged to look entirely to the providence of God for the necessaries of life. Now, since my last letters, the following is what I have been able to learn about this country, and what has been done here. This country is of vast extent, being easily a thousand or twelve hundred leagues long, and in width extending about 40 degrees toward the Orient. It is bounded by the Ocean sea, and towards the West by the sea of China. Many Tribes inhabit it, about 38 or 40 having been named to me, besides those which are unknown; of the existence of which, however, the Savages assure us. The place inhabited by the French, called Kebec, is in 46 and one-half degrees, upon the shore of one of the most beautiful rivers in the world, called by the French the river saint Lawrence. Kebec is about two hundred leagues from the mouth of this river, and yet the tide ascends 35 or 40 leagues above us. [4] The narrowest part of this river is opposite the settlement, and yet its width here is more than one-fourth of a league. Now although the country where we are, being in latitude about 46 and one-half degrees, is farther South than Paris by nearly two degrees, yet the Winter generally lasts here 5 months and a half; the snow is 3 or 4 feet deep, but it is so firm that it does not usually melt until near the middle of April, and it always begins in the month of November. During all this time the earth is never seen; indeed our Frenchmen have even told me that they dragged their maypole over the snow on the first day of May, in the very year of our arrival, and that with snowshoes; for it is the custom in this country to walk on snowshoes during the winter, for fear of sinking into the snow, in imitation of the Savages; who never go otherwise to hunt the moose. The mildest Winter that has been seen is the one that we have passed here (say the Old inhabitants), and yet the snow began to fall on the 16th of November and to melt towards the end of March. The long duration of the snow might cause one to somewhat doubt whether wheat and rye would grow well in this country. But I have seen some as beautiful as that produced in your France, and even that which we have planted here yields to it in nothing. To better provide against scarcity, it would be well to plant some meslin;[37] rye and oats grow here the best in the world, the grains being larger and more abundant than in France. Our peas are so beautiful; it is wonderful to see them. So the earth is not ungrateful (as your Reverence may see.) The farther up the river we go, the more we see of the fertility of the soil. The prevailing winds in this country are the Northeast, Northwest, and Southwest. The Northeast brings the snows in Winter, and the rains in other seasons. The Northwest is so cold that it penetrates even to the marrow of the bones; yet the Sky is very serene when it blows. From the mouth of the River to this place, none of the land is cleared, there being nothing but forests. This Tribe does not occupy itself in tilling the soil; there are only 3 or 4 families who have cleared 2 or 3 acres, where they sow Indian corn, and they have been doing this for only a short time. I have been told that it was the Reverend Recolect Fathers who persuaded them to do it. That cultivated by the French in this place is of small area, only 18 or 20 acres [5] at the most.[38] Two hundred leagues from here, ascending the River, Tribes are found which are more sedentary than those which are here; they build large villages which they fortify against their enemies, and cultivate the land in earnest. It thus happens that they have stores of Indian corn, and do not die of starvation like those here. Yet they are more savage in their customs, and commit all kinds of shameless acts, without disgrace or any attempt at concealment. Now, although this River takes us to these Tribes, yet truly the difficulty in getting there is very great, on account of the rapids which are found in the River; (these are certain falls of water which entirely prevent navigation.) Therefore, when the Savages reach these rapids, they are compelled to carry their boats upon their shoulders with all their baggage, and to go overland, sometimes 2, 3, 4, or 8 leagues; and the French have to do the same when they go there. The Reverend Recolect Fathers made this journey occasionally and carried all their food for a year, or the means of buying it; for to expect the Savages to give it to you is folly, unless they have taken you under their protection, and you wish to live in their villages and cabins; then they would feed you for nothing. But who could make up his mind to do this? Religious eyes could not support the sight of so much lewdness, carried on openly. Therefore, the Reverend Recolect Fathers were compelled to build their cabins apart; but they also, on that account, had to buy their food. There has been no Religious among these Tribes this year. When we arrived here last year, there was one Recolet Father who came with the Savages to the trading station, 35 leagues above this settlement; but when coming down the last of the rapids, his canoe upset and he was drowned.[25] In descending the river, the Savages do not land on reaching the rapids, but only in going up. Thus the rapids make these Tribes difficult of access. Although there have been no Religious among these Tribes, the merchants have not failed to send Frenchmen there to gain the good will of the Savages, and to induce them to come yearly to the trading station. As a consequence, these Frenchmen have not heard Mass during the entire year, have not confessed nor taken the Easter Sacrament, and their surroundings are such that there are frequent opportunities for sin. _Quæritur_: can they conscientiously go thither under these circumstances? Your [6] Reverence will do me the favor to consult some one of our Fathers, to know his decision and to write to me about it.

