The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 2: Acadia, 1612-1614
Part 18
POTRINCOURT, the father of Biencourt, had sailed for France in the month of July for the sake of procuring supplies, of which there was a great scarcity in the colony at Port Royal; but up to the following month of October no provisions had been sent from France; therefore, Biencourt decided to make a trip, in company with Father Biard, to the Almochiquois, who lived near the Choüacoet river, [579] and had plenty of Indian corn, in order by the exchange of French goods to obtain some food for the winter. But because he turned aside from the journey across French Bay, to the St. John river, in order that he might exact from the young Pontgravé and the rest of the Maclouins a tax upon their Canadian traffic, and being longer delayed by disputes which arose with that colony, he waited almost beyond the time for obtaining corn; and, when he finally returned to that business, deceived by the pretensions of the Indians, who had held out the hope of buying food, he sailed back empty-handed to Port Royal. During this trip Father Biard fortunately succeeded in reconciling Biencourt to Pontgravé, just as he had lately conciliated Potrincourt, who had been enraged at the same man; and also, by the same office of pacification, in preserving the life of Merveille, the Malouin, who was in great jeopardy on account of certain suspicions; by which actions he acquired the greatest influence over them both. It was advantageous to our Priest to have men of this character indebted for favors to him, not only for many other reasons, but especially, because he designed to make use of their faithful and effective services in learning the Canadian language, in which Pontgravé was unusually skilled, if they should be allowed to reside together for a few days, or to meet even more frequently. They, of their own accord, took care that Father Biard might not request what he desired, by very politely offering him the privileges of their home; the Father was grateful to them, and for the present returned thanks, requesting them, however, to postpone their kindness to him until that time when it would be proper for him to accept it; for it was not then fitting for him [580] to desert Biencourt, especially when he was engaged in a dangerous journey. Afterwards, while Biencourt was returning from that unsuccessful trip to the Quinibequi for provisions, which we have just described, when they had arrived at the Pentegoët river and the island of Ste. Croix, Father Biard endeavored to persuade him, and even begged him, to send him to Pontgravé from that place, which was near at hand, for the purpose of composing a Canadian catechism, which had previously been agreed upon between them. To this request, although most just, and although it certainly made no difference to him, Biencourt would not consent, except under conditions which were both exceedingly unjust and by no means in the power of the Father. Therefore he was disappointed of the opportunity of learning the language of the natives, and was compelled to lead an almost inactive existence in the fort, to his great vexation. By the end of November, although the provisions were already almost exhausted, no tidings were received from France; and what aid they might have obtained by hunting was cut off by the deep snow that covered the ground; so it was necessary to exercise the greatest economy, in order that the provisions might last longer. The weekly allowance, therefore, of every one in the colony had finally been fixed at ten ounces of bread, half a pound of lard, three dishes of peas or beans, and one of prunes. And, although the whole colony was living upon the provisions which we had brought from France for our own use, we were treated with no more indulgence at that time than any one of the servants, nor did we wish for special privileges; although a certain rascal, in a writing published in France,[74] has not hesitated to circulate many statements to the contrary, in the most shameless and calumnious manner. Until the 24th of January, in the year [581] 1612, the scarcity of provisions lasted, upon which day a ship entered Port Royal with a small quantity of supplies, bought and sent over by Madame de Guercheville. This pious lady had paid to brother Robert du Thet, 1,000 golden crowns, contributed according to the agreement between Robin[75] and the Canadian Fathers, for the purpose of purchasing and conveying provisions to the colony at Port Royal; but Potrincourt, by means of his promissory note, straightway cheated our brother out of 400, as he was not a sufficiently careful guardian of his trust, and so the whole sum was reduced to 600, by means of which a scanty store was provided for us. But not even provisions to the value of that number of crowns were placed in the vessel, for Potrincourt's naval agent[76] embezzled in France part of the grain purchased; and, of the supplies carried over, he delivered to the Society at Port Royal as much as he pleased, and no more. Our brother Gilbert du Thet, before whose eyes most of these acts had been committed, when he saw that no account was rendered, by the person in charge of the transportation of the supplies, of what had been received by him, in company with Father Biard modestly requested Biencourt that a reckoning concerning his trust be demanded from the man who, by order of his father, had acted as captain of the vessel; saying that it was to the interest of all the ship's company that it should be made manifest how much had been received and expended by each individual. Biencourt indeed admitted at that time, and often thereafter, that nothing more modest or more just could be asked by any person; but, nevertheless, just as if Simon Imbert, whose account in [582] the matter was desired, had been cruelly accused