chapter 65. In chapter 69 he thus writes: “It was here (in Persepolis)

that Kalânos, on being for a short time afflicted with colic, desired to have his funeral pile erected. He was conveyed to it on horseback, and after he had prayed and sprinkled himself with a libation, and cut off part of his hair to cast into the fire, he ascended the pile, after taking leave of the Macedonians, and recommending them to devote that day to pleasure and hard drinking with the king, whom, said he, I shall shortly see in Babylon. Upon this he lay down on the pyre and covered himself up with his robes. When the flames approached he did not move, but remained in the same posture as when he lay down until the sacrifice was auspiciously consummated, according to the custom of the sages of his country. Many years afterwards another Indian in the presence of Caesar (Augustus) at Athens did the same thing. His tomb is shown till this day, and is called the _Indian’s tomb_.—Alexander, on returning from the pyre, invited many of his friends and his generals to supper, where he proposed a drinking-bout, with a crown for the prize. Promachos, who drank most, reached four measures (14 quarts), and won the crown, which was worth a talent, but survived only for three days. The rest of the guests, Charês says, drank to such excess that forty-one of them died, the weather having turned excessively cold immediately after the debauch.” The Indian who burned himself at Athens was called _Zarmanochegas_, as we learn from Strabo (XV. i. 73), who states, on the authority of Nikolaös of Damascus, that he came to Syria in the train of the ambassadors who were sent to Augustus Caesar by a great Indian king called Pôros. “These ambassadors,” he says, “were accompanied by the person who burnt himself to death at Athens. This is the practice with persons in distress, who seek escape from existing calamities, and with others in prosperous circumstances, as was the case with this man. For as everything hitherto had succeeded with him, he thought it necessary to depart, lest some unexpected calamity should happen to him by continuing to live; with a smile, therefore, naked, anointed, and with the girdle round his waist, he leaped upon the pyre. On his tomb was this inscription: Zarmanochegas, an Indian, a native of Bargosa (_Barygaza_, _Baroch_), having immortalised himself according to the custom of his country, here lies.” Lassen takes the name Zarmanochegas to represent the Sanskrit Śramanachârya, _teacher of the Śramanas_, from which it would appear he was a Buddhist priest. Strabo writes at greater length than our historians about the gymnosophists. In Book XV. i. 61 we have the following notices: “Aristoboulos says that he saw at Taxila two sophists, both Brachmans, of whom the elder had his head shaved, while the younger wore his hair; disciples attended both. They spent their time generally in the market-place. They are honoured as public counsellors, and are free to take away without charge any article exposed for sale which they may choose. He who accosts them pours over them oil of jessamine in such quantities that it runs down from their eyes. They make cakes of honey and sesamum, of which large quantities are always for sale, and their food thus costs them nothing. At Alexander’s table they ate standing, and, to give a sample of their endurance, withdrew to a spot not far off, where the elder, lying down with his back to the ground, endured the sun and the rains which had set in as spring had just begun. The other stood on one leg, holding up with both his hands a bar of wood 3 cubits long; one leg being tired he rested his weight on the other, and did this throughout the day. The younger seemed to have far more self-command; for though he followed the king a short distance, he soon returned to his home. The king sent after him, but the king, he said, should come to him if he wanted anything from him. The other accompanied the king to the end of his life. During his stay he changed his dress and altered his mode of life, saying, when reproached for so doing, that he had completed the forty years of discipline which he had vowed to observe. Alexander gave presents to his children. (63) Onesikritos says that he himself was sent to converse with these sages.... He found at the distance of twenty stadia from the city fifteen men standing in different attitudes, sitting or lying down naked, and continuing in these positions till the evening, when they went back to the city. What was hardest to bear was the heat of the sun, which was so powerful that no one else could bear without pain to walk barefooted on the ground at mid-day. (64) He conversed with Kalânos, one of these sages, who accompanied the king to Persia, and burned himself after the custom of his country on a pile of wood. Onesikritos found him lying upon stones, and drawing near to address him, informed him that he had been sent by the king, who had heard the fame of his wisdom. As the king would require an account of the interview, he was prepared to listen to his discourse if he did not object to converse with him. When Kalânos saw the cloak, head-dress, and shoes of his visitor, he laughed and said: “Formerly there was abundance of corn and barley in the world, as there is now of dust; fountains then flowed with water, milk, honey, wine, and oil, but repletion and luxury made men turn proud and insolent. Zeus, indignant at this, destroyed all, and assigned to man a life of toil. When temperance and other virtues in consequence again appeared, then good things again abounded. But at present the condition of mankind tends to satiety and wantonness, and there is cause to fear lest the existing state of things should disappear.” When he had finished he proposed to Onesikritos, if he wished to hear his discourse, to strip off his clothes, to lie down naked beside him on the same stones, and in that manner to hear what he had to say. While he was uncertain what to do, Mandanes, the oldest and wisest of the sages, reproached Kalânos for his insolence—the very vice which he had been condemning. Mandanes then called Onesikritos to him, and said, I commend the king, because, although he governs so vast an empire, he is yet desirous of acquiring wisdom, for he is the only philosopher in arms that I ever saw.... (65) “The tendency of his discourse,” he said, “was this, that the best philosophy was that which liberated the mind from pleasure and grief; that grief differed from labour, in that the former was pernicious, the latter friendly, to men; for that men exercised their bodies with labour to strengthen the mental powers, whereby they would be able to end dissensions, and give every one good advice, both to the public and to private persons; that he should at present advise Taxilês to receive Alexander as a friend; for by entertaining a person better than himself he might be improved, while by entertaining a worse he might influence that person to be good.” After this Mandanes inquired whether such doctrines were taught among the Greeks. Onesikritos answered that Pythagoras taught a like doctrine, and instructed his disciples to abstain from whatever had life; that Sôkrates and Diogenês, whose discourses he had heard, held the same views. Mandanes replied, that in other respects he thought them to be wise; but that they were mistaken in preferring custom to nature, else they would not be ashamed to go naked as he did, and to live on frugal fare, for, said he, that is the best house that requires least repairs. He states further that they employ themselves much on natural subjects, as forecasting the future, rain, drought, and diseases. On going into the city they disperse themselves in the market-places.... Every wealthy house, even to the women’s apartments, is open to them. When they enter they converse with the inmates and share their meal. Disease of the body they regard as very disgraceful, and he who fears that it will attack him, prepares a pyre and lets the flames consume him. He anoints himself beforehand, and when he has placed himself upon the pile orders it to be lighted, and remains motionless while he is burning. (66) Nearchos gives the following account of the sages: The Brachmans engage in public affairs, and attend the kings as counsellors; the rest are occupied in the study of nature. Kalânos belonged to the latter class. Women study philosophy with them, and all lead an ascetic life.

Athênaios in his _Gymnosophists_ (x. p. 437) quotes, like Plutarch, from Charês, the account of the drinking bout which followed the burning of Kalânos. He says that Alexander proposed the match on account of the bibulous propensities (_philoinia_) of the Indians. Other references to Kalânos are to be found in Ailianos, _V. H._ ii. 41 and v. 6; Lucian, _De M. Pereg._ 25; Cicero, _Disp. Tusc._ ii. 22, and _De Divin._ i. 23, 30. In the romance _History of Alexander_, by the Pseudo-Kallisthenes, six long chapters of Book iii. (11-17) are full of Kalânos, Mandanes, and the Brachmans.

St. Ambrose wrote a work, _De Bragmanibus_, in which the two gymnosophists are frequently mentioned.

KALLISTHENES was a native of Olynthos. He was brought up and educated by Aristotle, to whom he was related, and at whose recommendation he was permitted to accompany Alexander on his Asiatic expedition. He was deficient in tact and prudence, and exasperated the king by the freedom with which he censured him for adopting oriental customs, and especially for requiring Macedonians to perform the ceremony of adoration. When the plot of the pages to assassinate Alexander was discovered, Kallisthenes was charged with being an accessary. According to Charês he was imprisoned for seven months, and died in India; while Ptolemy states that he was tortured and crucified. Besides other works, he wrote an account of Alexander’s expedition, to which Strabo and Plutarch make a few references, but it was a work of little if any value.

KANISHKA, a great Turanian conqueror, whose empire extended from Kabul to Agra and Gujrut. He was an ardent Buddhist. The date of his coronation, 78 A.D., marks the beginning of the Śâkâbda aera.

KLEANDER, one of Alexander’s officers. He was employed to kill Parmenion, to whom he was next in command at Ekbatana. He was himself put to death when he joined Alexander in Karmania, on account of his profligacy and oppression while in Media.

KLEITOS was a Macedonian, and brother to Alexander’s nurse. He saved Alexander’s life at the Granîkos. When the companion cavalry was divided into two bodies, the command of one was given to Kleitos and of the other to Hêphaistiôn. In 328 B.C. he was appointed to succeed Artabazos in the satrapy of Baktria, but on the eve of his departure to take up this office he was killed by Alexander in a drunken brawl.

KOINOS was the son of Polemokrates, and the son-in-law of Parmenion. He was one of Alexander’s ablest generals, and greatly distinguished himself on various occasions, and especially in the battle with Pôros. When Alexander had reached the Hyphasis and wished to proceed farther and reach the Ganges, Koinos had the courage to remonstrate, and the king was obliged to act on his advice. He died soon after of an illness, and was honoured with a splendid burial.

KÔPHAIOS.—A chief whose dominions lay to the west of the Indus and along the river Kôphên.

KORAGOS.—A Macedonian bravo called also Horratas.

KOSMAS INDIKOPLEUSTES.—An Egyptian monk who flourished towards the middle of the sixth century of our aera. In early life he was a merchant, and visited for traffic various countries, Aethiopia, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, and many other places of the East. After he had taken to monastic life he wrote a work called _Christian Topography_, which is valuable for the geographical and historical information it contains. It has some notices concerning India, especially concerning its Christian communities.

KRATEROS, a Macedonian of Orestis, was one of Alexander’s most distinguished generals, and next to Hêphaistiôn his greatest favourite. He was in command of infantry on the left wing at Issos, and of cavalry on the same wing at Gaugamela. He rose afterwards to be commander of one of the divisions of the phalanx. On the day of the battle with Pôros he was left with a part of the army in the camp, and did not cross the river till victory had declared for Alexander. He commanded the troops which were sent back from India by way of the Bolan Pass to Karmania. At Sousa he married Amastris, the niece of Darius, after which he led, along with Polysperchon, the discharged veterans back to Europe. In the division of the empire after Alexander’s death Greece and Macedonia and other European provinces fell to the share of Antipater and Krateros, who divorced Amastris and married Phila, Antipater’s daughter. In 321 B.C. Krateros fell in battle against Eumenes, who honoured his old comrade in the Indian wars with a magnificent funeral.

KYRSILOS, a native of Pharsalos, who accompanied Alexander to Asia and wrote an account of his exploits. He is mentioned by Strabo (XI. xiv. 12).

LEONNATOS, a native of Pella, was one of Alexander’s most capable and distinguished officers. At the time of Philip’s death he occupied one of the highest positions at court, being one of the select bodyguard called _sômatophylakes_, but under Alexander he was at first only an officer of the companion cavalry. After the battle of Issos he was sent to inform the wife of Darius of her husband’s safety, and when Arrhybas, one of the bodyguards, died in Egypt, he was promoted to the vacant post. After this his name continually occurs among the names of those who were constantly about the king’s person and stood highest in his confidence. On several occasions he showed the greatest courage, and at the siege of the Mallian stronghold he saved, along with Peukestas, the king’s life. When the army marched back from India he was left to overawe the Oreitai, and to wait in their country till Nearchos should reach it with the fleet. He inflicted a crushing defeat on that people, who had assembled a large army after Alexander had left their borders. For this and other services he was rewarded at Sousa with a golden crown. In the division of the empire he received only the satrapy of the Lesser Phrygia, a share which by no means satisfied his ambition. Kleopatra, Alexander’s sister, then offered him her hand on condition that he should assist her against Antipater, the regent of Macedonia. He consented, but when he passed over into that country he was slain in battle against the Greeks, who had revolted from Antipater, whose dominions he wished to appropriate in their integrity.

LYSIMACHOS was one of Alexander’s great generals and one of his select bodyguards. He was born at Pella—the son of a Thessalian serf who by his flatteries had won the good graces of King Philip. Great personal strength and undaunted courage seem to have been the qualities by which Lysimachos gained his splendid position, for he was seldom entrusted by Alexander with any separate command of importance. He was present in the battle with Pôros, and was wounded at the siege of Sangala. In the division of the empire he obtained Thrace for his share, but his dominions after the battle of Issos, in which along with Seleukos, Ptolemy, and Kassander, he defeated Antigonos and his son Dêmêtrios, embraced for a time all Alexander’s European possessions, in addition to Asia Minor. His third wife was Arsinoë, the daughter of Ptolemy, King of Egypt. In 281 B.C. he was defeated and slain by his old comrade in arms, Seleukos. He was then eighty years of age.

MEGASTHENÊS, the ambassador sent by Seleukos Nikator to the court of Sandrokottos, and author of a work on India of the highest value. Though this work is lost, numerous fragments have been preserved by Strabo, Arrian, Pliny, and many other writers.

MELA, POMPONIUS, the first Roman author known to have composed a formal work on geography. It is supposed that he flourished under the Emperor Claudius.

MELEAGER was by birth a Macedonian, and served with distinction in Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns, where he commanded one of the divisions of the phalanx. He was present in the great battles of the Granîkos, Issos, Gaugamela, and the Hydaspês. He was never entrusted, however, with any special or important command. He was a man of an insolent and factious disposition, and showed himself to be such in the discussions which arose between the generals after Alexander’s death concerning the arrangements which should be made for the government of the empire. He led for a time the opposition against Perdikkas, but was afterwards for a short time associated with him in the regency. Two such colleagues could not long act in harmony. Perdikkas, who was an adept in the arts of dissimulation, lulled Meleager into fancied security, devised a cunning scheme for his overthrow, and having succeeded in this ordered him to be put to death.

MEMNÔN, the Rhodian, was the brother of Mentor, who stood high in the favour of Darius, and brother-in-law of Artabazos, the satrap of Lower Phrygia. On the death of his brother, Memnôn, who possessed great military skill and experience, succeeded to his authority, which extended over the coast of Asia Minor. He was the most formidable opponent Alexander encountered in Western Asia. Fortunately for him, Memnôn died in 333 B.C., when preparing to sail for Greece, where the Spartans were ready to join him and rise against the Macedonians.

MÔPHIS.—_See_ TAXILÊS.

MOUSIKANOS was the ruler of a rich and fertile kingdom which lay along the banks of the Indus, in Upper Sindh. He submitted to Alexander without resistance, and was allowed to retain his sovereignty. The Brahmans, however, prevailed on him to revolt during Alexander’s absence. He was captured by Peithôn and crucified by Alexander’s orders.

MULLINUS is called by Curtius the king’s secretary. Eumenes is probably meant. The name is not met with except in one passage in Curtius.

NEARCHOS.—Among all the great men associated with Alexander no one has left a reputation more noble and unsullied than that of Nearchos. The long and difficult voyage in unknown seas which he successfully accomplished ranks as one of the greatest achievements in the annals of navigation. He was free from the mad ambition to rule which gave rise to the deadly feuds between Alexander’s other great generals, and stained the records of their lives with so many dark crimes. He was a native of Crete, but settled at Amphipolis, a Macedonian city near the Thracian border. He held a high position at the court of King Philip, where he attached himself to the party of the young prince, and was banished along with Ptolemy, Harpalos, and others, who had involved themselves in his intrigues. Alexander, on mounting the throne, recalled his former partisans, and did not neglect their interests. Nearchos accompanied him into Asia, where he was appointed governor of Lykia and other provinces south of the Tauros. This post he continued to hold for five years. He rejoined Alexander before he left Baktria to invade India, and in India he was appointed commander of the fleet which was built on the Hydaspês. He conducted it down that river and the Akesinês and the Indus to Patala (now Haidarâbâd), a naval station at the apex of the Indus Delta. He arrived at that place about the time when the south-west monsoon usually sets in. Alexander, on returning to Patala from the excursions he made to the ocean, removed the fleet to Killouta, an island in the western branch of the Indus, which possessed a commodious haven. He then set out on his return to Persia, leaving the fleet with Nearchos, who had relieved Alexander’s mind of a load of anxiety by voluntarily proffering his services to conduct the expedition by sea to the head of the Persian Gulf. When we consider, as Bunbury remarks, the total ignorance of the Greeks at this time concerning the Indian seas, and the imperfect character of their navigation, it is impossible not to admire the noble confidence with which Nearchos ventured to promise that he would bring the ships in safety to the shores of Persia, “if the sea were navigable and the thing feasible for mortal man.” Nearchos wished to defer his departure till the monsoon had quite subsided, but as he was in danger of being attacked by the natives, who were no longer overawed by Alexander’s presence, he set sail on the 21st of September, 325 B.C. He was forced, however, by the violence of the weather, when he had reached the mouth of the Indus, to take refuge in a sheltered bay at a station which he called Alexander’s Haven, and which is now known as Karâchi, the great emporium of the trade of the Indus. After a detention here for twenty-four days, he resumed his voyage on the 23rd of October. Coasting the shore of the Arabies for 80 miles, he reached the mouth of the river Arabis (now the Purali), which divides the Arabies from the Oreitai. The coast of the latter people, which was 100 miles in extent, was navigated in eighteen days. At one of the landing-places the ships were supplied by Leonnatos with stores of corn, which lasted ten days. The navigation of the Mekrân coast which succeeded occupied twenty days, and the distance traversed was 480 miles English, though Nearchos in his journal has set it down at 10,000 stadia or 1250 miles. The expedition in this part of the voyage suffered great distress for want of provisions. The coast was barren, and its savage inhabitants, the Ichthyophagi,[415] had little else to subsist on than fish, which some of them ate raw.[416] The Karmanian coast, which succeeded, was not so distressingly barren, but was even, in certain favoured localities, extremely fertile and beautiful. Its length was 296 miles, and the time taken in its navigation was nineteen days, some of which, however, were spent at the mouth of the river Anamis (now the Mînâb), whence Nearchos made a journey into the interior to apprise Alexander of the safety of his fleet. The coasts of Persis and Sousis were navigated in thirty-one days. Nearchos had intended to sail up the Tigris, but having passed its mouth unawares, continued sailing westward till he reached Diridôtis (Terêdon), an emporium in Babylonia on the Pallocopas branch of the Euphrates. He thence retraced his course to the Tigris, and ascended its stream till he reached a lake through which at that time it flowed and which received the river Pasitigris, the Ulaï of Scripture, and now the Karun. The fleet proceeded up this river till it met the army near a bridge on the highway from Persis to Sousa. It anchored at the bridge on the 24th of February, 324 B.C., so that the whole voyage was performed in 146 days. Nearchos received appropriate rewards for the splendid service he had so successfully performed. Alexander was sending him away on another great maritime expedition when the illness which carried off the great conqueror broke up the enterprise. In the discussions which followed regarding the succession to the throne, Nearchos unsuccessfully advocated the claims of Heraklês, the son of Alexander by Barsinê, who was the daughter of Artabazos and the widow of Memnôn the Rhodian. He acquiesced, however, in the arrangements made by the other generals, and was content with receiving his former government, even though he was to hold it subject to the authority of Antigonos. He accompanied his superior when he marched against Eumenes, and interceded for the life of the latter when he fell into the hands of his enemies. Nothing is known of his history after the year 314 B.C., when he was selected by Antigonos to assist his son Dêmêtrios with his counsels when left for the first time in command of an army.

NIKANOR, the son of Parmenion, was commander of the hypaspists or footguards in the Asiatic expedition. He was present in the three great battles against the troops of Darius, and died of disease before the charge of conspiracy was preferred against his brother Philôtas.

OLYMPIAS, the mother of Alexander, was a passionate, ambitious, and intriguing woman. She was put to death by order of Kassander, the son of the regent Antipater, in 316 B.C., thus surviving her son seven years.

OMPHIS.—_See_ Taxilês.

ONESIKRITOS was a Greek historical writer who accompanied Alexander on his Asiatic expedition. He professed the philosophy of Diogenes the Cynic, and on this account was sent by Alexander to converse with the gymnosophists of Taxila. He was the pilot of Alexander’s ship and of the fleet in sailing down the Indus, and afterwards during the voyage to the head of the Persian Gulf. The history written by Onesikritos, which embraced the whole life of Alexander, fell into discredit owing to the manner in which he intermingled fact with fiction. His work was, however, too much undervalued. He was the first author who mentions the island of Taprobanê (Ceylon). In his later years he attached himself to the fortunes of Lysimachos of Thrace.

OROSIUS was a Spanish ecclesiastic of the fifth century, who wrote a history of the world from the creation down to the year A.D. 417.

OXYARTES, a Baktrian, the father of Alexander’s queen Roxana, was one of the chiefs who accompanied Bessos on his retreat across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Alexander, after marrying his daughter, appointed him satrap of the land of the Paropamisidai, and his successors allowed him to retain that government. It is not known how long he lived, but it is supposed that he was dead when Seleukos undertook his Indian expedition, as his dominions were among those which were surrendered to Sandrokottos.

OXYKANOS, called Portikanos by Strabo and Diodôros, ruled a territory which adjoined that of Mousikanos, but its exact position or boundaries cannot be ascertained.

PANINI, the celebrated Indian grammarian, was a native of Salâtura, in Gandhâra. His date is generally referred to the fourth century B.C., but this is still a matter of controversy.

PARMÊNION was the most experienced and most trusted general who accompanied Alexander into Asia. He commanded the left wing of the Macedonian army in the three great battles against Darius. He was left in command in Media, and so did not accompany the expedition into India. His assassination has left an indelible stain on Alexander’s character.

PATROKLÊS was a general who held under Seleukos and Antiochos an important government over some eastern provinces of the Syrian empire. He collected much valuable information regarding the little-known parts which adjoined his province. His work, embodying this information, is frequently quoted by Strabo.

PAUSANIAS was the author of an _Itinerary of Greece_, full of valuable topographical and antiquarian information. He wrote in the age of the Antonines.

PEITHÔN.—Three officers of this name accompanied Alexander into Asia—first, Peithôn, the son of Sôsiklês, who was wounded and taken prisoner by the Skythians under Spitamenes, and is not subsequently mentioned; second, Peithôn, the son of Krateuas, who, like Ptolemy, was a native of Eördaia, and a member of the select bodyguard; third, Peithôn, the son of Agênôr, who, like the preceding, rendered distinguished services in the Indian campaigns. The historians have recorded nothing of their previous achievements, and when they come to mention those performed in India, do not always make it clear to which of the two they mean to ascribe them.

PEITHÔN, the son of Krateuas, after Alexander’s death proposed that Perdikkas and Leonnatos should be appointed joint regents of the empire, and for this service was rewarded with the satrapy of Media. After the assassination of Perdikkas he was himself, through the influence of Ptolemy, raised to the regency in conjunction with Arrhidaios, but was soon compelled to resign and retire to his Median government. He assisted Antigonos to overthrow Eumenes; but Antigonos, having subsequently suspected him of entertaining treasonable designs, brought him to trial before a council, and ordered him to be put to death in 316 B.C.

PEITHÔN, the son of Agênôr, took an active part in the wars against the Malloi and Mousikanos while holding the command of one of the divisions of the footguards. He was appointed satrap of Sindh from the great confluence downward to the sea-coast, and was left behind in his province when Alexander took his departure from India. After the death of Alexander he was confirmed in his government, but, it would appear, was ousted from it by Pôros. After the fall of Eumenes he received from Antigonos, whose side he had favoured, the satrapy of Babylon. While serving with Dêmêtrios, the son of Antigonos, he was slain in the battle of Gaza, in which the young prince rashly and against his advice engaged Ptolemy. This battle was fought in 312 B.C.

PERDIKKAS—one of Alexander’s greatest generals—was a native of the Macedonian province of Orestis, and descended, according to Curtius, from a royal house. Under Philip he held one of the highest offices at court, being a sômatophylax, and under Alexander he held the same position along with the command of a division of the phalanx, but afterwards of a division of the companion cavalry. He distinguished himself at the siege of Thebes, where he was severely wounded, and in the three great battles against the armies of Darius. In the Persian, Sogdian, and Indian campaigns he was frequently entrusted with separate commands of great importance, and at Sousa was rewarded for his services with a crown of gold and with the hand of the daughter of the Median satrap. He was present with Alexander during his fatal illness; and it is said that the king when expiring took off the royal signet-ring from his finger and gave it to him, as if to indicate him as his successor. In the deliberations which followed to settle the succession, Perdikkas took a prominent part, and, with the consent of most of the other generals, was appointed to act as regent of the empire on behalf of Roxana’s yet unborn child, which, it was hoped, might prove to be a son. His selfish ambition, however, and acts of cruelty soon created violent discontent, and a combination was formed against him by Antigonos, whom he attempted to bring to trial for misgovernment, but who effected his escape to Macedonia, and persuaded Antipater, Krateros, and Ptolemy to take up arms on his behalf. He was slain by his own troops in Egypt, whither he had proceeded in the hope of being able to crush Ptolemy before taking measures against the other confederates. Perdikkas was crafty, cruel, and arrogant, without magnanimity, and, indeed, without any virtue except personal courage and capacity as a general.

PEUKESTAS, a native of Mieza in Macedonia, was one of Alexander’s great officers, and had the honour of carrying before him in battle the sacred shield taken down from the temple of Athêna at Ilion. He is first mentioned as one of the officers appointed to command a trireme on the Hydaspês. He had a chief share in saving Alexander’s life in the citadel of the Mallian capital, and for this service was rewarded by being appointed a _sômatophylax_ and afterwards satrap of Persia. After being presented at Sousa with a golden crown, he proceeded to take possession of his government, when he adopted the Persian dress and Persian customs, thus pleasing his subjects as well as Alexander himself. He was in attendance on the king during his last illness, but does not appear to have taken any leading part in the discussions held after his death regarding the succession. He was, however, permitted to retain his government. He took an active part in the war conducted by Eumenes against Antigonos. He was vain and fond of display, and his treachery towards Eumenes, whom he helped to betray into the hands of his enemies, has left a dark stain on his character.

PHEGELAS, or, as he is called by Diodôros, Phêgeus, was chief of a territory which lay between the Hydraôtes and the Hyphasis. With regard to the name, M. Sylvain Lévi gives preference to the form _Phegelas_, and states his reason thus: “The _e_ answers to the _a_ of Sanskrit, the _g_ to the _g_ or to the _j_. _Phegeus_ does not border on a known form; Phegelas, on the contrary, answers directly to the Sanskrit _Bhagala_—the name of a royal race of Kshatriyas which the Gana-pâtha classes under the rubric Bâhu, etc., with the name even of Taxilês, Âmbhi.” (_Journal Asiatique_ for 1890, p. 239.)

