Part 21

_Collation._ Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; dedication "A LA ROYNE," 3 pp., signed "MARC LESCARBOT;" privilege, 1 p., dated "Paris, 9 Sep., 1610," and signed "Brigard;" text, pp. 7-44. Page 7 is misnumbered 1. (The Brown Catalogue says: Page 1 is misnumbered 7." This is a misprint in the Catalogue.) "FIN," at end of p. 24; then pp. 23 and 24 are reprinted, all except the last sentence on p. 24: "Dieu vueille par sa | grace conduire le tout en sorte que la chose | reüssisse à sa gloire & à l'édification de ce peu-| ple, pour lequel tous Chrétiens doivent faire | continuelles prieres à sa divine bonté, à ce qu'il | lui plaise confirmer & avancer l'oeuvre qu'il | lui a pleu susciter en ce temps pour l'exaltation | de son nom, & le salut de ses creatures. | FIN."

It is evident that the intention was to have the first leaf (pp. 23, 24) cut out. This duplication of pp. 23, 24 is in both the Brown and Lenox copies.

The "Extrait du Regitre de Bapteme" in the Brown copy (it is not in the Lenox Copy) forms 2 pages at the end of text. The first page of this "Regitre" is not numbered; the second is numbered "-4-6" (intended for 46), and this ends the book. The same "Regitre" appears in somewhat different order in Lescarbot's _Nouvelle France_, (1612 ed.), pp. 638-640, chap. 5, book v.; also, according to Harrisse's _Notes_, in chap. 3, book v., of the 1611 ed.

II

In Bertrand's _Lettre Missive_, we follow the original Paris edition, in Lenox. It is a rare publication, the Lenox copy being apparently the only one in the United States; Brown has a manuscript copy, made from that at Lenox. Sabin (vol. x., no. 40682), says: "It is a piece of unusual rarity." Sabin has a previous reference in vol. ii., no. 5025, under caption "Bertrand," wherein a misprint makes him cite the date of the letter as "28 June, 1618" (eight years later than the actual date); a further misprint causes Sabin to record the pamphlet as having "48 pages or less," the actual number being 8. In his _Notes_, Harrisse omits a line-ending after the second "nouuelle" in his description of the title-page. See, for further references: Ternaux, no. 329; Winsor, p. 299; Lenox Catalogue, p. 3; Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., no. 103.

_Title-page._ Given in photographic facsimile, in present volume.

_Collation._ Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-6; dated on p. 6, "Port Royal xxviij. Iuin, 1610," and signed "Bertrand." Blank leaf at end, completing 4 leaves = 8 pp.

III-VI

In these four letters, by Biard and Massé, we follow Carayon's _Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada_ (Paris, 1864). It is a scarce book, and brought $8 at the Barlow Sale, in New York, 1890. See references in Harrisse, p. 285; Sabin, no. 10792; Winsor, pp. 151, 292, 300; and Lenox Catalogue, p. 15. The origin of the letters in the volume is found at the top of the first page of each letter; and these data, with accompanying notes by Carayon, are reproduced in the present series, which will, in strict chronological order, contain all of the papers given by that editor; although in many cases we shall follow the original issues of the letters, whenever found. Documents III., V., and VI. were written in Latin; and Document IV. in French.

_Collation._ Blank, 2 pp.; bastard title, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; title proper, 1 p.; blank, 1 p. Preface begins on p. vii. (not numbered), and ends on p. xvi. Preface acknowledges indebtedness to F. Felix Martin, S. J., for copying and translating into French (from the Latin) most of the letters in the volume. Text, pp. 1-302; Table at end, 2 pp.; the last of these is numbered 304.

VII

We follow the style and make-up of Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan's Reprint (Albany, N. Y., 1871) of the _Canadicæ Missionis_, in Jouvency's _Hist. Soc. Jesu_, part v., commencing p. 321. In the Lenox Catalogue, it is designated "O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 4." This numbering of O'Callaghan's reprints, is merely a device peculiar to the Lenox Catalogue, for sake of easy reference, and has been followed by Winsor; the reprints themselves bear no numbers.

The text of this document, however, we have compared with the original folio edition of Jouvency's work, in the library of St. Francis Xavier College, New York, and the pagination thereof is indicated instead of that of the O'Callaghan Reprint. The list, "Missiones Societatis Jesu in America Septentrionali Anno M. DCC. X.," which O'Callaghan reprints as if a part of the original _Canadicæ Missionis_, is on pp. 961, 962 of the same volume of Jouvency in which the latter appears (part v.).

