Part 14

Towards the end of Spring, when Membertou's children had gone hunting, where they remained a long time, it happened that Membertou was sorely pressed for food; and in this time of need [38] he remembered that he had formerly heard our people say that God, who feeds the birds of the air and the beasts of the fields, never abandons those who have hope in him, according to the words of our Savior.

En cette necessité donc il se met à prier Dieu, ayant enuoyé sa fille voir au ruisseau du moulin s'il y auroit point apparence de pouuoir faire pecherie. Il n'eust esté gueres long temps en prieres que voici sadite fille arriver criant à haute voix, _Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok_: c'est à dire: Père, le haren est venu; le haren certes est venu. Et vit par effect le soin que Dieu a des siens, à son contentement. Ce qu'il avoit vne autrefois eprouvé, ayant eu (ou les siens) à tel besoin la rencontre d'un Ellan, & encore vne autrefois vne Baleine échouée.

So, in this necessity, he began to pray to God, after having sent his daughter to see if there were any signs of fish in the mill-creek. He had not been a long time in prayer, when lo, his daughter comes running back crying in a loud voice, _Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok_; that is, "Father, the herring have come; the herring have come indeed." And he saw effectually, and to his satisfaction, God's care over his own. He (or some of his family) also had proof of this upon another occasion, in a like time of need, when he encountered an Elk, and another time a stranded Whale.

Qui voudra nier que ce ne soit vn special soin de la providence de Dieu envers les siens, quand il enuoya au Sieur de Poutrincourt le secours desiré le iour de la Pentecoste derniere, duquel nous avons fait mention cy-dessus?

Who will deny that it was a special manifestation of the providence of God towards his own, when he sent to Sieur de Poutrincourt the desired help upon the day of last Pentecost, of which we have made mention above?

Ie ne veux rememorer ce que i'ay écrit en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, livre 4. chap. 4. de la merveille avenuë au premier voyage du Sieur de Monts en la personne de Maitre Nicolas Aubri Prestre d'vne bonne famille de Paris, lequel fut se[i]ze iours perdu dans les bois, & au bout dudit temps trouvé fort extenué, à la verité, mais encore vivant, & vit encore à present, aymant singulierement les entreprises qui se font pour ce païs là, où le desit [39] le porte plus qu'il ne fit iamais, comme aussi tous autres qui y ont fait voyage, lesquels i'ay préque tous veux desireux d'y hazarder leur fortune, si Dieu leur ouvroit le chemin pour y faire quelque chose. A quoy les grans ne veulent point entendre, & les petits n'ont les ailes assez fortes pour voler iusques là. Neantmoins c'est chose étrange & incroyable de la resolution tant dudit Sieur de Monts, que dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt, le premier desquels a toujours continué depuis dix ans d'envoyer par delà: & le second, nonobstant les difficultez que nous avons recitées ci-dessus, n'a laissé d'y r'envoyer nouuellement, attendant ici le renouveau, pour aller revoir les gens. Dieu doint à l'vn & à l'autre le moyen de faire chose qui reüsisse à la gloire de son nom, & au bien des pauvres peuples que nous appellons Sauvages.

A DIEV SEVL HONNEVR ET GLOIRE.

I will not repeat what I have written in my History of New France, book 4, chap. 4, of the wonderful thing which happened, during Sieur de Monts' first sojourn, to Master Nicolas Aubry,[46] Priest, of a good family in Paris, who was sixteen days lost in the woods, and at the end of that time was found, very much emaciated, in truth, but still living; and he is living yet, and is singularly devoted to the enterprises being carried on in behalf of that country, whither his [39] desires more than ever attract him, as well as all others who have once made the voyage; these I have observed are almost all desirous of risking their fortunes there, if God would open up the way for them to do something. To this the great do not care to lend their ears, and the small have not wings strong enough to fly so far. Nevertheless there is something strange and incredible in the perseverance of both Sieur de Monts and Sieur de Poutrincourt; the former having continued to send expeditions over there for ten years; and the latter, in spite of the difficulties enumerated above, having recently sent over another one, awaiting here the return of spring, to go again to see his people. May God grant to both the means of doing something which may succeed to the glory of his name, and to the welfare of the poor people whom we call Savages.

TO GOD ALONE THE HONOR AND GLORY.

[40] Extrait du Priuilege du Roy.