PHILIPPOS, the son of Machatas, was one of Alexander’s officers. In 327 B.C. he was appointed satrap of India. After Alexander left India he was assassinated in a conspiracy formed against him by the mercenaries under his command.

PHRATAPHERNES was, under Darius, governor of Parthia and Hyrkania. He accompanied that sovereign in his flight from Arbêla, but after his death submitted to Alexander, who reinstated him in his satrapy. He joined Alexander in India after Pôros had been defeated, but seems to have soon afterwards returned to his satrapy, whence he sent supplies to the Macedonian army when pursuing its distressing march through Gedrôsia. The successors of Alexander allowed him to retain his satrapy.

POLYAINOS, a Macedonian, who flourished about the middle of the second century of our aera, and was the author of a work on the stratagems of war, which is still extant.

POLYKLEITOS was a native of Larissa, who wrote a history of Alexander. Most of the extracts preserved from this work refer to the geography of the countries which Alexander conquered.

POLYSPERCHON, or POLYPERCHON, was one of the oldest officers of a high rank in Alexander’s service. After the battle of Issos he was promoted to the command of a division of the phalanx in succession to Ptolemy, the son of Seleukos, who fell in that battle. In Baktria he offended Alexander by casting ridicule on the ceremony of prostration, and was thus for a time in disgrace. He was present at the passage of the Hydaspês, and also in the descent of the Indus, and was then sent with Krateros to conduct the veterans from India to Karmania by way of the Bolan Pass. He was not in Babylon at the time of Alexander’s death, and hence was passed over in the allotment of the provinces made after that event. When war, however, broke out between Antipater and Perdikkas, the former committed to his hands the chief command in Macedonia and Greece during his absence in Asia. The veteran general showed himself worthy of the trust reposed in him, and received the reward of his services at Antipater’s death, who appointed him, in preference to his own son, Kassander, to be his successor in the regency. After many vicissitudes of fortune, and disgracing his name by his treachery towards Phôkiôn, and his causing Heraklês, the son of Alexander, whose cause he had espoused, to be murdered, he disappears from history after the year 303 B.C.

PÔROS was the most powerful king in the Panjâb at the time of Alexander’s invasion. He was then at enmity with Omphis, the king of Taxila, but in alliance with Abisarês, the king of Kâśmîr. After his defeat and submission to the conqueror, he was confirmed in his kingdom, the limits of which were afterwards considerably extended. All that is known of his history will be found in the translations, if read along with the notice below, of Sandrokottos, except that after Alexander’s death he made himself master of Sindh, from which he ousted Peithôn. The name of Pôros, which is formed from _Paura_ or _Paurava_, with the Greek termination _os_ added, shows that he belonged to a family of the Lunar race. Bohlen, however, takes the name to be a corruption of the Sanskrit _Paurusha_, which means “heroic.”

PORTIKANOS.—_See_ Oxykanos.

PTOLEMY, called the son of Lagos, is supposed to have been in reality the son of Philip, as his mother Arsinoê was the concubine of that king, and was pregnant when married to Lagos. Of all Alexander’s generals Ptolemy was the one who approached him nearest in a capacity both for war and government, while he did not fall short of him in magnanimity of disposition. He was banished from Macedonia by Philip, who discovered that he was promoting with others a marriage between Alexander and the daughter of Pixodaros, the king of Karia. He rendered important services in the war against Darius; and when Dêmêtrios, a member of the select bodyguard, was arrested on suspicion of being concerned in the conspiracy of Philôtas, Ptolemy was promoted to fill his place. It was he who obtained information of the plot of Hermolaos, and by revealing it was probably the means of saving the king’s life. In the battle with the Aspasians, Ptolemy slew their leader with his own hand, and in the campaigns in India he was on several occasions entrusted with separate commands of great importance. The story of Alexander’s dream, which led to the discovery of a plant by which Ptolemy was cured of a dangerous wound inflicted by a poisoned arrow, must be apocryphal, since Arrian, who had Ptolemy’s own memoirs of the expedition constantly before him, is silent on the subject. At Sousa he received in marriage a daughter of Artabazos. After Alexander’s death he obtained Egypt as his share of the empire, and raised that country to a high pitch of prosperity. He reigned for no less than forty years. The dynasty which he founded, after subsisting for nearly two hundred years, ended with the death of Kleopatra.

PTOLEMY III. ascended the throne of Egypt in 247 B.C. in succession to his father Ptolemy Philadelphos. In the early part of his reign he overran Syria, and having thence turned his arms eastward, advanced as far as Babylon and Sousa, and received the submission of all the upper provinces of Asia as far as the borders of Baktria and India. On returning to his kingdom he carried back with him the statues of the Egyptian deities which Kambyses had removed to the East, and restored them to their proper temples, an act which won for him the gratitude of the Egyptians and the title by which he is generally known, Euergetês, _i.e._ Benefactor. Like his father he distinguished himself by his munificent patronage of literature and science. He was one of the kings to whom Buddhist missionaries were sent by the Indian king Aśôka. He died in the year 222 B.C.

PTOLEMY PHYSKON, king of Egypt, succeeded his brother Ptolemy VI., surnamed Philomêter.

RÔXANA, the daughter of the Baktrian chief Oxyartes, was considered by the Macedonians the most beautiful woman in Asia, next to the wife of Darius. Alexander, who found her charms irresistible, made her his wife, and she bore him a posthumous son, called Alexander Aigos, who was admitted to a share of the sovereignty under the regency of Perdikkas. Before his birth she had enticed Alexander’s other widow, Barsinê or Stateira, to Babylon, and caused her to be murdered. She subsequently fell, with her son, into the power of Kassander, who placed them both in Amphipolis, where in 311 B.C. they were both murdered by their keeper, Glaukias.

SAMBUS was the satrap of a mountainous country adjoining the kingdom of Mousikanos, with whom he was at feud. His capital, called Sindimana, has been identified with Sehwân, a city on the Indus, for which see Note S. Sambus fled on Alexander’s approach, not to evade submission, but because he learned that his enemy, Mousikanos, had been received into the conqueror’s favour.

SANDROKOTTOS (CHANDRAGUPTA).—Sandrokottos, with the exception perhaps of his grandson, Aśôka, was the greatest ruler ancient India produced. Though of humble origin, he overthrew the Macedonian power in the Panjâb, conquered the kingdom of Magadha, and founded a wide empire such as no Indian king had before possessed. He is also memorable on another account. Those learned men who about a century ago took up the study of Sanskrit, established his identity with the Chandragupta who is mentioned in the Buddhist Chronicle of Ceylon as the founder of the Mauryan dynasty of Magadha, and by fixing the date of his accession to the throne of that kingdom, supplied the chronology of ancient India with its first properly-ascertained aera, and thus brought it into line with the chronology of general history.

Besides the notices of this great sovereign in the writings we have translated, the following occur elsewhere in the classics:—Appian (_Syriakê_, c. 55), speaking of Seleukos, says: “And having crossed the Indus, he warred with Androkottos, the king of the Indians, who dwelt about that river, until he entered into an alliance and a marriage affinity with him.” Strabo (II. i. 9) says: “Both of these men were sent to Palimbothra, Megasthenes to Sandrokottos, and Dêimachos to Allitrochades, his son,” and in XV. i. 36 repeats the statement as concerns Megasthenes. In XV. i. 53 we read: “Megasthenes, who was in the camp of Sandrokottos, which consisted of 400,000 men, did not witness on any day thefts reported which exceeded the sum of 200 drachmai, and this among a people who have no written laws, who are ignorant even of writing, and regulate everything by memory.” Lastly, in XV. i. 57 we read: “Similar to this is the account of the Enotokoitai, of the wild men, and of other monsters. The wild men could not be brought to Sandrokottos, for they died by abstaining from food.” Arrian in his _Indika_ (c. 5) says: “But even Megasthenes, as far as appears, did not travel over much of India, though no doubt he saw more of it than those who came with Alexander, the son of Philip, for, as he says, he had interviews with Sandrokottos, the greatest king of the Indians, and with Pôros, who was still greater than he.”[417] Lastly, Athênaios mentions him in his _Deipnosophists_ (c. 18 d): “Phylarchos says that among the presents which Sandrokoptos, the king of the Indians, sent to Seleukos were certain powerful aphrodisiacs.” It will be observed that Athênaios transcribes the name of the Indian king more correctly than any of the other authors.

These detached notices, combined with those which appear in the translations, we may now gather together into a connected and consistent narrative. Sandrokottos was of obscure birth, and, from the remark of Plutarch that in his early years he had seen Alexander, we may infer that he was a native of the Panjâb. It was at one time thought that he had in some way offended the conqueror, and that to escape the effects of his displeasure, he had fled for protection to the court of Magadha. But this belief must now be given up, as it was based on a corrupt passage in Justin, which, by the restoration of the correct reading, shows that it was not Alexander whom he had offended, but Nandrus or Xandrames, the Magadha king. We do not know what induced Sandrokottos to leave his home and take service under the latter monarch, but we incline to attribute it to a sentiment of patriotism forbidding him to seek office or advancement under a power which had crushed the liberties of his country. What the nature of his offence against Nandrus was does not appear, but he so dreaded his resentment that he quitted his dominions and returned home to the Panjâb. He found it, although Alexander had now been six years dead, still under Greek vassalage, and ruled as formerly in civil matters by Omphis of Taxila and the great Pôros, while the military administration had passed into the hands of Eudêmos. Soon after his arrival, however, the order of things was violently disturbed. Eudêmos having decoyed Pôros into his power, treacherously murdered him,[418] but had no sooner done so than he was recalled to the west to succour Eumenes in his war against Antigonos. As he took with him 3000 foot, 500 horse, and 125 elephants, he denuded the province of the main strength of the force by which it was held in subjection, and his departure was fatal to Greek power. The Indians, who longed for freedom, and were no doubt greatly incensed by the murder of Pôros, rose in revolt. Sandrokottos, who headed this movement, having collected a band of insurgents, overthrew the existing government, expelled the remainder of the Greek garrison, and finally installed himself in the sovereignty of the Panjâb and of all the lower valley of the Indus. The insurgents, whom he led to victory, are called by Justin _robbers_; but we must not thence infer that he was a bandit leader, who, by taking advantage of an opportune crisis, rose to power by the help of desperadoes whose crimes had banished them from society. His adherents were, in point of fact, chiefly the _Arattâ_ of the Panjâb, who were always called _robbers_, and are denounced as such in the _Mahâbhârata_. The Kathaians, who so stoutly resisted Alexander at Sangala, were included under this designation, which means _Kingless_, and implies that they lived under republican institutions. The stories told by the same author of the lion which licked the sweat from Sandrokottos when asleep, and of the elephant which volunteered to carry him into battle, and thus gave presages of his future greatness, reflect the true spirit of oriental romance, and were no doubt derived from native traditions which somehow found their way to the west. They remind one of Joseph’s dreams, in which he saw the sheaves and then the heavenly bodies falling down in obeisance before him.

Sandrokottos while in Magadha had seen that the king was held in such odium and contempt by his subjects that, as Plutarch tells us, he used often afterwards to speak of the ease with which Alexander might have possessed himself of the whole country. He accordingly had no sooner settled the affairs of the Panjâb than he prepared to invade the dominions of his former master. The success which he anticipated followed his arms. He overthrew with ease the unpopular despot, and having received the submission of Magadha, extended his conquests far beyond its eastern limits. He was thus able to combine into one great empire the regions both of the Indus and the Ganges. He established the seat of government at Palibothra, the capital of Magadha, a great city advantageously situated at the confluence of the Erannoboas or Sôn with the Ganges, and on the site now occupied by Pâtnâ, beneath which, at a depth of from 12 to 15 feet, its ruins lie entombed.

While Sandrokottos was thus, with a genius like that of Akbar, welding the states of India into unity, the successors of Alexander were too much engrossed with their internecine wars to concern themselves with his doings; but when they had for a time composed their differences, Seleukos Nikator, the king of Syria, advanced eastward to recover the Indian conquests of Alexander. The date of this expedition cannot be fixed with precision, but it was probably made in the year 305 B.C., or about ten years after Sandrokottos had ascended the throne of Palibothra. The records of it are unfortunately lost. It seems that he was allowed to cross the Indus without opposition, but it is not known how far he advanced into the country. We do not even know whether the hostile armies came into actual conflict, but we may conjecture that the sight of the vast and formidable host brought into the field by his antagonist, who was an experienced commander of the stamp of Pôros, led him to think discretion would be the better part of valour, and to prefer entering into negotiations rather than to risk the chance of defeat. At all events he concluded a treaty by which he not only resigned his claims to the Greek conquests beyond the Indus, but ceded to the Indian king considerable districts extending westward from that river to the southern slopes of the Hindu-Kush. The compact was cemented by a matrimonial alliance, the Syrian king giving his daughter in marriage to Sandrokottos. Friendly relations seem to have subsisted ever afterwards between the two sovereigns.

Seleukos sent as his ambassador to the Indian court his friend and companion Megasthenes. This was a fortunate choice, for while there Megasthenes, who was an acute observer and of an inquisitive turn of mind, composed a work on India, in which he gave a faithful account of what fell under his own observation, as well as of what facts he could gather from trustworthy reports. That work, now lost, was the source whence Strabo and other classical authors derived most of their information regarding India. In such of the fragments thus preserved as relate to Sandrokottos, we find an admirable picture of his system of government, of his personal habits, and of the regulations of his court. He did not live to old age, but died in 291 B.C., before he had reached his fifty-fifth year.

When we turn to the Buddhist accounts of Chandragupta we find them tally so closely in all main points with the Greek accounts of Sandrokottos that no doubt can be left that the two names which are so nearly similar denote but one and the same person. As he was the founder of the dynasty to which the pious Aśôka, the Constantine of the Buddhist faith, belonged, the Buddhist writers assign to him an honourable pedigree which connected him even with the royal house whence Buddha himself sprang. His father, they tell us, reigned over a small kingdom situated in a valley among the Himalayas, and called Maurya, from the great number of its peacocks (_Mayûra_). He was killed in resisting an invasion of his enemies, but his queen escaped to Pataliputra, where she gave birth to a son whom she exposed in the neighbourhood of a cattle shed. The child, like Oedipûs, was found by a shepherd, who called him _Chandragupta_ (_Moon protected_), and charged himself with his maintenance. There resided at that time in Pataliputra a Brahman who had come from the great city of Taxila in the Panjâb, and whose name was Chânakya. To him King Dhanananda had given an insult which could be expiated by nothing short of his destruction. While the Brahman was casting about for means whereby he could clear his score with the offender, Chandragupta, now a boy, fell under his cognisance. Having discovered that he was of royal descent, and foreseen from his conduct among his companions that in after life he would be capable of great achievements, he bought him from the shepherd and gave him a training adapted to make him a fit instrument for the execution of his designs. When Chandragupta had grown up, his master put under his command a body of troops kept secretly in his pay, and attempted a rebellion, which proved abortive. Chandragupta fled to the desert, but having ere long collected a fresh force he invaded Magadha from the border, that is, from the side of the Panjâb. He captured city after city till the capital itself fell into his hands. The king was slain, and Chandragupta ascended the vacant throne.

Another form of the native tradition assigns his paternity to Dhanananda (the last of the eight Nanda kings, who ruled in succession over Magadha), though not by his queen, but by a woman of low caste—a sudra called Mura. The Brahmans made this base-born scion of the royal house the instrument of their rebellious designs, and with the help of a northern prince, to whom they offered an accession of territory, raised him to the throne while he was yet a youth, and put Nanda and his eight sons to death. They did not make good their promise to their ally, but rid themselves of him by assassination. His son Malayaketu marched with a large army, in which were Yavanas (Greeks), to revenge his death, but returned without success to his country. It has been supposed that this expedition may have been the same as that of Seleukos.

The Nanda dynasty which was supplanted by the Mauryan in 315 B.C. had succeeded to that of Sisunâga in 370 B.C. Its last member, whom the Greeks call _Xandrames_ and Curtius _Agrammes_, is variously named in native writings _Dhanananda_, _Nanda Mahâpadma_, and _Hiranyagupta_. Xandramas (of which Agrammes seems to be a distorted form) transliterates the Sanskrit _Chandramas_, which means _Moon-god_. A Hindu play—the Mudrâ Râkshasa—produced early in the Mahommedan period refers to the revolution by which Chânakya raised Chandragupta to power, but is of no historical value. Chandragupta was succeeded by his son Vindusâra, who is called by Strabo _Allitrochades_, and by Athênaios (xiv. 67),[419] _Amitrochates_, a form which transliterates the Sanskrit _Amitraghâta_, a title by which he was frequently designated, and which means _enemy-slayer_. He was succeeded by his son Aśôka in 270 B.C.

SELEUKOS NIKATOR, one of Alexander’s great generals who made himself king of Syria, was the son of Antiochos, an officer of high rank in the service of King Philip. Seleukos was distinguished for his great personal strength and courage, and when he accompanied Alexander into Asia held a command in the companion cavalry. He crossed the Hydaspês with Alexander himself, and took an important part in the great battle which followed. At Sousa he was rewarded for his eminent services with the hand of Apama, an Asiatic princess, the daughter of Spitamenes. In the dissensions which broke out after Alexander’s death among his generals, Seleukos sided with Perdikkas and the cavalry against Meleager and the infantry, and was in consequence made Chiliarch of the companions, one of the highest offices, and one which Perdikkas himself had previously held. He accompanied Perdikkas into Egypt, but he there put himself at the head of the mutineers by whom his patron was assassinated. At the second partition of the provinces made at Triparadeisos 321 B.C. he obtained the Babylonian satrapy, and established himself in Babylon. He assisted Antigonos in the war against Eumenes, but afterwards contended against him in alliance with Ptolemy. During an interval when hostilities were suspended between himself and his rivals, Seleukos undertook an expedition into India to regain the conquests of Alexander over which Sandrokottos had established his authority. We do not know how far he advanced into India, but he probably again crossed the Hydaspês, which he had crossed twenty years before along with the great conqueror himself. The result of the expedition was a treaty by which Seleukos ceded to Sandrokottos his Indian provinces and the regions west of the Indus as far as the range of Paropanisos, in exchange for 500 elephants, and a marriage alliance by which the daughter of Seleukos became the bride of the Indian king. Immediately either before or after this expedition, Seleukos in 306 B.C., following the examples of Antigonos and Ptolemy, formally assumed the regal title and diadem. In the battle of Ipsos 301 B.C., where Seleukos, in league with Ptolemy, Lysimachos, and Kassander, fought against Antigonos, the cavalry and elephants which the Syrian king brought into the field were mainly instrumental in securing the victory. The empire of Seleukos then became the most extensive of those which had been formed out of Alexander’s conquests, extending from Phoenicia to Baktria and Sogdiana. After being engaged in other wars, Seleukos crossed the Hellespont with an army with a view to seize the crown of Macedonia, but was assassinated at Lysimachia by Ptolemy Keraunos in the beginning of the year 280 B.C. in the thirty-second year of his reign.

SISIKOTTOS was an Indian who had deserted his countrymen and taken service under Bessos. After the conquest of Baktria he took service under Alexander, who, no doubt, obtained from him much valuable information regarding India and its affairs. After the capture of the rock Aornos, Sisikottos was left in command of the garrison which Alexander established there. He afterwards sent messengers to inform Alexander that the Assakênians had revolted from him.

SITALKES was a leader of Thracian light-armed troops in Alexander’s service. He was left under Parmenion in Media, and on Alexander’s return from India was put to death for misgovernment.

SOLINUS was the author of a compendium of geography extracted mostly from the _Natural History_ of Pliny. He lived about the middle of the third century A.D.

SÔPHEITES or SÔPEITHÊS was, according to Curtius and Diodôros, king of a territory situated to the west of the Hyphasis. According to Arrian his dominions (or those of a king of the same name) lay along the banks of the Hydaspês, and, as we learn from Strabo, embraced the salt range of mountains called _Oromenus_ by Pliny. With regard to the name, Lassen took it to represent the Sanskrit _Aśvapati_, “lord of horses.” M. Sylvain Lévi, however, thinks this a fanciful identification of the two names, erring against Greek and against Sanskrit. He then says: “A drachma of Indian silver coined towards the end of the fourth century B.C. in imitation of Greek money bears the inscription ΣΩΦΥΤΟΥ. The form Sophytes is, then, the only one to be considered. The laws of transcription established by numerous examples give the equivalents: ω = _ô_ or _aw_, φ = _bh_. Sophytes then leads back to Sobûtha or Saubh. The Gana-pâtha knows precisely a country of the name of Saubhûta. Pânini (IV. ii. 67 _sqq._) shows by examples how local names are formed.... The name of Sâmkala, etc., is formed in this way. M. Bhandarkar has already recognised in the city of Sâmkala the famous fortress of Sangala, ... but the Indian _savant_ has not overcome the old prejudice which, regardless of the laws of transcription, identifies Sangala with Śâkala, capital of the Madras (Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ i. 801).... The identification firmly fixed of Sophytes and Saubhûta dissipates henceforward all doubts. Among the names classed in the Gana-pâtha under the rubric Sâmkala, etc., is found _Subhûta_, which gives, in virtue of the rule stated, _Saubhûta_ as the name of a locality. Everything concurs in proving the correctness of our identification.”

SPHINÊS.—_See_ Kalânos.

SPITAKES is supposed to be the same as the Pittakos mentioned by Polyainos. He was slain fighting on the side of Pôros in the battle of the Hydaspês. His territories lay near that river.

SPITAMENES, the most formidable and persistent of all the chiefs who opposed Alexander in the regions of the Oxus and Jaxartes.

STASANÔR, a distinguished officer in Alexander’s army, was a native of Soloi in Cyprus. For services rendered during the Baktrian campaign he was appointed satrap of Areia and afterwards of Drangiana. In the first partition of the provinces after Alexander’s death he was confirmed in his satrapy; but in the partition made at Triparadeisos he received the more important government of Baktria and Sogdiana. He ruled his subjects with justice and moderation. He is not heard of in history after 316 B.C.

STATEIRA or BARSINÊ, the daughter of Darius and wife of Alexander, was murdered after his death by Roxana with the consent of the regent Perdikkas.

STEPHANOS of Byzantium was the author of a geographical lexicon, in which the names of some Indian towns occur. His date is uncertain, but may be referred to the sixth or seventh century of our aera.

STRABO, the great geographer, was a native of Amasea in Pontos. He lived in the reign of Augustus, and during the first five years at least of Tiberius.

SIBYRTIOS was appointed by Alexander on returning from India satrap of Karmania, and afterwards of Arachosia and Gedrosia in succession to Thoas. He was confirmed in his government in accordance with the first and the second partition of the provinces. He incurred the displeasure of Eumenes, and thereby secured the patronage of Antigonos. Megasthenes was his friend, and at one time resided with him.

TAURÔN was an officer in Alexander’s army, who distinguished himself in the battle with Pôros.

TAXILÊS, whose personal name was Omphis, ruled a fertile territory between the Indus and Hydaspês, which had for its capital the great and flourishing city of Taxila. He was at feud with his neighbour, King Pôros, and this probably determined him to send an embassy to Alexander while he was yet in Baktria, in the hopes of forming an alliance with him which would enable him to crush his powerful rival. He waited on Alexander before he had crossed the Indus, and when he reached Taxila entertained him and his army with the most liberal hospitality. After the defeat and submission of Pôros, Alexander effected a reconciliation between the two princes. Taxilês gave all the assistance in his power to help forward the construction and equipment of the fleet by which Alexander intended to convey a portion of his troops down the Hydaspês and the Indus to the ocean. For this service he was rewarded with an accession of territory. After the death of Alexander he was allowed to retain his power, which had been increased after the murder of the satrap Philip. Subsequently to the year 321 B.C. Eudêmos seems to have exercised supreme authority in his province. We know nothing regarding Taxilês after that date. M. Sylvain Lévi shows that the personal name of Taxilês is incorrectly given by Diodôros as _Mophis_ instead of _Omphis_, which is the form in Curtius. He gives the reason thus: “The study of the words transcribed from the Indian languages into Greek proves that the ο corresponds to an _â_ or to an _o_ in Sanskrit, while the φ is the regular transcription of _bh_. Mophis gives therefore a Sanskrit _Mobhi_ or _Mâbhi_; neither the one nor the other is met with in the texts; they are both strangers to the language as well as to the history of India. But _Âmbhi_ presents itself in the Gana-pâtha, a genuine appendix to the _Grammar_ of Pânini.” He then shows that _Âmbhi_ has been obtained from _Ambhas_ in accordance with an established rule, and thus proceeds: “A double conclusion unfolds itself—1st, The dynasty which was reigning at Takśaśilâ at the time of the Greek invasion was a family of Kshatriya descended from Ambhas, and designated by the patronymic Âmbhi; 2nd, The dynasty Âmbhi has disappeared with the Greek rule soon after the death of Alexander. The revolt of India has swept away without doubt these allies of the stranger. Before the end of the fourth century B.C., Chandragupta, founder of the Mauryan dynasty and king of the Prasyas, joined to his dominions the kingdoms of the basin of the Indus. Takśaśilâ became the residence of a Mauryan governor. The part played by the Âmbhi does not appear to have been considerable enough to preserve their memory long; the mention of them in the _Gana-pâtha_ is the only known testimony to their existence. The _Gana-pâtha_, and, at the same time, the _Grammar_ of Pânini, which is inseparable from it, are then _very probably contemporary with the Macedonian invasion_.” He adds as a footnote, “The mention of the Yavanas (Greeks) and of the Yavanâni (Greek writing) excludes the hypothesis of priority” (See _Journal Asiatique_ for 1890, pp. 234-236).

TERIOLTES, called also TYRIASPES, was appointed satrap of the Paropamisadai, but was deposed, or, according to Curtius, put to death for misgovernment. His satrapy Alexander then gave to his father-in-law Oxyartes.

TLEPOLEMOS was appointed satrap of Karmania by Alexander on his return from India.

TYRIASPES.—_See_ Terioltes.

VINDUSÂRA, the son of Sandrokottos.—_See_ Sandrokottos.

XANDRAMES, king of Magadha.—_See_ Sandrokottos.

FOOTNOTES

[1] With the exception of Alexander, all the great conquerors who have crossed the Indus to invade India have sprung from provinces towards Tartary and Northern Persia.

[2] According to Plutarch, seventy Asiatic cities at the least owed their origin to Alexander. Of those, forty can still be traced. Grote thinks the number is probably exaggerated, and disparages their importance.