Quant aux façons de faire des Sauuages, c'est assez de dire qu'elles sont tout à fait sauuages. Depuis le matin iusques au soir, ils n'ont autre soucy que de remplir leur ventre. Ils ne viennent point nous voir si ce n'est pour demander à manger, & si vous ne leur en donnez ils tesmoignent du mescontentement. Ils sont de vrais gueux s'il en fut iamais, & neantmoins superbes au possible. Ils estiment que les François n'ont point d'esprit au prix d'eux; les vices de la chair sont fort frequ[~e]ts chez eux; tel qui y espousera plusieurs femmes qu'il quittera quand bon luy semblera & en prendra d'autres. Il y en a icy vn qui a espousé sa propre fille; mais tous les autres Sauuages s'en sont trouuez indignez; de netteté chez eux il ne s'en parle point, ils sont fort sales en leur manger & dans leurs cabanes, ont force vermine qu'ils mangent quand ils l'ont prise. La coustume de ceste Nation est de tuër leurs peres & meres lors qu'ils sont si vieux qu'ils ne peuu[~e]t plus marcher, pensans en cela leur rendre de bons seruices; car autrement ils seroient contraints de mourir de faim, ne pouuans plus suiure les autres lors qu'ils changent de lieu; & comme ie fis dire vn iour à vn qu'on luy en feroit autant lors qu'il seroit deuenu vieil; il me respondit qu'il s'y attendoit bien. La façon de faire la guerre auec leurs ennemis c'est pour l'ordinaire par trahison, les allans espier lors qu'ils sont à l'escart; & s'ils ne sont assez forts pour emmener prisonniers ceux ou celuy qu'ils rencontreut, ils tirent des fleches dessus, puis leur coupp[~e]t la teste, qu'ils emportent pour monstrer à leurs gens, que s'ils les peuuent emmener prisonniers iusques en leurs cabanes ils leur font endurer des cruautez nompareilles, les faisant mourir à petit feu: & chose etrange! pendant tous ces tourmens, le patient chante tousiours, resputans à deshonneur s'ils crient & s'ils se plaignent. Apres que le pati[~e]t est mort, ils le mangent, & n'y a si petit qui n'en ait sa part, ils font des festins ausquels ils se conuient les vns les autres, & mesme ils conuient quelques François de leur cognoissance, & en ces festi[n]s ils donnent à chacun sa part dans des plats ou escuelles d'escorce & lors que ce sont festins à tout manger, il ne faut rien laisser, autremement vous estes obligez à payer quelque chose, & perdriez la reputation de braue [7] homme. Aux festins qu'ils font pour la mort de quelqu'vn ils font la part au defunt aussi bien qu'aux autres, laquelle ils iettent dans le feu, & se donnent bien garde que les chiens ne participe[~e]t à ce festin; & pource ramassent tous les os & les iettent dans le feu. Ils enterrent les morts & auec eux tout ce qu'ils auoient, comme chandeliers, peaux, cousteaux, &c. Et comme ie demãday vn iour à vn vieillard pourquoy ils mettoient tout ce bagage dans les fosses, il me respondit qu'ils le mettoient afin que le mort s'en seruist dans l'autre monde; & comme ie luy repartis que toutes les fois que lon regardoit dãs les fosses on y trouuoit tousiours le bagage, qui estoit vn temoignage que le mort ne s'en seruoit pas; il me respõdit, qu'à la verité le corps des chaudieres, peaux, cousteaux, &c. demeuroit; mais que l'ame des chaudieres, cousteaux, &c. s'en alloit dans l'autre monde auec le mort, & que là il s'en seruoit. Ainsi ils croyent, (comme V.R. void) l'immortalité de nos Ames; & de fait ils asseurent qu'apres la mort, ils vont au Ciel où elles mangent des champignons, & se communiquent les vnes auec les autres. Ils appellent le Soleil IESVS; & lon tient en ce païs que ce sont les Basques qui y ont cy-deuant habité, qui sont Autheurs de ceste denomination. De là vient que quand nous faisons nos Prieres, il leur semble que comme eux nous addressons nos Prieres au Soleil. A ce propos du Soleil, ces Sauuages icy croyent que la terre est percee de part en part, & que lors qu'il se couche, il est caché en vn trou de la terre, & sort le lendemain par l'autre. Ils n'ont aucun culte diuin, ny aucunes sortes de Prieres. Ils croyent neantmoins qu'il y en a Vn qui a tout fait; mais pourtant ils ne luy rendent aucun honneur. Entr'eux ils ont quelques personnes qui font estat de parler au Diable; ceux là sont aussi les Medecins, & guarissent de toute maladie. Les Sauuages craignent grandement ces gens-là, & les caress[~e]t de peur qu'ils n'en reçoiuent du mal. Nous apprendrons peu à peu ce qui est des autres Nations, lesquelles sont plus stables en leurs demeures; Car pour celles-cy où nous sommes maintenant auec les François, elle est seulement vagabonde six mois l'annee, qui sont les six mois d'Hyuer, errans çà & là selon la chasse qu'ils trouuent, & ne se cabanent que deux ou trois familles ensemble en vn endroit, deux ou trois en l'autre, & les autres de mesme. Ez autres [8] six mois de l'annee, vingt ou trente s'assemblent sur le bord de la Riuiere pres de nostre habitation, autant à Thadoussac, & autant à quarante lieuës au dessus de nous, & là ils viuent de la chasse qu'ils ont faicte l'Hyuer, c'est à dire, de viande d'orignac, boucanee, & de viures qu'ils ont traité auec les François. Ie croy auoir escrit l'an passé ce qui est de leurs vestemens, & comme ils sont tousiours nud teste, leurs corps sont seulem[~e]t couuerts d'vne peau, ou d'orignac, ou d'vne robbe de Castor, qui sont 5. ou 6. Castors cousus ensemble, & vestent ces peaux, comme sans comparaison, les Ecclesiastiques les Chappes, n'estans attachez par deuant que d'vne courroye: quelquefois ils se ceignent d'vne ceinture, quelquefois ils n'en ont point du tout, & neantmoins pour lors on ne void rien de deshonneste, cachans fort decemment les parties que l'honnesteté veut estre couuertes. En Hyuer ils ont des chausses & des souliers faits de peau d'orignac; mais les souliers, tant dessus que dessous sont souples comme vn gand. Ils ont la plus part du temps leurs visages peints de rouge ou de gris brun & ce en diuerses façons, selon la fantaisie des femmes, qui peignent leurs maris & leurs enfans, desquels ils graissent aussi les cheueux de graisse d'ours, ou d'orignac. Les hommes n'ont non plus de barbe que les femmes, ils se l'arrachent afin de plaire dauantage aux femmes. Ie n'en ay veu que trois ou quatre qui ne se la sont point arrachee depuis peu de temps à l'imitation des François; mais pourtant ils n'en sont pas fournis. La couleur de leur chair tire fort sur le noir; on n'en void pas vn qui aye la charnure blanche, neantmoins il n'y a rien de si blanc que leurs dents. Ils võt sur les riuieres dans de petits canaux d'escorce de bouleau, fort proprement faits: dans les moindres il y peut tenir 4 ou 5. personnes, encore y mettent-ils leurs petits bagages. Les auirons sont proportionnez aux canaux l'vn deuant l'autre derriere, c'est d'ordinaire la femme qui tient celuy de derriere, & par consequent qui gouuerne. Ces pauures femmes sont de vrais mulets de charge, portant toute la fatigue; sont-elles accouchees, deux heures apres elles s'en vont aux bois pour fournir au feu de la cabane. En Hyuer lors qu'ils decabanent elles trainent les meilleurs pacquets sur la neige; bref les hommes ne semblent auoir pour partage que la chasse, la guerre, & la traitte. A propos de la [9] traitte, ie n'en ay encores rien dit, aussi est-ce l'vnique chose qui me reste touchant les Sauuages. Toutes leurs richesses sont les peaux de diuers animaux; mais principalement de Castors. Auparauant l'association de ces Messieurs ausquels le Roy a donné ceste traitte pour certain temps, moïennant quelques conditions portees par les Articles, les Sauuages estoient visitez de plusieurs personnes, iusques là qu'vn des Anci[~e]s m'a dit qu'il a veu iusques à vingt nauires dans le port de Tadoussac; mais maintenant que ceste traitte a esté accordee à l'association qui est auiourd'huy priuatiuement à tous autres, lon ne void plus icy que deux nauires qui appartiennent à l'Association, & ce, vne fois l'an seulement, enuiron le commencement du mois de Iuin. Ces deux nauires apportent toutes les marchandises que ces Messieurs traictent auec les Sauuages, c'est à sçauoir des capaux, des couuertures, bonnets de nuict, chapeaux, chemises, draps, haches, fers de fleches, aleines, espees, des tranches pour rompre la glace en Hyuer, des coutteaux, des chaudieres, pruneaux, raisins, du bled d'Inde, des pois, du biscuit, ou de la galette, & du petun; & outre ce qui est necessaire pour le viure des François, qui demeur[~e]t en ce païs là, en eschange ils emportent des peaux d'orignac, de loup ceruier, de regnard, de loutre, & quelquefois il s'en rencontre de noires, de mattre, de blaireau, & de rat musqué; mais principalement de Castor, qui est le plus grand de leur gain: On m'a dit que pour vne annee ils en auoient remporté iusques à 22000. L'ordinaire de chaque année est de 15000. ou 12000. à vne pistole la piece, ce n'est pas mal allé; il est bien vray que les frais qu'ils font sont assez grands, ayant icy quarante personnes & plus qui sont gagez & nourris; outre les frais de tout l'equipage de deux nauires, où il se retrouue bien 150. hõmes qui reçoiuent des gages & se nourrissent. Ces gages ne sont pas tous d'vne façon: L'ordinaire est de 106. liures, il y en a qui ont cent escus. Ie cognois vn Truchement qui a cent pistoles, & quelque nombre de peaux qu'il luy est permis d'emporter chaque annee. Il est vray qu'il les traicte de sa marchãdise. Vostre Reuerence le verra ceste annee, c'est vn de ceux qui nous ont grandement aidé. Vostre Reuerence lui fera, s'il luy plaist, bon raqueil; il est pour retourner & rendre icy de grands seruices à N. Seigneur. Reste maintenant [10] à mander à vostre Reuerence ce que nous auons fait depuis nostre arriuee en ce païs, qui fut à la fin de Iuin. Le mois de Iuillet & d'Aoust se passerent, partie à escrire des lettres, partie à nous recognoistre vn peu dans le païs, & à chercher quelque lieu propre pour y establir nostre demeure: Afin de tesmoigner aux RR. PP. Recolects, que nous desiriõs les deliurer au plustost de l'incõmodité que nous leur apportions. Apres auoir bien consideré tous les endroits, & apres auoir pris langue des François, & principalement des Reuerends Peres Recolects le 1. iour de Septembre nous plantasmes la saincte Croix, au lieu que nous auions choisi, auec toute la solemnité qui nous fut possible. Les Reuerends Peres Recolects y assisterent auec les plus apparens des François, qui apres le disner se mirent tous à trauailler. Nous auons depuis tousiours continué, nous cinq, à desraciner ler [les] arbres, & à bescher la terre tant que le t[~e]ps nous a permis. Les neiges venantes nous fusmes contraints de sursoir iusques au Prin-temps pendant le trauail nous ne laissions pas de penser comment nous viendrions à bout du langage du païs; car des Truchemens, disoit-on il ne faut rien attendre; si est-ce neantmoins qu'apres auoir recommandé l'affaire à Dieu, i'ay pris resolution de m'addresser au Truchement de ceste Nation, quitte, disie en moy-mesme pour estre refusé aussi bien que les autres. Donc apres m'estre efforcé par des exhortations que ie faisois & par nostre conuersation, de donner d'autres impressiõs de nostre Compagnie, qu'on n'auoit en ce païs, Vostre Reuerence croiroit-elle bien que nous y auõs trouué l'Anti-Coton, que lon faisoit courir de chambre en chambre, & qu'enfin lon a bruslé quatre mois apres nostre arriuee; ayant, disie, tasché de donner d'autres impressions. Ie m'adressay donc au Truchement de ceste Nation, & le priay de nous donner cognoissance du langage. Chose estrãge, il me promist sur l'heure, qu'il me donneroit pendant l'hyuer tout le cõtentement que ie pourrois desirer de luy. Or c'est icy où il faut admirer vne particuliere prouidence de Dieu: car il faut remarquer, que le General estoit chargé de ses associez de repasser en France, ou bien de luy diminuer ses gages & luy pressoit si fort de retourner la mesme annee que nous arriuasmes qu'il fallut que le General vsast de commandement absolu auec asseurance que ses gages ne luy seroient [11] point diminuees, pour le faire demeurer cette annee; & de fait il est demeuré à nostre grand contentement. _Secundo notandum_; Que ce Truchement n'auoit iamais voulu communiquer a personne la cognoissance qu'il auoit de ce langage, non pas mesme aux RR. PP. Recolects, qui depuis dix ans n'auoient cessé de l'en importuner; & cependant à la premiere priere que ie luy fis, me promist ce que ie vous ay dit, & s'est acquité fidelement de sa promesse pendant cet Hyuer. Or neantmoins parce que nous n'estions pas asseurez qu'il deust estre fidele en sa promesse, craignans que l'Hyuer se passast sans rien auancer en la cognoissance de la langue. Ie consultay auec nos Peres, s'il ne seroit point à propos que deux de nous allassent passer l'Hyuer auec les Sauuages, bien auant dans les bois, afin que leur hantise nous donnast la cognoissance que nous cherchions; nos Peres fur[~e]t d'auis que ce seroit assez qu'vn y allast, & que l'autre demeureroit pour satisfaire à la deuotion des François. Ainsi ce fut le P. Brebeuf qui eut ce bonheur; il partit le 20. d'Octobre, & retourna le 27. de Mars, ayant tousiours esté esloigné de nous de 20. ou 25. lieux. Pendant son absence ie sommay le Truchement de sa promesse à laquelle il ne manqua point; A peine eusie tiré de luy ce que ie desirois, que ie me resolus d'aller passer le reste de l'Hyuer auec le premier Sauuage qui nous viendroit voir; Ie m'y en allay donc le 8. de Ianuier; mais ie fus contraint de retourner 11. iours apres; car ne trouuans pas dequoy viure eux-mesme, ils furent contraints de retourner voir les François. A mon retour, sans perdre temps, ie sollicitay le Truchement d'vne autre Nation de me communiquer ce qu'il sçauoit; dont ie m'estonne comme il le fit si franchement, ayant esté par le passé si reserué a l'endroit des Reuerends Peres Recolets. Il nous donna tout ce que nous luy demandasmes; il est bien vray que nous ne luy demandasmes pas tout ce qu'eussions bien desiré; car comme nous recogneusmes en luy vn esprit assez grossier, ce n'eust pas esté nostre aduantage de le presser par de la sa portee, nous fusmes neantmoins tres contens de ce qu'il nous donna; & ce qui est à remarquer afin de recognoistre d'auantage la prouidence de Dieu en ce fait, cedit Truchement s'en deuoit retourner en France la mesme annee que nous ariuasmes, & ce par l'entremise des Peres Recolets, & de nous qui le iugiõs necessaire pour [12] le bien de son ame, & de fait nous l'emportasmes pardessus le General de la flotte, qui a toute force le vouloit renuoyer en la Nation de laquelle il est Truchement, le voila donc arriué icy où nous sommes auec des François qui reuenoient de la traitte, en resolution de s'en retourner en France, les vaisseaux sont sur le point de partir: la veille du depart il vint nous voir chez les Reuerends Peres Recolets pour nous dire Adieu. Ce grand Dieu fit ioüer tout à propos vn ressort de sa Prouidence, comme il estoit chez nous voila vne forte pleuresie qui le prend & le voilà couché au lict, si bien & si beau qu'il fallut que les vaisseaux s'en retournassent sans luy; & par ce moyen le voilà qui nous demeure, hors des dangers neantmoins de se perdre, ce qui nous auoit fait solliter son retour. Ie vous laisse à penser si pendant sa maladie nous oubliasmes de luy rendre tout deuoir de charité; il suffit de dire qu'auparauant qu'il fust releué de ceste maladie, pour laquelle il n'attendoit que la mort; il nous asseura qu'il estoit entierement à nostre deuotion, & que s'il plaisoit à Dieu luy rendre la santé, l'Hyuer ne ce passeroit iamais sans nous donner tout contentement, dequoy il s'est fort bien acquitté, graces à Dieu.