Par grace & Priuilege du Roy, il est permis à Iean Millot Marchant Libraire en l'Vniversité de Paris, d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer, vendre & distribuer par tout nostre Royaume tant de fois qu'il luy plaira, en telle forme ou charactere que bõ luy semblera, vn liure intitulé _Histoire de la Nouvelle-France contenant les nauigations faites par les François és Indes Occidentales, & terres-neuves de la Nouuelle-France, & les decouuertes par eux faites esditz lieux_, A quoy sont adjoutées _les Muses de la Nouvelle France_. Ensemble plusieurs Chartes en taille douce, où sont les figures des Provinces, & Ports, & autres choses seruans a ladicte Histoire, composée par MARC LESCARBOT Advocat en la Cour de Parlement. Et ce jusques au temps & terme de six ans finis & accomplis, à cõpter du jour que ledit livre sera achevé d'imprimer. Pendant lequel tẽps defenses sont faictes à tous Imprimeurs, Libraires, & autres de quelque estat, qualité ou condition qu'ils soient, de non imprimer, vendre, contrefaire, ou alterer ledit liure, ou aucune partie d'iceluy, sur peine de cõfiscation des exemplaires, & de quinze cens livres d'amende appliquable moitié à nous, & moitié aux pauvres de l'hostel Dieu de cette ville de Paris, & despens, dommages, & interests dudit exposant: Nonobstant toute clameur de Haro, Charte Normande, Privileges, lettres ou autres appellations & oppositiõs formees à ce contraires faictes ou a faire. Et veut en outre ledit Seigneur, qu'en mettant vn extraict dudit Privilege au cōmencement, ou à la fin dudit livre, il soit tenu pour deuëment signifié, cõme plus amplement est declaré par les patentes de sa Majesté. Donné à Paris le 27. iour de Novembre, l'an de grace 1608. Et de nostre regne l'vnziéme.

Par le Roy en son Conseil.

Signé, BRIGARD.

[40] Extract from the Royal License.

By the grace and Prerogative of the King, permission is granted to Jean Millot, Bookseller in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed, to sell and distribute throughout all our Kingdom, as often as he may desire, in such form or character as he may see fit, a book entitled, _History of New France, containing the voyages made by the French to the West Indies, and new countries of New France, and the discoveries made by them in said places_. To which are added _The Muses of New France_. Also a number of Charts in copper-plate, which represent the Provinces, Ports, and other things appertaining to said History, composed by MARC LESCARBOT, Advocate in the Court of Parliament. And this to remain valid until the expiration of six full and complete years, counting from the day upon which said book shall be finished. During said period of time, all Printers, Booksellers, and other persons of whatsoever rank, quality, or condition, are prohibited from publishing, selling, imitating, or changing said book, or any part thereof, under penalty of confiscation of the copies, and of fifteen hundred livres fine, one half of which is to be paid to us, and one half to the poor of the public hospital of this city of Paris, together with the costs, damages and interests of the aforesaid petitioner. Notwithstanding all cries of Haro, Norman Charter, Licenses, letters, or other appeals and counter-claims, opposed to this, now or in future.[47] And His Majesty also wills that in placing an extract from said License in the beginning or at the end of said book, it shall be regarded as a notice duly served, as has been more fully described in the patents of his Majesty. Given in Paris the 27th day of November, in the year of grace 1608, and of our reign the eleventh.

By the King in Council.

Signed, BRIGARD.

A. Logemens des artisans. B. Plate forme où estoit le canon. C. Le magasin. D. Logemẽt du sieur de Pontgraué & Champlain. E. La forge. F. Palissade de pieux. G. Le four. H. La cuisine. O. Petite maisonnette où l'on retiroit les vtansiles de nos barques; que de puis le sieur de Poitrincourt fit rebastir et & y logea le sieur Boulay quand le sieur du Pont s'en riuint en France. P. La porte de l'abitation. Q. [K] Le cemetiere. R. La riuiere.]

XII

RELATIO RERUM GESTARUM

in Nova-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 & 1614

LYONS: CLAUDE CAYNE, 1618

SOURCE: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 6. The Title and Tabula Rerum are the work of that Editor. The Text is from the original volume of Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Iesu, Anni CIↃ IↃC XII, pp 562-605, in the Riggs Library, Georgetown, D. C. The bracketed pagination is that of the Annuæ; that in Roman, of O'Callaghan.

RELATIO

RERVM GESTARUM

IN

Novo-Francica Missione

ANNIS 1613 & 1614.

_Ex Annvis Litteris Societatis_ IESV _impressis_

LVGDVNI, APVD CLAVDIVM CAYNE, TYPOGRAPHVM.

CIↃ IↃC XIIX

A RELATION

OF OCCURRENCES

IN THE

Mission of New France

DURING THE YEARS 1613 AND 1614.

_From the Published Annual Letters of the Society of_ JESUS

LYONS, CLAUDE CAYNE, PRINTER.

1618

[iii] Tabvla Rervm

Pag.