_Title-page._ The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely imitated.

_Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C.," 1 p.; Biardi Eulogium ac Vita, pp. i-v.; blank, 1 p.; Tabula, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-33; colophon: "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Aprilis Anno | CI[C=]. I[C=]CCC. LXXI.," 1 p.; half-title, "Appendix," 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; "Missiones Societatis Iesu | in America Septentrionali |Anno M.DCC.X.," 2 pp., the last of which is numbered 38.

VIII

We follow the style and make-up of O'Callaghan's Reprint (Albany, 1871), which is numbered 5 in the Lenox Catalogue. The text and pagination follow the original, in Jouvency's _Hist. Soc. Jesu_, part v., commencing p. 344.

_Title-page._ The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely imitated.

_Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C.," 1 p.; Tabula Rerum, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-49; blank, 1 p.; Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus, 4 pp.; colophon: "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Qvintilis Anno | CI[C=]. I[C=]CCC. LXXI.," 1 p.

FOOTNOTES:

[XVII.] In order to save needless repetition of long titles, bibliographical works, when once cited in full, will thereafter be referred to by the usual cut-shorts: e.g., the John Carter Brown Catalogue will be hereafter known in our Bibliographical Data as "Brown Catalogue;" the list of Jesuitica in Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History_ vol. iv., as "Winsor;" the Lenox _Catalogue of Jesuit Relations_, as "Lenox Catalogue;" Harrisse's _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, as "Harrisse's _Notes_," or simply as "Harrisse;" etc., etc. The student who is familiar, in a general way, with these bibliographical sources,--and it is presumed that those are, for whom this series of reprints is designed,--will not be confused by the customary method of brief citation.

NOTES TO VOL. I

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text._)

1. (p. 55)--Marie de Médicis, queen regent, widow of Henry of Navarre; appointed regent by the king, the day before his assassination, May 14, 1610. She was accused of having been privy to his murder.

2. (p. 55)--The reports of Champlain, and the maps and charts with which, upon returning from his voyage of 1603, he entertained Henry IV., so interested the latter that he vowed to encourage the colonization of New France. To carry on this work he commissioned, as his lieutenant-general in Acadia, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, governor of Pons, a Huguenot resident at court, and, according to Champlain, "a gentleman of great respectability, zeal, and honesty." De Monts' commission is given at length in Baird's _Huguenot Emigration to America_, vol. i., p. 341; his charter of "La Cadie" embraced the country between the 40th and 46th degrees of latitude, and he held therein a monopoly of the fur trade. J. G. Bourinot, in _Canadian Monthly_, vol. vii., pp. 291, 292, says the name Acadia (also written Acadie, and La Cadie) "comes from àk[^a]de, which is an affix used by the Souriquois or MIC Macs ... to signify a place where there is an abundance of some particular thing."--See, also, Laverdière's _Oeuvres de Champlain_ (Quebec, 1870), p. 115. In 1604, De Monts sailed from France with a colony composed of Catholics and Huguenots, served by "a priest and a minister." Champlain and Poutrincourt were with the expedition, and Pontgravé commanded one of the two ships. The cancelling of his monopoly (1607), deprived De Monts of the means to carry on his colonization schemes. The title to Port Royal he had already ceded to Poutrincourt. The king renewed De Monts' monopoly for one year, upon his undertaking to found a colony in the interior. Thereupon De Monts sent Champlain to the St. Lawrence (1608), as his lieutenant. Upon the death of Henry IV. (1610), De Monts, now financially ruined, surrendered his commission, selling his proprietary rights to the Jesuits.

"Jean de Biencourt, Baron de Poutrincourt, a gentleman of Picardy, a brave chevalier, had carried arms against Henry IV. in the ranks of the Catholics, during the wars of the League. Lescarbot tells how 'The king, holding him besieged in his castle of Beaumont, wished to give him the dukedom of this place in order to attach him to his service.' Poutrincourt refused. But, when the king had abjured his faith, he served this prince loyally and followed him to battle, where he accumulated more honor than fortune. In 1603, he lived in retirement with his wife, Jeanne de Salazar, and his children, in his barony of Saint-Just, in Champagne, struggling painfully against the difficulties of an embarrassed situation, and striving to improve the tillage and crops of his little domain. It was here that De Monts, his former companion in arms, found him. He knew his courage, his intelligence, and his activity, and did not doubt that a voyage to Canada and an agricultural colony in these distant lands, so fertile and primeval, would appeal to his ardent soul. Poutrincourt, in fact, received with enthusiasm the plan of his old friend; however, before binding himself definitely, he wished to find out, on his own account, something about the state of the country, and for this purpose to make a trial voyage."--Rochemonteix's _Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1896), vol. i., p. 11.