[3] In saying this, I do not forget that the Graeco-Baktrian kings at one time extended their sway in India even far beyond the parts conquered by Alexander; but this cannot be regarded as having resulted from his invasion. It might have equally happened had his invasion been as mythical as the Indian expeditions of Dionysos and Heraklês. Nor do I by any means overlook the effects produced by Greek ideas on the Indian mind—effects which can be traced in a variety of spheres, such as religion, poetry, philosophy, science, architecture, and the plastic arts. On this subject Professor A. Weber read a very learned paper, entitled “Die Griechen in Indien,” before the Prussian Academy of Sciences in July 1890. It is a paper which well deserves to be translated into our language. Scholars now rather incline to believe that, whatever may be the exact degree of the indebtedness of India to Greece, the ancient civilization of India was much less original and self-contained than it was at one time supposed to be.

[4] Patroklês, who held an important command in the East under Seleukos Nikatôr and his son Antiochos I., stated, in a work (now lost) which included a description of India, that while the army of Alexander took but a very hasty view of everything (in India), Alexander himself took a more exact one, causing the whole country to be described by men well acquainted with it. This description, Patroklês says, was put into his hands by Xenoklês the Treasurer. On this subject Humboldt thus writes: “The Macedonian campaign, which opened so large and beautiful a portion of the earth to the influence of one sole highly-gifted race, may therefore certainly be regarded in the strictest sense of the word as a _scientific_ expedition, and, moreover, as the first in which a conqueror had surrounded himself with men learned in all departments of science, as naturalists, geometricians, historians, philosophers, and artists.”

[5] The editors of _Alexander in India_, however, say that this rhetorician must have flourished early under Claudius, who reigned from A.D. 41 to 54. They add that the Latin of Curtius agrees well with this view, which would place him between Velleius and Petronius.

[6] The author of the _Periplous_ of the Erythraian Sea also conducts Alexander to the Ganges. So too does Lucan—_Pharsalia_, x. 33.

[7] Sainte-Croix and Professor Freeman both express strong doubts of the authenticity of Alexander’s letters quoted by several writers.

[8] In Persian, _Kshatrapa_.

[9] The Macedonian line in this part of the field being broken, some of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap and fought their way to the enemy’s baggage, where a desperate conflict ensued.—_Arrian_, iii. 14.

[10] General Chesney, commenting lately on these numbers, remarks that “numbers without discipline are, after a certain point, worse than useless, the men only get in each others’ way. This was especially the case in the battles of old times fought at close quarters.” “The biographers of Sir Charles Napier,” he continues, “have made a great point of the circumstance that at the battle of Meani the British force of less than 3000 men was opposed by 40,000 of the enemy who fought desperately for several hours. Now, the whole British loss in killed and wounded was under 300, so that, assuming every wound to have been inflicted by a separate sword or bullet, it follows that out of the 40,000 desperate fighters, 39,700 contributed nothing to the fighting.” In another passage he points out that an ancient battle was in some respects a much more formidable thing than a modern one. In the battle of old days the absence of noise, except the words of command, the tramp of men, and the clashing of armour, above all the closeness of one’s adversary, must have been of a kind to try the nerves much more than the rattle of musketry, the crashing of shells, and the thunder of the artillery in a modern battle. What we shall never get back to is hand-to-hand fighting at close quarters. It was this that made a battle so decisive in olden days, and caused the tremendous slaughter that used to be the fate of the beaten side. An ancient battle was really a very short affair. After the marshalling of the troops and the preliminary skirmishing of the cavalry and the archery practice of the light troops, in which a good deal of time would be taken up, the business must have been decided in a very few minutes when once the infantry actually engaged. The fact is that when two bodies of men meet with sword or spear, a prolonged contest is from the nature of the case impossible. In modern warfare when a battle is lost, a large part of the defeated army is already at a distance and gets off unharmed. But there was no escape for the man in armour, and when he turned his back his shield was no defence.

[11] “Against Phoenicians, Egyptians, Babylonians, Alexander had no mission of vengeance; he might rather call on them to help him against the common foe.... If the gods of Attica had been wronged and insulted (by the Persians) so had the gods of Memphis and Babylon”.—Prof. Freeman, _Historical Essays_, ii. pp. 202, 203.

[12] “From this unhappy time all the worst failings of Alexander become more strongly developed.... Impetuosity and self-exaltation now grew upon him till he could bear neither restraint nor opposition.”—Prof. Freeman, _Historical Essays_, ii. p. 206.

[13] The Mêdos is now the _Polvar_ and the Araxês the Bund-Amir.

[14] Kinneir places the Ouxian passes to the north-west of _Bebehan_.

[15] The narrow defile near _Kaleh Safed_ (the white fort), some fifty miles to the north-west of Shiraz.

[16] Curzon thinks that Pasargadai lay to the north-east of Persepolis at a distance of some thirty miles. For a discussion regarding their ruins and the tomb of Cyrus see his great work on Persia just published, vol. ii. pp. 70-92.

[17] The release of these enormous treasure-hoards produced such effects as resulted in recent times from the discoveries of gold in California and Australia. The prices of all commodities were greatly enhanced, and prosperity advanced by leaps and bounds.

[18] Perhaps Damaghan, but its position is very uncertain. According to Apollodoros it was 1260 stadia beyond the Kaspian Gates, but according to Pliny only 133 miles. See Curzon’s _Persia_, i. p. 287.

[19] _Sari_, according to Droysen.

[20] “Edicto vetuit ne quis se praeter Apellem Pingeret, aut alius Lysippo duceret aera Fortis Alexandri vultum simulantia.”—_Horace._

[21] Pausanias, however, says that it was Philadelphos who brought the body to Alexandreia.

[22] See Note L_l_ in Appendix.

[23] This name, transliterates the Sanskrit _Subhagasena_, which was not a personal name but an official title. See Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ II. p. 273.

[24] The Companion Cavalry, called sometimes simply the Companions, were the Royal Horse Guards, a body which at the beginning of the campaign consisted of 1500 men, all scions of the noblest families of Macedonia and Thessaly. In the course of the war their numbers were augmented perhaps to 5000, as Mützell conjectures.

[25] The Parai-tak-ênai possessed part of the mountainous country between the upper courses of the Oxus and the Jaxartes. They were perhaps one in race with the Takkas of India, who had a great and flourishing capital, Taxila (_i.e._ Takkasila, the Rock of the Takkas), situated between the Indus and Upper Hydaspes. The first part of their name _Parai_ represents perhaps the Sanskrit _parvata_, a hill, or _pahâr_ (a hill) of the common dialect. A tribe of the same name occupied a mountainous part of Media (Herod. i. 101), and another is located by Isidoros of Charax between Drangiana and Arachosia. Another form of the name is Paraitakai (Arrian, iii. 19; Strabo, xvi. 736; Stephanos Byz.)

[26] The spring of 327 B.C.

[27] Kaukasos here denotes the lofty mountain range, now called the Central Hindu Kush, which forms the northern frontier of Kâbul. Its native designation was Parapamisos, or, as Ptolemy more correctly transliterates it, Paropanisos. Till Alexander’s time these mountains were altogether unknown to the Greeks. The officers of his army who wrote accounts of his Asiatic expedition sometimes considered them to be a continuation of the Tauros, and sometimes of the Kaukasos. Arrian, who regarded them as an extension of the former range, says that the Macedonian soldiers called them Kaukasos to flatter Alexander, as if, when he had crossed them to enter Baktria, he had carried his victorious arms beyond Kaukasos. The Greeks of those days, it must be observed, had no definite knowledge of the mountains to which that name was properly applicable, but vaguely conceived them to be the loftiest and the remotest to be found in the eastern parts of the world. The pass by which Alexander recrossed the Paropanisos was most probably the Kushan or Ghorbund Pass.

[28] See Note A, Alexandreia under Kaukasos.

[29] The tribes collectively designated Parapamisadai were, according to Ptolemy (who calls them Paropanisadai), the five following:—The Bôlitai, Aristophyloi, Parsioi, Parsyêtai, and Ambautai. They lived along the spurs of the Hindu Kush, chiefly along its southern and eastern sides. They thus occupied the whole of Kabulistân, and part of Afghânistân. The Bôlitai were probably the people of Kâbul, a city which, no doubt, represents that which Ptolemy calls Karoura (Kaboura?) or Ortospana.

[30] The colonies which Alexander planted in the countries he overran were of a military character, designed to secure the permanence, cohesion, and ultimate unification of his conquests. The war-worn soldiers whom he made colonists were condemned to perpetual exile, as may be gathered from the fate which overtook the colonists who of their own accord left Baktra and attempted to return to Greece. They were treated as deserters, and were all put to death.

[31] This is the Kâbul river, called otherwise by the classical writers the _Kôphês_, except by Ptolemy, who calls it the _Kôa_. Its name in Sanskrit is the _Kubhâ_.

[32] See Note B.

[33] Taxilês. His distinctive name, as we learn from Curtius (viii. 14), was Omphis. Diodôros (xvii. 86) less accurately calls him Môphis, and says that Alexander changed his name to Taxiles. This is, however, a mistake, for Taxiles was a territorial title which each sovereign of Taxila assumed on his accession to power. Indian princes are generally designated in the classics by their territorial or dynastic titles. The father of Omphis died about the time Alexander was making his preparations to invade India.

[34] Kleitos had been killed before the army left Baktra, but his brigade continued to bear his name even after his death.

[35] Peukelaôtis designated both a district and its capital city. The name is a transliteration of Pukkalaoti, which is the Pali form of the Sanskrit Pushkalavati, the name by which the ancient capital of Gândhâra was known. General Cunningham has fixed its position at the two large towns of Parang and Chârsada, which form part of Hashtnagar, or _eight cities_, that are seated close together on the eastern bank of the Landaï or lower Swât river. The position thus indicated is nearly seventeen miles to the north-west of Peshâwar. The city was in early times a great emporium of commerce. Ptolemy, who with the author of the Periplûs of the Erythraian sea, calls it Proklaïs, has correctly located it on the eastern bank of the river of Souastênê, _i.e._ the river of Swât. Wilson, however, and Abbott take Pekhely (or Pakholi) in the neighbourhood of Peshâwar to be the modern representative of the old Gândhârian capital (_v._ Cunningham’s _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 49-51).

[36] The route assigned to this division lay along the course of the Kâbul river and through the Khaiber Pass to Peukelaôtis, which was situated where, or near where, Hasht-nagar on the river Landaï now stands.

[37] This name is perhaps a transliteration of the Sanskrit _Sanjaya_, which means _victor_. A Shinwâri tribe called _Sangu_ is found inhabiting a part of the Nangrihar district west of the Khaiber Pass.

[38] The hypaspists, so called because they carried the round shield called _aspis_, while the hoplites carried the oblong shield called _hoplon_, formed a body of about 3000 men at the outset of the war, but were perhaps augmented to double that number during its progress. They were not so heavily armed as the hoplites, and were therefore more rapid in their movements. The foot companions were another distinguished corps of guards. The Agrianians, who made excellent light-armed troops, were a Paionian people whose country adjoined the sources of the river Strymôn.

[39] Aspasioi and Assakênoi. See Note C.

[40] Strabo (xv. 697) states the reasons which led Alexander to select the northern route to the Indus in preference to the southern. “Alexander was informed,” he says, “that the mountainous and northern parts were the most habitable and fertile, but that the southern part was either without water or liable to be overflowed by rivers at one time, or entirely burnt up at another, more fit to be the haunts of wild beasts than the dwellings of men. He resolved therefore to master first that part of India which had been well spoken of, considering at the same time that the rivers which it was necessary to pass, and which flowed transversely through the country which he proposed to attack, would be crossed with more facility towards their sources.” The districts through which he passed are now called Kafiristan, Chittral, Swât, and the Yusufzai country. It is more difficult to trace in this than in any other of his campaigns the course of his movements, and to identify with certainty the various strongholds which he attacked. The country through which he passed is but little known even at the present day, and, as Bunbury remarks, a glance at the labyrinth of mountains and valleys, which occupy the whole space in question in the best modern maps, will sufficiently show how utterly bewildering they must have been to the officers of Alexander, who neither used maps nor the compass, and were incapable of the simplest geographical observations. The time occupied by Alexander in marching from the foot of Kaukasos to the Indus was about a year. Like Napoleon, he kept the field even in winter, though in these parts the cold at that season is intense.

[41] Khôês. This is the first river Alexander would reach after he had left his encampment near the junction of the Panjshîr with the Kôphên, which appears to have been the place where he divided his army. It cannot have been, as Lassen thought, the Kamah or Kunâr, but is rather the stream formed by the junction of the Alishang and the Alinghar, which joins the Kôphên on the left in the neighbourhood of Mandrour above Jalâlâbâd. The Alinghar river, as we learn from Masson, is called also the _Kow_. The Kôa of Ptolemy must not be confounded with the Khôês of the text, for that author in describing the Kôa says that it receives a tributary from the Paropanisadai, and that after being joined by the Souastos (the river of Swât) it falls into the Indus. The Kôa is therefore probably the Kôphên after its reception of the Kamah or Kunâr river.

[42] Euaspla R. This name, which, so far as I know, occurs only in Arrian, has not been satisfactorily explained. It designated, no doubt, the river which Aristotle, Strabo, and Curtius call the Choaspes, and which the best authorities identify with the Kamah or Kunâr, a river which rivals the Kôphên itself in the volume of its waters and the length of its course. It rises at the foot of the plateau of Pamîr, not far from the sources of the Oxus, and joins the Kôphên at some distance below Jalâlâbâd. Strabo says that the Choaspes traverses Bandobênê (Badakshan) and Gandarîtis after having passed near the towns of Plêgêrion and Gorydalê.

[43] The capital of this chief was probably Gorys on the Choaspes.

[44] Arigaion. This place, which was situated to the east of the Choaspes, is perhaps now represented by Naoghi, a village in the province of Bajore. Ritter identified it with Bajore or Bagawar, the capital of this province. The mountains to which the inhabitants fled for refuge may perhaps, as V. de Saint-Martin suggests, be those which Justin (xii. 7) calls Daedali, whereto he says Alexander led his troops after the Bacchanalian revelry with which they had been indulged at Nysa. There is no mention elsewhere of Arigaion, unless it be the “Argacum urbem” of the _Itiner. Alex._ 105. It is taken by Schneider to be the Acadira of Curtius.

[45] The Gouraios is the river Pañjkora, which unites with the river of Swât to form the Landaï, a large affluent of the Kâbul river. It appears under the name of the _Gauri_ in the sixth book of the _Mahâbhârata_, where it is mentioned along with the Suvâstu (the Swât river) and the Kampanâ. It owes its name to the _Ghori_, a great and wide-spread tribe, branches of which are still to be found on the Pañjkora, and also on both sides of the Kâbul River where it is joined by the Landaï. It formed the boundary between the Gouraians and the Assakênians.

[46] Mazaga. See Note D.

[47] Alexander seems to have treated these mercenaries with less than his usual generosity towards brave enemies. Plutarch reprobates his slaughter of them as a foul blot on his military fame. The attack upon the city after it had capitulated on terms admits of no justification.

[48] See Note E.

[49] Abisares. Arrian in a subsequent passage calls this chief King of the Mountaineer Indians. His name shows that he ruled over Abhisâra, that region of mountain-girt valleys, now called Hazâra, which lies between the Indus and the upper Hydaspes. In _Hazâra_ the ancient name of the country seems to be preserved. It has been supposed, but less reasonably, that the district was so called from the great number of its petty chiefs, _hazâra_ being the numeral for _a thousand_ (in Persian). Abisares was a very powerful prince, and it is supposed with reason that Kâshmîr was subject to his sway.

[50] Aornos. See Note F.

[51] “Heraklês,” says Herodotos (ii. 43, 44), “is one of the ancient gods of the Egyptians, and, as they say themselves, it was 17,000 years before the reign of Amasis, when the number of their gods was increased from eight to twelve, of whom Heraklês was accounted one. And being desirous of obtaining certain information from whatever source I could, I sailed to Tyre in Phoenicia, where, as I had been informed, there was a temple dedicated to Heraklês.” The name of the Egyptian Heraklês was Dsona or Chôn, or, according to Pausanias, Makeris, and that of the Tyrian was Melkart. These were more ancient than the Theban Heraklês, the son of Zeus and Alkmênê. The Indian Heraklês, called Dorsanes, who, according to Arrian, was the father of Pandaia, has been identified with Śiva, but also with Balarâma, the eighth avatâr of Vishnu. Diodôros (ii. 39) ascribes to him the building of the walls and of the palace of Palibothra (now Pâtnâ). Arrian in the second book of this work (c. 16) distinguishes the Tyrian Heraklês from the Egyptian and Argive or Theban. The latter, he says, lived about the time of Oidipous, son of Laios.

[52] The Olympic stadium, which was the chief Greek measure for itinerary distances, was equal to 600 Greek feet, 625 Roman feet, and 606 feet 9 inches English. The stadium of this length was the only one in use before the third century of our aera.

[53] The site of Orobatis must be sought for in the district west of Peukelaôtis, through which Hêphaistiôn advanced on his way to the Indus. The position and name of Arabutt, a village in this locality where ruins exist, plainly show its identity with the Orobatis of the text. It is situated on the left bank of the Landaï, and is near Naoshera. It is probably the Oroppa of the Ravenna geographer.

[54] Nikanor was succeeded in this office by Philippos, who was placed in command of the garrison of Peukelaôtis.

[55] Peukelaôtis, as has been stated, stood on the Landaï at a distance of seventeen miles north-west from Peshâwar. Alexander after the fall of Bazira moved westwards toward that river, judging it expedient before attacking the Rock to reduce all the yet unconquered region west of the Indus. He took Peukelaôtis, and then directed his march eastward till he approached the embouchure of the Kôphên, whence turning northwards he advanced up the right bank of the Indus till he reached Embolima, about eight miles distant from Aornos, and as high up the river as an army could go.

[56] Kôphaios, to judge from his name and from what is here stated, must have been the ruler of the valley of the lower Kôphên or Kâbul river. Hence it is unlikely, as some have supposed, that the dominions of Taxilês lay partly in the country west of the Indus. I find nothing anywhere in the classical writers lending countenance to such a supposition. The name of Assagetes is probably a transliteration into Greek of the Sanskrit _Aśvajit_, “gaining horses by conquest.”

[57] Ritter taking Embolima to be a word of Greek origin, equivalent in meaning to ἐκβολή, “the mouth of a river,” thought that this place lay opposite to Attak, in the angle of land where the Kôphên discharges into the Indus, and was thus led to identify Aornos with the hill in that locality on which the fort of Raja Hodi stands. Embolima appears, however, to be rather a combination of two native names, Amb and Balimah. Amb is the name of a fort, now in ruins, from which runs the ordinary path up to the summit of Mahâban. It crowns a position of remarkable strength, which faces Derbend, a small town on the opposite side of the Indus. Not far westward from this fort, and on the same spur of the Mahâban, there is another fort also in ruins, which preserves to this day in the tradition of the inhabitants the name of Balimah. It is in accordance with Indian custom thus to combine into one the names of two neighbouring places.

[58] See Note F, Aornos.

[59] “All this account,” says Abbott, who takes Aornos to be Mount Mahâban, “will answer well for the Mahâban, which is a mountain-table about five miles in length at summit, scarped on the east by tremendous precipices from which descends one large spur down upon the Indus between Sitana and Amb. The mountain spur being comparatively easy of ascent would not probably be contested by the natives, who would concentrate their power to oppose the Macedonians as they climbed the precipitous fall of the main summit. The great extent of the mountain, covered as it is with pine forest, would enable Ptolemy, under the guidance of natives, to gain any distant point of the summit without observation.”

[60] His name seems a transliteration of _Śaśigupta_, “protected by the moon.”

[61] That is the eastern part of their country. He had already reduced the western and the capital Massaga.

[62] On descending the Mahâban by its northern or western spurs, Alexander would have found himself in the valleys of Chumla and Buner. The fugitives from the rock would no doubt flee for shelter to these valleys or the mountains by which they were enclosed. Dyrta probably lay to the north of Mahâban, near the point where the Indus issues from the mountains. Court’s opinion that Dyrta was a place so far remote from the rock as Dir, which lies beyond the Pañjkora river, seems altogether improbable. Yet it is adopted by Lassen, though the regions in which Dir is situated had already been subdued.

[63] “This road,” says Abbott, “was probably the path leading amongst precipices above and along the torrent of the Burindu, a river which, after watering the valleys of Buner and Chumla, flows into the Indus above Amb. The path even now is very difficult. This would have brought Alexander back to Amb.” On this route probably lay the pass which the chief called Eryx by Curtius and Aphrikes by Diodôros attempted, but unsuccessfully, to defend against Alexander. The river Burindu above mentioned may be identified with the _Parenos_ of the Greek writers.

[64] In doing so they had of course to cross over to the left bank of the Indus.

[65] Arrian in his _Indika_ (c. 14) has described the mode of elephant hunting practised by the Indians. It is still in vogue.

[66] Abbott points out that at Amb large quantities of drift timber are yearly arrested at an eddy near Derbend. It is probable, he thinks, that the pine forest in those days descended lower down the river than it does at present. At one time forests of fine sisoo, mulberry, and willow timber grew along both banks of the Indus at that part of its course.

[67] The bridge in all probability spanned the Indus near Attak, which stands on a steep and lofty part of the left bank about two miles below the junction of the Kâbul and Indus. The width of the latter river at the fortress of Attak is, according to Lieutenant Wood who measured it, 286 yards. A little lower down where the channel is usually spanned by a bridge of boats it varies, as stated by Vigne, from 80 to 120 yards. According to Cunningham, the bridge was made higher up the river, at Ohind. From Alexander’s campaign north of the Kâbul river, General Chesney (in a lecture at Simla) hints that a _moral_ may be drawn:—“We have been accustomed,” he says, “to consider the country north of the Kâbul river as virtually impregnable. The march of Alexander’s army is a practical proof to the contrary, and although he was not burdened with artillery, and had apparently only mule transport, yet the Greek soldiers all marched in heavy armour, which must have added greatly to the difficulties of warfare among those mountains. There is an obvious moral to be drawn by us from these incidents.”

[68] See Note G, Nysa.

[69] Mount Tmôlos, as we learn from Virgil, Ovid, and Pliny, was famous for its vines. It was therefore considered to be a favourite haunt of the wine-god.

[70] As the Greek φ represents the _bh_ of Sanskrit, his name would be _Akubhi_.

[71] Ivy abounds, however, in Hazâra as well as in some other parts of India.

[72] His other names were Bacchos, Iacchos, Lyaios, Lênaios, Evios, Bromios, and among the Romans Liber also.

[73] Arrian writes to the same effect in his _Indika_, c. 5: “When the Greeks noticed a cave in the dominions of the Paropamisadai, they asserted that it was the cave of Promêtheus the Titan, in which he had been suspended for stealing the fire.” At the distance of thirty-four miles from Birikot, a place near the river Swât, is Daityapûr, now called Daiti-Kalli, said to have been built by one of the Daityas, _i.e._ _enemies of the gods_, such as were the Titans of the Greeks. In the hill adjacent is a vast cavern which, as Abbott has suggested, the companions of Alexander may have taken to be the cave frequented by the eagle which preyed upon the vitals of Prometheus the Titan. At Bamiân, which lies on one of the routes from Kâbul to Baktria, there are some very notable caves, one of which, some think, must have been that which the Greeks took to be the cave of Promêtheus. But Alexander does not appear to have selected the Bamiân route either in crossing or recrossing the Kaukasos. The mountains of the real Kaukasos were the loftiest known to the Greeks before Alexander’s time, and hence to have crossed them was regarded as a transcendent achievement.

[74] Arrian, like other ancient writers, supposed that the Indus had its sources in those mountains from which it emerges into the plains some sixty miles above Attak. It is now known that it rises in Tibet on a lofty Himalayan peak, Mount Kailâsa, famous in Hindu fable as the residence of Śiva and the Paradise of Kuvera, and that before it issues into the plains it has nearly run the half of its course of about 1800 miles. The number of its mouths has varied from time to time. Ptolemy, the geographer, gives it seven.

[75] Pâtâla in Sanskrit mythology denotes _the underworld_—the abode of snakes and demons—to which the sun at the close of day seems to descend. It was, therefore, Ritter says, the name applied by the Brahmans to all the provinces in India that lay towards sunset. Cunningham, however, suggests that Pâtali, a Sanskrit word meaning _the trumpet-flower_ (_bignonia suaveolens_) may have given its name to the Delta “in allusion,” he says, “to the ‘trumpet’ shape of the province included between the eastern and western branches of the mouth of the Indus, as the two branches as they approach the sea curve outwards like the mouth of a trumpet.” But could the idea of such a resemblance have occurred to the minds of the Indians unless maps were in use among them? For a better etymology see Note U. It has been conclusively proved that Haidarâbâd is the modern representative of the ancient Pâtâla.

[76] The Indus after receiving the united streams of the great Panjâb rivers is increased in breadth from 600 to 2000 feet. Its breadth is therefore grossly exaggerated here unless the extent to which its inundations spread beyond its banks enters into the account.

[77] See Note H.

[78] The Afghans and Rajputs are still noted for their great stature.

[79] The Greek geographers derived the name of the Aethiopians from αἴθω, _I burn_, and ὦψ, _the visage_, and applied it to all the sun-burnt, dark-complexioned races south of Egypt. As the Aethiopic language is, however, purely Semitic, the name, if indigenous, must also be Semitic, since, as Salt states, the Abyssinians to this day call themselves Itiopjawan. Herodotus (vii. 70) speaks of Asiatic Aethiopians. These served in the army which Darius led into Greece, and were marshalled with the Indians, and did not at all differ from the others in appearance, but only in their language and in their hair, which was straight, while that of the Aethiopians of Libya (Africa) was woolly.

[80] The Persians were originally the inhabitants of that poor and insignificant province called Persis, which was included between the Persian Gulf in the south and Mêdia in the north, and which stretched eastward from Susiana (Elam) to the deserts of Karmania. The great empire won by their arms, extended from the Mediterranean to the Jaxartes and Indus. Xenophon says that the Persians in early times led a life of penury and hard toil, as they inhabited a rugged country which they cultivated with their own hands (_Kyrop._ vii. 5, 67).

[81] Cyrus is said to have perished in this expedition against the Skythians, who lived beyond the Jaxartes, and were led by Queen Tomyris. The account of this expedition, given by Herodotos in the closing chapters of his first book, is examined at length by Duncker in the sixth volume of his _History of Antiquity_, pp. 112-124. Xenophon represents Cyrus as dying in peace at an advanced age.