I _QUID sit Nova Francia_ 1

II _De climate_ 2

III _De moribus gentivm_ 4

IV _De prima exploratione Novæ Franciæ_ 4

V _De situ, flvviis et incolis_ 5

VI _De promontorijs, de quinqve Francorvm domicilijs_ 8

_De ortu domicilij Sancti Saluatoris ad ostivm amnis Pentegoetij_ 9

VII _Appvlvnt nostri ad Portvm Regalem_ 16

VIII _De laboribus nostrorvm_ 17

IX _De rebvs angvstis_ 25

X _Patres radices legvnt et pisces ad svstentvm domicilij_ [iv] 36

XI _Saussæus ex Francia solvit ad novas missionis sedes collocandas et Sancti Saluatoris domicilivm inchoat_ 37

XII _De impetu Anglorum in missionem Sancti Saluatoris et de ruina Sanctæ Crucis et Regii Portis arcium_ 41

XIII _Patres in Virginiam et inde in Angliam deportati_ 53

XIV _Svmma rervm in Novo-Francica missione gestarvm_ 59

[iii] Table of Contents.

Page.

I _WHAT New France is_ 1

II _Climate_ 2

III _Customs of the people_ 4

IV _First exploration of New France_ 4

V _Location, rivers, and inhabitants_ 5

VI _The capes; the five settlements of the French_ 8

_Origin of the settlement of St. Sauveur at the mouth of the river Pentegoët_ 9

VII _Our fathers land at Port Royal_ 16

VIII _Labors of our fathers_ 17

IX _Their hardships_ 25

X _The Fathers gather roots and fish for the support of the colony_ [iv] 36

XI _La Saussaye leaves France for the purpose of establishing new missionary stations, and begins the settlement of St. Sauveur_ 37

XII _Attack of the English upon the mission of St. Sauveur, and destruction of the forts of Ste. Croix and Port Royal_ 41

XIII _The Fathers are carried to Virginia and thence to England_ 53

XIV _Summary of occurrences, in the mission of New France_ 59

[562] In Novam Franciam, sev Canadiam Missio.

NOVA FRANCIA, Brasiliæ ac Peruuio continens ad Boream vastissima regio, Aquitanico Galliæ littori ad occasum obuersa, directas ab Occidente in Orientem, & contrà, lineas cum [563] nostra Francia communes habet; ab eaque non ita longo maris traiectu octingentarum, aut is vbi latissimus est, mille leucarum dirimitur interuallo. Ex huiusmodi oppositu & vicinitate nostratis Frãciæ, Nouam Franciam maiores eam appellarunt; cui nomenclationi & illa altera, rei maximè congruens, accessit ex euentu causa, quòd eam terrarum adhuc incognitam oram primi mortalium Franci nostrates deprehenderunt, crebrísque nauigationibus, centum eóque ampliùs abhinc annis, frequentarunt. Canadiæ verò nomen, quod vulgò vniuersam in eam regionem confertur, eius modò plagæ Septemtrionalis proprium est, quæ CANADÆ fluminis, & nobilis sinus, cui à Sancto Laurentio nomen est, copiosis aquis alluitur. Enimuerò vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ amplitudo, nunc, ad Floridæ confinia, multò licet quam nuper contractior, vndequadragesimo tamen gradu, versùs Austrum, determinatur: vltráque nostratis Franciæ latitudinem non paucis leucis porrigitur: exinde autem ignotis adhuc finibus in Aquilonem, sicut & immẽsis tractibus in Sinicum mare ad Occidentem excurrit: quà denique Eurum spectat, nostro Aquitanico Oceano, Britannicóque, ipsi linearum parallelis obiecto, definitur.

[562] The Mission in New France, or Canada.

NEW FRANCE, an immense region adjoining Brazil and Peru on the North, and opposite the coast of Aquitaine in a westerly direction, is situated between the same parallels of latitude as [563] is our France; and is separated from it by the very moderate voyage of 800 leagues, or, where the ocean is broadest, of 1,000 leagues. Because it is thus opposite and near to our France, our ancestors called it New France; and for this nomenclature another especially appropriate reason occurred in the good fortune by which our French fellow-countrymen were the first to take possession of this hitherto unknown region, and visited it in frequent voyages more than a hundred years ago. But the name of Canada, which is commonly given to this entire country, belongs only to that Northern region which is washed by the abundant waters of the river CANADA,[48] and of the noble gulf which is called St. Lawrence. Indeed, the whole territory of New France, although now much more confined than formerly, towards the frontiers of Florida, is nevertheless bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel, and extends many leagues beyond the breadth of our France. Moreover, it stretches with yet unknown limits towards the North, and in vast expanses to the Chinese sea on the West; finally it is bounded Eastward by our Aquitanian and Breton Ocean, lying opposite and between the same parallels.