by our brother, he so represented to the former the request of the latter, that he made him our bitter enemy. Therefore Imbert, in order to make Biencourt his friend and alienate him from us, and to release himself from the necessity of rendering an account, placing an evil interpretation upon the plan of Madame de Guercheville, who had taken occasion to make an agreement between the society and Robin, in order that he might more securely guard the interests of our Mission, falsely charged that by means of it a conspiracy of the society was in progress, by which the authority of the Biencourts was to be destroyed in the fort at Port Royal and in the whole of New France. From this slander arose those quarrels with Biencourt by which our services were rendered useless to the tribes of New France, nay, more, to the French themselves, who needed instruction scarcely less than the natives.
It was easy for our brethren to refute the falsehoods of their defamer; and once, twice, and a third time they so plainly and completely disproved them, before Biencourt, in the hearing of the whole settlement, that Imbert was rendered speechless by the final refutation, and was so reduced that he did not hesitate to claim, for the sake of excusing his wickedness, that these slanders had been uttered by him while much intoxicated. Biencourt had been deeply vexed by the news which was brought, to the effect that, even with the knowledge of his father, Potrincourt, the possession and government of the whole of New France from its greatest river, the Sacqué to Florida, except Port Royal, had been granted by a Royal charter to _Madame de Guercheville_; and that, by documents under public authority, there had been transferred to her also by Sieur de Monts everything which he had recently possessed in this region by the grant of Henry IV. And, although he could not suppose that these things were done because of our [583] influence, still he thereafter acted towards us just as if he had so believed. The idea of Madame de Guercheville was, indeed, that their respect for her authority might serve as a strong restraint to hold to their duty the Biencourts, both father and son, who up to this time had kept poor faith with us and felt little gratitude toward us; but not by any means to deprive them of their right to Port Royal. But these men, too fond of their private interests, considered as an injury to themselves the solicitude of others in regard to their own affairs; but because their affairs at home were embarrassed, and they knew no more convenient source of provisions for Port Royal than Madame de Guercheville, for the sake of our Fathers, they silently smothered their vexation, in order not to lose these supplies. Our brethren very easily exonerated themselves before Biencourt, and when he had for the time being accepted their excuses, and harmony had been restored, the Fathers returned with great determination to their purpose of learning the Canadian language, dividing the business between them, so that Father Massé should go for this purpose to Louis Membertou, son of the late Henry: while Father Biard should have a Savage to teach him the language at home. While Father Massé, with a young French companion, was residing with his host at the St. John river, he fell seriously ill from long fasting and the continual annoyances of a wandering life; and, although he did not die, he was reduced to the utmost weakness. During this illness a very ridiculous discussion, worthy of a Canadian intellect, took place between Membertou and his guest, the Father. The savage approached the prostrate Father, very anxious and grieved, as his countenance actually showed, because of the Priest's unfortunate condition, [584] whom he addressed with these words: "Hear me, Father, you will surely die, as I indeed anticipate; write therefore to Biencourt, and also to your brother, that you have by no means perished at our hands, but been overcome by disease, in order that no harm may come to us because of your death." Father Massé answered him in turn: "I shall not do as you advise me, and imprudently write to my friends, lest you should become bolder and more careless, because of my lack of foresight, and lay violent hands upon me, while nevertheless possessing my letter as proof of your innocence, which would save you from punishment." The Savage, astonished by this unexpected and keen reply, soon came to himself, as if from a deep sleep, and said with a smile: "Therefore make Jesus favorable to you by your prayers, in order that he may save you from the danger of death, and no one may lay the blame of your fate upon us." "I am attending to that very thing," said the Father, "cease to be anxious, for this disease will not end me." In the calm of Port Royal Father Biard, in the meantime, employed a Savage as teacher, that he might learn the barbarous tongue, which presented itself as the suitable vehicle for the Gospel among this utterly rude people. As long as he had provisions with which to furnish the table for his teacher, he made progress by the aid of his willing and efficient services, but after a few weeks the scarcity of supplies interrupted the course of learning and teaching. By these difficulties our brethren were also hindered in the case of four Savages, whom Father Biard and Biencourt, in a time of peril upon the sea, had vowed, with the concurrence of the Savages themselves, to make Christians, if they should safely escape from the threatened shipwreck. When they were delivered from this danger, and had brought the ship to Port Royal, there was nothing in the storehouse with which to feed the Savages until they should be suitably instructed in the Catechism; and, because of this poverty of our brethren, the opportunity of successfully accomplishing the undertaking passed by, and did not afterwards recur.