[82] Called the _Indika_, written in the Ionic dialect, and based chiefly on the works (now lost) of Megasthenes and Nearchos.

[83] The Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf, in contrast to the interior sea or Mediterranean.

[84] By the Indian Ocean (called immediately afterwards the Great Sea) is meant here the Bay of Bengal and the ocean beyond, then unknown, which extended to the shores of China. By the Kaukasos, which extended to this eastern ocean, is meant the vast Himâlayan range.

[85] Regarding the Maiôtic Lake, now generally called the Sea of Azof, the ancients entertained very hazy and inaccurate notions. They supposed it to be situated in the remotest regions of the earth (Aisch. _Prom._ 427), and to be almost equal in size to the Euxine (Herod, iv. 86). Arrian, who might have known better, seems here to have adopted the crude notion current in Alexander’s time that the Jaxartes (which they confounded with the Tanais or Don) entered by one arm the Hyrkanian or Kaspian Sea, and by another the Maiôtic Lake. The Kaspian itself was taken to be a gulf of the Great Eastern Ocean. Herodotos, however, is guiltless of this geographical heresy.

[86] This does not mean that Megasthenes was sent on frequent embassies to Sandrakottos, but that during his embassy he had frequent interviews with him. The former interpretation, however, finds its advocates.

[87] See Herodotos, ii. 5. Diodôros applies to Lower Egypt the epithet ποταμόχωστος, _i.e._ _deposited by the river_.

[88] See _Odyssey_, iv. 477, 581.

[89] Modern science confirms this theory. Thus Sir W. Hunter in his _Brief History of the Indian People_, says: “In order to understand the Indian plains we must have a clear idea of the part played by these great rivers; for the rivers first create the land, then fertilize it, and finally distribute its produce. The plains were in many parts upheaved by volcanic action, or deposited in an aqueous aera long before man appeared on the earth.”

[90] Arrian has named these in his _Indika_, c. 4.

[91] See Herod, vii. 33-36; iv. 83, 97, 133-141.

[92] Diodôros says the passage was made by a bridge of boats.

[93] There is a Rhenos in Italy—the Reno, a tributary of the Po, from which the great Rhine is distinguished as the Keltic. The famous bridge made by Caesar over the latter river is described in his _De Bello Gallico_, iv. 17.

[94] See Note I, Taxila.

[95] We learn from Curtius that Alexander, before taking hostile action against Pôros, demanded from him through an envoy called Cleochares that he should pay tribute and come to meet him on the frontiers of his dominions. To this Pôros replied that in compliance with the second request he would meet Alexander at the place appointed, but would attend in arms. Alexander was perhaps justified by the laws of war in exacting submission from the tribes west of the Indus, since these had been subject to Darius, whom he had overthrown, and to whose rights he had succeeded, but the tribes of the Panjâb, those at least that lay to the east of the Hydaspês, had never, so far as is known, been under Persian domination, and hence his invasion, according to modern ideas, was altogether indefensible. He could, however, justify himself on the ground of the principles held by the Greeks of his day, who considered that their superiority in wisdom and virtue to the rest of mankind gave them a natural right to attack, plunder, and enslave all barbarians except such only as were protected by a special treaty. Such a view, repugnant as it seems to every principle of justice, was held nevertheless by Aristotle, who no doubt impressed it on the mind of his illustrious pupil. Hence Alexander, in attacking Pôros, was not conscious, like Caesar, when he invaded Britain, of perpetrating an unwarrantable aggression for which some kind of an excuse had to be trumped up.

[96] The Hydaspês, now the Jhîlam, is called by the natives of Kâśmîr, where it rises, the Bedasta, which is but a slightly altered form of its Sanskrit name, the Vitastâ, which means “wide-spread.” In Ptolemy’s geography it appears as the Bidaspês—a form nearer the original than _Hydaspês_. It is mentioned in one of the hymns of the Rig-Veda, along with other great Indian rivers: “Receive favourably this my hymn, O Gangâ, Yamunâ, Sarasvatî, Śutudrî, Parashni; hear O Marudvridhâ, with the Asiknî and _Vitastâ_, and thou Arjîkîyâ with the Sushômâ.” In advancing from the Indus at Attak to the Hydaspês, Alexander followed the Râjapatha, that is, the _king’s highway_, called by Megasthenes the ὁδὸς βασιληίη. It is the route which has been taken by all foreign conquerors who have penetrated into India by the valley of the Kôphês. Elphinstone, who followed this route in returning from Kâbul, describes it thus: “The whole of our journey across the track between the Indus and Hydaspês was about 160 miles; for which space the country is among the strongest I have ever seen. The difficulty of our passage across it was increased by heavy rain. While in the hilly country our road sometimes lay through the beds of torrents” (_Mission to Kâbul_, p. 78). In another passage (p. 80) he says: “I was greatly struck with the difference between the banks of this river; the left bank had all the characteristics of the plains of India. The right bank, on the contrary, was formed by the end of the range of the Salt Hills, and had an air of extreme ruggedness and wildness that must inspire a fearful presentiment of the country he was entering into the mind of a traveller from the East.” General Chesney, in the lecture already cited, thus remarks on the advance of Alexander to the Hydaspês: “What is remarkable about this part of the advance is that it was not made direct on Jhelum, as would appear natural. True, that line is over what would be a very difficult country, as any traveller by the existing road knows. Still it would be the easiest line; nevertheless it appears certain that Alexander took a more southerly line, and threading his way through the intricate ravines of the upper part of the Salt range, and leaving Tilla and Rhotas on his left, penetrated that range by the gorge through which runs the Bhundar river, and struck the river Jhelum at Jalâlpûr, about thirty miles below Jhelum.”

[97] See Note I, Site of Alexander’s camp on the Hydaspês.

[98] The Greeks, for the first time, saw elephants used in war at the battle of Arbela.

[99] Arrian, in the nineteenth chapter of this book, states that the battle with Pôros was fought in the Archonship of Hêgemôn at Athens, in the month of Mounychiôn, _i.e._ between the 18th of April and 18th of May, 326 B.C. Here, however, according to the reading of all the MSS., he makes the battle take place _after_ the solstice of June 21st, μετὰ τροπάς. Editors remove the difficulty by substituting κατά for μετά, and I have translated accordingly. As the rainy season, however, does not set in till near the end of June, and it had set in, as Strabo informs us, during the march to the Hydaspês, the later date has probability in its favour.

[100] Enyalios, an epithet of the war-god.

[101] Curtius mentions that near the bluff there was a deep hollow or ravine which sufficed to screen both the infantry and the cavalry, and on this Cunningham remarks: “There is a ravine to the north of Jalâlpûr which exactly suits the descriptions of the historians. This ravine is the bed of the Kandar Nala, which has a course of six miles from its source down to Jalâlpûr, where it is lost in a waste of sand. Up this ravine there has always been a passable, but difficult road towards Jhelum. From the head of the Kandar this road proceeds for three miles in a northerly direction down another ravine called the Kasi, which then turns suddenly to the east for six and a half miles, and then again one and a half mile to the south, where it joins the river Jhelum immediately below Dilâwar, the whole distance from Jalâlpûr being exactly seventeen miles.” These seventeen miles are about the equivalent of the 150 stadia given by Arrian as the distance from the great camp to the bluff.

[102] “Arrian,” says Cunningham, “records that Alexander placed running sentries along the bank of the river at such distances that they could see each other and communicate his orders. Now, I believe that this operation could not be carried out in the face of an observant enemy along any part of the river bank, excepting only that one part which lies between Jalâlpûr and Dilâwar. In all other parts the west bank is open and exposed, but in this part alone the wooded and rocky hills slope down to the river and offer sufficient cover for the concealment of single sentries.”—_Geog. of Anc. India_, pp. 170, 171.

[103] With Alexander’s passage of the Hydaspês may be compared Hannibal’s passage of the Rhone made upwards of a century later. The Carthaginian general, whose education included a knowledge of Greek, was no doubt familiar with the history of Alexander’s wars, and from knowing how the Hydaspês was crossed may have laid his plans for crossing the Rhone. _v._ Livy, xxi. 26-28; Polyb. iii. 45, 46.

[104] Here, or in the immediate neighbourhood, was fought, in 1849, the battle of Chilianwála. On this occasion the inferiority of the British commander as a strategist to Alexander was signally manifested.

[105] The left wing of the Indian army was flanked by the river.

[106] This passage, as interpreted by Droysen, Thirlwall, and indeed as generally understood, intimates that Alexander ordered Koinos to station himself opposite _the enemy’s_ right, and not on the _Macedonian_ extreme right. Thus Moberly, who holds the general view, remarks (_Alexander in the Punjaub_, p. 61):—“Coenus was ordered to station himself opposite the enemy’s right; then, in case of Porus withdrawing all his cavalry from the right, in order to meet Alexander’s attack on the left, Coenus was to pass from one wing to the other, apparently in front of the Macedonian line, and to attack the Indian cavalry in the rear as soon as, in advancing to meet Alexander, they had got some little distance from their supports.... Distance can be got over quickly by cavalry.” Köchly and Rüstow, however, in their _History of the Greek Military System_, advocate a different view. “Alexander,” they say, “must have sent Koinos to the extreme right wing with the order, that if the cavalry broke from the line against himself (Alexander) he was to fall upon their rear. Had he been detached to oppose the right wing of Pôros he would have been too far off to support Alexander’s front attack by an attack on the enemy’s rear.” This seems the preferable view.

[107] “To meet the double assault (of Alexander and Coenus) they resorted to one of those changes of front in which Indian cavalry are often so surprisingly rapid—facing partly to the front and partly to the rear. Yet Alexander was beforehand with them; and his renewed charge threw them into utter confusion before they could fully assume their new formation. Flying along the front of their own infantry, they took refuge in the spaces left between every two elephants, and (as it would seem in the absence, from Arrian’s account, of the full details) passed as soon as possible through the intervals of the foot regiments, so as to be for the moment quite outside the battle. As soon as they were out of the way the Indian elephants were sent on, supported by the infantry, but were at once met face to face by the Macedonian phalanx.”—_v._ Moberly’s _Alexander in the Punjaub_, Introd. p. 12.

[108] Diodôros gives the number of Indians killed at upwards of 12,000, and of the captured at more than 9000, besides 80 elephants.

[109] The Spitakês here mentioned as one of the slain is probably the same as Pittacus, who is recorded by Polyainos to have had an encounter with Alexander during the march of the latter from Taxila to the Hydaspês, as Droysen and Thirlwall agree in thinking.

[110] The hiatus is supposed to have contained the number of officers killed.

[111] This death-roll evidently greatly under-estimates the loss on Alexander’s side. Diodôros says that there fell of the Macedonians 280 cavalry and more than 700 infantry.

[112] Pôros was the first sovereign that Alexander had captured on the field of battle. Curtius and Diodôros relate somewhat differently from Arrian the story of his capture, representing him to have been protected to the last by his faithful elephant.

[113] See Note R, Battle with Pôros.

[114] Diodôros says the battle occurred while Chremes was archon at Athens.

[115] Nikaia most probably occupied the site of the modern town of Mong, near the left bank. Nothing is known of its history. With respect to its sister city Boukephala, the ancient writers are not in agreement. Plutarch places it on the left or eastern bank of the Hydaspês, for he says that Boukephalas was killed in the battle, and that the city was built where he fell and was buried. According, however, to Strabo, Arrian, and Diodôros, it stood on the west bank; but while Strabo places it at the point where the troops embarked, Arrian places it farther down the stream on the site of the great camp at Jalâlpûr. It became a great emporium of commerce, as we find from the _Periplûs of the Erythraian Sea_, c. 47. In the Peutinger Tables it is called _Alexandria Bucefalos_.

[116] “Schmieder says that Alexander could not have broken in the horse before he was sixteen years old. But since at this time he was in his twenty-ninth year he would have had him thirteen years. Consequently the horse must have been at least seventeen years old when he acquired him. Can any one believe this? Yet Plutarch also states that the horse was thirty years old at his death.”—Chinnock’s _Anabasis of Alexander_, p. 296, note 4.

[117] This incident is referred by Plutarch to Hyrkania, and by Curtius to the land of the Mardians. The Ouxioi lived on the borders of Persis, between that province and Sousiana.

[118] Alexander, according to Diodôros, halted to recruit his army for thirty days in the dominions of Pôros. He then advanced northwards with a part of his army to the fertile and populous regions that lay in the south of Kâśmîr (the Bhimber and Bajaur districts) between the upper courses of the Hydaspês and the Akesinês and Chenâb. The name of the inhabitants, _Glausai_ or _Glaukanîkoi_, has been identified by V. de Saint-Martin with that of the Kalaka, a tribe mentioned in the _Varâha Sanhita_, a work of the sixth century of our aera. In the _Mahâbhârata_ the name is written _Kalaja_, and in the Rajput Chronicles _Kalacha_, a form which justifies the Greek _Glausai_. The second part of the longer name, _anîka_, means a troop or army in Sanskrit.—_v._ Saint-Martin’s _Etude_, pp. 102, 103.

[119] Conf. Strabo, XV. i. 3. “Other writers affirm that the Macedonians conquered nine nations situated between the Hydaspês and the Hypanis (Beas), and obtained possession of 500 cities, not one of which was less than Kos Meropis, and that Alexander, after having conquered all this country, delivered it up to Pôros.”

[120] This was a second embassy. An earlier is mentioned in Chapter VIII. of this book.

[121] Strabo (XV. i. p. 699) says this Pôros was a nephew of the Pôros whom Alexander had defeated, and that his country was called Gandaris. The Gandarai were a widely extended people, occupying a district stretching from the upper part of the Panjâb to the west of the Indus as far as Qandahar. They are the Gandhâra of Sanskrit.

[122] The Akesinês, now the Chenâb, is called in the Vedic Hymns the _Asikni_, _i.e._ “dark-coloured.” It was called also, and more commonly, Chandrabhâgâ, which, being transliterated into Greek, becomes Sandrophagos. This word suggested to the soldiers of Alexander another of bad omen, _Ale-xandrophagos_, which means _devourer of Alexander_, and hence they adopted its other name, perhaps on account of the disaster which befell the Macedonian fleet at the turbulent junction of this river with the Hydaspês. In Ptolemy’s _Geography_ it is called Sandabala by an obvious error for Sandabaga. The Akesinês, though joined by the other great Panjâb rivers, retained its name until it fell into the Indus.

[123] The Hydraôtês is called by Strabo (XV. i. 21) the Hyarôtis, and in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ the Adris or Rhouadis. It is now the _Râvî_, which is an abridged form of its Sanskrit name, the Airâvatî. It passes the city of Lahore, and joins the Chenâb about 30 miles _above_ Multân. In former times, however, the junction occurred 15 miles _below_ that city. In Ptolemy’s _Geography_ the Rhouadis is erroneously made to join the Hydaspês, or, as Ptolemy calls it, the Bidaspês. Arrian in his _Indika_ (c. 4) describes the Hydraôtês as rising in the country of the Kambistholoi, and after receiving the Hyphasis among the Astrybai, and the Saranges from the Kêkeans (the Sekaya of Sanskrit), and the Neudros from the Attakênoi, falling into the Akesinês. The Hyphasis does not, however, join the Hydraôtês.

[124] _v._ Note L, Kathaians.

[125] The expression _independent_ shows that the Greeks were cognisant of the Indian village system. Each of its rural units they took to be an independent republic.

[126] _v._ Note M, Sangala.

[127] The Adraïstai appear to be the people called in the _Periplûs of the Erythraean Sea_, the Aratrioi. Lassen identifies them with the Aratta of the _Mahâbhârata_. Diodôros calls them the Adrêstai, and Orosius in his _History_ (iii. 19) the Adrestae. Their capital, Pimprama, has not as yet been identified with certainty, but V. de Saint-Martin suggests that it may be represented by _Bhéranah_, a place eight leagues distant from Lahore towards the south-east. The same author thinks that the _Adrastae_ are very probably the _Aïrâvatâ_ or _Raïvâtaka_ of Sanskrit.

[128] Chinnock notes that Caesar’s troops were assailed in a similar manner by the Helvetians.—_v._ Caesar’s _De Bello Gallico_, i. 26.

[129] Curtius gives the loss of the Kathaians at 8000 killed. Arrian’s numbers here seem to be greatly exaggerated.

[130] The Hyphasis, now the Beäs or Beias, is variously called by the classical writers the Bibasis, the Hypasis, and the Hypanis. Its Sanskrit name is the _Vipâsâ_, which means “uncorded,” and it is said to have been so called because it _destroyed the cord_ with which one of the Indian sages intended to hang himself. It joins the Satlej (not the Hydraôtês, as Arrian says in his _Indika_) and the united stream is called in Sanskrit the Śatadru, _i.e._ “flowing in a hundred channels.” It marked the limit of Alexander’s advance eastward. In his time it flowed in a different channel, one by which it reached the Chenâb about 40 miles above Uchh. Curtius and Diodôros inform us that Alexander before reaching this river had entered the dominions of King Sôphites, who submitted without resistance, and was therefore left in possession of his sovereignty. Another chief (called Phêgeus by Diodôros, but more correctly Phegelas by Curtius), whose dominions adjoined the Hyphasis, entertained Alexander and his army for two days. By this time he had been rejoined by Hêphaistiôn, who had been conducting operations elsewhere, and he then proceeded to the bank of the river. The country beyond it Arrian represents as exceedingly fertile, whereas in Curtius and Diodôros we read how Alexander was informed that a desert lay beyond it which would occupy a journey of eleven days. Arrian’s statement holds true of the northern districts beyond the river, and the other statement of the southern districts. Thirlwall, following the latter statement, takes it that Alexander reached the Satlej after it had received the Hyphasis, but this is a very questionable view.

[131] The name of Ion, the eponymous ancestor of the Ionians, had originally the digamma, and hence was written as Ivon. The Hebrew transcription of this digammated form is _Javan_, the name by which _Greece_ is designated in the Bible. The Sanskrit transcription is _Yavana_, the name applied in Indian works to Ionians or Greeks and foreigners generally.

[132] The Tanais is properly the Don, but Alexander meant by it the Jaxartes, which formed the eastern boundary of the Persian empire, and which he had crossed to attack the nomadic Skythians, who had made threatening demonstrations against him on the right or northern bank (_v._ the 16th and 17th chapters of the fourth book).

[133] It was a prevalent belief in antiquity that the Kaspian or Hyrkanian Sea was a gulf of the great ocean which encircles the earth, and not an inland sea.

[134] Arrian (vii. 1) says: “When Alexander reached Pasargadai and Persepolis he conceived an ardent desire to sail down the Euphrates and Tigres to the Persian sea, and survey their mouths.... Some writers have stated that he had in contemplation a voyage round the greater portion of Arabia, the land of the Aethiopians, Lybia, and Numidia beyond Mount Atlas to Gadeira (Cadiz) inward into the Mediterranean.” One of the writers referred to is Plutarch, who says (_Alexander_, c. 68): “Nearchos joined him (Alexander) here (at the capital of Gedrosia), and he was so much delighted with the account of his voyage that he formed a design to sail in person from the Euphrates with a great fleet, circle the coast of Arabia and Africa, and enter the Mediterranean by the Pillars of Hercules.” Herodotos (iv. 42) says that Nekô, king of the Egyptians, sent certain Phoenicians in ships with orders to sail back through the Pillars of Hercules into the Northern Sea (the Mediterranean that is), and so to return to Egypt. The pillars designated the twin rocks which guard the entrance to the Mediterranean at the eastern extremity of the Straits of Gibraltar, the one on the European side being called _Kalpê_, and that on the African side, where now stands the citadel of Ceuta, _Abila_ or _Abyla_. _v._ Pliny (iii. prooem.): “Proximis autem faucibus utrimque impositi montes coercent claustra, Abyla Africae, Europae Calpe, laborum Herculis metae, quam ob causam indigenae columnas ejus dei vocant.”

[135] Arrian (iii. 30) informs us that in the opinion of some the Nile formed the boundary of Asia, but he writes here as if Lybia or Northern Africa were part of Asia.

[136] The Macedonian kings claimed to be descended from Heraklês, who resided for some time at Tiryns, one of the most ancient cities in Greece, situated near Argos, and, like Argos, famous for its Cyclopean walls.

[137] “Alexander,” says Arrian (iii. 19), “on reaching Ekbatana, sent back to the sea the Thessalian cavalry and the other Grecian allies, paying them the full amount of the stipulated hire, and giving them besides a donative of 2000 talents.” Was Baktra a slip of memory on the part of Koinos?

[138] The drenching rains to which the Macedonian soldiers were continually exposed during their march from Taxila to the Hyphasis must have had a considerable effect in exhausting their strength and depressing their spirits.

[139] Karchêdon is Carthage. The name is said to be a corruption of _Kereth-Hadeshoth_ or _Carth-hadtha_, _i.e._ “new city,” in contra-distinction to Utica, which either signifies in Phoenician “old city,” or is derived, as Olshausen thinks, from a root signifying “a colony.”

[140] See Note N, Alexander’s altars on the Hyphasis.

[141] “This city,” says Lassen, “lay probably where Wazirâbâd now stands. Here the great road to the Hydaspês parts into two, one leading to Jalâlpûr, and the other to Jhelam. It is the sixth of the Alexandreias mentioned in Stephanos Byz.” _v. Ind. Alt._ ii. 165, n. The Chenab here has a width of about a mile and a half.

[142] Arsakês, to judge from his name and what is here said of him, was probably the king of Uraśa. This district, the Arsa of Ptolemy, the W-la-shi of Hwen Thsiang, and now Rash in Dantâwar, included all the hill country between the Indus and Kaśmîr as far south as Attak.

[143] _v._ Strabo (XV. i. 29). Between the Hydaspês and Akesinês ... is the forest in the neighbourhood of the Emodoi mountains, in which Alexander cut down a large quantity of fir, pine, cedar, and a variety of other trees fit for shipbuilding, and brought the timber down the Hydaspês. With this he constructed a fleet on the Hydaspês near the cities which he built on each side of the river where he had crossed it and conquered Pôros. “The timber,” says Sir A. Burnes, “of which the boats of the Panjâb are constructed is chiefly floated down _by the Hydaspês_ from the Indian Caucasus, which most satisfactorily explains the selection of its banks by Alexander in preference to the other rivers.” Bunbury, citing this passage, adds: “The navigation of the Indus itself for a considerable part of its course below Attock is so dangerous on account of rapids as to render it wholly unsuitable for the descent of a flotilla such as that of Alexander.”

[144] This is the _nelumbum speciosum_, or Cyathus Smithii, the sacred Egyptian or Pythagorean bean. The use of its fruit was forbidden to the Egyptian priests (_v._ Herod. ii. 37).

[145] “It is remarkable to see how in this respect the geographical information of the Greeks seems to have retrograded since the time of Herodotus. No allusion is found to the voyage of Scylax related by that historian, while the just conclusions derived from it by Herodotus had fallen into the same oblivion. But absurd as was this identification (of the Indus with the Nile), the general resemblance between these rivers, which are constantly brought into comparison by the Greek geographers (Strabo, XV. p. 692, etc.), is certainly such as to justify their observations. The resemblance of the lower valley of the Indus from the time it has received the waters of the Panjab with Egypt is dwelt upon by modern travellers. One description (says Mr. Elphinstone) might serve for both. A smooth and fertile plain is bounded on one side by mountains, and on the other by a desert. It is divided by a large river, which forms a Delta as it approaches the sea, and annually inundates and enriches the country near its banks. The climate of both is hot and dry, and rain is of rare occurrence in either country.”—_v._ Bunbury’s _Hist. of Anc. Geo._ p. 510.

[146] Arrian in the 19th chapter of the _Indika_ states that the number of men conveyed in the fleet was 8000, and that the whole strength of his army was 120,000 soldiers, including those whom he brought from the shores of the Mediterranean, as well as recruits drawn from various barbarous tribes armed in their own fashion. In the preceding chapter he gives a list of the great officers whom Alexander appointed to be in temporary command of the triremes. Of these, thirty-three in number, twenty-four were Macedonians, eight were Greeks, and one a Persian. Seleukos is the only officer of note whose name does not appear in this list.

[147] Diodôros and Curtius, as has been pointed out (in Note M), place the dominions of Sôpeithês between the upper Hydraôtês and the Hyphasis, but here we find them transferred to a more western position. Strabo was unable to decide where they lay. “Some writers (he says) place Kathaia and the country of Sôpeithês, one of the monarchs, in the tract between the rivers (Hydaspês and Akesinês); some on the other side of the Akesinês and of the Hyarotis, on the confines of the territory of the other Pôros, the nephew of Pôros who was taken prisoner by Alexander, and call the country subject to him Gandaris.... It is said that in the territory of Sôpeithês there is a mountain composed of fossil salt sufficient for the whole of India. Valuable mines, also, both of gold and silver, are situated, it is said, not far off among other mountains, according to the testimony of Gorgos the miner.” Strabo then describes (as do also Diodôros and Curtius) the fight between a lion and four dogs which Sôpeithês exhibited to Alexander. To account for the discrepancy in these statements one is almost tempted to believe that as there were two princes of the name of Pôros, each ruling dominions of his own, so there were also two chiefs of the name of Sôpeithês or (as Curtius more correctly transcribes it) Sôphytês. General Cunningham would identify _Gandaris_ with the present district of _Gundulbâr_ or _Gundurbâr_, and fixes the capital of Sôphytês on the western bank of the Hydaspês at _Old Bhira_, a place near Ahmedabad, with a very extensive mound of ruins, and distant from Nikaia (now Mong) three days by water. His rule must have extended westward to the Indus, since the mountain of rock-salt which Strabo includes in his territory can only refer to the salt range (the Mount Oromenus of Pliny, xxxi. 39) which extends from the Indus to the Hydaspês. The transcription of the name _Sôphytês_ will be found discussed elsewhere.

[148] Arrian in his _Indika_, where he apparently follows Nearchos instead of Ptolemy as here, gives the whole number of ships at only 800, including both ships of war and transports. Schmieder and some other editors would correct this to 1800, but it seems more probable, Bunbury thinks, that the basis of the two calculations was different. Ptolemy, he says, distinctly includes the ordinary river boats which would doubtless have been collected in large numbers to assist in transporting so great an army and its supplies; while the terms of Nearchos would seem to imply only ships of war or regular transports. Krüger would correct the 2000 of the text to 1000, which is the number of the vessels as given by Diodôros and Curtius. The fleet began the downward voyage at the end of October 326 B.C.

[149] Alexander deduced his pedigree from Ammôn, just as the legend traced the pedigree of Heraklês and Perseus to Zeus. He accordingly made an expedition to the oasis in the Libyan desert where Ammôn had his oracle for the purpose of more certainly learning his origin. His mother, Olympias, according to Plutarch, used to complain that Alexander was for ever embroiling her with Juno.