As to the customs of the Savages, it is enough to say that they are altogether savage. From morning until night they have no other thought than to fill their stomachs. They come to see us only to ask for something to eat; and if you do not give it to them they show their dissatisfaction. They are real beggars, if there ever were any, and yet proud as they can be. They consider the French less intelligent than they. Vices of the flesh are very common among them. One of them will marry several women, and will leave them when he pleases, and take others. There is one here who married his own daughter, but all the other Savages were indignant at him for it. As to cleanliness among them, that never enters into the question; they are very dirty about their eating, and in their cabins they are covered with vermin, which they eat when they catch them. It is a custom of this Tribe to kill their fathers and mothers when they are so old that they can walk no longer, thinking that they are thus doing them a good service; for otherwise they would be compelled to die of hunger, as they have become unable to follow the others when they change their location. When I had it explained to one of them one day that the same thing would be done for him when he became old, he answered that he certainly expected it. Their method of making war against their enemies is generally through treachery, watching to find them alone; and, if they are not strong enough to make prisoners of those whom they encounter, they shoot them with their arrows, then cut off their heads, which they bring back to show their people. But, if they can take them to their cabins as prisoners, they subject them to unparalleled cruelties, killing them by inches; and, strange to say, during all of these tortures, the victim sings constantly, considering it a dishonor if he cries out or complains. After the victim is dead, they eat him, and no one is so insignificant that he does not get his share. They have feasts to which they invite each other, and even some of their French acquaintances; at these feasts they give to each one his part on a dish or plate of bark; and when they are "eat-all" feasts, nothing must be left, otherwise you would be compelled to pay something, and would lose your reputation as a brave [7] man. At the feasts which are given in honor of the death of some one, they set aside a part for the deceased as well as for the others, which they throw into the fire; they are very careful that the dogs shall not share in this feast, and to this end, they gather up all the bones and throw them into the fire. They bury the dead, and with them all their belongings, such as candlesticks, furs, knives, etc. When I asked an old man one day why they placed all this baggage in the grave, he replied that they did so in order that the deceased might use it in the other world; and when I answered him that when any one looked into the grave all the baggage was seen there, which was a proof that the deceased did not use it, he replied, that in truth the body of the kettles, furs, knives, etc., remained, but that the soul of the kettles, knives, etc., went off to the other world with the deceased, and that he made use of them there. Thus they believe (as Your Reverence sees) in the immortality of our Souls; and, in fact, they assure you that after death they go to Heaven, where they eat mushrooms and hold intercourse with each other. They call the Sun JESUS;[39] and it is believed that the Basques,[40] who formerly frequented these places, Introduced this name. It thus happens that when we offer Prayers, it seems to them that we address our Prayers to the Sun, as they do. While on the subject of the Sun, the Savages here believe that the earth is pierced through and through; and that, when the sun sets, it hides in one hole in the earth, and comes out next morning through the other. They have no form of divine worship, nor any kind of Prayers. They believe, however, that there is One who made all, but they do not render him any homage. Among them there are persons who make a profession of talking to the Devil; these are also the Physicians, and cure all kinds of diseases. The Savages have great fear of these people, and humor them lest they do them some injury. Little by little we shall learn more of the other Tribes, who are more sedentary in their habits; but, as to these where we now are with the French, they are wanderers only during six months of the year, which are the six Winter months,--roving here and there, according as they may find game, only two or three families erecting their cabins together in one place, two or three in another, and so on. The other [8] six months of the year, twenty or thirty come together upon the shore of the River near our settlement, part at Thadoussac, and the same number forty leagues above us; and there they live upon the game which they have captured during the Winter; that is to say, on smoked moose meat, and food for which they have traded with the French. I believe I wrote something about their clothing last year, and how they always go bare-headed; they wear no other clothes than a moose skin or a Beaver robe, which consists of 5 or 6 Beaver Skins sewed together; and they wear these skins as, without making any comparison, the Ecclesiastics wear their Capes, attached in front only by a leather strap. Sometimes they wear a belt, sometimes none at all, and nevertheless, nothing improper is noticed on that account, as they very modestly cover the parts which decency demands should be covered. In Winter they have leggings and shoes made of moose skin, but the shoes, the uppers as well as the soles, are as pliable as a glove. Their faces are usually painted red or grayish brown, and this is done in different styles, according to the fancy of the women, who paint their husbands and children, whose hair they also oil with bear or moose grease. The men are no more bearded than the women; they pull their beards out in order to be more agreeable to the women. I have seen only three or four who had not done so, and this but recently in imitation of the French; yet they did not have beards. The color of their skin is strongly inclined to black; not one is seen whose skin is white, and yet nothing is so white as their teeth. They go upon the rivers in light birch-bark canoes, very neatly made; the smallest of them can hold 4 or 5 persons and leave room for their little baggage. The oars are proportioned to the canoes, one at the bow and one at the stern; ordinarily, the woman holds the one at the stern, and consequently steers. These poor women are real pack mules, enduring all hardships. When delivered of a child, they go to the woods two hours later to replenish the fire of the cabin.[41] In the Winter, when they break camp, the women drag the heaviest loads over the snow; in short, the men seem to have as their share only hunting, war, and trading. Apropos of [9] trading, I have as yet said nothing, and it is also the last thing which remains to be said in regard to the Savages. All of their wealth consists in the furs of different animals, but principally of the Beaver. Before the time of the association of those Gentlemen to whom the King gave this trade for a certain time in consideration of certain conditions mentioned in the Articles,[21] the Savages were visited by many people, to such an extent that an Old Man told me he had seen as many as twenty ships in the port of Tadoussac. But now since this business has been granted to the association, which to-day has a monopoly over all others, we see here not more than two ships which belong to it, and that only once a year, about the beginning of the month of June. These two ships bring all the merchandise which these Gentlemen use in trading with the Savages; that is to say, the cloaks, blankets, nightcaps, hats, shirts, sheets, hatchets, iron arrowheads, bodkins, swords, picks to break the ice in Winter, knives, kettles, prunes, raisins, Indian corn, peas, crackers or sea biscuits, and tobacco; and what is necessary for the sustenance of the French in this country besides. In exchange for these they carry back hides of the moose, lynx, fox, otter, black ones being encountered occasionally, martens, badgers, and muskrats; but they deal principally in Beavers, in which they find their greatest profit. I was told that during one year they carried back as many as 22,000. The usual number for one year is 15,000 or 12,000, at one pistole each, which is not doing badly.[19] It is true their expenses are very heavy, as they keep here forty persons and more, who are paid and maintained; this in addition to the expense of the crews of two ships, which consist of at least 150 men, who receive their wages and food. These wages are not all the same. They are generally 106 livres, but some receive a hundred écus. I know an Interpreter who receives one hundred pistoles, and a certain number of hides which he is permitted to carry away each year.[42] It is true that he trades them off as his own merchandise. Your Reverence will see him this year; he is one of those who have very effectively assisted us. Your Reverence will, if you please, give him a kind greeting; for he is going to return, and do great service here for Our Lord. It remains now [10] to tell your Reverence what we have done since our arrival in this country, which was the last of June. The months of July and August passed by, partly in writing letters, partly in getting a little acquainted with the country, and in seeking a proper place for our settlement, that we might show the Reverend Recolect Fathers that we desired to relieve them as soon as possible of the inconvenience which we caused them. After having carefully considered all the places, and after having consulted with the French people, and especially with the Reverend Recolect Fathers, we planted the holy Cross on the 1st day of September, with all possible solemnity, upon the place which we had chosen. The Reverend Recolect Fathers took part in the ceremony with the most prominent of the French, and after dinner all of them went to work. We have continued this work ever since, we five, uprooting trees and breaking the ground whenever we had time. The snow intervened, and we were compelled to give up our work until Spring. During the work, the thought of acquiring a knowledge of the language of this country was constantly in our minds; for it was said that we could expect nothing from the Interpreters. Nevertheless, after having commended the matter to God, I made up my mind to speak to the Interpreter of this Tribe, saying to myself that at the worst, I could only be refused as the others had been. So, after having striven by my exhortations and our conversation to correct the impressions concerning our Society that exist in this country, can Your Reverence believe that we have found here the "Anti-Coton,"[43] which was circulated from chamber to chamber, and which was finally burned, about four months after our arrival? Having, I say, tried to give other impressions, I applied then to the Interpreter of this Tribe and begged him to teach us the language. Strange to say, he at once promised me that, during the winter, he would give me all the help that I could ask of him. Now in this a special providence of God must be admired, because it must be observed that the General[21] was ordered by his associates to send him back to France, or else to reduce his wages; and he [the interpreter] begged him so earnestly to return the same year that we arrived, that the General was compelled to use imperative authority, and to tell him that his wages would [11] not be reduced, to make him stay this year; and, in fact, he remained, to our great satisfaction. _Secundo notandum_; This Interpreter had never wanted to communicate his knowledge of the language to any one, not even to the Reverend Recolect Fathers, who had constantly importuned him for ten years; and yet he promised me what I have told you, the first time I urged him to do so, and he kept his promise faithfully during that Winter. However, as we did not feel certain that he would keep his word, and fearing the Winter would pass and we would make no progress in the language, I consulted with our Fathers as to the propriety of two of us going to spend the Winter with the Savages, far into the depths of the forest, in order that, by constant association with them, we might gain the knowledge we sought. Our Fathers were of the opinion that it would be sufficient for one to go, and that the other ought to remain to attend to the spiritual needs of the French. So this good fortune fell to the lot of Father Brebeuf.[30] He left on the 20th of October and returned on the 27th of March, having been distant from us 20 or 25 leagues all the time. During his absence I reminded the Interpreter of his promise, which he did not fail to keep. I had hardly learned from him what I desired, when I determined to go and spend the remainder of the Winter with the first Savage who should come to see us. So I went off with one on the 8th of January, but I was compelled to return 11 days later; for, as they could not find enough for themselves to eat, they were compelled to come back to the French. As soon as I returned, I lost no time in urging the Interpreter of another Tribe to teach me what he knew; and I was astonished that he should do it so freely, as in the past he had been so reserved in regard to the Reverend Recolet Fathers. He gave us all that we asked for; it is quite true that we did not ask all that we would have wished; as we noticed in him a mind somewhat coarse, it would not have been to our advantage to have urged him beyond his depth. We were, however, highly pleased with what he gave us; and what is noteworthy, in order to better recognize the providence of God in this matter, this very Interpreter was to return to France the same year that we arrived, and this was to be done through the intervention of the Recolet Fathers and through our influence, as we deemed it necessary for [12] the good of his soul; and in fact we carried the day over the head of the General of the fleet, who was resolved in any event to send him back to the Tribe whose Interpreter he was. So he arrived here where we are, with the French who were returning from the trading station, resolved to go back to France, the ships being on the point of leaving. The evening before his intended departure, he came to see us at the Reverend Recolet Fathers', to bid us Farewell. The great God showed his Providential designs very propitiously then; while he was with us he was taken with a severe attack of pleurisy and was put to bed, so nicely and comfortably, that the ships were obliged to go back without him, and by this means he remained with us, out of all danger of ruining himself; for it was the fear of this which had caused us to urge his return. You will readily understand that during his sickness we performed every act of charity for him. It suffices to say that, before he recovered from this sickness, in which he expected to die, he assured us that he was entirely devoted to us; and that if it pleased God to restore his health, the Winter would never pass by without his giving us assistance, a promise which he kept in every respect, thank God.