CAELI eadem omnino, quæ nostri Gallici temperatio, ex ea ratione Climatis eiusdem, quam indicauimus, inesse illi regioni debet, vti reuera inest. Soli autem quin par quoque sit ratio, nihil prohiberet, si iugis adesset campestris terræ cultura: & perpetuarum ferè siluarum abesset densa opacitas. [564] Nam opima omnino vniuersi terreni viscera, facilè prodit ingens arborum amplitudo, atque proceritas: summam quoque glebam vbertate multa pinguem, tota planitie camporum, hilariter herbescens terræ viriditas ostendit.

THERE ought to be in that region the same sort of Climate in every respect as that of our France, from the fact, as we pointed out, of its similar situation, and this is actually the case. Moreover, there is no reason why the soil should not be equally fertile, if the cultivation of the plains were long continued upon the uplands, and if it were not for the dense shades of the almost unbroken forests. [564] For the subsoil of the whole country is very rich, as trees of immense size and height readily demonstrate. That the surface-soil is also endued with great fertility is shown by the pleasing luxuriance of the vegetation over all the plains.

GENS ea distinctis lingua & sede multis populis continetur, nulla vsquam consiliorum aut fortunarum communione deuinctis: nulla nec lege, nec arte; nullo nisi piscatus, & venatus vitæ subsidio instructis: vix vlla Numinis cogitatione, aut salutis cura informatis: ad omne opus ignauis: stupidis ad artes, quæ ingenio aut memoria nitantur: in summa, belluinis pænè hominibus constat ea natio. Populus cum longinquo propinquóve populo vix habet commercium, nisi quod bello inferendo, aut defendendo potest interuenire. Immo, neque idem populus, eadem loci regione, ac tugurioram vicinitate iunctus, fermè vnquam coire solet, nisi vt de armis, aduersùm communes hostes capita conferat. Exterarum verò nationum Francicam vnam ferè suos in portus admittunt, Fibrinis, atque huiusmodi pellibus suis distrahendis, necessariáque veste, ac supellectile permutandis.

THE people comprise many tribes diverse in language and situation, united by no mutual purposes or interests; possessing neither laws nor arts, and knowing no other means of gaining a livelihood than by fishing and hunting; having almost no conception of Deity or concern for salvation; indolent in every occupation, and dull in those pursuits which depend upon talent or memory. On the whole, the race consists of men who are hardly above the beasts. One tribe hardly ever has intercourse with another, either distant or near, except such as may arise in the prosecution of offensive or defensive warfare. Even the members of the same tribe, united by a common location and the vicinity of their dwellings, are seldom accustomed to meet together, except to take measures concerning war against a common enemy. Of foreign nations, the French are almost the only people whom they admit to their harbors, for the sake of disposing of their Beaver skins and other peltries, in exchange for necessary clothing and utensils.

HANC noui orbis partem ex Francis nauarchis primi explorarunt Britones, anno quarto post millesimum quingentesimum; de qua vbi renunciauerant, eius repetendæ nauigationis, vel comites, vel æmulatores habuerunt deinceps frequentissimè, tum Normannos, turn cæteros Gallici Oceani accolas. Vndeuicesimo pòst anno, Ioannes Verazanus [565] Florentinus, vicesimo item, ac tricesimo quarto Iacobus Quartierus Gallus, Brito, cum imperio missi ab Francisco Primo, Gallorum Rege, ipsius auspiciis occupatam regionem illam, eius posterorumque Regum iurisdictioni vindicarunt, cuius possessionem, per interualla sussectæ aliæ atque aliæ Francorum expeditiones, in hanc vsque diem Gallorum Regibus asserere perseuerarunt. De nostris verò missi quoque sunt anno superiore, qui Henrici Quarti auctoritate populos, Francico nomini amicitia & Societate iunctos, ac reliquos etiam Canadios, Euangelij tanto sanctiore fœdere, Christo regum regi deuincirent. Quo de negotio antè quàm instituamus dicere, præter ea quæ generatim complexi sumus, necesse est de loco ac gente sigillatim quædam capita enucleatiùs explicemus.

AMONG French navigators, the Bretons first explored this part of the new world in 1504;[49] and after they brought back reports of it, they had in subsequent voyages thither, many companions or rivals,--not only the Normans, but also other dwellers on the Sea-coast of France. In the nineteenth and also in the twentieth year thereafter, John Verazano, [565] a Florentine; and, in the thirty-fourth year thereafter, Jacques Quartier, a Frenchman of Brittany, were sent as commanders by Francis I., King of France; and, by the occupation of this region under his authority, brought it under the jurisdiction of that King, and also of his successors. Various French expeditions, sent out at intervals, continue to this day to maintain that possession for the Kings of France. Some of our brethren were also sent last year in order, by the authority of Henry IV., to unite the tribes joined in friendship and Alliance with the French, and also the remaining Canadians, by the far holier tie of the Gospel, to Christ, the king of kings. Before we begin to speak concerning this undertaking, we must, in addition to our general description, explain more fully some matters concerning the country and people.