[150] “The Indians (says Arrian in his _Indika_, c. 7) worship the other gods, and especially Dionysos, with cymbals and drums, which he had taught them to use. He taught them also the Satyric dance, called by the Greeks _Kordax_.”

[151] See Note O, Voyage down the Hydaspês and Akesinês to the Indus.

[152] This halting-place was at Bhira or Bheda, if Cunningham is right in fixing the capital of Sôphytês in its neighbourhood.

[153] Diodôros carelessly represents these rapids as occurring at the confluence of the two rivers with the Indus. The dangers of their navigation seem to have been exaggerated by the ancient writers, though their accounts have some foundation in fact. Sir A. Burnes, the first European known to have visited the spot, says there are no eddies and no rocks, nor is the channel confined, while the ancient character is only supported by the noise of the confluence, which is greater than that of any of the other rivers. The boatmen of the locality, however, still regard the passage as a perilous one during the season when the river is swollen (v. _Travels_, i. p. 109). Thirlwall thinks the principal obstructions have been worn away. According to Curtius, Alexander’s own ship was here in imminent danger of being wrecked.

[154] These barbarians were probably the Sibi (_v._ Diodôros, xvii. 96).

[155] Hêphaistiôn by this arrangement would beset the banks of the Hydraôtês, Ptolemy those of the Akesinês. The former probably marched to the Hydraôtês by way of Shorkote, which Cunningham thinks may be the Sôrianê of Stephanos Byz.

[156] The Hydaspês loses its name as well as its waters to the Akesinês. The junction of the latter with the Hydraôtês (Râvi) occurs at present at a point more than thirty miles above Multân, but in Alexander’s time it occurred some miles below that city.

[157] See Note P, The Malloi and Oxydrakai.

[158] General Cunningham has identified this place with Kot-Kamâlia, a small but ancient town situated on an isolated mound on the right or northern bank of the Râvi, marking the extreme limit of the river’s fluctuations on that side. The small rivulet on which Alexander encamped at the end of his first march he believes to be the lower course of the Ayek river which rises in the outer range of hills and flows past Syâlkot towards Sâkala, below which the bed is still traceable for some distance. It appears again, he says, eighteen miles to the east of Jhang, and is finally lost about two miles to the east of Shorkot. Now somewhere between these two points Alexander must have crossed the Ayek, as the desert country which he afterwards traversed lies immediately beyond it. If he had marched to the south he would have arrived at Shorkot, but he would not have encountered any desert, as his route would have been over the Khâdar, or low-lying lands in the valley of the Chenâb. A march of forty-six miles in a southerly direction would have carried him also right up to the bank of the Hydraôtês or Râvi, a point which Alexander only reached after another night’s march. As this march lasted from the first watch until daylight, it cannot have been less than eighteen or twenty miles, which agrees exactly with the distance of the Râvi opposite Tulamba from Kot-Kamâlia. The direction of Alexander’s march must therefore have been to the south-east; first to the Ayek river, and thence across the hard, clayey, and waterless tract called Sandar-bâr, that is the bâr, a desert of the Sandar or Chandra river. Thus the position of the rivulet, the description of the desolate country, and the distance of the city from the confluence of the rivers, all agree in fixing the site of the fortress assaulted by Alexander with Kot-Kamâlia.—_Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 208-210.

[159] The city to which Perdikkas was sent in advance of Alexander, Cunningham has identified with Harapa. “The mention of marshes (he says) shows that it must have been near the Râvi, and, as Perdikkas was sent in advance of Alexander, it must also have been _beyond_ Kot-Kamâlia, that is to the east or south-east of it. Now this is exactly the position of Harapa, which is situated sixteen miles to the east-south-east of Kot-Kamâlia, and on the opposite high bank of the Râvi. There are also several marshes in the low ground in its immediate vicinity.” Cunningham then gives a description of Harapa as it now exists. He had encamped at the place on three different occasions. It had been visited previously and described both by Burnes and Masson. Its ruined mound forms an irregular square of half a mile on each side, or two miles in circuit (_Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 210, 211). It seems to me a serious objection to this identification that Kot-Kamâlia and Harapa (Harup, in Ainsworth’s large map) lie on _opposite_ sides of the Râvi, while Arrian’s narrative leads us to suppose that they both lay to the west of that river. No mention is made of Perdikkas crossing it, and had the fortress he attacked lain beyond it, he could easily have intercepted the inhabitants in their flight to the marshes of the river.

[160] Cunningham identifies this well-fortified position with Tulamba. “A whole night’s march (he says) of eight or nine hours could not have been less than twenty-five miles, which is the exact distance of the Râvi opposite Tulamba from Kot-Kamâlia.” It was defended by brick walls and enormous mounds of earthen ramparts. Tulamba lies on the high road to Multân, to which, as the capital of the Malloi, Alexander was marching.

[161] The Brachmans, as is well known, formed a religious caste, and were not a distinct race or tribe. Their city Cunningham has identified with the old ruined town and fort of Atâri, which is situated twenty miles to the west-south-west of Tulamba and on the high road to Multân, from which it is thirty-four miles distant. The remains consist of a strong citadel 750 feet square and 35 feet high. On two of its sides are to be found the remains of the old town. Of its history there is not even a tradition, but the large size of its bricks shows that it must be a place of considerable antiquity. The name of the old city is quite unknown, Atâri being merely that of the adjacent village, which is of recent origin. Curtius states that Alexander went completely round the citadel in a boat, and Cunningham thinks this is probable enough, as its ditch could be filled at pleasure with water from the Râvi. Curtius must, however, be romancing when he says that the three greatest rivers in India except the Ganges (Indus, Hydaspês, and Akesinês) joined their waters to form a ditch round the castle (v. _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 228-230). The mention of a special city of the Brachmans, Lassen observes, shows that but few priests lived in this part of the country, and that they had established themselves in particular cities to protect themselves against those people by whom they were held in but small esteem.

[162] See Note Q, The capital of the Malloi.

[163] Arrian (i. 11) relates that Alexander, after crossing the Hellespont, proceeded to Ilion, where, after sacrificing to the Trojan Athênê, he placed his own armour in the temple of that goddess, and took away in exchange some of the consecrated arms which had been preserved from the time of the Trojan war.

[164] Called in Greek a _dimoiritês_ in Latin a _duplicarius_.

[165] Alexander’s dress and arms on the day of Arbêla are thus described by Plutarch: “He wore a short tunic of the Sicilian fashion, girt close round him, over a linen breastplate strongly quilted; his helmet, surmounted by the white plume, was of polished steel, the work of Theophilos; the gorget was of the same metal, and set with precious stones; the sword, his favourite weapon in battle, was a present from a Cyprian king, and not to be excelled for lightness or temper; but his belt, deeply embossed with massive figures, was the most superb part of his armour; it was a gift from the Rhodians, on which old Helikôn had exerted all his skill. If we add to these the shield, lance, and light greaves, we may form a fair idea of his appearance in battle.”

[166] The descendants of Asklêpios (Aesculapius) were called by the patronymic name _Asklêpiadai_. They were regarded by some as the real descendants of Asklêpios, but by others as a caste of priests who practised the art of medicine, combined with religion. Their principal seats were Kôs and Knidos.

[167] Plutarch writes to the same effect: “The great battle with Darius was not fought at Arbêla, as most historians will have it, but at Gaugamêla, which, in the Persian tongue, is said to signify _the house of the camel_, so called because one of the ancient kings, having escaped his enemies by the swiftness of his camel, placed her there, and appointed the revenues of certain villages for her maintenance.”—_Life of Alexander_, c. 31.

[168] Kleitarchos, who accompanied Alexander to Asia, and wrote a history of the expedition, and Timagenes, an historian in the reign of Augustus, gave currency to this fiction, which Curtius is at one with Arrian in rejecting. Ptolemy received his title of Sôtêr (saviour) from the Rhodians, whom he had relieved from the attacks of Dêmêtrios Poliorkêtês (_v._ Pausanias, I. viii. 6).

[169] Thirlwall has noted that this line is found in Stobaeus. It is a fragment from one of the lost tragedies of Aeschylus, δράσαντι γάρ τι καὶ παθεῖν ὀφείλεται.

[170] The Hyphasis is here probably the Satlej, though the application of the name so far down as is here indicated is contrary to Sanskrit usage. Several arms of the Hyphasis may have anciently existed which went to join the Hydraôtês or perhaps the lower Akesinês. Megasthenês was the first who made the existence of the Satlej known. Pliny calls it the Hesydrus, and Ptolemy the Zaradros. The united stream which joins the Indus, called the Panjnad, has before the confluence a width of 1076 yards. The Indus after the confluence is augmented to 2000 yards from 600 yards only above the confluence. From the present confluence to the sea the distance is 490 miles.

[171] The _Abastanoi_ are more correctly designated by Diodôros (xvii. 102) the _Sambastai_, under which form of the name the _Ambashtha_, who are mentioned as a people of the Panjâb in the _Mahâbhârata_ and elsewhere in Sanskrit literature, can be recognised. It is evident from the text that they were settled on the lower Akesinês. They appear to be the people called by Curtius the _Sabarcae_, and by Orosius _Sabagrae_.

[172] The Xathroi are the Kshâtri of Sanskrit mentioned in the Laws of Manu as an impure tribe, being of mixed origin. In Williams’s _Sanskrit Dictionary_ a _Kshâtri_ is defined as “a man of the second (_i.e._ military) caste (by a woman of another caste?).”

[173] V. de Saint-Martin suggests that in the _Ossadioi_ we have the Vasâti or Basâti of the _Mahâbhârata_, a people whom Hematchandra in his _Geographical Dictionary_ places between the Hydaspês and the Indus, on the plateau of which the Salt Mountains form the southern escarpment. If the Vasâti were really so placed, it can scarcely be supposed that they would have sent offers of submission to Alexander, who had already passed through their part of the country, and was now marching homeward, leaving them far in his rear. Cunningham prefers to identify them with the _Yaudheya_ or _Ajudhiya_, now the _Johiyas_, who are settled as formerly along the banks of the lower Satlej. _Assodioi_ or Ossadioi seems a pretty close transcription of _Ajudhiya_.

[174] The name of this city is not given by any of the historians, but in all probability it bore the name of its founder. Its site has generally been referred to the neighbourhood of Mithânkôt, a town situated on the western bank of the Indus a little below the junction of that river with the united streams of the Panjâb. V. de Saint-Martin identifies it more precisely with Chuchpûr or Chuchur, an ancient fort standing on the eastern bank of the Indus right opposite Mithânkôt. This fort bore formerly the names of Askalanda, Askelend, and Sikander, which are but variant forms of Alexandreia. The great confluence, however, did not anciently take place at Mithânkôt, but at Uchh, an old city lying forty miles to the north-east of the confluence at Mithânkôt. The place is called by Rashed-ud-din _Askaland-usah_, which, as Cunningham points out, would be an easy corruption of _Alexandria Uchha_ or _Ussa_, as the Greeks must have written it. The word _uchha_ means “high” both in Sanskrit and in Hindi, and Uchh seems to owe its name to the fact that it stands on a mound. “Uchh is chiefly distinguished (says Masson) by the ruins of the former towns, which are very extensive, and attest the pristine prosperity of the locality.” _v._ V. de Saint-Martin, _Etude_, pp. 124, 125; Cunningham’s _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 242-245.

[175] _v._ Note R, Alexander in Sindh.

[176] In Strabo (XV. i.) we find several references to the country of Mousikanos. These were based on information supplied by Onesikritos, who expatiates in praise of its fertility, on the virtues of its people, and the goodness of the laws and government under which they lived. It seems now generally agreed that Alôr, which was anciently and for many ages the metropolis of the rich and powerful kingdom of Upper Sindh, was the capital of Mousikanos. Its ruins were visited by M’Murdo and Lieutenant Wood, and afterwards by General Cunningham, who thus describes their site: “The ruins of Alôr are situated to the south of a gap in the low range of sandstone hills which stretches from Bhakar towards the south for about twenty miles until it is lost in a broad belt of sandhills which bound the Nâra, or old bed of the Indus, on the west. Through this gap a branch of the Indus once flowed, which protected the city on the north-west. To the north-east it was covered by a second branch of the river, which flowed nearly at right angles to the other at a distance of three miles.... In A.D. 680 the latter was probably the main stream of the Indus, which had gradually been working to the westward from its original bed in the old Nâra.” With regard to the name of the king it appears to be a territorial title, since Curtius designates the people _Musicani_. Lassen (_Ind. Alt._ ii. 176) takes this to represent the Sanskrit Mûshika (which means _a mouse_ or _a thief_), and points out that a part of the Malabar coast was also called the Mûshika kingdom. Saint-Martin thinks that the Mûshika still exist in the great tribe of the Moghsis, which forms the most numerous part of the population of Kach Gandâra, a region bordering on the territories of the ancient Mûsikani (_Etude_, p. 162).

[177] Curtius calls the subjects of Oxykanos the Praesti, a name which would indicate that they inhabited a level country, since the Sanskrit word of which their name is a transcript—_prastha_—denotes _a tableland_ or _a level expanse_. The name, Saint-Martin thinks, is in Justin altered to _Praesidae_; but Justin, it appears to me, means the Praisioi thereby. Oxykanos is called both by Strabo and Diodôros _Portikanos_, representing perhaps the Sanskrit _Pârtha_, “a prince.” It is not easy to determine where his dominions lay. They were not on the Indus, for Alexander left that river to attack them. Cunningham places them to the west of the Indus in the level country around Larkhâna, which, though now close to the Indus, was in Alexander’s time about forty miles distant from it. Their capital he identifies with Mahorta, a place about ten miles north-west from Larkhâna, where there are the remains of an ancient fortress on a huge mound, whence perhaps its name _Mâhaurddha_, “very high.” Lassen, on the other hand, followed by Saint-Martin, places the country of Oxykanos to the east of the river, and therefore in the vast Mesopotamia (the Prasiane of Pliny) comprised between the old or eastern arm of the Indus and the present channel (_v._ Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ ii. 177; Saint-Martin, _Etude_, p. 165; Cunningham, _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 259-262).

[178] See note S, Sindimana.

[179] See Note T, City of the Brachmans, Harmatelia; also Note H_h_, Indian Philosophers.

[180] In the 15th chapter of this book Arrian states that Alexander had sent Krateros away by this route after he had left the Sogdian capital (near Bhakar). From this we may infer that Krateros, soon after he set out on his homeward march, had been temporarily recalled by Alexander, who may have found the resistance to his arms more formidable than he had anticipated. Strabo states in one place (XV. ii. 5) that Krateros set out on his march from the Hydaspês and proceeded through the country of the Arachotoi and the Drangai into Karmania, and in another (XV. ii. 11) that he traversed Choarênê and entered Karmania simultaneously with Alexander. Now the former of these routes would have been so needlessly circuitous that it cannot be supposed it was that which Krateros selected. He no doubt marched through Choarênê (the district of Ariana nearest India), to which there was access from India through the Bolan Pass. Before rejoining Alexander he must have encountered formidable difficulties in traversing the great desert of Karman, which occupies the northern part of Karmania, and extends from thence to the confines of Yezd, Khorasân, and Seïstan. “This desert (says Bunbury) is a vast track of the most unmitigated barrenness, and a considerable portion of this interposed between the fertile districts of Murmansheer in Northern Carmania, and the Lake Zarrah in Seïstan must of necessity have been traversed by Craterus with his army. An Afghan army which invaded Persia in 1719 suffered the most dreadful hardships in this waste” (_v._ his _Hist. of Anc. Geog._ p. 522, also Droysen’s _Geschichte Alexanders_, p. 454, and Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ ii. 180).

[181] According to Aristoboulos, as cited by Strabo (XV. i. 17), the voyage down stream from Nikaia on the Hydaspês to Patala occupied ten months. “The Greeks (he says) remained at the Hydaspês while the ships were constructing, and began their voyage not many days before the setting of the Pleiades (late in the autumn of B.C. 326), and were occupied during the whole autumn, winter, and the ensuing spring and summer in sailing down the river, and arrived at Patalênê about the rising of the dog-star (towards the end of summer B.C. 325). The passage down the river lasted ten months.” According to Plutarch, Alexander spent seven months in falling down the rivers to the ocean. Sir A. Burnes ascended the Indus up to Lahore in sixty days, a distance of about 1000 miles. He estimated that a boat could drop down from Lahore to the sea in fifteen days, and from Multân in nine days.

[182] In the 41st chapter of the _Periplûs of the Erythraian Sea_ it is said that in the regions adjoining the Indus mouths “there are preserved even to this very day memorials of the expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and _large wells_.”

[183] _v._ Note U, Patala.

[184] This was the northern channel of the Ghâra, the waters of which, some centuries after Alexander, found another channel more to the south, in the southern Ghâra which joins the main stream below Lâri Bandar.

[185] Caesar’s fleet, it is well known, suffered a similar disaster on the shores of Britain. The tides in the Indus are not felt more than sixty miles from the sea, whence Cunningham concludes that Alexander must then have reached as far as Bambhra on the Ghâra, which is about fifty miles by water from the sea. The breaking up of the monsoon, which occurs in October, is attended with high winds, intervals of calm, and violent hurricanes.

[186] Plutarch says that Alexander called this island Skilloustis, but others Psiltoukis. It was from this island Nearchos started on his memorable voyage early in October, before the monsoon had subsided. On his reaching the port now called Karachi, the great emporium of the trade of the Indus, he remained there for twenty-four days, and renewed the voyage as soon as the weather permitted.

[187] The eastern branch of the Indus is that now called the Phuleli. It separates from the main channel at Muttâri, twelve miles above Haidarâbâd, and enters the sea by the Kori estuary, named by Ptolemy the Lonibari mouth. Its bed is now almost dry except at the time of the inundations, when it assumes the appearance of a great river. At the lower part of its course it is known as the Guni. On its east side it receives the branch of the Indus, which in ancient times passed Arôr, and is now called the _Purana darya_ or _Old river_.

[188] This exaggerated estimate Arrian has taken from the Journal of Nearchos. Aristoboulos said that the distance was 1000 stadia. The truth is here pretty accurately hit.

[189] “This great lake (says Saint-Martin) might have been the western extremity of the Ran of Kachh, a vast depression which abuts on the point where the estuary begins, and which for some months of the year (from July to October) is inundated by the waters of several rivers. By a singular coincidence the terrible earthquake of 1819 has formed a large hollow and created a spacious lake traversed by the Korî, and occupying probably the same site as the lake mentioned by Arrian. Brahmanic tradition, moreover, preserves the memory of a lake formerly existing near the Korî, not far from its embouchure. In the _Bhagavata Purâna_ translated by Bournouf, we read that ‘in the west at the confluence of the Sindhu and the ocean is the vast tank of Nârâyana Saras, which is frequented by the Recluses and the Siddhas.’... A local tradition picked up by M’Murdo refers to the disappearance of this lake of old times, and explains the event by a conflagration of the country” (_v._ _Etude_, pp. 178, 179).

[190] In Italy the Pleiades set in the beginning of November. The south-west monsoon prevails from April to October. It sets in on the Sindh coast with strong west-south-westerly winds, which cause a heavy swell on the sea. The north-east monsoon, which is favourable for navigation, begins in the Arabian Sea about the middle of October.

[191] The name of this river has various forms, Arabis, Arbis, Artabis, and Artabius. It is now called the Purâli and is the river which, rising in the mountain range called by Ptolemy the Baitian, flows through the present district of Las into the Bay of Sonmiyâni. It gave its name to the Arabioi, whose territory it divided from that of the Oritai, who were farther west. Curtius states that Alexander reached the eastern boundary of the Arabioi (which may be placed about Karâchi) in nine days from Patala, and their western boundary formed by the Arabius in five days more. The distance from Haidarâbâd to Karâchi is 114 miles, and from Karâchi to Sonmiyâni fifty miles. The average of a day’s march was therefore about twelve miles, the same as now in these parts.

[192] The Arabitai are called in the _Indika_, _Arabies_; in Strabo, _Arbies_; in Diodôros, _Ambritai_; in Marcian the geographer, _Arbitoi_; and in Dion. Perieg. _Aribes_. Their territories extended from the western mouth of the Indus to the river Purâli. This people and their neighbours, the Orîtai, Cunningham would include within the geographical limits of India, although they have always been beyond its political boundaries during the historical period. They were tributary to Darius Hystaspês, and were still subject to the Persians when the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsiang visited their country in the seventh century of our aera.

[193] In the country of the Oreitai is a river called the Aghor, from which, it has been supposed, the people take their name, as thus: Aghoritai, Aoritai, Oritai, or Horatae, as they are called by Curtius. They are the Neoritai of Diodôros. The length of their coast Arrian gives in his _Indika_ at 1600 stadia, while Strabo extends it to 1800. The actual length is 100 English miles, somewhere about half of Arrian’s estimate taken from Nearchos. The western boundary of the Oritai was marked by Cape Mâlân (the _Malana_ of Arrian), which is twenty miles distant from the river Aghor. According to Strabo the Oritai were the people by whose poisoned arrows Ptolemy was all but mortally wounded.

[194] This name is probably a transcription of the Indian _Râmbâgh_, which designated the place where pilgrims assemble before starting for the Aghor Valley, in which the principal sacred places are connected with the history of Râma, the great hero of the Râmâyana. Cunningham accordingly identifies Râmbâgh with Arrian’s Rambakia, and remarks that the occurrence of the name of Râmbâgh at so great a distance to the west of the Indus, and at so early a period as the time of Alexander, shows not only the wide extension of Hindu influence in ancient times, but also the great antiquity of the story of Râma (_v._ his _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 307-310).

[195] D’Anville and Vincent have assumed that Ora is the _Haur_ mentioned by Edrisi as lying on the route from Dîbal, near the mouth of the Indus, to Firûzâbâd in Mekran. Its situation is uncertain, however, as its name does not occur in any recently published account of the country. Ora may perhaps have been in the neighbourhood of Kôkala, mentioned in the _Indika_ as situated on the Oreitian coast, probably near Cape Katchari, to the east of the Hingul river, where the fleet was supplied with a fresh stock of provisions. Perhaps it may have here denoted the country of the Oreitai.

[196] Gadrôsia in Arrian denotes the _inland_ region which extends from the Oreitai to Karmania. The _maritime_ region between the same limits he calls the country of the Ichthyophagoi. The Gedrôsian desert since the days of Alexander has protected Lower Sindh from any attack by the maritime route. The Persian invader has preferred to encounter the dangers and difficulties of the mountain passes of Afghânistân rather than to expose himself to such horrible sufferings in the burning desert as were experienced by the soldiers of Semiramis, Cyrus, and Alexander. The length of the Makrân or Beluchistan coast between the Oreitai and Karmania is given by Arrian at 10,000 stadia and by Strabo at 7000 only. The actual length is 480 English miles, and the time taken by Nearchos in its navigation was twenty days.

[197] A description of this unguent is given by Pliny (_N. H._ xii. c. 26). He there mentions that a special kind of it was produced in the Gangetic regions. In the 33d chapter of the same book will be found a description of the myrrh-tree and its produce.

[198] Chinnock notes that this was probably the _snow-flake_.

[199] This, says Sintenis, can be nothing else than a kind of acacia. He points out that Dioscorides (i. 33) applies to this thorn the expression ἀκακία, which Willdenow identifies with the acacia catechu. It grows abundantly in the Bombay and Bengal presidencies, producing a gum employed both as a colouring matter and a medicinal astringent, and known in commerce by the name of cutch.

[200] These people were the Ichthyophagoi of whom Arrian makes frequent mention in his _Indika_ when describing the voyage of Nearchos along their coast. His description of their appearance and habits closely agrees with that given by Strabo in his chapter on Ariana.

[201] Kallatis or Kallatia was a large city of Thrace on the coast of the Euxine, colonised from Milêtos. Pliny says its former name was Cerbatis.

[202] _v._ Note V, Alexander’s march through Gedrôsia, Poura.

[203] In Latin _triumphi_.

[204] That is, to one who, like Alexander, approached it from Central Asia.

[205] Eratosthenes and other ancient writers describe India as of a rhomboidal figure with the Indus on the west, the mountains on the north, and the sea on the east and the south. Curtius follows them here in reckoning its length from west to east.

[206] These are the mountains of the peninsular part of India.

[207] By the Red or Erythraean Sea is meant the Indian Ocean, which included both the Red Sea proper and the Persian Gulf. Curtius here makes the two great Indian rivers flow into the same sea. His conception of the configuration of India perhaps resembled that of Ptolemy, in whose map India is so misrepresented that it appears without its peninsula, but with a point (a little below the latitude of Bombay) whence the coast bends at once sharply to the east instead of pursuing its actual course southward to Cape Comorin.

[208] “Iomanes, a clever conjectural insertion due to Hedike. Foss had suspected some such omission, as the old attempt to make the Acesines run into the Ganges by finding some other modern name for it was preposterous” (_Alexander in India_, by Heitland and Raven, p. 90). The Iomanes appears in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ as the Diamouna—that is the Yamunâ or Jamnâ, the great river which, after passing Delhi, Mathurâ, Agrâ, and other places, joins the Ganges at Allâhâbâd. It rises from hot springs not far westward from the sources of the Ganges. Arrian, who in his _Indika_ calls it the Jobares, says that it flows through the country of the Sourasenoi, who possess two great cities, Methora (Mathurâ) and Kleisobara (Krishnapura?). Pliny (vi. 19) states that it passes through the Palibothri to join the Ganges. At its junction with the Jamnâ, and a third, but imaginary river, the Sarasvatî, the Ganges is called the _Trivênî_, _i.e._ “triple plait,” from the intermingling of the three streams.

[209] This river is most probably that which is called the Doanas in Ptolemy’s _Geography_, where it designates the Brahmaputra. The Doanas was probably also the Oidanes of Artemidôros, who, according to Strabo (XI. i. 72), described it as a river that bred crocodiles and dolphins, and that flowed into the Ganges. If the first two letters in _Doanas_ be transposed, we get almost letter for letter the _Oidanes_ of Artemidôros, and we get it again, though not so closely, if we discard _r_ from the Dyardanes of Curtius. That these two writers had the same river in view is confirmed by their mentioning the very same animals as bred in its waters.

[210] No satisfactory identification of this river has as yet, so far as I am aware, been proposed. The river called by Arrian (iv. 6) the _Erymandros_, and by Polybios the _Erymanthus_, and now known as the Helmund, has a name pretty similar, but it does not discharge into the sea. It enters the inland lake called Zarah, in the province of Seistan in Afghanistan. According to Arrian it disappears in the sands.