Pleased with Annapolis harbor, Poutrincourt decided to settle there with his family, and De Monts gave him a grant of the place. In 1606, Poutrincourt made a second voyage to Port Royal, exploring the coast with Champlain and Lescarbot. After the abandonment of the colony (1607), he went to France, returning to Acadia in 1610, inspired with zeal to convert the savages, but without the aid of the Jesuits. See Parkman's _Pioneers of France in the New World_ (ed. 1885, which will hereafter be cited, unless otherwise noted), pp. 244-322; also Shea's ed. of Charlevoix's _History of New France_, vol. i., p. 260. By the destruction of Port Royal in 1613, he was the heaviest loser--the total loss to the French, according to Charlevoix, being a hundred thousand crowns. In 1614, Poutrincourt visited the ruins of Port Royal for the last time, thence returning to France to engage in the service of the king. He was fatally wounded by a treacherous shot after the taking of Méry (1615). Baird (_Hug. Emig._, vol. i., p. 94), says: "This nobleman, if nominally a Roman Catholic, appears to have been in full sympathy with his Huguenot associates, De Monts and Lescarbot. His hatred of the Jesuits was undisguised." Lescarbot's account of Poutrincourt's dispute with them differs essentially from that given by Biard, _post_.

3. (p. 55)--Marc Lescarbot (or L'Escarbot), parliamentary advocate, was born at Vervins, France, between 1570 and 1580. He was more given to literature than to law, and appears to have been a man of judgment, tact, and intelligence. He spent the winter of 1606-07 at Port Royal, which Slafter (Prince Soc. ed. of _Voyages of Samuel Champlain_, vol. ii., p. 22, _note_ 56) locates "on the north side of the bay [Annapolis Basin] in the present town of Lower Granville; not, as often alleged, at Annapolis." See Bourinot's "Some Old Forts by the Sea," in _Trans. Royal Society of Canada_, sec. ii, pp. 72-74, for description of Port Royal, which he places on the site of the present Annapolis. In the spring of 1607, Lescarbot explored the coast between the harbor of St. John, N. B., and the River St. Croix. On the abandonment of De Monts' colony, the same year, he returned to France, where he wrote much on Acadia and in praise of Poutrincourt. Larousse gives the date of his death as 1630. Parkman's _Pioneers_, pp. 258 _et seq._, gives a lively account of Lescarbot's winter at the colony. Abbé Faillon, in _Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada_ (Montreal, 1865), vol. i, p. 91, says he has given us the best accounts extant (in the present document, his _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, 1609, and his _Les Muses de la Nouvelle France_, 1618) of the enterprises of De Monts and Poutrincourt; and that while a Catholic in name, he was a Huguenot at heart.

4. (p. 57)--_Clameur de Haro, Chartre Normand_, an expression used in all the privileges or licenses granted by the king to booksellers. The latter phrase refers to a deed containing numerous privileges or concessions, accorded to the inhabitants of Normandy by Louis X., Mar. 19, 1313, and repeatedly confirmed afterward. _Haro_ is supposed to be derived from, _Ha Rou!_ or _Ha Rollo!_ Hence an appeal to Rollo, the first Duke of Normandy.

5. (p. 59)--The first attempt of the Huguenots to establish a colony in America was at Rio Janeiro, under Villegagnon (1555). A reinforcement was sent thither in 1557, and among its Calvinist preachers was Jean de Léri, the historian of the disastrous undertaking. See his _Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam_ (1586), quoted in Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 28.

6. (p. 61)--The St. Lawrence; so named by Cartier (1535), but frequently called "The Great River," "The River of the Great Bay," etc., by early annalists. In the account of his second voyage, Cartier styles it _le grand fleuve de Hochelaga_. See Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History of America_, vol. iv., p. 163; also his _Cartier to Frontenac_, p. 28.

7. (p. 61)--Concerning early European acquaintance with American Indians:

"In the yeere 1153 ... it is written, that there came to Lubec, a citie of Germanie, one Canoa with certaine Indians, like vnto a long barge: which seemed to haue come from the coast of Baccalaos, which standeth in the same latitude that Germanie doth." (Antoine Galvano, in Goldsmid's ed. of _Hakluyt's Voyages_, vol. xvi., p. 293.)

Harrisse (_Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, no. 71) cites the _Chronicon_ of Eusebius (Paris, 1512) as having, "under the date 1509, a notice saying that there had been brought to Rouen seven Savages from North America."