Ie me suis peut-estre estendu plus que de raison à racõpter cecy; mais ie me plais tant à racompter les traits de la prouidence particuliere de Dieu, qu'il me se semble que tout le mõde y doit prendre plaisir; & de fait s'il s'en fust retourné en France ceste annee là, nous estions pour n'auancer gueres plus que les Reuerends Peres Recolets en 10. ans. Dieu soit loüé de tout, voila donc à quoy se passa la meilleure partie de l'hyuer. Outre ces occupatiõs ie n'ay point manqué à mon tour d'aller les festes & Dimanches dire la Messe aux François, ausquels i'ay fait exhortation toutes les fois que i'y ay esté: le Pere Brebeuf de son costé en faisoit autant, & auons si bien auancé par la grace de Dieu, que nous auons gaigné le coeur de tous ceux de l'habitation, auons fait faire des confessions generales à la plus part, & auons vescu en tres-bonne intelligence auec le Chef. Enuiron le milieu du Caresme ie m'hazarday de prier le Capitaine de nous donner les Charpentiers de l'habitation pour nous aider à dresser vne petite cabane au lieu que nous auons commencé à défricher, ce qu'il m'accorda auec beaucoup de courtoisie: les charpentiers ne souhaitoient [13] rien tant que de trauailler pour nous; & de fait ils nous auoient donné le mot auparauant: aussi trauaillerent-ils auec tant d'affection, que nonobstant l'incommodité du temps & de la saison (car il y auoit encore vn pied & demy de neige) ils eurent acheué nostre cabane le Lundy de la semaine Saincte, & cependant ils cierent plus de 250. aix, tant pour la couuerture, que pour le tour de la cabane; vingt cheurons, & dolerent plus de vingt-cinq grosses pieces necessaires pour l'erection de la cabane. Voila des commencemens assez heureux graces à Dieu, ie ne sçay quel sera le progrés à cause de la continuation de mes imperfections. Au reste parmy ces Sauuages nos vies ne sont pas asseurées. Si quelque François leur a fait quelque déplaisir ils s'en vengent par la mort du premier qu'ils rencontrent, sans auoir esgard à plaisir aucun qu'ils ayent receu de celuy qu'ils attaquent. S'ils ont songé la nuict qu'il faut qu'ils tuënt quelque François, gar[d]e le premier qu'ils rencontrent à l'escart. Ils ajoustent grande croyance à leurs songes. Quelques-vns deux vous diront deux iours auparauant la venuë des vaisseaux l'heure à laquelle ils arriueront, & ne vous diront autre chose sinon qu'ils l'ont veu en dormant. Ceux-la sont en reputation parmy eux de parler au Diable. Leur conuersion ne nous donnera pas peu d'affaire. Leur vie libertine & faineante, leur esprit grossier, & qui ne peut guere comprendre, la disette des mots qu'ils ont pour expliquer nos mysteres, n'ayans iamais eu aucun culte diuin, nous exercera à bon escient. Mais pourtant nous ne perdons pas courage graces à Dieu, appuyez sur cette verité, que Dieu n'aura pas tant esgard au fruict que nous ferons, qu'à la bonne volonté & au trauail que nous prendrons; & puis plus il y aura difficulté en leur conuersion, & plus y aura-t'il de défiance de nous-mesmes; tant y a que nostre esperance est en Dieu. Si ie puis ie me transporteray en d'autres nations: si cela est, il ne faut plus attendre de nouuelles, car ie seray si loin d'eux, qu'à grand peine pourray-ie leur écrire; car au cas que cela arriue ie vous dy adieu & à tout le monde iusques à ce que nous nous reuoyons au Ciel. N'oubliez pas les suffrages pour nostre ame, & faites les de fois à autres. A tout hazard lors que vous vous souuiendrez de nous en vos saincts sacrifices, dites pour vn tel vif ou mort. Le secours qui nous est venu de France est vn bon commencement pour cette Mission; mais les affaires [14] ne sont pas encore en tel estat que Dieu puisse y estre seruy fidellement. L'heretique y a autant encore d'empire que iamais, c'est pourquoy ie renuoye le Pere Noiroit selon la permissiõ que les Superieurs m'en ont faite, afin qu'il paracheue ce qu'il a commencé; il est le mieux entendu en cette affaire. Si nos Peres desirent l'affermissement, & le bon succes de cette Mission, il est du tout expedient qu'ils le laissent faire. C'est bien à son corps defendant qu'il s'en retourne, veu principalement qu'il est tant incommodé dessus la mer. I'enuoye son compagnon auec le Pere Brebeuf à 300 lieux d'icy à vne de ces nations qui sont stables en leur demeure, ils y seront bien tost s'ils trouuent des Sauuages qui les y vueillent conduire, autrement ils seront contraints de retourner vers nous; i'attends tous les iours de leurs nouuelles. Ie viens d'apprendre tout maintenant qu'ils sont partis. Le Diable qui craint la touche a voulu jouër des siennes, car nos Peres estans desia embarquez, les Sauuages par deux ou trois fois les voulurent faire desembarquer, alleguans que leurs canaux estoient trop chargez; mais en fin Dieu l'emporta par dessus luy, on gaigna les Sauuages à force de presents. S'il plaist à Dieu faire reüssir cette mission, voila vne entrée dans des nations infinies pour ainsi dire, qui sont tousiours stables en leur demeure. I'eusse bien desiré estre de la partie, mais nos Peres ne l'ont pas iugé à propos, iugeans qu'il estoit necessaire que ie demeurasse icy, tant pour l'éstablissement de nostre petit domicille, que pour l'entretien des François. Vostre R. s'estonnera peut-estre de ce que i'ay enuoyé le P. Brebeuf qui auoit desia quelque commencement à la langue de cette nation, mais les talents que Dieu luy a departy m'y ont fait resoudre; le fruict que l'on attend de ces natiõs là estant bien autre que celuy que l'on espere de celle cy. S'il plaist à Dieu benir leurs trauaux nous aurons grand besoin d'ouuriers; les dispositions du costé des Sauuages sont telles, qu'on en peut esperer quelque chose de bon. Le truchement ayant demandé en ma presence à l'vn de leurs Capitaines s'ils seroi[~e]t tous contens que quelques-vns des nostres allassent demeurer en leur pays pour leur apprendre à cognoistre Dieu, il respondit qu'il ne falloit demander cela & qu'ils ne souhaittoient rien tant, puis ayant consideré la maison des Recollets où nous estions, il adiousta qu'à la verité ils ne pourroient pas nous bastir vne maison de pierre semblable à celle-là, [15] mais demandés leur, dit-il au truchement, s'ils seroient contans de trouuer à leur arriuee vne cabane faicte semblable aux nostres. Il ne pouuoit nous tesmoigner plus d'affection; De plus il y a eu de la sterilité dans leur pays cette année, & ils l'attribuent à cause qu'ils n'y ont point eu de Religieux, tout cela nous fait bien esperer. Pour ceux de cette Nation ie les ay fait sommer de respondre, s'ils ne vouloient pas se faire instruire; & nous donner leurs enfans pour le mesme sujet: ils nous ont tous respondu qu'ils le desiroient. Ils attendent que nous ayons basty, c'est à nous cependant de mesnager leur affection & apprendre bien leur langue. Au demeurant ie supplirois volontiers ceux qui ont de l'affection pour ce pays, qu'ils ne se dégoustassent point s'ils n'entendent promptement des nouuelles du fruict que l'on espere. La conuersion des Sauuages demande du temps. Les premieres six ou sept annees sembleront steriles à quelques vns. Et si i'adioustois iusqu'à dix ou douze, possible ne m'éloigneroisie pas de la verité. Mais est ce à dire pourtãt qu'il faille tout quitter là? Ne faut-il pas des cõmencemens par tout? Ne faut-il pas des dispositions pour arriuer où on pretend? Quand à moy ie vous confesse que Dieu me fait cette misericorde, qu'encor que ie n'esperasse aucun profit tout le temps qu'il luy plaira me conseruer en vie, pourueu qu'il eust nos trauaux agreables, & qu'il voulust s'en seruir comme de preparation pour ceux qui viendront apres nous, ie me tiendrois trop heureux d'employer & ma vie & mes forces, & n'épargner rien de ce qui seroit en mon pouuoir, non pas mesme mon sang pour semblable suiet. Neantmoins si nos Superieurs ne sont point d'aduis qu'on passe outre, me voicy tout prés de me sousmettre à leur volonté, & suiure leur iugement. Voicy vn petit Huron qui s'en va vous voir, il est passionné de voir la France. Il nous affectionne grandement & fait paroistre vn grand desir d'estre instruict; neantmoins le pere & le Capitaine de la nation, le veulent reuoir l'an prochain, nous asseurant que s'il est contant il le nous donnera pour quelques annees. Il est fort important de le bien contenter; car si vne fois cet enfant est bien instruit, voila vne partie ouuerte pour entrer en beaucoup de nations où il seruira grandement. Et tout à propos le truchement de cetre [cette] nation la est retourn[é] en France. Truchement qu'il aime tant, qu'il l'appelle son pere. Ie prie nostre Seigneur qu'il luy plaise benir le voyage. Au reste ie remercie V. R. du courage [16] qu'elle m'a donné. I'ay leu ses lettres, quatre ou cinq fois; mais ie n'ay peu gaigner sur moy que ce n'ait esté la larme à l'oeil, pour plusieurs raisons, mais specialement sur la souuenance de mes imperfections (_coram Deo loquor_) qui m'éloignent grandement, du merite de cette vocation, & me fait viuement apprehender que ie n'aille trauerser les desseins de la grace de Dieu, en l'établissement du Christianisme en ce pays. Apres cela ie ne crains rien. Ie vous supplie en vertu de ce que vous aimez mieux dans le Ciel, de ne vous lasser point de solliciter la diuine bonté, ou qu'il me face la grace de m'en défaire, ou si mon idignité est venuë iusques là qu'il m'y faille encore tremper, que ce ne soit au preiudice de nos pauures Sauuages; que ma misere n'empesche point les effects de sa misericorde, & le desordre de ma volonté fragile, l'ordre que sa bonté veut établir en ce pays. Nous continuons plus que iamais les bonnes intelligences auec le Pere Ioseph, qui est icy l'vnique Prestre de son Ordre, l'vn estant allé auec nos Peres aux Hurons; & l'autre s'en retournant en France; il a deux bons freres auec luy. Mr. Champlain est tousiours fort affectionné en nostre endroit, m'a pris pour directeur de sa conscience, aussi bien que Gaumont, duquel i'auray vn soin particulier selon les recommandations de vostre R. L'aduis que vostre R. me donne touchant la dedicace de nostre premiere Eglise, est fort conforme à ma deuotion si les Superieurs m'en laissent la liberté, elle ne sera iamais appellee autrement que N. Dame des Anges; c'est pourquoy ie supplie V. R. de nous faire auoir quelque beau Tableau enuironné d'Anges. C'est vne des grãdes Festes des PP. Recolets, qui ont dedié leur Chappelle à S. Charles; & la Riuiere sur laquelle, eux & nous; sommes logez, s'appelle la riuiere S. Charles, ainsi nõmee quelque temps auparauant que nous vinsiõs. Pour les lettres ie ne pense pas auoir obmis personne, tant de nos bien-faiteurs plus signalez, que de ceux qui m'ont escrit. Aussi vous confessay je que ie suis vn peu las; voicy la 68 & si ce n'est pas la derniere. Plaise à nostre bon Dieu que le tout soit à sa gloire. Nostre R. P. Assistant se monstre fort affectiõné à ceste Mission; ie luy enuoye vne charte de ce pays, asseurant que ie demeureray toute ma vie, de Vostre Reuerence,