[211] These statements about the north wind as it affects India have no basis in fact, and those that immediately follow reach the very acme of absurdity. The cold season occurs in India as in Europe during winter, but snow never falls on the plains. During the hot season, however, hailstorms occasionally occur and inflict more or less damage on the crops. I have myself witnessed in Calcutta a thunderstorm accompanied with a descent of hail, commingled with large pieces of ice, and this in one of the hottest months of the year, June or July, I forget which.

[212] Agatharchides, a writer of the second century B.C., begins his work on the Erythraean Sea by inquiring into the origin of its name. On this point four different opinions were held, and of these he adopted that which fathered the name on King Erythrus. He then tells the story of this king (who was a Persian) as he had learned it from a Persian called Boxos who had settled in Athens. Strabo (xvi. 20) gives a brief summary of this passage, and Pliny (_N. H._ vi. 28) a still briefer. Nearchos, as we learn from Arrian’s _Indika_ (c. 37), in the course of his memorable voyage put into an island called Oärakta (now Kishm), where the natives showed him the tomb of the first king of the island. They said that his name was Erythrês, and that the sea in those parts was called after him the _Erythraean_. Opinions still differ as to the origin of the name. According to some it was given from the red and purple colouring of the rocks which in some parts border the sea, according to others from the red colour sometimes given to the waters by the sea-weed called Sûph. Fresnel, however, rejecting such views, interprets the name as meaning the sea of the Homêritai, _i.e._ _Himyar_ or _Hhomayr_, or _red men_, whose name and the Arabic word _ahhmar_ (red) have the same root. The people here indicated occupied Yemen, and were called _red men_ in contrast to the _black men_ of the opposite coast. Others again attribute the name to _Edom_ (Idumea), which bordered the Gulf of Akaba, the eastern arm of the Red Sea, at its northern extremity. _Edom_ signifies _red_. Further references to this subject will be found in Mela (III. viii. 1), Solinus (c. 36), Dio Cassius (lxviii. 28), and Stephanos Byz. _s.v._ Ἐρυθρά.

[213] As the dress of the natives was made in ancient times as at present, chiefly from cotton, this perhaps may be the substance meant here by flax. The valuable properties of the wool-like product of the cotton plant (_Gossypium herbaceum_, the _Karpâsa_ of Sanskrit) were early known, as in one of the hymns of the Rig-veda mention is made of female weavers intertwining the extended thread. “The dress worn by the Indians (says Arrian, citing Nearchos) is made of cotton, a material produced from trees. They wear an under-garment of cotton which reaches below the knee half-way down to the ankles, and also an upper garment which they throw partly over their shoulders, and partly twist in folds round their head” (_Indika_, c. 16). This costume is mentioned in old Sanskrit literature, and is carefully represented in the frescoes on the caves of Ajanta. We learn from the _Periplûs of the Erythraean Sea_ that muslin (othonion) was imported into the marts of India from China, and exported thence along with Indian muslin and coarser cotton fabrics to Egypt.

[214] Strabo (XV. i. 67) states on the authority of Nearchos that the Indians wrote letters upon cloth, which was well pressed to make it smooth, but adds that other writers affirmed that the Indians had no knowledge of writing. They were, however, acquainted with writing for some centuries before Alexander’s time, but whence they got their alphabet is a question not yet quite settled, though the weight of opinion inclines to assign it a Himyaritic origin. We learn from Pliny (xiii. 21) that paper made from the papyrus plant did not come into common use out of Egypt till the time of Alexander the Great. He then goes on to say that for writing on, the leaves of palm-trees were first used, and then the barks (_libri_) of certain trees. Some of the Egyptian papyrus-rolls are as old as the sixth dynasty.

[215] Nearchos, as we learn from Arrian’s _Indika_, c. 15, was taken with surprise when he heard in India parrots talking like human beings. Pliny says (x. 58) that India produces this bird, which is called the _Septagen_, and that it salutes its masters, and pronounces the words it hears. If it fails to do so it is beaten on the head, which is as hard as its bill, with an iron rod, until it repeats the words properly. Ovid (_Amores_, ii. 6) calls the parrot the imitative bird from the Indians of the East. Another Indian bird, the Maina, which in size and appearance somewhat resembles the thrush, can be taught to speak with great distinctness. It is probably the bird which Aelian (_Hist. Anim._ xvi. 3) describes under the name of the _Kerkiôn_.

[216] Here Curtius makes a mistake, for not only is the rhinoceros bred in India, but the Indian species is the largest known, and its flesh was, by the Brahmans, allowed to be eaten, though most other kinds of animal food were interdicted. Ktêsias describes it, but very incorrectly, under the name of the one-horned ass. It is described also in Aelian’s _History of Animals_ (xvi. 20) in a passage supposed to have been copied from the lost _Indika_ of Megasthenes. It is there called the Kartazôn. The fables about the unicorn had their source most probably in the fanciful account Ktêsias has given of the Indian wild ass. Aristotle, referring to it, says briefly: “We have never seen a solid-hoofed animal with two horns, and there are only a few of them that have one horn, as the Indian ass and the oryx.” Kosmas Indikopleustes, who, as his surname shows, had visited India, gives in the eleventh book of his _Christian Topography_ a description of the rhinoceros, illustrated with a picture of the animal which represents it as somewhat like a horse, with its nose surmounted by a pair of horns slightly curved. We know that the picture is meant to be that of the rhinoceros from the name being attached. Kosmas says that he had only seen the animal from a distance. He has also given a description and picture of the unicorn, an animal which he had never seen, but had delineated from four brazen statues of it which adorned a palace in Aethiopia. A single straight horn of great length is represented as springing up from the top of its head.

[217] Pliny (_Nat. Hist_. viii. 11) notes, like Curtius here, that India produced the largest elephants. He had, however, stated previously (vi. 22) that, according to Onesikritos, the elephants of Taprobane (Ceylon) were larger and more warlike than those of India. Many references to the Indian elephants occur in the classics. Arrian, in the thirteenth and fourteenth chapters of his _Indika_, describes the mode in which they were hunted, and other particulars regarding them. Polybios (v. 84) says that the African elephants could neither endure the smell nor the trumpeting of their Indian congeners.

[218] Herodotos (iii. 106) says that gold was produced in great abundance in India, some of it washed down by the streams, and some dug out of the earth, but the greater part of it being the ant-gold surreptitiously procured. The heavy tribute levied by Darius on the Indian provinces (chiefly west of the Indus) was paid in gold-dust. We learn, notwithstanding, from Arrian that the companions of Alexander found that the Indian tribes they met with, which were numerous, were destitute of gold. The ant-gold produced in Dardistan seems therefore to have found its way rather to the provinces west of the Indus than to the Panjâb. Strabo (XV. i. 57), quoting Megasthenes, says that the rivers in India bring down gold-dust, a part of which is paid as a tax to the king. By the king is here meant Chandragupta (Sandrokottos), at whose court Megasthenes for some years resided. As the river Sôn, which in his time entered the Ganges at Palibothra (now Patna), was called poetically the _Hiranyavâha_—_i.e._ “bearing gold,”—we may assume that gold was found in the sands of that river. The grandson of Chandragupta, Aśôka, as is stated in the _Mahavansâ_, sent missionaries to preach Buddhism into the _gold district_ of Suvarnabhûmi, a region which Turnour identified with Burma, but which Lassen took to be a maritime district situated somewhere in the west (_v._ his _Ind. Alt._ ii. pp. 236, 237; also i. 237, 238). Strabo (XV. i. 30) says that in the country of Sopeithês there were valuable mines both of gold and silver among the mountains.

[219] Pliny, in the latter part of his 37th book, treats of the various kinds of precious stones found in India, and of the uses to which they are there applied. In some of the other books incidental notices of them are also to be met with, while his 9th book is full of details about the pearl. From Strabo (II. iii. 4) we learn that an adventurer, Eudoxos of Kyzikos, who had been sent by Ptolemy Physkôn, king of Egypt, to India, returned thence, bringing back with him precious stones, some of which the Indians collect from among the pebbles of the river, and others of which they dig out of the earth. In his 15th book he states that India produces precious stones, as crystals, carbuncles of all kinds, and pearls. In Ptolemy’s _Geography of India_, and in the _Periplûs of the Erythraean Sea_ mention is made of the diamond, beryl, onyx, carnelian, hyacinth, and sapphire as precious stones of India. They mention also various pearl fisheries existing in and near India. Arrian states in his _Indika_ (c. 8) that the pearl in India is worth thrice its weight in refined gold, and that it was called in the Indian tongue _Margarita_. This, which is also its classical name, may represent either the Sanskrit _manjari_, or the Persian _marwarîd_.

[220] Arrian, on the authority of Nearchos, states in his _Indika_ (c. 16) that the Indians wear shoes of white leather elaborately trimmed, and having thick soles (or heels) to make them look taller.

[221] Strabo notes from Kleitarchos similar statements regarding the treatment of their hair by the Indians (XV. i. 71), and Arrian has noted the Indian practice (which is still in vogue) of dying the beard of a variety of colours.

[222] “In the processions at Indian festivals (says Strabo, XV. i. 69) are to be seen wild beasts, as buffaloes, panthers, tame lions, and a multitude of birds of variegated plumage and of fine song.” Aelian, in a passage copied most probably from Megasthenes, says that the favourite bird of the king of the Indians (Chandragupta no doubt) was the hoopoe. He carried it on his wrist, and amused himself with it, and never tired gazing with admiration on its exquisite beauty, and the splendour of its plumage. The luxurious mode of life in which the Indian king (Chandragupta) indulged is described by Strabo (XV. i. 55) much in the same terms as by Curtius here. The native writings called _sutras_ describe in like manner how the kings at festivals march out on elephants to the sound of all kinds of instruments, amid the scent of perfumes and clouds of frankincense.

[223] Strabo adds the significant statement that the king at night is obliged from time to time to change his couch from dread of treachery. The frequency of changes in the succession shows that such a precaution was not unnecessary. If a woman put to death a king when he was drunk, she was rewarded by becoming the wife of his successor. From Athênaios we learn that among the Indians the king might not get drunk. The assertion made by Curtius that the Indians all use much wine is contrary to the testimony of Megasthenes, who said that they use it only on sacrificial occasions. Wine was no doubt imported into the marts of the Malabar coast, but the quantity must have been limited, and could only have been purchased by the rich. The Brahmans of the Ganges, from whom Megasthenes obtained much information, punished indulgence in intoxicating drinks with great severity. The Aryans of the Panjâb were less abstemious, and this led to dissensions, and a final rupture between them and their brethren of Iran. The wine used at sacrifices was the fermented juice of the plant called _soma_. When required for drinking it was mixed with milk.

[224] The diversity of views which prevailed in India regarding suicide was noticed by Megasthenes. The book of the law, in case of incapacity, regards it as meritorious, but the Buddhists altogether condemned it. Pliny (vi. 19) says that the Indian sages _always_ ended their life by a voluntary death on the funeral pile.

[225] This is a very vague and meagre account of the opinions and practices of the Indian philosophers and ascetics. Other writers are more copious on the subject, as Strabo (XV.), Arrian (_Anab._ vii. 2, 3; _Indika_, 11), Diodôros (ii. 40), Plutarch (_Life of Alexander_, 64, 65). References are made to it by Mela, Suidas, Orosius, Philo, Ambrosius, Aelian, Porphyrius, and others (_v._ Notes W and H_h_).

[226] Certain trees are still held sacred in India. The pipal, for instance, is thought to be frequented by bhûts, _i.e._ demons.

[227] See Note X.

[228] Arrian says, however, that most of the inhabitants of this city, which belonged to the Aspasians, and was fortified by a double wall, escaped to the mountains.

[229] Philostratos (ii. 4) says that Alexander did not ascend the mountain, but, though anxious to do so, contented himself with offering prayers and sacrifices at its base. He was afraid that the Macedonians on seeing the vines would be reminded of home, and have their love of wine revived after being accustomed to do without it.

[230] The Elzevir editor aptly quotes here Tacit. _H._ i. 55: _Insita mortalibus natura, propere sequi, quae piget inchoare_.

[231] Justin (xii. 7) speaks of mountains which he calls _Daedali_, and these Cunningham (p. 52) takes to be Mount _Dantalok_, which is about three miles distant from _Palo-dheri_ (or _Pelley_, as General Court calls it), a place forty miles distant from Pashkalavati (Hasht-nagar). In the spoken dialect, he adds, _Dantalok_ becomes _Dattalok_, which the Greek _Daidalos_ may fairly be taken to represent. I think, however, Alexander had not penetrated so far eastward as this identification implies. It has been taken by Müller to be Arrian’s _Andaka_ or _Andêla_, which he would therefore alter to _Daidala_. An Indian city called _Daidala_ is mentioned by Stephanos Byz., and in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ another city of the same name is mentioned as belonging to the Kaspeiraioi (or Kashmirians), who in Ptolemy’s days had extended their rule as far eastward as the regions of the Jamna. Abbot in his _Gradus ad Aornon_ seems to identify Daedala with Doodial, and Acadira, which is mentioned immediately after, with Kaldura.

[232] Arrian calls this river the _Euaspla_. It is most probably the Kâmah or Kunâr river. Its name, _Cho-asp-es_, has one of the elements of the name of the people in its neighbourhood, the _Asp-asioi_. The prefix _cho_ may, like _eu_ or _su_, mean _river_, and Aspa means _a horse_, in Zend.

[233] Beira, it has been supposed, is the _Bazira_ of Arrian; but as this has been on adequate grounds identified with Bazâr of the present day, the supposition is untenable. Bazâr lies too far east to suit the requirements.

[234] “How this arrangement was to prevent the upper part of the wall from settling down is a mystery as the text stands; and we can only suppose that (_a_) Curtius has not understood his authorities, or (_b_) has left out some important steps in the description, or (_c_) that the text is mutilated so as to conceal his real meaning.”—_Alex. in India_, p. 107.

[235] Seneca (_Epistle_ 59) puts almost the same words into his mouth: “All swear that I am the son of Jupiter, but this wound proclaims me to be a man.” This is perhaps the occasion to which Plutarch refers when he states (_Alex._ 28) that Alexander when shot with an arrow turned in his pain to his attendants, and said: “This blood, my friends, is not the ichor which blest immortals shed”—a quotation from Homer.

[236] Pratt (ii. 276, n.) notices from Athenaios that these movable towers were invented by Dyades, pupil of Polyeîdes, who accompanied Alexander.

[237] According to Arrian, the besieged lost heart not from terror of the engines, but on seeing their commander killed. We read in Caesar that his engines produced a similar effect on the minds of the Gauls. They said that they could not believe the Romans were warring without the help of the gods since they were able to move forward engines of so great a height and with such celerity (_De Bell. Gall._ ii. 31).

[238] Curtius had no doubt here in his eye a passage from Livy, whose picturesque style was his exemplar: “Ipse collis est in modum metae in acutum cacumen a fundo satis lato fastigatus” (B. xxxvii. 27). In the centre of the Roman circus ran lengthways down the course a low wall, at each extremity of which were placed, upon a base, three wooden cylinders of a conical shape which were called _metae_—the goals.

[239] _Ex sua cohorte_—that is, from the retinue of pages in immediate attendance on the king. From this body officers were selected to fill the highest civil and military posts in the Macedonian state.

[240] Perhaps passed by a council of war or a general assembly of the troops. Philôtas, the son of Parmenion, was condemned to death by the Macedonian army.

[241] The readers of Virgil will be reminded by this episode of that of Euryalus and Nisus. Curtius indeed seems to me to have borrowed his account of the death-scene from that poet rather than from any historical authority.

[242] He is called Aphrikês by Diodôros.

[243] Diodôros less accurately calls him Môphis. His name _Ambhi_ (in Sanskrit) is found in the Gana-pâtha, a genuine appendix to Pânini’s _Grammar_ (v. _Journal Asiatique_, Series VIII. tome xv. p. 235). For remarks on the _coined money_ which he gave to Alexander, see Note K_k_.

[244] It was Krateros, however, and not Ptolemy, who was left in charge of the division of the army which faced the camp of Pôros. Curtius has therefore here made a mistake.

[245] That is, Pôros had been enticed down the bank so far that the island which lay where the passage was really to be made was no longer visible. Curtius says nothing of the other island on which the Macedonians landed under the erroneous impression that they had gained the bank of the river, and Diodôros is equally silent.

[246] According to Arrian this force was commanded by the son of Pôros.

[247] See Note Y, Battle with Pôros.

[248] Boukephalos was no doubt the horse to which Curtius here refers, but according to some accounts that famous steed was not in the battle. Curtius here follows Chares, as the following passage quoted from this writer by Aulus Gellius (_Noct. Attic._ v. 2) will show: “The horse of King Alexander was both by his head and by his name _Bucephalas_ (_i.e._ ox-head). Cares has stated that he was bought for thirteen talents, and presented to King Philip.... Regarding this horse it seems worth recording that when caparisoned and armed for battle he would not suffer himself to be mounted by any one but the king. It is also told of this horse that in the Indian war when Alexander, mounted upon him, and performing noble deeds of bravery, had with too little heed for his own safety entangled himself amid a battalion of the enemy, where he was on all sides assailed with darts, his horse was stabbed with deep wounds in the neck and sides. Ready to expire, and drained of nearly all his blood, he nevertheless bore back the king from the midst of his foes at a most rapid pace; and when he had conveyed him beyond reach of spears, he straightway dropped down, and having no further fear for his master’s safety, he breathed his last as if with the consolation of human sensibility. Then King Alexander having gained the victory in this war, built a town on this spot, and in honour of his horse called it Bucephalon.”

[249] Arrian says that the first messenger sent was Taxilês himself.

[250] According to Arrian, Taxilês escaped by a hasty flight.

[251] Diodôros states, on the contrary, that Alexander checked the slaughter.

[252] This is scarcely probable. The incident is mentioned by no other writer.

[253] Curtius has here marred with his rhetoric and moral reflections the simple and dignified answer of Pôros, that he wished to be treated like a king. Lucan similarly has dilated into some twenty lines of rhetoric Caesar’s famous words to the boatmen in the storm: “Fear not, you carry Caesar and his fortunes.” Plutarch, both in his _Life of Alexander_ and in his _De Ira Cohibenda_ (c. 9), has stated the reply of Pôros in the same terms as Arrian.

[254] Cicero (_pro Marcello_) extols Alexander in the highest terms for acting thus towards his vanquished enemy; and Seneca in his _De Clementia_ follows in a similar strain.

[255] Philostratos, in his life of Apollonios of Tyana, states that Alexander dedicated likewise to the sun one of the elephants of Pôros, the first of them that deserted to his side, and which he called _Ajax_, and also the altars which he reared on the banks of the Hyphasis to mark the limits of his advance. As the same author states that Apollonios saw _Ajax_ still alive at Taxila some 370 years later, his veracity may be suspected.

[256] See Note Z, Indian Serpents.

[257] The Sanskrit name of the rhinoceros is _Ganda_, also _Gandaka_ and _Gandânga_.

[258] This is the _ficus Indica_, commonly called the banyan-tree, because of the frequent use made of its shelter by traders who dealt in grain, called in India _Banyans_. Strabo (XV. i. 21) describes this tree from Onesikritos, who saw it growing in the country of Mousikanos. Pliny also (_N. H._ xii. 11) describes the tree and its fruit, adding that it grows chiefly in the neighbourhood of the Acesines (_Chenâb_); see also Theophrastos, _De Plantis_, iv. 5, and Arrian’s _Indika_, c. 11. Several English poets have made it the subject of their verse—Ben Jonson, Milton, Tickell, and Southey. Its stately stems rise in solemn grandeur like the basaltic pillars of Fingal’s Cave, and with the over-arching boughs form a vast and wondrous dome—

“Where as to shame the temples decked By skill of earthly architect, Nature herself, it seems, would raise A minster to her Maker’s praise.”

[259] Ailianos (_H. A._ xii. 32) says that while the Indians knew the proper antidote against the bites of each kind of serpent, none of the Greek physicians had discovered any such antidote. See Note Z, Indian Serpents.

[260] See Note A_a_, Indian Peacocks.

[261] This must be the town which Arrian calls _Pimprama_, distant a day’s march from Sangala. The accounts of the two historians are at variance, however, since Arrian says that the place surrendered without resistance.

[262] This place was Sangala, for which see Note M.

[263] Caesar’s men were similarly alarmed on seeing for the first time the war chariots of the Britons: _perturbatis nostris novitate pugnae_ (_Bell. Gall._ iv. 34). See also Livy, x. 28.

[264] Arrian mentions gaps between the waggons, but does not state that they were fastened together. Vegetius (_De re Militari_, iii. 10), however, observes: “All barbarians fasten their chariots together in a ring in the fashion of a camp, and thus keep themselves safe from surprise during the night.”

[265] “It is impossible to compare the numbers given by Curtius and Arrian, as neither gives the total of killed, and the details of the numbers who fell in the separate operations of the siege are not so stated as to admit of comparison” (_Alex. in India_, p. 130).

[266] The better form of the name is _Sôphytes_, which properly transliterates the Sanskrit original _Saubhutu_, but see Biographical Appendix, _s.v._ Sôphytes.

[267] According to Strabo the inspection was made when the child was two months old. He notices that the practice of widow-burning was known here.

[268] “The Indians,” says Solinus (c. 55), “rub down the beryl into hexagonal forms in order to impart vigour to the dull tameness of the colour by the reflection from the angles. Of the beryl the varieties are manifold.” Pliny, from whom Solinus no doubt drew this information, states (xxxvii. 5) that beryls were seldom found elsewhere than in India, and that the Indians had discovered how to make counterfeit gems and especially beryls by staining crystal.

[269] See Note B_b_, Indian Dogs.

[270] The ordinary and correct reading is not _Phegeus_, as in the text from which I translate, but _Phegelas_, which transliterates the Sanskrit _Bhagala_. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Phegelas.

[271] A sandy desert stretches from the southern borders of the Panjâb almost to the Gulf of Kachh. The breadth of this desert from east to west is about 400 miles. In some places it is altogether uninhabited; in others villages and patches of cultivation are found thinly scattered. On the east it gradually gives way to the fertile parts of India.

[272] For Gangaridae see Note C_c_, and for Prasii, Note D_d_. The common reading of this name in the editions of Curtius is Pharasii.

[273] The name as given here seems less correct than the form in Diod. _Xandrames_, which can be referred to the Indian word _Chandramas_, meaning _moon-god_. See Biog. Appendix, _s.vv._ Xandrames and Sandrokottos.

[274] On the contrary, elephants are easy to tame. Arrian in his _Indica_ (c. 13, 14) has described the manner both of trapping and taming them. The same methods are still employed, with only slight variations. See also Pliny, viii. 8-10; Diodôros, iii. 26; Ailianos, viii. 10 and 15, and x. 10; and Tzetzes, _Chiliad_, iv. 122.

[275] There was no great disparity of numbers in the battle of the Granîkos between the Greeks and Persians, 35,000 on Alexander’s side and 40,000 on the other.

[276] So Caesar, when his soldiers, terrified by the accounts they had heard of the Germans, refused to advance against them, said, that if nobody else would go with him he would set out with the Tenth Legion alone (_Bell. Gall._ i. 40). Thirlwall is of opinion that Alexander’s threat to throw himself on his Baktrian and Skythian auxiliaries, and make the expedition with them alone, most likely misrepresents the tone which he assumed.

[277] Cerealis addressed his men in similar terms: “Go, tell Vespasian, or Civilis and Classicus who are nearer at hand, that you deserted your leader on the field of battle” (Tacitus, _H._ iv. 77).

[278] “This speech, put into the mouth of Coenus, has a peculiar literary interest beyond the ordinary run of orations written for their leading characters by the rhetorical historians of antiquity. In the remaining works of the elder Seneca we have a _suasoria_ or hortatory oration (see Mayor on Juvenal, i. 16) on this very subject, in which are arranged all the telling sentences that some of the most famous Roman rhetoricians could compose to suit the situation. The remarkable parallels found in this collection to the present speech of Curtius illustrates in a very striking way the artificial nature of these harangues, and show what a vast amount of labour this spirited and polished specimen probably took to produce. The corresponding speech in Arrian, v. 27, though less pointed than that in Curtius, is more natural and easy, and certainly far superior to that put into the mouth of Alexander” (_Alexander in India_, p. 140, n. 5).

[279] See Note N, Alexander’s Altars on the Hyphasis.

[280] Curtius is here in error as to the place of his death, for he died at the Hydaspês, as will be seen by a reference to Arrian, vi. 2. He is further in error, like Diodôros, in making the fleet start on its voyage from the Akesinês instead of from the Hydaspês.

[281] “It is recorded,” said Colonel Chesney in his Simla lecture on Alexander, “that he sent to Greece for 20,000 fresh suits of armour. A suit of armour and arms probably weighed three-fourths of a maund (60 lbs.), and we may assume that with the arms a good many other articles were indented for at the same time. Altogether we may take it that the requisition was for not less than from 20,000 to 30,000 mule loads—30,000 laden mules to be despatched from Macedonia to the Satlej! A large order. And this suggests another consideration. Alexander’s army on the Satlej was 50,000 strong; how about his lines of communication? During the late Afghan war over 50,000 men crossed the frontier, yet I believe the general had never at any time more than 10,000 men in hand at the front; the rest were swallowed up in holding obligatory posts and keeping up the line of communication. Now if 40,000 men are needed for this purpose to keep 10,000 effective in the front, when the distance to be covered was only 200 miles, what would be the force required to secure the line of communication between Macedonia and the army halted on the banks of the Satlej? The answer is to be found in the system of war pursued by Alexander’s Greek generals, and garrisons were left at certain points on the road; and where complete submission was made, the enemy was left in possession of his country and converted into an ally. But when the resistance was obstinate Alexander left no enemies behind.” As Alexander led into India 120,000 men, Colonel Chesney’s estimate that he had only 50,000 at the Hyphasis (which he calls the Satlej) must surely be far below the mark.

[282] Yet Pliny (vi. 17) says that though Alexander sailed on the Indus never less than 600 stadia per day, he took more than five months to complete the navigation of it! This would give the Indus a length of 12,000 miles! Aristoboulos said the navigation occupied ten months, but we may strike off a month from this estimate. The voyage began near the end of October 326 B.C. The distance from the starting-point to the sea by the course of the river is between eight and nine hundred British miles.

[283] See Note E_e_, The Sibi.

[284] See Note F_f_, The Agalassians.

[285] Curtius has here confounded the junction of the Hydaspês and Akesinês with that of the Indus and the combined stream of the Panjâb rivers. The geography of the passage is inexplicable. Arrian has given a vivid description of the confluence, but does not indicate that Alexander’s life was in danger from its perilous navigation.