The Indians of Newfoundland, when first discovered by the French, called codfish _bacalos_, which Lescarbot and other early French writers say is identical with the Basque word for codfish. Many evidences led Cartier, upon his first voyage (1534), to believe that the natives had had previous intercourse with Europeans.

8. (p. 61)--Probably André Thevet. A translation of his description of the Isles of Demons (now known as Belle Isle and Quirpon), is given in Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 191. Thevet's _Cosmographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1558), and _Singularitez de la France antarctique_ (Paris, 1558), must have been familiar to Lescarbot. De Costa gives a translation of so much of the _Cosmographie_ as relates to New England, in _Magazine of American History_, vol. viii., p. 130: "The production of the mendacious monk, André Thevet." It seems clear that Thevet never saw the American coast, that his imagination amplified the accounts of navigators who had visited the region, particularly those of Cartier. Priceless as are first editions of Thevet, he has a poor reputation for veracity.

9. (p. 61)--The Armouchiquois (or Almouchiquois of Champlain) were, according to Parkman (_Jesuits of N. America_, p. xxi.), the Algonkin tribes of New England,--Mohicans, Pequots, Massachusetts, Narragansetts, and others,--"in a chronic state of war with the tribes of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia." Williamson, in _History of the State of Maine_ (Hallowell, 1832, vol. i., p. 477), says they were an Etchemin tribe, the Marechites of the St. John River; but Champlain, who had, like Biard, visited the Armouchiquois country, says that it lies beyond Choüacoet (Saco), and that the language is different from those of the Souriquois and Etchemins. Laverdière affirms that "the French called Almouchiquois several peoples or tribes that the English included under the term Massachusetts;" and he conjectures that these two names are etymologically allied.--See his _Champlain_, pp. 200, 205, 206.

10. (p. 61)--Lescarbot here refers to his _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_. The first edition (Paris, 1609) is a rare prize to collectors,--a London catalogue of 1878 pricing it at £45. The edition of 1612 is followed in the Tross reprint (Paris, 1866); that of 1618 contains Lescarbot's assault upon the Jesuits. The fourth and sixth books, only, were "translated out of the French into English" by P. Erondelle, 1609. A German version of a brief summary of the work appeared in 1613.

11. (p. 67)--The term Norembega, variously spelled, was applied indifferently to the entire range of Acadian and New England coast; but apparently the Penobscot is here meant. See Winsor's _N. and C. Hist._, vol. iv., index; _Documentary History of State of Maine_, vol. ii., pp. lii., liii.; Prince Society's ed. of _Champlain_, memoir and index. The claim is made for Bangor, Me., that it is on the site of an ancient town called Norumbega. Much information on this point is given in _Maine Hist. Soc. Colls._, vols. ii., iv., v., vii., viii., and ix. Sewall claims that the true form of Norumbegua is Arâmbec, and that it was the name of a city of the savages, situated near the head-waters of the Damariscotta, above Pemaquid.--_Ancient Dominions of Maine_, pp. 30-46. Horsford, in _Discovery of the Ancient City of Norembega_ and _Defences of Norembega_ (Boston, 1890 and 1891), claims, on slender evidence, that Watertown, Mass., occupies the site of an old town of that name founded by Norse vikings in 1000 A. D.

12. (p. 67)--Bay of Fundy; first shown on map of Diego Homem (1558); named by De Monts Grande Baye Française (shown on Lescarbot's chart of Port Royal); appears as Argal's Bay, on Alexander's map (1624); Golfo di S. Luize, on Dudley's (1647); Fundi Bay, on Moll's (1712); and Bay of Fundy, or Argal, on that of the English and French Commissioners (1755). Bourinot (_Canad. Mo._, vol. vii., p. 292) says that Fundy is a corruption of _Fond de la Baie_, as the lower part of the bay was called; he follows here Ferland's suggestion, in _Cours d'Histoire du Canada_ (Quebec, 1861), vol. i., p. 65.

13. (p. 67)--The son of Pontgravé, who, according to Parkman (_Pioneers_, p. 290) had exasperated the Indians by an outrage on one of their women, and had fled to the woods.

14. (p. 69)--_Palourdes_ is Breton for a kind of shellfish.

15. (p. 73)--The Souriquois, or Micmacs, of Nova Scotia. Champlain's map of 1632 places them east of Port Royal.