Seruiteur tres-affectionné en N Seigneur CHARLES L'ALLEMANT.

A Kebec ce 1. d'Aoust 1626.

I have, perhaps, dwelt longer upon this than was necessary, but I am so pleased to relate the special acts of God's providence, as it seems to me every one must take pleasure in them; and in fact, if he had gone back to France that year, we would have made hardly any more progress than the Reverend Recolet Fathers did in 10 years. May God be praised for all! In this way we passed the greater part of the winter. Besides these occupations, I, in my turn, have not failed to go, on holydays and Sundays, to say Mass for the French, to whom I have made an exhortation every time I have been there. Father Brebeuf did the same on his part; and, by the grace of God, we have made such progress that we have won the hearts of all the people of the settlement, and have induced most of them to make general confessions, and have lived on good terms with the Chief. About the middle of Lent, I ventured to ask the Captain to give us the Carpenters of the settlement to help us erect a little cabin at the place we had begun to clear away, and he very courteously granted my request. The carpenters asked for [13] nothing better than to work for us, and in fact they had previously given us their promise; so they worked with such good will, that, notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the weather and of the season (for there was still a foot and a half of snow), they had finished our cabin by Monday of Holy week; and besides, they had sawed over 250 planks, both for the roof and for the sides of the cabin, twenty rafters, and hewn over twenty-five large pieces necessary for the erection of the cabin. These are very happy beginnings, thank God; but, considering my imperfections still continue, I do not know how much progress will be made. Further, there is no security for our lives among these Savages. If a Frenchman has in some way offended them, they take revenge by killing the first one they meet, without any regard for favors which they may have received from the one whom they attack. If during the night they dream they must kill a Frenchman, woe to the first one whom they meet alone. They attach great faith to their dreams. Some of them will tell you two days before the coming of a ship the hour of its arrival, and will give no other explanation except that they have seen it while asleep. These are reputed among them to have intercourse with the Devil. Their conversion will give us no little trouble. Their licentious and lazy lives, their rude and untutored minds, able to comprehend so little, the scarcity of words they have to explain our mysteries, never having had any form of divine worship, will tax our wits. And yet we do not lose courage, thank God; trusting in this truth, that God will not have so much regard to the fruits that we produce, as to our good will and the trouble we take; and besides, the greater the difficulty in their conversion, and the more distrust we have in ourselves, so much the greater will be our trust in God. If I can, I shall go among some of the other tribes; and, in that event, no further news need be expected from me, because I shall be so far away that it will be very hard to communicate with you; and if that should happen, I say farewell to you and to every one until we meet in Heaven. Do not forget the prayers for our souls, and make them from time to time. In any case when you remember us in your holy sacrifices, offer them up for such and such a one, living or dead. The help which has reached us from France is a good beginning for this Mission, but things [14] are not yet in such a condition that God can be faithfully served here. The heretic holds as complete dominion here as ever, and therefore I send back Father Noiroit, according to the permission that I have received from the Superiors, in order that he may finish what he has begun; he is the most capable one for this affair. If our Fathers wish the strengthening and the success of this Mission, it is by all means proper that they should allow him to proceed.[32] He returns very much against his inclination, principally on account of his sufferings upon the sea. I send his companion[31] with Father Brebeuf, 300 leagues from here, to one of those tribes which has a permanent location. They will soon be there if they find Savages to conduct them, otherwise they will be obliged to return here; I am expecting news from them daily. I have just learned that they have gone. The Devil, who feared their approach, tried to play some of his tricks on them, for, when our Fathers had embarked, the Savages tried two or three times to make them go ashore, asserting that their canoes were too heavily loaded; but at last God triumphed over him, and the Savages were won by means of presents. If it please God to give success to this mission, it will open a way, so to speak, to an infinite number of tribes which have permanent settlements. I should have been very glad to be one of the party; but our Fathers did not deem it expedient, considering it well that I should remain here, both for the establishment of our little home and for the welfare of the French. Your Reverence will be astonished, perhaps, at my having sent Father Brebeuf, who already had some knowledge of the language of this tribe; but the talents that God has given him influenced me, the fruits which are expected from those tribes being very different from those hoped for here. If it please God to bless their labors, we shall have great need of workers; the disposition on the part of the Savages is such that something good may be looked for. When the interpreter asked one of their Captains in my presence, if they would all be glad if some one of us should go among them to teach them to know God, he answered that it was not necessary to ask that, that they desired nothing better; then, having examined the house of the Recollets where we were, he added that they indeed could not build us a stone house like that one; [15] "But ask them," said he to the interpreter, "if they will be satisfied upon their arrival to find a cabin made similar to ours." He could not manifest more affection for us than he did. Moreover, there was a drought in their country this year, and they attributed it to the fact that they had no Religious among them; all this gives us strong hopes. As to the people of this Tribe, I had them called together to say whether they wanted to be instructed, and to give us their children for the same purpose. They all answered that they did. They are waiting for us to build; and it is for us, in the meantime, to cultivate their affection and to learn their language. Meanwhile, I would request those who are interested in this country not to be disappointed if they do not promptly receive news of the hoped-for converts. The conversion of the Savages takes time. The first six or seven years will appear sterile to some; and, if I should say ten or twelve, I would possibly not be far from the truth. But is that any reason why all should be abandoned? Are not beginnings necessary everywhere? Are not preparations needed for the attainment of every object? For my part, I confess that, if God shows me mercy, although I expect no fruits as long as it will please him to preserve my life, provided that our labors are acceptable to him, and that he may be pleased to make use of them as a preparation for those who will come after us, I shall hold myself only too happy to employ my life and my strength, and to spare nothing in my power, not even my blood, for such a purpose. However, if our Superiors do not think we should go farther, I am ready to submit to their will and to follow their judgment. A little Huron is going to see you; he longs to see France. He is very fond of us and manifests a strong desire to be instructed; nevertheless, his father and the Captain of the nation wishes to see him next year, assuring us that, if he is satisfied, he will give him to us for some years. It is of importance that he should be thoroughly satisfied; for, if this child is once instructed, it will open the way to many tribes where he will be very useful. And the return of the interpreter of that tribe to France is very opportune,--the Interpreter whom he loves so much, that he calls him his father. I pray our Lord to be pleased to bless his voyage. I also thank Your Reverence for the courage [16] you have given me. I have read your letters four or five times, and I have not been able to keep the tears from my eyes for several reasons; but especially in reflecting upon my imperfections (_coram Deo loquor_) which are far from the merit necessary for this vocation, and inspire me with grave fears that I am opposing the purposes of God's grace in the establishment of Christianity in this country. After that, I fear nothing. I beseech you, in the name of all you hold most dear in Heaven, not to become weary in appealing to the divine goodness, either to do me the favor of removing me from here, or, if my unworthiness is so great that I must yet be chastened, let it not be to the disadvantage of our poor Savages; let not my shortcomings prevent the effects of his mercy, nor my weak will be a hindrance to the order that his goodness wishes to establish in this country. Our sympathetic relations with Father Joseph[26] are stronger than ever. He is the only Priest of his Order here, one having gone with our Fathers to the Hurons, and the other now returning to France; he has two good brothers with him. Mr. Champlain is always very kind to us, and has chosen me as his confessor. Gaumont has done the same, and I shall take special care of him, according to the recommendations of your Reverence. The advice which your Reverence gives me in regard to the dedication of our first Church, is in thorough harmony with my views. If the Superiors leave it to me, it will never be otherwise named than "N. Dame des Anges." Therefore I beg Your Reverence to send us a beautiful Picture surrounded by Angels. It is one of the great Fête days of the Recolet Fathers, who have dedicated their Chapel to St. Charles; the River upon which they and we live is called the river St. Charles, so called some time before our arrival. As to sending letters, I think I have not passed over any one, either of our well-known benefactors or any of those who have written to me; and I confess to you that I am a little tired; this is the 68th, and it is not the last. May it please our good God that everything may be done here for his glory. Our Reverend Father Assistant manifests a great deal of affection for this Mission; I send him a map of this country. With assurances that I will be, during my life, of Your Reverence,

The very affectionate servant in Our Lord, CHARLES L'ALLEMANT.

Kebec, this 1st of August, 1626.

XIX

CHARLES LALEMANT'S

Lettre au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Jésuites à Paris

BORDEAUX: Nouembre 22, 1629

SOURCE: The Title-page and Avant-Propos follow O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 3; but the Text has been compared with the original publication in Champlain's _Voyages_ (Paris, 1632), part ii., pp. 275-279. The bracketed pagination in the Text is that of Champlain.

LETTRE du Reuerend PÈRE L'ALLEMAND, _Supérieur de la Mission des Pères Iésuites_, en la _NOUUELLE FRANCE_

Enuoyée de Bordeaux au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Iésuites à PARIS, et datée du 22 _Nouembre_, 1629.