[286] This rhetorical passage will remind the readers of Virgil of his description of the zones (_Georg._ i. 231-251): “Five zones comprise the heaven ... of which two, the frozen homes of green ice and black storms, stretch far away.... One pole is thrust down beneath the feet of murky Styx ... where eternal night, wrapped in her pall of gloom, sits brooding in unending silence.” The passage was probably, however, suggested by the lines of the sixth book of the _Aeneid_, 794-796: “He (Augustus Caesar) will stretch his sway beyond Garamantian and Indian. See, the land is lying outside the stars, outside the sun’s yearly path.”

[287] Racine (_Alex._ v. i.), imitating the present passage, says: “_des déserts que le ciel refuse d’éclairer, où la nature semble elle-même expirer_” (_Alex. in Ind._ p. 148).

[288] From which they were yet some 600 miles distant!

[289] Called the Oxydrakai by Arrian. See Note P. Curtius here differs from Diodôros, who says that the Syrakousai (Oxydrakai) and Malloi could not agree as to the choice of a leader, and ceased in consequence to keep the field together. Both these historians are silent as to the operations conducted by Alexander during his march from the junction of the Hydaspês and the Akesinês to the capital of the Malloi situated above the old junction of the united stream of these two rivers with the Hydraôtês.

[290] But according to Arrian, Strabo, and Plutarch, the city where Alexander was nearly wounded to death belonged to the Malloi.

[291] Thirlwall, with good reason, regards this incident as a mere embellishment of the story. “It is certain,” he says, “that even if Alexander believed in such things less than he appears to have done, he was too prudent to disclose his incredulity, and so throw away an instrument which a Greek general might so often find useful” (_Hist. of Greece_, vii. c. 54). The story is found in Diodôros also. If a fiction, it may have been suggested by the fact that Alexander on approaching Babylon, where he died, was warned by Chaldaean soothsayers not to enter that city. If true, Alexander had doubtless in his mind the words of Hector (_Iliad_, xii. 237-243), where he expresses his contempt for omens drawn from the flight of birds. Hannibal had a similar contempt, as appears from Cicero, _de Div._ ii.

[292] Curtius, like Plutarch, represents Alexander to have been wounded after he had scaled the _city_ wall, and thence leaped down into the _city_. But this is a mistake. It was the wall of the _citadel_ he scaled, and it was within the _citadel_ he was wounded, as we learn both from Arrian and Diodôros.

[293] “Probably a piece of gratuitous padding put in by Curtius to heighten the effect of his picture. Nothing of the kind is found in Arrian or Diodôros” (_Alex. in India_, p. 151).

[294] Timaeus and Aristonus are mentioned only by Curtius as among those who came first to Alexander’s rescue. It is supposed that the Timaeus of Curtius is the same person as the Limnaios of Plutarch.

[295] Pliny (vii. 37) mentions a Critobulus who acquired great celebrity by extracting an arrow from the eye of Philip, Alexander’s father. Arrian again says that some authors assigned the credit of the operation in Alexander’s case to Kritodêmos, a physician of Kôs, but others to Perdikkas.

[296] So Marius in like circumstances forbade himself to be bound (Cicero, _Tusc. Disput._ ii. 22).

[297] The Hydraôtês or Râvi, which in those days joined the Akesinês below Multân.

[298] Arrian, on the contrary, states, on the authority of Nearchos, that Alexander was annoyed by the remonstrances of his friends.

[299] A Thracian tribe whose country is mentioned in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ as a _stratêgia_—that is, a province governed by a general of the army.

[300] That is when he crossed the Tanaïs (Jaxartês) to attack the Skythians. “Unus Pellaeo juveni non sufficit orbis.”

[301] Referring to his descent from Achilleus, whose career was short but glorious.

[302] Alexander here refers to the plot of Hermoläos and the pages against his life.

[303] Philip was assassinated by Pausanias while entering the door of a theatre. The Elzevir editor aptly quotes an epigram on Henry IV. of France, to whom a saying was attributed _Duo protegit unus_:

“Gallorum Rex regna, inquis, duo protegit unus; Protexêre tuum nec duo regna caput.”

[304] The incident is mentioned briefly by Diodôros (xvii. 99). The 3000 Greeks who left their colonies to return home suffered great hardships on the way, and were slain by the Macedonians after Alexander’s death.

[305] The Sudracae and the Malli. They arrived while Alexander was still in camp near the confluence of the Hydraôtês with the Akesinês, where he had joined Hêphaistiôn and Nearchos.

[306] A statement, as Thirlwall observes, hardly consistent either with the boasts of independence made by the two nations, or with their recorded actions.

[307] Athenaios (vi. 13) relates, on the authority of Aristoboulos, that this Dioxippos, the Athenian, whom he calls a _pankratiast_, when Alexander on a certain occasion was wounded, and the blood flowing, exclaimed: “This is ichor such as flows in the veins of the blessed gods.” Ailianos in his _Hist. Var._ (x. 22) describes his combat with the Macedonian. Pliny (xxxv. 11) informs us that Dioxippos was painted as a victor in the Olympic _pancratium_ by Aleimachus.

[308] It is uncertain whether the Macedonians were of the same blood as the Greeks. Their kings undoubtedly were, but Grote, influenced by his antipathy to Alexander, who had crushed the liberties of Greece, considered him little better than a barbarian, “who had at most put on some superficial varnish of Hellenic culture.” See on this point Freeman’s _Historical Essays_, vol. ii. pp. 192-201, 3rd ed.

[309] “The sword blades of India had a great fame over the East, and Indian steel, according to esteemed authorities, continued to be imported into Persia till days quite recent. Its fame goes back to very old times. Ktesias mentions two wonderful swords of such material that he got from the King of Persia and his mother. It is perhaps the _ferrum candidum_ of which the Malli and Oxydracae sent 100 talents’ weight as a present to Alexander. Indian iron and steel are mentioned in the _Periplus_ as imports into the Abyssinian ports.” See Yule’s _Marco Polo_, i. p. 94.

[310] We learn from the _Periplus of the Erythraean Sea_ that tortoise and other shells formed an important element in the ancient commerce of the East with the West. For an account of Indian shells see _British India_ of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, III. c. v. pp. 136-144.

[311] Alexander had, however, by this time taken their capital. We learn from Arrian (_Indika_, c. 4) that their dominions extended to the junction of the Akesinês with the Indus.

[312] Lassen identifies this people with the _Sambastai_ of Diodôros. Orosius calls them the _Sabagrae_. In Arrian the _Sambastai_ appear as the _Abastanoi_, a name which transliterates the Sanskrit word _avasthâna_, which means, however, “a dwelling-place,” and does not denote a people. See note on Arrian, p. 155.

[313] Two other tribes are mentioned by Arrian as having sent deputies to Alexander while in camp near the confluence, the _Xathroi_ and the _Ossadioi_, concerning whom see notes on Arrian, p. 156.

[314] Their alarm would no doubt be increased by the sight of the many coloured flags of the vessels, as we may infer from the words of Pliny (xix. 1): “The first attempt at dyeing canvas with the costliest hues for dyeing wearing apparel was made in the fleets of Alexander the Great when he was navigating the river Indus, for then his generals and prefects had distinguished by differences of colour the ensigns of their vessels, and the natives along the shore were lost in amazement at the variety of their colours. It was with a purple sail Cleopatra came with Antony to Actium, and fled therefrom. This was the colour of the admiral’s ensign.”

[315] Chachar opposite Mithânkôt, a little below the great confluence. See Note on Arrian.

[316] See Note on Arrian, p. 156.

[317] Called Tyriaspês by Arrian. Oxyartes was Alexander’s father-in-law.

[318] For the Praesti and Porticanus see Note to Arrian, p. 158.

[319] See Note S.

[320] Aurengzêb captured Surat by a similar device, and to the great astonishment of the inhabitants.

[321] According to Diodôros this happened in the neighbourhood of Harmatelia, for conjectures as to the position of which see Note T. Strabo says it happened in the country of the Oreitai.

[322] It has been thought this name may be constructed from _Maharâjah_, “great king.” For identification of Patala see Note U.

[323] This island is called by Arrian Killouta, and by Plutarch Skilloustis. See Note on Arrian, p. 164.

[324] See Note G_g_, Tides in Indian Rivers.

[325] This lake, however, was discovered neither on this voyage nor on this arm of the Indus, but during a subsequent voyage which Alexander made down the eastern arm.

[326] “No magnificent idea,” says Vincent, “is requisite to conceive the building of cities in the East. A fort or citadel with a mud wall to mark the circumference of the pettah or town is all that falls to the share of the founder. The habitations are raised in a few days or hours.... The Soldan of Egypt insults Timour by telling him: ‘The cities of the East are built of mud, and ephemeral; ours in Syria and Egypt are of stone, and eternal.’”

[327] Nearchos with the fleet rejoined the army at a point on the river, Pasitigris or Karun, near the modern village of Ahwaz, where was a bridge by which Alexander led his army from Persis to Sousa, where he arrived February 324 B.C.

[328] The Alexandreia of Diodôros, and probably also the Alexandreia which, as we learn from Pliny (vi. 25), was built by Leonnatos by Alexander’s orders on the confines of the Arian nation. It may also be the fifteenth of the Alexandreias of Stephanos Byz., which he places in the country of the Arachosians next to India. It was perhaps, however, the _Portus Alexandri_, now Karâchi, where Nearchos was detained by the prevalence of the monsoon for twenty-four days.

[329] Hence their name _Ichthyophagoi_. They inhabited the maritime parts of the Oreitai and Gedrosians. In sailing along their coast Nearchos and his men suffered great hardships from scarcity of provisions. See Arrian’s _Indika_, 24-31. Much may also be read of this people in Strabo, Pliny, Ailianos, and Agatharchides.

[330] Arrian (vi. 27) says, however, that Phrataphernes brought the provisions spontaneously. Diodôros is at one with Curtius on the point.

[331] This description is much overdrawn. Thirlwall thus remarks upon it: “We cannot wonder that, in the enjoyment of pleasures, from which they had been so long debarred, they abandoned themselves to some excesses, perhaps only following the example of their chiefs and of Alexander himself;” and this was probably the main ground of fact for the exaggeration of later writers.

[332] Arrian alludes to his execution in his _Indika_, c. 36.

[333] This happened at Mazaga, the capital of Assakênos. Plutarch, it will be seen, justly condemns Alexander for this gross violation of the compact into which he had entered with the Indian mercenaries.

[334] For its identification see Note F, Aornos.

[335] Aphrikês is called Eryx by Curtius.

[336] More correctly _Omphis_ as given by Curtius. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Omphis.

[337] The father of Omphis had quite recently died, and Omphis did not assume the sovereignty at once on his decease, but waited till Alexander sanctioned his doing so. He then, as a matter of course, along with the sovereignty assumed also the dynastic title _Taxilês_.

[338] Alexander’s campaign, in which he conquered the country extending from the Hindu Kush to the Indus, took place in the year 327 B.C. In the year following he marched eastward through the Panjâb as far as the Hyphasis, conquering on his way Pôros and the Kathaians, and from the Hyphasis he retraced his way to the Hydaspês. He then sailed down that river, and then down the Akesinês into which it falls, until about the end of the year he reached the Indus. It will be seen from Arrian, v. 19, that the battle with Pôros was fought in the archonship of Hêgemôn at Athens, whose year of office, it is otherwise known, extended from the 28th of June 327 to the 17th of July 326 B.C. Hêgemôn was succeeded by Chremês, so that Diodôros antedates his archonship. He was archon after the defeat of Pôros and not before. With regard to the two consuls named, it does not appear that they ever held the consulship simultaneously. Publius Cornelius (Scipio Barbatus) was consul in 328 B.C. along with C. Plautius Decianus. In the following year _Spurius_ Postumius Albinus was master of the horse to the Dictator Claudius Marcellus, but I can find nowhere in the lists the name of _Aulus_ Postumius as holding any office about that time. In Smith’s _Classical Dictionary_ the year 327 B.C. appears as the _annus mirabilis_ of Alexander’s life, for early in the spring he completes the conquest of Sogdiana and marries Roxana. Thereafter he returns to Baktra, then marches to invade India, and crossing the Hydaspês defeats Pôros. He then marches to the Hyphasis, and thence returns to the Hydaspês. In the autumn he sails down the Hydaspês to the Indus! See vol. iii. p. 1346 and vol. i. _s.v._ Alexander III. The events of two years are thus compressed into the space of a single year. Clinton’s chronology, which is very confused for the period from 327 to 323, seems to have been followed.

[339] His name appears in Arrian more correctly as Abisares. He may be described as the King of Kashmir.

[340] Boukephala and Nikaia, for which see Note on Arrian, p. 110.

[341] See Note Z, Indian Serpents.

[342] This is the whip-snake which is thus described in _British India_ of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, vol. iii. pp. 121, 122: “The whip snake is common to the Concan, where it conceals itself among the foliage of trees, and darts at the cattle grazing below, generally aiming at the eye. A bull, which was thus wounded at Dazagon, tore up the ground with extreme fury, and died in half an hour, foaming at the mouth. The habit of the reptile is truly singular, for it seems to proceed neither from resentment nor from fear, nor yet from the impulse of appetite; but seems, ‘more than any other known fact in natural history, to partake of that frightful and mysterious principle of evil, which tempts our species so often to tyrannize for mere wantonness of power.’”

[343] The Adraïstai of Arrian. See Note on that author, p. 116.

[344] See Note I_i_, Suttee.

[345] More correctly Sôphytês. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._

[346] This was also a Spartan institution.

[347] See Note B_b_.

[348] More correctly _Phegelas_ as given by Arrian. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._

[349] Usually called the Hyphasis. It is now the Beäs which joins the Satlej. The name of the Hyphasis was sometimes, however, applied to the united stream, but this is contrary to Sanskrit usage.

[350] See Notes C_c_ and D_d_.

[351] The Indian barber (_nâpit_) belonged to the Sudra or servile caste. Besides the duties proper to his calling, he has other avocations, his services being often required for the performance of certain domestic ceremonies such as those connected with marriage, etc.

[352] “Kallisthenes adds (after the exaggerating style of tragedy) that when Apollo had deserted the oracle among the Branchidai, on the temple being plundered by the Branchidai (who espoused the party of the Persians in the time of Xerxes), and the spring had failed, it then reappeared _on the arrival of Alexander_; that the ambassadors also of the Milesians carried back to Memphis numerous answers of the oracle respecting the descent of Alexander from Jupiter, and the future victory which he should obtain at Arbela, the death of Darius, and the political changes at Lacedaemon” (Strabo, XVII. i. 43). See also Introd. p. 28.

[353] Properly the _Gangaridai_.

[354] Diodôros should have said the _Hydaspês_.

[355] See Note on Curtius, p. 231.

[356] See Note E_e_, The Sibi.

[357] See Note F_f_, The Agalassians.

[358] See Curtius, ix. 4.

[359] This happened at the junction of the Akesinês with the _Hydaspês_ and not with the _Indus_, as here represented. For the contest of Achilles with the Simoeis and Skamander, see the twenty-first book of the _Iliad_.

[360] The Oxydrakai.

[361] “The two races (_Oxydrakai_ and _Malloi_) were composed of widely different elements, for the name of one appears to have been derived from that of the Sudra caste; and it is certain that the Brahmins were predominant in the other. We can easily understand why they did not intermarry, and were seldom at peace with each other, and that their mutual hostility was only suspended by the common danger which now threatened their independence.”—Thirlwall’s _Hist. of Greece_, vii. c. 54.

[362] Called Horratas by Curtius.

[363] For a notice of Dioxippos, see Note on Curtius, p. 249.

[364] For their identification, see Note on Curtius, p. 252.

[365] See Note R for their identification.

[366] Cunningham inclines to believe that the _Massanoi_ of Diodôros are the _Musarnoi_ of Ptolemy, whose name, he says, still exists in the district of _Muzarka_ to the west of the Indus below Mithankot. See his _Anc. Geog. of Ind._ p. 254.

[367] For its identification see Note R and Note on Arrian, p. 156.

[368] See Note on Arrian, p. 157, regarding the position of this country.

[369] Porticanos is called Oxykanos by Arrian. See Note on that author, p. 158.

[370] For the kingdom of Sambos see Note S.

[371] See Note T.

[372] See Note on Curtius, p. 256.

[373] Evidently an error for _Patala_, for the identification of which see Note U.

[374] See Note on Curtius, p. 262.

[375] All these particulars are recorded at length in the _Indika_ of Arrian, from c. 24 to c. 31.

[376] Generally called Parthia, then a small state.

[377] Drangianê, now the province of Seistan. The inhabitants Drangoi, and also Zarangoi. Drangianê was separated from Gedrôsia by the Baitian mountains, now called the Washati.

[378] Areia was a small province included in Ariana which embraced nearly the whole of ancient Persia. The name is connected with the Indian word _ârya_, “noble” or “excellent.” It occupied the tract from Meshed to Herat.

[379] Arrian, however, relates in his _Indika_ (c. 23), that Leonnatos defeated the Oreitai and their allies in a great battle in which all the leaders and 6000 men were slain, while his own loss was very trifling.

[380] Arrian gives in his _Indika_ (c. 33-35) full details of the journey of Nearchos from the coast to Alexander’s camp, which lay a five days’ march inland, and of the affecting interview between the king and his admiral, whom he had given up for lost. Arrian’s narrative may be implicitly trusted, as it was based on the _Journal_ of Nearchos, whose veracity is unimpeachable. The admiral did not appear in the theatre until his interview with Alexander had been concluded. Diodôros is clearly in error in placing Salmous on the coast.

[381] This incident occurred at Mazaga, the capital of Assakênos.

[382] The Brahmans of Sindh are here referred to.

[383] “When the Greek writers tell us that the district between the Hydaspes and the Hyphasis alone contained 5000 cities (!), none of which was less than that of Cos (Strabo, xv. p. 686), and that the dominions of Pôros, which were confined between the Hydaspes and the Acesines—a tract not more than 40 miles in width—contained 300 cities (_id._ p. 698), it is evident that the Greeks were misled by the exaggerated reports so common with all Orientals, and which were greedily swallowed by the historians of Alexander with a view of magnifying the exploits of the great conqueror.”—Bunbury, _Hist. of Anc. Geog._ I. p. 453.

[384] See Note to Arrian, p. 112, and to Curtius, p. 212.

[385] This seems an almost inexcusable mistake on Plutarch’s part—his conducting Alexander as far as the Ganges! The author of the _Periplûs_ made the same egregious blunder. It is possible, however, to put a different construction on the expressions used by Plutarch, and to suppose that he wrote so carelessly that he did not mean what his words seem to imply.

[386] See Notes C_c_ and D_d_ for these people.

[387] More correctly Sandrakyptos, or Chandragupta. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Sandrokottos.

[388] See Note N, Altars at the Hyphasis.

[389] See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Sandrokottos.

[390] This was the wall of the citadel, not of the city, as Plutarch represents.

[391] This fact, attested by all the historians, confirms the truth of the reports as to the great skill of the Indians in archery.

[392] Called Timaeus by Curtius, p. 240.

[393] He is called Sambos by Arrian, and was the ruler of the mountainous region west of the Indus, having Sindimana for his capital, the city now called Sehwan. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Sambos.

[394] “He (Alexander) caused ten Indian philosophers, whom the Greeks called _gymnosophists_, and who were naked as apes, to be seized. He proposes to them questions worthy of the gallant Mercury of Visé, promising them with all seriousness that the one who answered worst would be hanged the first, after which the others would follow in their order. This is like Nabuchodonosor, who absolutely wished to slay the Magians if they did not divine one of his dreams which he had forgotten, or the Calif of _The Thousand and One Nights_ who was to strangle his wife when she came to the end of her stories. But it is Plutarch who tells this silly story; we must respect it; he was a Greek” (Voltaire, _Dict. Phil._ s.v. _Alexandre_). See also Note H_h_, Indian Gymnosophists.

[395] The interviews of Onesikritos with the Indian philosophers took place earlier than is here stated—when Alexander was at Taxila.

[396] Called Killouta by Arrian. The native name has not otherwise been preserved. The city which Pliny calls Xylenopolis was probably situated in Killouta, and was the naval station whence Nearchos started on his voyage. The name means “city of wood.”

[397] Arrian relates in his _Indika_ (c. 26) that Nearchos in the course of his voyage, having landed at a place on the Gedrôsian coast called Kalama, received from the natives a present of sheep and fish. The admiral recorded that the mutton had a fishy taste like the flesh of sea-birds, because for want of grass the sheep were fed on fish.

[398] See Note on Curtius, p. 266.

[399] See Note on Curtius, p. 194.

[400] The Queen of Mazaga, capital of the Assakenians. See Note D.

[401] The rock Aornos, identified with Mount Mahaban. See Note F.

[402] The Adrestae are the Adraïstai of Arrian. See Note on that author, p. 116. The Gesteani seem to be the Kathaians. The Praesidae must be the Prasians (though Saint-Martin would identify them with the Praesti of Curtius), and the Gangaridae the people of Lower Bengal.

[403] The river reached was the Hyphasis. How Justin came to call it the Cuphites it is difficult to understand. Can he have had in his recollection the Kâbul river, called sometimes by the classical writers the _Kuphes_, with _Kuphet_ as the stem for the oblique cases, and mistaken it for the river which arrested Alexander’s progress? Like Plutarch, he erroneously supposes that the Macedonian army was confronted with a great host encamped on the opposite bank of the river.

[404] _Hydaspes_ he should have said.

[405] For the identification of this people, see Note F_f_.

[406] The _Silei_ are probably the _Sibi_. See Note E_e_.

[407] By the _Ambri_ must be meant the _Malli_, and by the _Sigambri_ the _Oxydrakai_. The text must be corrupt.

[408] This is supposed to be a corrupt reading for Ambiregis, in which case _Ambi_ is a mistake for _Sambi_. We know that the incident referred to happened in the dominions of this king. In Orosius (iii. 19) the name is transcribed as _Ambiraren_.

[409] Nothing is known of this city, unless it be, as Cunningham thinks, the _Barbari_ of Ptolemy, and the _Barbarike Emporium_ of the author of the _Periplûs_. See his _Anc. Geog._ p. 295.

[410] _Nandrum_ has been here substituted for the common reading _Alexandrum_, which Gutschmid (_Rhein. Mus._ 12, 261) has shown to be an error.

[411] Quoted by Heitland in the original.

[412] _Ibid._

[413] The _Râmâyana_ (ii. 70. 21) mentions among the Kaikeyas, “the dogs bred in the palace, gifted with the strength of the tiger and of huge body” (Dunck. iv. p. 403).

[414] Referring to the terms in which he was summoned to go to Alexander. He was to go to “the son of Zeus.”

[415] According to Dr. Bellew this name is the Greek equivalent of the Persian _Mâhîkhorân_, “fish-eaters,” still surviving in the modern _Makrân_. [Since the above note was written the cause of Eastern learning and research has suffered a grievous loss by the death of this distinguished Orientalist, whose work on the Ethnology of Afghanistan will prove a lasting monument to his fame. The work discusses _inter alia_ the ethnic affinities of the various races with which Alexander came into contact during his Asiatic expedition.]

[416] Major E. Mockler, the political agent of Makrân, contributed some years ago to the _Journal_ of the Royal Asiatic Society a valuable paper on the identification of places on this coast mentioned by Arrian, Ptolemy, and Marcian, in which he corrected some errors into which the commentators on these authors had fallen.

[417] A slight emendation of the reading (suggested by Schwanbeck) restores the passage to sense, making Arrian say that Sandrokottos was greater even than Pôros.

[418] It seems that Pôros, after Alexander’s death, had possessed himself of the satrapy of the Lower Indus, held till then by Peithôn son of Agênôr.

[419] The passage states that Amitrochates, the king of the Indians, wrote to Antiochos asking that king to buy and send him sweet wine, dried figs, and a sophist; and that Antiochos replied: We shall send you the figs and the wine, but in Greece the laws forbid a sophist to be sold. Athênaios quotes Hêgêsander as his authority.

INDICES

I. GENERAL INDEX

_N.B._—When a person or place is designated by two or more names more or less different, these names are generally given together. The modern names of ancient cities, rivers, etc., are bracketed in italics. Proper names which appear in one part of the text spelled after the Greek form, and in another after the Latin, will be found indexed under the Greek form; hence names which commonly begin with C should be looked for under K.