IN Nouembrem eius sæculi annus duodecimus iam processerat, cùm exigua cibaria superiore Februario allata, aut absumta penitus, aut tenuissimis arcta reliquiis Biencourtium valdè anxium habebant: sed eò maximè, quòd ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Nostris, posteriore Februarij mensis commeatu, summissa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quæ in futurum sibi seposuerant; quam annonam, accisis communibus contubernij rebus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio eam permiserunt, vt in quotidianos familiæ totius vsus diuideret, ipsosque in diurno demenso cum cæteris domesticis æquaret. Eo subsidio ad tempus subleuatæ sunt publicæ necessitates, sed in tota hiberna multitudine, tametsi non numerosæ, tenuius id fuit vectigal, quàm pro soli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, piscatusque spem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempestiuitas omnis adesset ad piscatum, locorumque opportunitas: aberat tamen necessarium ad hanc operam piscatorij lembi instrumentum. Cæteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna solatia ex luculento foco segniter capessentibus, quasi oblitis suam penuriam, nostri appellunt studium, operamque ab lintrem fabricandam. [_Rectius "ad."_] Eis ad eiusmodi opus accinctis, suspicere, demirari vniuersum contubernium, quid moliantur homines à fabrili arte, ab armis fabrilibus, à materia tam imparati: apud focum [586] de tam nouo instituto multa verba facere, subitarios Argonautas dicteriis figere: sed nostri ab opere neutiquam discedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, stupentibus suis irrisoribus, nostri lintrem in aquam deducunt, fluminum ac maris ipsius patientem, nec verentur adolescente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerso flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in siluas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam contendere. _Chiquebi_ radix est illius oræ præcipua, nostris tuberibus haud absimilis, sed vescentibus iucundior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, sub summa terra nascuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam à peritis locorum Barbaris delibata nostri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa indagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix sibi quæreret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque messe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit momẽtum, _ad Eplani_ piscatum studia conuertentes, altiùs versùm amnis caput nauigium promouent. _Eplanus_, seu _Epelanus_, est pisciculus Trichiæ Rothomagensis magnitudine, hoc est eius, quem _Sardinam_ vulgus appellat, qui mari egressus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquæ riuos subit, vbi fundendis ouis feturæ operam det, cuius ingens est copia, quattuor leucis à Porturegiensi statione, frequentibus riuorũ alueis. Eplanici piscatus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cæterorum seu fluuiatilis seu marini generis piscium præda, prout cuiusque captandi se dabat & tempestas, & locus idoneus, ad Maïum vsque mensem; sed contrà quàm maximè omnium vellent, nostri piscatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longè amplissimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nisi paucissimos.