Imprimée d'après l'exemplaire que l'on trouve dans les Voyages du Sieur Champlain.

A PARIS, M. DC. XXXII.

LETTER from the Reverend FATHER L'ALLEMAND, _Superior of the Mission of Jesuit Fathers_, in _NEW FRANCE_

Sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior of the Jesuit College at PARIS, and dated 22nd _November_, 1629.

Reprinted from the copy to be found in the Voyages of Sieur Champlain.

PARIS, M. DC. XXXII.

Avant-Propos.

L_E R. Père CHARLES LALLEMANT, qui a écrit la Lettre suivante, entra à l'âge de vingt ans dans la Compagnie de Jésus. En 1613, il avait accompagné M. de la Saussaye, à Pentagouët. Argal s'étant emparé de cet établissemement, le P. Lallemant s'en retourna en France, d'où il partit pour le Canada en 1625. C'estoit la première fois que des Pères Jésuites entrerent dans ce Pays. Quelques années aprés, il fût envoyé avec le P. Philibert Noyrot, Procureur de la Mission, chercher en France du secours pour la Colonie, et ayant trouvé de quoi fretter un batiment avec des vivres, ils s'y étoient embarqués vers la fin du mois de Juillet, 1629. Le vaisseau fit naufrage sur la côte de l'Acadie, et c'est de cet naufrage et d'autres événements qui suivirent que traitte la presente lettre._ [O'Callaghan.]

Preface.

T_HE Reverend Father CHARLES LALLEMANT, who wrote the following Letter, entered the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty years. In 1613, he accompanied M. de la Saussaye to Pentagoüet.[44] Argal took possession of this settlement, and Father Lallemant returned to France, whence he departed for Canada in 1625. This was the first time that the Jesuit Fathers had entered that Country. Several years later, he was sent with Father Philibert Noyrot, Agent for the Mission, to France, to seek aid for the Colony; and, having secured the means to load a ship with supplies, they embarked upon it toward the end of July, 1629. The ship was wrecked upon the Acadian coast; and it is this shipwreck and other subsequent events that the present letter describes._ [O'Callaghan.]

Lettre du Reuerend P. l'Allemand, au R.P. Supérieur, à Paris.

[275] A_ÃYT sejourné deux iours à Dieppe ie m'acheminay à Rouën, où ie m'arrestay deux autres iours, & appris comme le vaisseau des Reuerends Peres l'Allemand & Noyrot s'estoient perdus vers les Isles de Canseau, & me fit-on voir vne lettre dudit Reuerend Pere l'Allemand, Superieur de la Mission des Peres Iesuites, en la nouuelle France, enuoyée de Bordeaux au R.P. Superieur du College des Iesuites à Paris, & dattée du 22. Nouembre 1629. comme il s'ensuit._ [Champlain.]

Letter from the Reverend Father l'Allemand to the Reverend Father Superior, at Paris.

[275] A_FTER having sojourned two days at Dieppe, I journeyed to Rouën, where I remained two more days, and learned how the ship of the Reverend Fathers l'Allemand and Noyrot had been wrecked upon the Canseau Islands; and I was shown a letter from the Reverend Father l'Allemand, Superior of the Mission of the Jesuit Fathers in new France, sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, and dated November 22nd, 1629, as follows._ [Champlain.]

[276] MON REVEREND PERE,

Pax Christi.

Castigans castigauit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, _Chastiment qui m'a esté d'autant plus sensible que le naufrage a estè accompagné de la mort du R.P. Noyrot & de nostre frere Louys, deux hõmes qui deuoient, ce me semble grandem[~e]t seruir à nostre Seminaire. Or neantmoins puis que Dieu a disposé de la sorte, il nous faut chercher nos contentements dans ses sainctes volontez, hors desquelles il n'y eut iamais esprit solide ny content, & ie m'asseure que l'experience aura fait voir à vostre reuerence que l'amertume de nos ressentiments détrempée dans la douceur du bon plaisir de Dieu, auquel vne ame s'attache inseparablement, perd (ou le tout) ou la meilleure partie de son fiel; Si que s'il reste encore quelques souspirs pour les souffrances, ou passées ou presentes, ce n'est que pour aspirer dauantage vers le Ciel, & perfectionner auec merite ceste conformité dans laquelle l'ame a pris resolution de passer le reste de ses iours; De quatre des nostres que nous estions dans la barque, Dieu partageant à l'esgal, en a pris deux, & a laissé les deux autres. Ces deux bons Religieux tresbien disposez & resignez à la mort, seruiront de victime pour appaiser la colere de Dieu iustement iettée contre nous pour nos deffauts, & pour nous rendre deformais sa bonté fauorable au succeds du dessein entrepris._

[276] MY REVEREND FATHER,

The peace of Christ be with you.

Castigans castigavit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, _a Chastisement all the more keenly felt by me, as the shipwreck was accompanied by the death of the Reverend Father Noyrot and of our brother Louys,[20] two men who were destined, it seems to me, to be of great service to our Seminary. But nevertheless, since God has so ordained, we must seek our consolation in his holy will, outside of which there never was a peaceful or contented mind; and I feel sure that experience will have shown your reverence that the bitterness of our grief, tempered with the sweetness of doing the will of God, to whom a soul is inseparably attached, loses (either all) or the greater part of its sting. And yet, if there still remain some sighs for the sufferings either of the past or of the present, it is only to make us aspire more earnestly to Heaven, and to perfect with merit this harmony in which the soul is determined to pass the rest of its days. Of the four of us who were in the barque, God equally divided them, taking two and leaving two. These two good Religious, who were thoroughly prepared and resigned to die, will serve as victims to appease the wrath of God, justly provoked against us for our shortcomings, and to cause him to grant in the future his goodness, that it may be favorable to the success of the project undertaken._

_Ce qui nous perdit fut vn grand coup de vent de Suest, qui s'efleua lors que nous estions à la riue des terres, vent si impetueux que quelque soin & diligence que peust apporter nostre Pilote auec ses Matelots, Quelques voeux & prieres que nous peussions faire pour destourner ce coup, iamais nous ne peusmes faire en sorte que nous n'allassions heurter contre les rochers: ce fut le 26. iour d'apres nostre depart, iour de sainct Barthelemy, enuiron sur les neuf heures du soir; De 24. que nous estions dans la barque, dix seulement eschapperent, les autres furent estouffez dans les eaux. Les deux nepueux du Pere Noyrot tindrent compagnie à leur oncle, leurs corps ont esté enterrez,_ [277] _entre autres celuy du P. Noyrot & de nostre frere, des sept autres nous n'en auons eu aucune nouuelles, quelque recherche que nous en ayons peu faire. De vous dire comment le Pere de Vieuxpont & moy auons eschappé du naufrage, il me seroit bien difficille, & croy que Dieu seul en a cognoissance, qui suiuans les desseins de sa diuine prouid[~e]ce nous a preseruez, car pour mon regard ne iugeant pas dans les apparences humaines qu'il me fust possible d'éuiter ce danger, i'auois pris resolution de me tenir dans la chambre du nauire auec nostre frere Louys, nous disposans tous deux à receuoir le coup de la mort, qui ne pouuoit tarder plus de trois_ Miserere, _lors que i'entendis qu'on m'appelloit sur le haut du nauire, ie croyois que c'estoit quelqu'vn qui auoit affaire de mon secours, ie montay en haut, & trouuay que c'estoit le P. Noyrot qui me demandoit derechef l'absolution: Apres luy auoir donnée, & chanté tous ensemble le_ Salue Regina, _ie fus contrainct de demeurer en haut; car de descendre il n'y auoit plus de moyen, la mer estoit si haute, & le vent si furieux, qu'en moins de rien le costé qui panchoit sur le rocher fut mis en pieces, i'estois proche du P. Noirot lors qu'vn coup de mer vint si impetueusement donner contre le costé sur lequel nous estions qui rompit tout, & me separa du P. Noyrot, de la bouche duquel i'entendis ces dernieres paroles_, In manus tuas Domine, &c. _Pour moy de ce coup ie me trouuay engagé entre quatre pieces de bois, deux desquelles me donnerent si rudement contre la poictrine, & les deux autres me briserent si fort le dos que ie croyois mourir auparauant que d'estre enueloppé des flots, mais voicy vn autre coup de mer qui me desengageant de ces bois m'enleua, & mon bonnet & mes pantoufles, & mist le reste du nauire tout à plat dans la mer: Ie tombay heureusement sur vne planche que ie n'abandonnay point, de rencontre elle estoit liée auec le reste du coste de ce nauire. Nous voilà doncques à la mercy des flots, qui ne nous espargnoient point; ains s'esleuans ie ne sçay combien de couldées au dessus de nous, tomboient par apres sur nos testes. Apres auoir flotté longtemps de la sorte dans l'obscurité de la nuict, qui estoit desia commencée, regardant à l'entour de moy ie m'apperceus que nous estions enfermez d'espines & sur tout enuironnez & prest du costau qui sembloit vne isle, puis regardant vn peu plus attentiuement ie contay six personnes qui n'estoient pas fort esloignées de moy, deux desquels m'apperceuans m'exciterent à faire tous mes efforts pour m'approcher, ce ne_ [278] _fut pas sans peine, car les coups que i'auois receus dans le debris du vaisseau m'auoient fort affoiblis: Ie fis tant neantmoins, qu'auec mes planches i'arriuay au lieu où ils estoient, & auec leur secours ie me trouuay assis sur le grand mast, qui tenait encore ferme auec vne partie du vaisseau, ie n'y fus pas long-temps car comme nous approchions plus prés de cette isle, nos Matelots se lancerent bien-tost à terre, & auec leur assistance tous ceux qui estoient sur le costé du nauire y furent bien tost apres. Nous voilà donc sept de compagnie, ie n'auois bonnet ny souliers, ma soutane & habits estoient tous deschirez, & si moulus de coups que ie ne pouuois me soustenir, & de faict il fallut qu'on me soustint pour aller iusques dans le bois, aussi auois-ie receu deux rudes coups aux deux jambes, mais sur tout à la dextre, dont ie me ressens encore, les mains fenduës auec quelque contusion, la hanche escorchée, la poitrine sur tout fort offencée, nous nous retirasmes donc tous sept dans le bois, moüillez comme ceux qui venoient d'estre trempez dans la mer: la premiere chose que nous fismes fut de remercier Dieu de ce qu'il nous auoit preseruez, & puis le prier pour ceux qui pourroi[~e]t estre morts. Cela faict pour nous eschauffer nous nous couchasmes les vns proches des autres, la terre & l'herbe qui auoient esté moüillez de la pluye du iour n'estoient encore propre pour nous seicher, nous passasmes ainsi le reste de la nuict, pendant laquelle le P. de Vieuxpont (qui graces à Dieu n'estoit point offencé) dormit fort bien. Le l'endemain si tost qu'il fut iour nous allasmes recognoistre le lieu où nous estions, & trouuasmes que c'estoit vne isle de laquelle nous pouuions passer à la terre ferme, sur le riuage nous trouuasmes force choses que la mer y auoit ietté, i'y trouuay deux pantoufles, vn bonnet, vn chappeau, vne soutanne, & plusieurs autres choses necessaires. Sur tout Dieu nous y enuoya pour viures cinq bariques de vin, quelques dix pieces de lard, de l'huile, du pain, des fromages, & vne harquebuse, & de la pouldre tout à propos pour faire du feu. Apres qu'on eut ainsi tout retiré, le iour de sainct Louys tous s'employerent à faire le possible pour bastir vne chalouppe du desbris du vaisseau, auec laquelle nous irions rangeant la coste chercher quelque nauire de pescheurs: On se mit doncques à trauailler auec meschans ferremens que l'on trouua, elle estoit bien aduancée le quatriesme iour, lors que nous eusmes cognoissance d'vne chalouppe qui estoit sous voile venant vers le lieu où nous estions, ils receurent dedans vn de nos matelots qui alla tout seul plus proche du lieu_ [279] _où elle deuoit passer, ils le menerent dans leur vaisseau parler au Maistre, auquel il racõta nostre disgrace, le maistre tout aussi-tost s'embarqua dans vne chalouppe & nous vint trouuer, nous offrit à tous le passage: Nous voila en asseurance, car le lendemain tous les hommes coucherent dans son vaisseau: C'estoit vn vaisseau Basque qui faisoit pesche â vne lieuë & demie du rocher, où nous fismes naufrage, & pour autãt qu'il restoit encores bien du temps pour acheuer leur pesche, nous demeurasmes auec eux ce qui restoit du mois d'Aoust, & tout le mois de Septembre. Le premier d' Octobre arriua vn Sauuage qui dist au Maistre que s'il ne s'en alloit il y auroit danger que les Anglois ne le surprissent. Cette nouvelle le disposa au depart: Le mesme Sauuage nous dist que le Capitaine Daniel estoit â vingt-cinq lieuës de là qui bastissoit vne maison, & y laissoit des François auec vn de nos Peres: Cela me donna occasion de dire au P. de Vieuxpont qui me pressoit fort que ie luy accordasse de demeurer auec ce Sauuage dans ceste coste, qui estoit bien l'vn des meilleurs Sauuages qui se puisse rencontrer, Mon Pere voicy le moyen de contenter vostre reuerence, le Pere Vimond fera bien aise d'auoir vn compagnon. Ce Sauuage s'offre de mener vostre Reuerence iusques au lieu où est Monsieur Daniel, si elle veut demeurer là elle y demeurera, si elle veut aller quelque mois auec les Sauuages, pour apprendre la langue elle le pourra faire, & ainsi le R. Pere Vimond & vostre Reuerence auront leur contentement: le bon Pere fut extresmement ioyeux de ceste occasion qui se presentoit, ainsi il s'embarque dans la chalouppe du Sauuage, ie luy laissay tout ce que nous auions sauué, horsmis le grand Tableau duquel le matelot Basque s'estoit saisi, mais i'auois bien pensé au retour de luy faire rendre, si vne autre disgrace ne nous fut arriuée. Nous partismes donc de la coste le 6. Octobre, & apres auoir enduré de si furieuses tempestes que nous n'auions encores experim[~e]tées, le quarantiesme iour de nostre depart entrãt dãs vn port proche de S. Sebasti[~e], nous fismes de rechef vn second naufrage, le Nauire rompu en mille piéces, toute la moluë perduë, ce que ie peus faire ce fut de me sauuer dans vne chalouppe, dans laquelle ie me iettay auec des pantoufles aux pieds, & vn bonnet de nuict en teste, & en ceste esquippage m'en aller trouuer nos Peres à S. Sebastien, d'où ie partis il y a huict iours, & suis arriué à Bourdeuac proche de Bordeaux le 20. de ce mois. Voila le succeds de nostre voyage, par lequel vostre Reuerence peut iuger des obligations que i'ay à D I E V._