16. (p. 73)--Raphael Maffei, Maffeus Volaterranus, or Raffaello Volterrano, savant and historian; born in Volterra 1451, died 1521 or 1522. Harrisse (_Bib. Amer. Vet._, p. 88) gives a catalogue of his works, and says, "The _Commentary_ of Maffei has a peculiar interest from the fact that it preceded the publication of Peter Martyr's _Decades_" (1511-46).

Laverdière (_Champlain_, p. 70, _note_) says that _sagamo_ is a Montagnais word; and he cites Laflèche as deriving it from _tchi_ and _okimau_, meaning "great chief."

17. (p. 73)--Berosus (325-255 B. C., _circa_), a Chaldean priest, astrologer, and historian. His best known work is the _Babylonica_, a history of Babylonia; its remaining fragments have been reproduced by several European writers, especially in Richter's _Berosi Chald. Historiæ quae supersunt_ (Leipsic, 1825).

18. (p. 75)--The Tolosains were a tribe of the Volcæ of Gaul. Another tribe of the Volcæ were the Tectosages--so called from their _sagum_ (frock or cloak).

19. (p. 75)--Membertou was chief of all the Micmac groups from Gaspé to Cape Sable. Champlain writes, that he was "a friendly savage, although he had the name of being the worst and most traitorous man of his tribe." Lescarbot called him "the _chef d'oeuvre_ of Christian piety," and Biard had strong faith in him. He claimed to remember the first visit of Cartier (1534).

20. (p. 77)--Biard, six years later, complains bitterly of this overhaste in baptizing, declaring that these savages, when he went among them in 1611, did not know the first principles of the Faith, and had even forgotten their Christian names.

21. (p. 81)--In the original edition, pp. 25 and 26, apparently through an error in make-up, are verbal repetitions of the two preceding pages. This duplication has been omitted in the present edition.

22. (p. 105)--Marked changes occurred in the population of the St. Lawrence valley, between the visits of Cartier (1535) and Champlain (1603). Morgan, in _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, 1851), p. 5, maintains the correctness of a tradition that the aborigines whom Cartier found at Hochelaga were Iroquois, and that they then were subject to the Algonkins, whom Champlain found in possession of the valley. Cf. Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 208, and Schoolcraft's _Hist. of Indian Tribes of the U. S._, vol. vi., pp. 33, 188. For further treatment of the migrations of the Iroquois, see Introduction to Hale's _Iroquois Book of Rites_ (Phila., 1883), and Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 524, _et seq._

23. (p. 107)--_Tabagie._ A feast described fully in one of the later Relations.

24. (p. 107)--This easy victory of the French and Algonkins over the Iroquois (July 29, 1609), on the western shores of Lake Champlain, cost New France dearly, as it secured for the struggling colony the deadly enmity of the most warlike savages on the continent, for nearly a century and a half. It was impossible for New France to make permanent headway when sapped by such an enemy. Slafter's exhaustive notes to _Champlain's Voyages_ (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 91, and vol. ii., p. 223, make it clear that the site of this momentous skirmish was Ticonderoga.

25. (p. 109)--Jessé Fléché, a secular priest from the diocese of Langres, was invited by Poutrincourt to accompany the first colony to Acadia. The papal nuncio gave him authority to absolve in all cases, except those reserved to the pope.--Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., p. 99. Poutrincourt evidently meant to Christianize Acadia without the aid of the Jesuits. The wholesale baptism of savages by Fléché, before the arrival of Biard and Massé, was, according to Faillon (_Ibid._, vol. i., p. 100), condemned as a profanation by good Catholics, "tous les théologiens, and notamment la Sorbonne."--Cf. also note 19, _ante_, and Sagard's _Histoire du Canada_, p. 97. He had been at Port Royal nearly a year before the arrival of the Jesuits. The name is variously spelled: Fleche, Fléche, Flèche, Fléché, Flesche, Fleuchy, and Fleuche; see Sulte's _Poutrincourt en Acadie_, p. 38. See Bourinot's picturesque description of the baptismal scene, in _Can. Royal Soc. Trans._, sec. ii, p. 73. Fléché was much esteemed by the Micmacs; his nickname, "Le Patriarch," is still current among them corrupted into "Patliasse," as the name for a priest.--See Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_ (Quebec, 1861), vol. i, p. 80.

26. (p. 127)--The four letters here given (Biard, Jan. 21, June 10, and June 11, 1611; and Massé, June 11, 1611) are from Carayon's _Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada: Lettres et Documents Inédits_ (Paris, 1864). All of the documents in Carayon's collection will be published in this series, in chronological order, with that Editor's valuable footnotes.