THE twelfth year of this century had already advanced to November, when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but especially, because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies, four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to the common stock; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people. By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not numerous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condition of the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way favorable for fishing, there was still lacking for this pursuit the necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the settlers were slothfully enjoying winter cheer before the blazing hearth, as if forgetful of their poverty, our brethren devoted their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and wondered what men so unskilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided with working tools, and unsupplied with material, were trying to do; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking. In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our friends launched their boat, which endured the violence of the rivers and even of the sea; nor did they fear, in company with their young servant and another of the household, to ascend the river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi root[77] in the forest. The _Chiquebi_ root is peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for the _Eplanus_,[36] and advanced their boat, farther toward the head of the river. The _Eplan_ or _Epelan_ is a little fish of the size of the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly called the _Sardine_; and, in the beginning of April, it leaves the ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary to what they most of all wished, our fishermen, [587] with the hook or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean of the Canadian tribes.
INTEREA tẽporis in Gallia Reginæ auctoritas interponebatur, vt primo quoque tẽpore Porturegiẽsi seruitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouæ Franciæ tractu, aut patrium idioma perdiscere, aut quod iam didicissemus nostro iure, nullius exspectata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In eam rem igitur Regio diplomate instructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui antè in Galliam renauigarat è Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Frãcicum littus, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, medio Maïo incolumes lætique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouũ domiciliũ commodo loco ædificare, ac idoneam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius instructum annua tricenûm capitum cibaria, equi prætereà, capræ, ac cætera id genus largiter summissa erant. Ad vim quoque propulsandam instrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quattuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri assurgerent nouæ domus, Reginæ beneficentia accesserant. Sausseius militari titulo imperioque domesticæ cohorti, domicilio ædificando, eidemque exstructo, ac munito præfuturus erat, vti nihil deesset ad ingruẽtes casus, quin sedes familiáque omnis sarta tectaque consisteret. His in Regium Portum appellentibus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, absente inter cæteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti Hèberto cùm Reginæ litteræ lectæ fuissent, [588] quibus dimitti iubebamur, nostras nobis licuit colligere sarcinas, quibus collectis post biduũ Porturegiensi statione, ad nouas sedes collocandas in Norembegensi regione soluimus. _Kadesquitum_, Norembegæ oræ portus, nautis edicebatur ex pacto, vt eò nauigium appellerent, vnde vniuersa familia exscensionem faceret, futuri domicilij locum auspicatò captura in proximis collibus; sed cùm in propiore portu hæsissent, cui à Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex fausto euentu, indidimus, asserebant se pactam fidem abunde exsoluisse, neque longiùs cursum prouecturos. Inter eam contentionem sermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus suam oram mirificè præ Kadesquito collaudantibus, & ad eam sedem deligendam magnoperè hortantibus, eius explorandæ cupido nobis incessit; qua explorata, impenséque probata ab omnibus, totius multitudinis eò incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area excitando ædificio designaretur. Loco itaque inaugurando Crux erigitur, solum exstruendis ædibus describitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra effoditur, eodem nomine, quo subiectus portus, nascens tenuibus exordiis domus Sanctus Saluator appellatur. Sausseïo cohortis Duci rusticæ rei tam acris cura principio insederat, vt id vnum cogitaret, cætera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agriculturæ studio, magnam familiæ partem ab opere fabrili ad rusticum seuocaret. Mottæus Sausseïo Legatus, Ronseræus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Instructor, cæterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea sententia, omnibus reliquis posthabitis curis, ædificandum [589] esse domicilium, eóque conferendas vniuersæ cohortis operas, quoad aduersùm hostilẽ vim munitionibus cinctum, tutò habitari posset. Quamobrem ægerrimè ferebant, contubernalium plerosque ab ædificando abductos arationibus ab Sauseïo adhiberi, apud quem vehementer instabant, vt omnium manus & studia in ædificationem, vtilius in præsentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; sed surdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum sententiis atque institutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiusmodi solent inter diffentiẽtes nasci, dum quod quisque optimum censet, id aliorum consiliis atque cœptis præuertendum putat: fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & discordantium iudiciorum obstinationem, rei Christianæ cultuique Diuino in ea ora valdè infestam, Deus visus est improuiso infortunio voluisse multare.