_Our wreck was caused by a heavy gust of wind from the Southeast, which arose when we were near the shore,--a wind so strong that in spite of all the diligence of our Pilot and his Sailors, and the vows and prayers which we made to avert the disaster, we could not avoid striking upon the rocks. This was on the 26th day after our departure, saint Barthelemy's day, about nine o'clock in the evening. Of the 24 who were in the barque, ten only escaped, the others being suffocated in the water. The two nephews of Father Noyrot kept company with their uncle, and there the bodies were buried,_ [277] _among others that of Father Noyrot and our brother; of the seven others we have no tidings, notwithstanding the search that has been made. It would be difficult for me to tell you how Father de Vieuxpont[45] and I escaped shipwreck, and I believe it is known only to God, who, in harmony with the purposes of his divine providence, has preserved us; for in regard to myself, not thinking it within the bounds of human possibility that I could escape this danger, I had resolved to remain in the ship's cabin with our brother Louys. We were preparing ourselves to meet death, which could not be farther away than three_ Miserere's, _when I heard some one call me on the deck of the ship. I thought it might be some one who was planning my rescue. I went up and found it was Father Noyrot, who asked me to again give him absolution. After having given it to him, and having all sung together the_ Salve Regina, _I was obliged to remain above, for there was no means of descending; the sea being so high and the wind so furious, that, in less than no time, the side which leaned toward the rocks was broken in pieces. I was near Father Noyrot, when a wave struck the ship so hard on the side where we were that it broke everything, separating me from Father Noyrot, from whose lips I heard these last words_: In manus tuas Domine, &c. _I found myself after this blow entangled in four pieces of wood, two of which struck me so hard on the chest and the other two hit me so heavily upon the back, that I thought I should die before being engulfed in the waves; but then came another sea, which, freeing me from these pieces of wood, carried me off, and my cap and slippers, and scattered the rest of the ship over the sea. Fortunately, I fell upon a plank to which I clung, and which happened to be attached to the rest of the side of the ship. We were then at the mercy of the waves, which did not spare us, but which rose, I know not how many cubits above us, and then fell forward over our heads. After having floated about a long time in this manner, in the darkness of the night, which had already set in, looking around me I saw that we were surrounded on all sides by pine trees, and everywhere environed by, and near the shores of what seemed to be an island; then examining a little more closely I counted six persons who were not far from me, two of whom noticed me, and motioned for me to try and come near them. This_ [278] _was not without difficulty, for the blows I had received from the debris of the ship had weakened me. I did so well, however, that with the aid of my planks, I reached the place where they were, and, with their assistance, I found myself sitting upon the mainmast, which was still firmly fastened to a part of the ship. I did not remain there long, for as we neared the island our Sailors soon leaped to the land; and, with their assistance, all those who were on the side of the ship were soon brought to the shore. There were then seven of us together; I had neither cap nor shoes, my cassock and clothes were all torn, and I was so bruised by blows from the wreck, that I could not stand up; and, in fact, some one had to support me while I was trying to reach the woods; for I had received two hard blows upon both legs, but especially upon the right one, which I still feel; my hands were cut and bruised, the flesh torn from my hips; above all I was badly wounded in the chest. All seven of us withdrew into the woods, as wet as those who have just been soaked in the sea. The first thing we did was to thank God for having preserved us, and then we prayed to him for those who might be dead. This done, we lay down very near to each other to keep warm; the ground and the grass, which had been wet by the rain of the previous day, were not yet in a condition to dry us; thus we spent the rest of the night, during which Father de Vieuxpont (who, thank God, was unharmed) slept well. The next morning, at day-break, we reconnoitered the place where we were, and discovered that it was an island, from which we could go to the mainland. We found many things upon the shore that had been thrown up by the sea; I found there two slippers, a cap, a hat, a cassock, and several other necessary articles. Best of all, God sent us as food, five barrels of wine, about ten pieces of lard; oil, bread, and cheese; also an arquebuse, powder, and everything necessary to make a fire. After having drawn all these upon the shore, on saint Louis's day, everybody went to work in earnest to build a boat out of the wreck of the ship, in which we might sail along the coast in search of some fishing boat. So we began to work with the poor tools at our disposal, and considerable progress was made by the fourth day, when we learned of a boat under sail, coming towards the place where we were. They received on board one of our sailors, who went alone to the place_ [279] _near which it was to pass. They took him into their ship to speak with their Captain, to whom he related our misfortune. The captain immediately entered a boat and came in search of us, offering a passage to all of us. Behold us then in safety, for the next night we all slept in his ship. It was a Basque, which was fishing a league and a half from the rock where we were wrecked; and, as they would not finish their fishing for some time, we stayed with them during the remainder of the month of August and the entire month of September. On the first of October a Savage arrived, and told the Master that if he did not leave he would be in danger of being surprised by the English. This news decided his departure. The same Savage told us that Captain Daniel[46] was twenty-five leagues away, and was building a house, and that he had left the French with one of our Fathers there. This led me to say to Father de Vieuxpont, who urged me earnestly to permit him to remain with this Savage upon this coast, for he was one of the best Savages that could be found; "My Father, here is the way we can satisfy your reverence; Father Vimond[47] will be very happy to have a companion. This Savage offers to conduct your Reverence to the place where Monsieur Daniel is; if you wish to remain there, you may do so; if you wish to go to spend a few months with the Savages to learn their language, you may do so; and so the Reverend Father Vimond and your Reverence will be satisfied." The good Father was very happy at this opportunity which offered itself, so he embarked in the Savage's boat. I gave him all that we had saved, except the large Painting, which the Basque sailor had taken possession of; but I had intended to make him surrender it upon our return, if another misfortune had not overtaken us. So we left the coast on the 6th of October; and after having suffered the most furious tempests that we had yet experienced, we entered, the fortieth day after our departure, the port near St. Sebastien, where we were wrecked a second time, the Ship being broken into a thousand pieces and all the codfish being lost. All I could do was to escape in a shallop into which I threw myself, in my slippers and nightcap, and in this outfit I went to find our Fathers at St. Sebastien, whence I departed eight days later, and arrived at Bourdevac, near Bordeaux, the 20th of this month. This is the result of our voyage, from which your Reverence can judge of my obligations to G O D._

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL IV

XIV

Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii., completing the document, are given in the present volume. The preceding chapters, with Bibliographical Data, are found in our Volume III.

XV-XVII

Documents XV. and XVI. are letters from Charles Lalemant to Sieur de Champlain and the provincial of the Récollets, respectively, dated at Quebec, July 28, 1625. They are taken from Sagard's _Histoire du Canada_ (Paris, 1636), pp. 868, 869, 870; in the Tross reprint of Sagard (Paris, 1865), they are in vol. iii., pp. 789, 790.[48]

Document XVII. is a letter from Lalemant to his general, at Rome, dated New France, August 1, (presumably 1626). It was written in Latin, the original being preserved in the Archives of the Gesù at Rome. This is one of the letters copied for Carayon, by Father Martin, in 1858, and translated by the latter into French, for the _Première Mission_, where it appears on pp. 117-121,--see Bibliographical Data for Document XIII., in our Volume III. We follow the Martin apograph, in Latin (preserved at St. Mary's College, Montreal), and our translation into English is made therefrom.[49]

The above three letters by Lalemant were selected by O'Callaghan from Sagard and Carayon,--the third being, of course, Martin's French translation,--and published at Albany in 1870, with a brief "Avis" giving the sources of the documents. This publication, known in the Lenox Catalogue as "O'Callaghan Reprint No. 2," bears the following title-page:

Copie de Trois | Lettres | escrittes ès années 1625. et 1626. | Par le P. Charles Lallemant | Superieur des Missions de la Compagnie | de Iesvs en la | Novvelle France. | A Albanie | De l'Imprimerie de J. Munsell | M.DCCC.LXX.

_Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Edition tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires. O'C.," 1 p.; "Avis" (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; text, pp. 5-14.

For further references, see Brown, vol. ii., no. 316 and p. 166; Harrisse, nos. 426, 427, 429; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38679; O'Callaghan, nos. 1209, 1250; Winsor, p. 301; Lenox, p. 18.

XVIII

We follow the original publication (Paris, 1627), now in the Lenox Library, of Lalemant's letter to his brother, Jerome; it is described in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 4, under "H. 41."

There are extant, four different reprints of this document, as follows:

1. It appears to have first been reprinted in _Mercure François_, tome xiii., pp. 12-34; the portion of the journal wherein this is found, is devoted to the events of the year 1626, but the royal Privilege for the volume was "Donné au camp de la Rochelle le 28. de Septembre, l'an de grace 1628." The original publication appeared without statement of Privilege; it is, therefore, impossible to say when in 1627 permission to print was granted. In the Quebec edition of the _Relations_ (1858), it is inadvertently stated (vol. i.) that this letter commences on p. 1 (instead of p. 12) of tome xiii. of _Mercure_, an error which Sabin, Harrisse, and others have repeated. As will be seen by a comparison of our text with that of issues which follow the _Mercure_, the differences between the original and this first reprint are slight.

2. The next reprint appears in Danjou's _Archives Curieuses_, 2nd series, tome iii. (Paris, 1838), pp. (405-426). This follows the text of the original, and not that of the _Mercure_. The following clause in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 19,--the final sentence of note under "7(b)" in list of O'Callaghan's Reprints,--is misleading: "The copy in the Astor Library of that work is printed from the original letter of 1627." The "copy in the Astor" is simply this reprint in _Archives Curieuses_, of which rare collection the Astor has a set.

3. The third reprint, but the first in separate form, was issued by O'Callaghan at Albany, 1870, and is the one designated in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(b)." The text of the _Mercure_ reprint is followed, with a made-up title-page, as follows:

Relation | de ce qvi s'est passé | en la | Novvelle France | en l'annee M.DC.XXVI. | Enuoyée au Père Hierosme L'Allemant | par le P. Charles L'Allemant Superievr de | la Mission de la Compagnie de Iesvs | en | Canada. | D'après la Copie dans le Mercure François | Tome 13. | A Paris | Chez Estienne Richer ruë S. Iean de Latran | M.DC.XXIX.

_Collation of same._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Edition tirée a vingt-cinq exemplaires, O'C.," 1 p.; Tables des Matieres, 2 pp.; text, pp. 1-51; Table, pp. 53-59.

4. A second separate reprint was issued by O'Callaghan in 1871, and is that referred to in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(a)." This follows the original text, and not that of the _Mercure_; it is set in small type in imitation of the original (Paris, 1627), and comes into the same number of pages. Upon the otherwise blank page facing the last page of the text, is the inscription: "Calqué sur l'exemplaire dans la collection | de Mr. James Lenox, de New York." The title-page is apparently photo-lithographed from the original.

For further references to this document, which has had a curious bibliographical history, see Harrisse, no. 41; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38680 (original), and no. 38682 (reprint); Carayon, nos. 1254, 1255, and p. 1179; Ternaux, no. 496; Winsor, pp. 300, 301; _Historical Magazine_, vol. iii., p. 19; Brown, vol. ii., p. 166; Lenox, p. 4 (H. 41), 19; and the Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 1480), and O'Callaghan (nos. 1250, 1982) sale catalogues.

_Title-page._ We give a photographic facsimile of original.

_Collation of Original._ Title, 1 p.; text, pp. 1-16.

XIX

Charles Lalemant's letter of Nov. 22, 1629, to the superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, originally appeared without title or headlines, in _Les voyages du Sieur de Champlain_ (Paris, 1632), 2nd part, pp. 275-279. O'Callaghan reprinted it in what is known in the Lenox list as "No. 3," of which,--as with others of the O'Callaghan series,--but twenty-five copies were published. He omitted the preliminary editorial note, on p. 275, made up a title-page of his own, and furnished the Avant-Propos. In the present issue, we reproduce the O'Callaghan title-page and Avant-Propos, but in all other respects strictly follow the original publication. See further references in Winsor, p. 301; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38681; Lenox, p. 18.

_Title-page._ We imitate O'Callaghan's Reprint.

_Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires, lesquels ne font | pas à vendre. O'C.," 1 p.; Avant-Propos (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-15; colophon, 1 p.: "Achevé d'Imprimer à Albany, N. Y., par | J. Munsell, çe 14 Juin, 1870."

NOTES TO VOL. IV

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text._)

1 (p. 15).--_The pilot_: see vol. ii., _note_ 88.

2 (p. 15).--_Pretended Religion_: see vol. iii., _note_ 31.

3 (p. 21).--On Turnell, see vol. i, _note_ 66.

4 (p. 33).--_The Marshal_: Sir Thomas Dale (spelled Deel, by Biard). See vol. i, _note_ 64.

5 (p. 33).--_The General_: this was Sir Thomas Gates, one of the prominent men of his time in both military and civil service. He was of Devonshire, and probably at this time a little over 50 years of age; had been an officer in the Drake-Sidney expedition to America (1585-86) and published an account of it in 1589; later, had military commands in Spain and Holland; was commander of the English expedition to Virginia in 1608, and appointed the first sole and absolute governor to the colony there; returned to England in April, 1614. He lived about six years longer, and took much interest in the affairs of Virginia. Both he and Dale were men of energy and executive ability; to their efforts are mainly ascribed the establishment and continuance of the Jamestown colony.

6 (p. 69).--The French name for the English Channel; given on account of its shape, resembling a sleeve (Fr. _manche_). It gives its name to the maritime department of France in which are situated Cherbourg and St. Lô.

7 (p. 75).--_The ambassador_: see vol. ii., _note_ 94.

8 (p. 85).--On Betsabes, see vol. iii., _note_ 16.

9 (p. 91).--_River of smelts_: the Liesse River of Lescarbot (see vol. ii., _note_ 37).

10 (p. 95).--On this point, cf. Maurault (_Hist. Abenakis_, p. 95, _note_ 4): "The Abnakis always exhibited profound grief at the death of a child; the parents were inconsolable. The cause of this great sorrow was the belief of the savages that a child was wretched in the other world, because it was too young and weak to procure for itself the necessities of life there."

11 (p. 101).--The letters patent here referred to were those issued to Sir Thomas Gates and others, for the establishment of colonies in Virginia, and constituted the colonial charter. This document, dated April 10, 1606, granted some 20,000 square miles to the two companies, but claimed for the crown all of North America between 34° and 45° north latitude, presumably amounting to some 2,000,000 square miles, as the width of the continent was then understood. The text is given, with collateral and illustrative papers, in Brown's _Genesis_, pp. 52 _et seq._

12 (p. 105).--For a graphic account of the colonial enterprises of Jean Ribaut and René de Laudonnière in Florida (1562-65), consult Parkman's _Pioneers_, pp. 33-150. Cf. Laudonnière's own narrative, and Ribaut's journal, as given in Goldsmid's _Hakluyt_, vol. xiii., pp. 407-507; also Guérin's _Navigateurs Français_, (Paris, 1846), pp. 180-204.

13 (p. 105).--Concerning these early discoveries by the French, see vol. ii., _notes_ 49, 72; and vol. iii., _notes_ 5, 9.

14 (p. 107).--Biard here refers to the colony established in 1610 by John Guy and others at Cupids Harbor (opening into Conception Bay), N. F. Lord Bacon was prominent in this enterprise, and it was his influence that secured the charter and subsidies granted to the Newfoundland Colonization Company, as it was called. The company seems to have existed till at least 1628. For Guy's charter, and letters written by him, with an account of his enterprise and of other early colonies in that region, see Prowse's _Hist. N.F._, pp. 92-133.

15 (p. 107).--The map of Ortelius (1570) shows New France as extending southward to 40°. Van der Aa's "Canada" (1619, _ca._) and Blaeu's "Extrema Americæ" (1620), give the Kennebec river as the dividing line between New England and New France; the latter region is extended by Van der Aa to the south of the Great Lakes, and as far as the Mississippi river. Winsor gives (_Cartier to Frontenac_, p. 9), a sketch reduced from a tracing of the alleged map of Denis (1506), mentioned in vol. iii, of the present series, _note_ 4.

16 (p. 109).--Reference is here made to the "Pandects," or _Corpus Juris Civilis_, a collection of the Roman civil law, made in the sixth century by Emperor Justinian. The "law of Alluvions" has two branches,--the law of abandonment, and that of accretion (_acquirendo_). Biard's reference is to the _Corpus Juris Civilis_, Digest, book 41 ("_De adquirendo rerum dominio_"), 29 and 30. The sign ff, used in our text, was employed by early jurisconsults to signify the Digest, and even the Pandects as a whole; it is supposed to be a corruption of the Greek character [^p] (or perhaps of [th]).--See Hermann Hugo's _De Prima Scribendi Origine_ (Antwerp, 1617), p. 153.

17 (p. 109).--Regarding the Count de Soissons, see vol. ii., _note_ 24.

18 (p. 109).--Cf. with these arguments of Biard, Champlain's "_Abregé des decovvertvres de la Nouuelle France_," in his _Voyages_ (ed. 1632),