Abars or Sous, 344

Abastanoi, 155, 252, 292-3

Abisara (_Hazâra_), 375

Abisarês, 69, 76, 92, 112, 115, 129, 202, 203, 216, 274, 278, 380, 402

Abreas, 146-8, 150

Abyla, 123

Acacia, 171

Acadira, 64

Achaimenids, 31, 34

Achilles, Achilleus, 15, 246, 286

Adraïstai, Adrestae, 116, 279, 323

Adrapsa, 39

Agalasseis, 232, 285, 324, 366-7

Agathoklês, 371

Agêma, the Royal Escort, 20

Aghor, river, 168

Agrammes, Xandrames, 221-2, 281-2, 407, 409, 413

Agrianians, 20 _passim_

Ahmedâbâd, 134

Ahwaz, 262

Aigina, Aegina, island of, 150

Aigyptos, river. _See_ Nile

Airâvatî, river. _See_ Hydraôtes

Aithiopians, 85, 132

Ajanta, Caves of, 186

Ajax, the elephant of Pôros, 215

Akbar, 407

Akesinês, Asiknî, Chandrabhâga Sandabala, river (_Chenâb_). Its source, and direction of its course, 87, 88; its Vedic name, 93; described by Ptolemy Sôtêr, 112-3; crossed by Alexander, 113, and recrossed, 129-30, 284, 324; its turbulent confluence with the Hydaspês, 137-9; its confluence with the Indus, 155; the voyage down its stream, 350

Aleimachos, 249

Alexander Aigos, 50, 404 a young Macedonian hero, 198-9 King of Epeiros, 380 the Great, his birth, education, and accession to the throne, 15, 16; crosses into Asia, defeats the Persians in three great battles, and takes Babylon, Sousa, and Persepolis, 17-34; pursues and overtakes Darius, 34, 35; invades Hyrkania, quells revolt of the Areians, crosses the Indian Kaukasos, reduces Baktria and Sogdiana and defeats the Skythians, 35-44; recrosses the Kaukasos, subdues the tribes of Northern Afghanistân, crosses the Indus, defeats Pôros, subdues the Panjâb and valley of the Indus, and returns by way of Gedrosia, Karmania, Persis and Sousis to Babylon, 57-328; his death and character, 47, 48; his personal appearance and habits, 48, 49; his dress and arms, 147; wars of his successors, 49-53; general results of his eastern expedition, 3-5; list of his historians and estimate of their credibility, 6-15

Alexandreia in Egypt, 27, 49, 80 now Herat, 37 Eschatê, 41 under Kaukasos, 39, 44, 58, 80, 331-2 near Mithânkôt, 253

Alikasudara, Alexander, King of Epeiros, 374

Alingar, river (_Kow_), 61

Alishang, river, 61

Alketas, 50, 57, 68, 69, 97, 374, 382

Allahâbâd, 184

Allitrochadês, Vindusâra, 383, 405, 409

Alôr, 157, 165, 353-4

Altars of Alexander on the Hyphasis, 129, 215, 230, 234, 284, 311, 348-50

Amastris, 393

Amazons, 42, 340

Amb, 77

Ambashtha, Sambastai, Abastanoi, 155

Ambiger, 356, 375

Ambri, probably the Malloi, 324-5

Amisea, birthplace of Strabo, 412

Ammôn, an Egyptian deity identified by the Greeks with Zeus, 27, 49, 135, 164, 282

Amphipolis, 396, 404

Amritsar, supposed by some to occupy the site of Sangala; its name means “Pool of immortality,” 348

Amtikina, Antigonos Gonatas, 374

Amyntas, 8, 58, 375-6

Anabasis of Xenophôn, 10

Anamis, river (_Minâb_), 397

Anaximenês, 8

Andaka, Andêla, 62, 194

Androsthenes, 8, 376

Ankyra (_Angora_), 24

Antigenês, 50, 104, 160, 209, 376

Antigonos, 50, 51, 369, 375-6, 382-4, 385, 394, 398, 399, 400-1, 406, 410, 412 Gonatas, King of Macedonia, 52, 376, 380 Dôsôn, 377

Antiochos, a commander of the Hypaspists, 76 father of Seleukos Nikator, 409 I. surnamed Sôtêr King of Syria, 6, 377 II. King of Syria, 52, 377, 380 III. King of Syria, 52, 53

Antipater, Regent of Macedonia, 19, 50, 377-8, 393, 394, 400, 402

Antiyoka, Antiochos II., 52, 374

Antoninus Pius, 9

Antony, Mark, 253

Ants, gold-digging, 85, 341-2

Aornis. _See_ Aornos, Rock of

Aornos, a city of Baktria, 39

Aornos, Rock of, 70-3, 76, 124, 197, 271, 285, 322, 336-9, 410

Apama, wife of Seleukos Nikator and mother of Antiochos Sôter, 409

Apellês, 49

Apes, Indian, 277-8

Aphrikês. _See_ Eryx

Apollodotos, 372

Apollonios, 344, 349, 378

Apollophanês, 169, 177, 378

Arabios, Arabis, river (_Purali_), 167, 168, 262, 397

Arabitai, Arabites, 167, 262, 296

Arachosia, 38, 88 _passim_

Arachôsians, 249, 262

Aral, Sea of, 17, 41

Aratrioi, 116

Aratta, 406

Araxes, river (_Bund-Amîr_, the _Bendameer_ of Moore), 33

Arbêla. _See_ under Battle

Areia, 36, 38, 298, 411

Archelaos, a geographer in Alexander’s Expedition, 8

Argos, 124

Argyraspides, the silver-shielded, 20, 321, 376

Ariaspians, Euergetai, _i.e._ Benefactors, 38

Aribes. _See_ Arabitai

Arigaion, 64

Ariobarzanês, 33, 378

Arispai, 367

Aristoboulos, 7, 44, 378

Aristonous, 180, 240, 379

Aristophylai, 58

Aristotle, 15, 44, 379-80, 392

Arjunâyana, Agalassians, 367

Armaël, Armabil. _See_ Harmatelia

Armour, 20,000 suits of, received by Alexander, 231

Arrhidaios, Alexander’s half-brother, 50

Arrhybas, 394

Arrian, life of, 9-10

Arrow, Indian, described as long and heavy, 210; Alexander wounded by one at Massaga, 195; and in the Mallian stronghold, 148, 239, 289, 312, 325; Ptolemy wounded by one tipped with poison, 255-6, 294-5, 326; the kind used by Indian king in hunting, 189

Arsakês, 129, 377, 380

Arsinoê, mother of Ptolemy Sôtêr, 402-3

Artabazos, 36, 39, 376, 380, 385, 393, 395, 398, 403

Artabios, river. _See_ Arabios

Artakoana, 36

Artaxerxes III., 380

Artemidôros, 380

Artemision, 150

Asiknî, river. _See_ Akesinês

Asklêpiadai, 149

Asklêpios, Aesculapius, 380

Aśôka, king of Magadha, grandson of Chandragupta, 52, 187, 343, 374, 376, 377, 380, 381, 404, 407, 409 Inscription of, 372-3

Aspasioi, war with the, 60-5, 333-4, 339

Ass, wild, 186-7

Assacanus, 194

Assakênoi, Assacani, defeat of the, 65-6, 333-4

Astês, 381

Atâri, 143, 352

Athêna, Minerva, 146, 200, 400

Athênaios, 381

Athênodôros, 247, 381

Athens, 362, 363, 379, 384, 386, 389

Athôs, Mount, 379

Atlas, Mount, 123

Attak, Attock, 72, 78, 84, 131, 343

Attakênoi, 114

Attalos, uncle of Kleopatra the wife of King Philip, Alexander’s father, 16, 17, 381

Attalos, Commander of the Agrianians, 381

Attalos, one of Alexander’s great officers, 51, 57, 62, 64, 69, 98, 160, 206, 375, 382

Augustus, 11, 13, 15, 389, 412

Aurengzêb, 254

Austanês, 57

Ayek, river, 141

Babylon, 29, 31, 32, 47, 122, 325, 327, 385, 388-9, 400, 402, 410

Bacchus. _See_ Dionysos

Bahâwalpûr, 350

Bahîka, 350

Baitian Mountains (_Washati_), 167, 298

Baitôn, one of Alexander’s _Mensores_, 8, 331, 345, 382

Baktra (_Balkh_), 39, 41, 44, 58, 247

Baktria, 34, 37; conquered by Alexander, 41-4; included in the dominions of Seleukos Nikator, 410; made an independent kingdom by Theodotos, 377; coins of Graeco-Baktrian Kings, 370-1

Balakros, 64, 200, 382

Balarâma, Indian Heraklês, 70

Balistai, engines for hurling missiles, 21

Bambhra, 164

Banpûr, Bunpoor, 357

Banyan-tree, Ficus Indica, 217

Barber, Indian, 282

Barcê, 326

Bargosa, Barygaza (_Baroch_), 389

Battle of Arbêla, 29, 150, 380, 393, 395 with the Aspasians, 65 of Chaironeia, Chaeronea, 16 of Chilianwâla, 103 of Gaugamêla. _See_ Arbêla of the Granîkos, 21-3, 150, 225, 392, 395 of the Hydaspês, 4, 100-10, 203-14, 307-8, 345-6, 360-1, 393, 395 of Ipsos, 51, 376, 410 of Issos, 25, 29, 30, 394, 395, 402 with the Kathaians, 116-9, 217-8, 279, 323 of Kounaxa, Cunaxa, 19 of Kynoskephalai, 21 with the Malloi, 145, 236 of Meani, 30-1

Barsinê, Stateira, daughter of Darius, and wife of Alexander, 46, 382, 398, 404

Barzaentes, 37, 203, 382

Bazâr, 194, 335

Bazaria (_Bokhara?_), 43

Bazira, 67, 70-1, 335

Beas, river. _See_ Hyphasis

Bean, the Egyptian, 131

Begrâm, plain of, 332

Beira, 194

Bela, 356-7

Beluchistan, 170

Bêlus, temple of, 31

Beryls, Indian, 220

Bêssos, Satrap of Baktria, 34, 35, 36, 39-40, 41, 76, 150, 382-3, 398, 410

Bhakar, 160, 353, 354

Bhêranah, 116

Bhimber, 366

Bhira, Bheda, 136

Bibasis, river. _See_ Hyphasis

Bidaspes, river. _See_ Hydaspês

Birds, Indian, which talk, 186

Bitôn, 247-8

Bokhara, 41

Bolan Pass, 160, 354, 382, 393, 403

Bôlitai (_Kabulîs_), 158

Bosporos, 90

Boukephala, a city founded in honour of Alexander’s favourite horse, 110, 130, 231, 277, 284, 309, 323

Boukephalos, Boukephalas, Alexander’s favourite horse, 101, 110, 111, 309, 323, 212

Boumodos, river, 150

Boxos, 185, 247-8

Brahmanâbâd, 353, 355, 356

Brachmans, Brahmans, 143, 159, 160, 293, 306, 343, 358-9, 362, 368, 378, 392, 395

Brahmaputra, river, 184, 367

Branchidai, 282

Bridge made over the Indus, 72, 78, 83, 90, 272

Bridging of rivers, 90-1

Buddha, 408

Buddhism, 381

Buddhists, 359

Bulls, Indian, 202

Burindu, Parenos, river, 77, 339

Burma, 187

Byzantium (_Constantinople_), 379

Caesar, 12, 13, 14, 214

Calingae, 364

Camp, Alexander’s, on the Hydaspês, 344-5

Cedrôsia. _See_ Gedrôsia

Cerealis, a Roman General, 227

Ceylon, 374

Chachar. _See_ Chuchpûr

Chaironeia. _See_ under Battle

Chânakya, 370, 408, 409

Chandrabhâga, river. _See_ Akesinês

Chandragupta, King of Palibothra. _See_ Sandrokottos

Chares, Cares, 7, 44, 383

Charikar, 38, 331

Chariots, war, 207

Charus, a brave Macedonian youth, 198, 199

Chenâb, river. _See_ Akesinês

Chittral, 61

Choarênê, 160

Choaspes, river, 61, 62, 64, 194, 338

Chremês, an Athenian Archon, 110, 273-4

Chuchpûr, Chachar, 156, 293, 253

Cicero, 11

Claudius, 11, 395

Cleochares, 92, 203

Cleophis, Queen of Massaga, 194, 196-7, 269, 322, 335, 383

Clitarchos. _See_ Kleitarchos

Coins, Roman, 372; Indian, 201

Colonies founded by Alexander, 58

Colonists, Baktrian, 289

Comorin, Cape, 184

Companion, Cavalry, 57 _passim_

Confluence of the Hydaspês and Akesinês, 137-9, 233-4, 286 of the Akesinês and Hydraôtês, 155, 242, 352 of the united stream of the Panjâb rivers (called the Akesinês, now the _Panjnad_) with the Indus, 155 of the Hyphasis with the Satlej, 120-1, 349 of the Hyphasis (Satlej?) with the Akesinês, 155

Constantine the Great, 408

Corinth, Isthmus of, 150

Cornelius, P., 274

Cotton, 186, 188

Crete, 386

Crocodiles, 139

Cuphetes, river, 323

Curtius, Q. Rufus, life of, 10-12

Cutch, a colouring matter, 171

Cyprus, 27

Cyropolis, 40

Cyrus the Great, 17, 34, 38, 40, 46, 86, 170, 173, 358

Cyrus the Younger, 19

Daedala, Daidala, 64, 194, 322, 335

Daedali Mountains (_Mt. Dantalok?_), 64, 335

Dahae, Dahans, 208, 225

Daityas, 83

Damascus, 26

Damis, 344

Dandamis. _See_ Mandanês

Dardai, 341

Dardistan, 187

Darius Hystaspes, divides his empire into satrapies, 18; copy of his seal, 29; was paid tribute by the Arabitai and Oreitai, 167 Kodomannos, state of the Persian empire at his accession to the throne, 18, 19; defeat of his army at the Granîkos, 21, 22; at Issos, 24-6; his treasures and family seized at Damascus, his offers to Alexander rejected, 28; his defeat at Gaugamêla, and flight to Arbêla, 29-31; his flight from Ekbatana and assassination, 34, 35; Arrian’s estimate of his character, 35; his contrast to Pôros, 108, 346

Dataphernês, 39

Dêimachos, 8, 383, 405

Delta of the Indus, Patalênê, 84, 160, 352-3, 356 of the Nile, 357

Dêmêtrios, one of the Sômatophylakes, 38, 383, 403 Son of Pythônax, 69, 98, 104, 114, 144, 360, 383 Poliorkêtês, son of Antigonos, and King of Macedonia, 51, 151, 376, 383, 400

Dêmophôn, 236, 287

Dêmosthenês, 16, 381

Derbend, 77

Desert east of the Indus, 221

Dhanananda, 408

Diamouna, river. _See_ Iomanês (_Jamnâ_)

Dêbal, 169

Dilâwar, 97

Dimachai, 21

Dimoirites, Duplicarius, 146, 147

Diodôros Sic., life of, 13-14

Diodotos of Erythrai, 8

Diogenês, 315, 391, 398

Diognêtos, 8, 331, 345

Dionysopolis. _See_ Nysa

Dionysos, Bacchus, 5, 79, 80, 82, 124, 136, 154, 179, 191, 192, 226, 252, 265, 299, 317, 321, 340, 351

Dioskorides, 384

Dioxippos, a famous Athenian athlete, 249, 250-1, 290-2, 351

Dir, 76

Diridotis (_Teredon_), 397

Doanas, river. _See_ Dyardanês

Dog and lion fight, 220-1, 280, 363-4

Dogs, Indian, 363-4

Dorsanes, Indian Heraklês, 70

Doxarês, 92

Drachma, Greek silver coin, 372

Drangiana (_Seistân_), 37, 298, 411

Dudhiâl, 345

Drypatis, daughter of Darius and wife of Hêphaistiôn, 386

Dyades, 196

Dyardanes, river (_Brahmaputra?_) 184

Dyrta, 76

Edom, 186

Ekbatana, capital of Mêdia (_Hamadan_), 30, 34, 47, 126, 362, 384, 385, 386, 392

Elam, Mount, Râm Takht, 338-9

Elburz Mountains, 35

Elephants, presented to Alexander by Taxilês, 58; by Abisarês, 112; objects of terror to horses, 96; part played by them in the battle of the Hydaspês, 103-6, 208-13, 274-5, 308; Sandrokottos gives five hundred to Seleukos Nikatôr in exchange for the Panjâb and territories west of the Indus, 410

Embolima, 72, 200, 336-7

Emodoi Mountains (_Himâlayas_), 131

Enotokoitai, a fabulous race, 405

Eordaia, 399

Ephêmerides (_Daily Gazette_), 7, 384

Epiktêtos, 9, 384

Erannoboas, river (_Sôn_), 187, 407

Eratosthenês, 384

Erix, Eryx, Aphrikes, 77, 200, 272, 378

Erythrae, 341

Erythraian Sea, 13, 183, 185

Erythrus, 185

Etymander, river (_Helmund_), 38, 184

Euaspla, Choaspes, river, 62

Eudêmos, 45, 177, 384, 406, 412

Eudoxos, 188

Euergetai. _See_ Ariaspians

Eukratides, 343, 344

Eumenês, Alexander’s secretary, 7, 8, 50, 51, 119, 218, 369, 375, 376, 380-5, 393, 398-401, 406, 410, 412

Euphrates, river, 24, 29, 47, 88, 91, 123, 262, 296, 301

Euryalus, 198

Euthydêmos, 53

Ficus Indica. _See_ Banyan-tree

Firûzâbâd, 169

Gadeira (_Cadiz_), 123

Gadrôsoi. _See_ Gêdrosioi

Gândhâra, 59, 62, 333, 364, 399

Gandaridai, 279, 323

Gandaris, 112, 133, 134

Gangaridae (_Gonghrîs_), 221, 281, 283, 310, 364-5

Gangê, 365

Ganges, river, 12, 13, 84, 123, 183, 184, 221, 234-5, 310, 349, 353, 367, 393, 407

Gates, Amanian, 25 Kaspian, 34, 122 Kilikian, 223 Persian (_Kaleh Safed_), 33, 378 Syrian, 24

Gaugamêla. _See_ under Battle

Gaza, 27, 400

Gedrosioi, 169, 171-2, 175, 179, 180, 262-4, 296, 298, 317, 401, 412

Gesteani. _See_ Kathaians

Ghâra, river, 162

Ghôri, tribes of, 66

Girnâr, 374

Glaukias, murderer of Rôxana, 404

Glausai, Glaukanikoi, 111

Gods, Indian, 191

Gold, 187, 341-2

Gordian knot, 24

Gordion, Gordium, 24

Gorgias, 59, 98, 385

Gorys or Gorydalê, 61, 62

Gouraios, river (_Panjkora_), 60, 66

Granîkos, river. _See_ under Battle

Griffins, Gryphons, 85

Gundulbâr, 134

Gymnosophists. _See_ Philosophers

Hadrian, 9

Hagês, 207

Haidarâbâd, Patala, 84, 165, 167, 353, 355-7, 396

Halikarnassos, 23

Hannibal, 23, 100, 237

Harapa, 141

Harmatelia, 256, 294-5, 355

Harpalos, cousin of Alexander, 230, 379, 385-6, 396

Hasan Abdâl, 342

Hashtnagar, 59, 339, 342

Haur. _See_ Ora

Hêgelochos, admiral of Alexander’s fleet in the Aegean Sea, 28

Hêgemôn, an Athenian Archon, 95, 110, 214

Hêkataios, 386

Hekatompylos (_Damaghan?_), 35, 36

Helikôn, a Rhodian artificer, 147

Hêlioklês, 371

Hellespont, 90, 122, 410

Helmund, river. _See_ Etymander

Henry IV. of France, 246

Hêphaistiôn, 38, 45, 47, 59, 60, 71, 78, 83, 98, 114, 121, 129, 133, 136, 137, 139, 161, 162, 167-9, 180, 191, 201, 202, 209, 262, 279, 281, 285, 381, 385, 386, 392-3

Hêraklês, Hercules, 5, 15, 28, 70, 71, 82, 124, 135, 191, 197, 208, 226, 232, 271, 285, 290, 322, 341, 366

Hêraklês, son of Alexander by Barsinê, 398, 402

Hêrakôn, 178, 386

Herat, 37, 298

Hermês, 356

Hermolaos, 44, 246, 403

Hermos, river, 89

Hêrodotos, 18, 70

Hesidrus, river. _See_ Satlej

Hiacensanae. _See_ Agalassi

Hieronymos, 7

Hieropolis, 384

Hindu-Kush Mountains, 407

Himyar, 185

Hingul, river, 169

Hippasioi. _See_ Aspasioi

Hiranyagupta, 409

Hoplites, 60

Horratas, Horatus, Koragos, 249-51, 290-2, 390-3, 351

Houpiân, Opianê, 332

Hydaspês, river, Vitastâ, Bedasta (_Jhîlam_, _Jhelum_), 84, 88, 92-5, 129-39, 202, 204, 229, 230, 345-6, 350, 396, 400, 409, 412

Hydraôtês, river (_Râvî_), 84, 88, 114, 115, 120, 129, 141, 144, 154, 155, 217, 232, 347, 352, 401

Hylobioi, Indian ascetics of the woods, 358, 368

Hypanis, river. _See_ Hyphasis

Hypaspists, 20, 60 _passim_

Hyphasis, river, Hypanis Vipasâ (_Beas Beias_), 88, 112, 114, 120, 121, 126, 129, 155, 221, 281, 345, 347-8, 401, 411

Hyrkania, 35, 124, 401

Hyrkanian Sea (_the Kaspian_), 87, 122-3

Hwen Thsiang, a Chinese pilgrim, 168

Iarchas, 378

Ichthyophagoi, 169, 171, 172, 180, 262-3, 298, 316, 397

Ida, Mount, 21

Ilion, Troy, 23, 146, 148, 401

Illyrians, 20, 124, 245

India, general description of, 85-6, 183-191

_Indika_, Arrian’s, 10, 86 of Megasthenês, 10, 407-8

Indus, river, sources of, 84; its breadth, 85, 155; its length, 161, 231; its bifurcation, 162; changes of its course, 157, 158-9, 353; its mouths, 164-6, 191, 257-61; its tides, 163, 258-61, 367; its resemblance to the Nile, 132

Infanticide, practised in the Panjâb, 219, 280, 347

Interment of the dead, curious mode of, among the Oreitai, 297

Iomanês, river, Yamunâ (_Jamnâ_), 93, 184

Ionia, 23, 122

Istros, river (_Danube_), 90

Ivy, 80, 82, 193

Jalâlâbâd, 61, 62, 333, 338

Jalâlpûr, 94, 97, 110, 129, 344, 345, 349

Jaxartes, river, 40, 41, 86, 88, 122, 245, 411

Jhîlam, Jhelum, a town, 94, 97, 129, 344, 345 river. _See_ Hydaspês

Johiyas. _See_ Ossadioi

Juno, 135

Kabul, river, 3, 323

Kach Gandâva, 157, 354

Kachh, Gulf of, 221 Ran of, 165, 353

Kafîristân, 61, 332-3

Kafîrs, 340

Kaikeyas, 349, 363

Kaîkos, river, 89

Kailasa, Mount, 84

Kalaka Serai, 342

Kalama, 316

Kalânos, 46, 301, 315, 343, 386-92

Kallisthenês, 8, 44, 58, 379, 380, 392

Kalpê (_Rock of Gibraltar_), 123

Kâlsi, 374

Kambistholi, 114

Kambysês, 403

Kandahar, 38, 112

Kanishka, 344, 392

Kanoje, Kanyakubja, 366

Kappadokia, 9, 24, 122

Karâchi, 164, 167, 262, 297, 396

Karchêdôn (_Carthage_), 127

Kardia, 7

Karians, 132

Karmania, 45, 160, 169, 179, 180, 397, 412, 413

Kartazôn, Unicorn, 186-7

Karun, river, 262, 397

Kashmîr, 69, 111, 112

Kaspatyros, 341

Kassander, 51, 379, 394, 398, 402, 404, 410

Kassandreia, 378

Katanês, 57

Katapeltai (_Catapults_), 21

Kathaia, 133, 347, 369

Kathaians, 115, 279, 323, 406

Kâthiawâr, 347

Kaukasos, Mount, 58, 83, 84, 87, 88, 95, 122, 131, 183

Kaÿstros, river, 89

Kedj, 357

Kekaya, Kêkeoi. _See_ Kaikeyas

Kelainai, Caelaenae, 23

Kerkiôn (_Maina?_), 186

Kêteus, 369

Khaiber Pass, 59, 60, 385

Khoês, river (_Kow_), 61

Khojent, 40

Khorasmians, King of the, 42

Khoriênês, 44, 59

Kijil, 39

Kilikia, Cilicia, 24-6, 223, 384

Killouta. _See_ Skilloustis

Kleander, 178, 392

Kleisobara, 184

Kleitarchos, Clitarchus, 8, 11

Kleitos, 22, 38, 43, 59, 98, 116, 140, 203, 380, 386, 392-3

Kleopatra, Alexander’s half-sister, 394 Queen of Egypt, 253, 403

Knîdos, 149, 380

Kôa, river (_Kabul R._), 61

Koinos, Coenus, 98, 104, 105, 113, 114, 125, 127, 128, 133, 194, 200, 209, 227, 229, 230, 360, 393

Kôphês, Kôphên, river (_Kabul_), 43, 59, 61, 62, 66, 69, 70, 72, 73, 78, 79, 93, 323, 334, 338, 339, 364

Koragos. _See_ Horratas

Korî, river, 165

Kôs, island of, 149, 241, 380

Kôs Meropis, 112

Kot Kamalia, 141

Krateros, 35, 36, 42, 44, 45, 47, 50, 57, 62, 64, 66, 97, 98, 102, 107, 111, 114, 133, 136, 137, 139, 157, 158, 160, 177, 191, 192, 205, 243, 252, 285, 354, 375-6, 382, 393, 400, 402

Krêtheus, 172

Krishna, 355

Kritoboulos, 241

Kritodêmos, 149, 241

Kshatri. _See_ Xathroi

Kshatriya caste, 347, 401

Kunâr, river. _See_ Choaspes

Kydnos, Cydnus, river, 24

Kynanê, Alexander’s half-sister, 375

Kyrênê, 28, 384

Kyrsilos, 8, 393

Kyzikos, Cyzicus, 21

Lagos, reputed father of Ptolemy Sôtêr, 403 _passim_

Lahore, 114, 161, 348

Lampsakos, 8

Landai, river, 59, 66, 72

Laodikê, 377

Larissa, 8

Larkhâna, 158

Leonidas, one of Alexander’s tutors, 15

Leonnatos, 51, 61, 64, 65, 146, 147, 148, 150, 162, 166, 169, 179, 209, 240, 261-2, 264, 297, 299, 394, 397, 399

Libya, 122, 123

Limnaios, 312

Livy, 12

Lizards, 339

Lydia, 122

Lykia, 23, 122

Lysimachia, 410

Lysimachos, one of Alexander’s tutors, afterwards King of Thrace, 15, 50, 51, 98, 119, 180, 388, 394, 410

Lysippos, 49

Maedi, 245

Magadha (_Bihâr_), 365-6, 380, 404-8

Magas, 52, 374, 380

Mahâban, Mount. _See_ Aornos

Mahorta, 158

Maiandros, Maeander, river, 23, 89

Maiôtic, Lake (_Sea of Azof_), 87

Mâlân, Cape, 168

Malayaketu, 409

Malloi (_People of Multân_), 4, 115, 137, 139, 140, 144, 149, 154, 179, 234, 236-40, 311, 350, 400

Manchur, Lake, 355

Mandanes, Dandamis, head of the Gymnosophists, 315, 386, 391

Manikyâla, 344

Mansura, 355

Marakanda (_Samarcand_), 40, 41, 43

Marcus Aurelius, 9

Mardians of Persis, 34 of Hyrkania, 36

Mardonios, 16

Mareôtis, Lake, 27

Marginia (_Marginan_), 42

Marius, Roman Consul, 241

Markianos, Marcian, 380

Mar-Koh. _See_ Mêros

Mars, God of War, 290

Marsyas, river, 23

Marsyas, a Pellaian educated with Alexander, 379

Masianoi (People of Massaga?), 339

Massaga, Massaka, Masoka, Mazaga, 66, 67, 71, 194, 269, 306, 334, 338-9, 375

Maurya, 408

Mêdos, river (_Polvar_), 33

Megasthenês, 394-5, 405, 407

Mekrân, 170, 357, 397

Mela, Pomponius, 395

Meleager, 51, 58, 59, 98, 160, 203, 395, 410

Memnôn the Rhodian, 21, 23, 28, 230, 264, 395, 398

Memphis, 27, 28, 31, 49, 282

Menander, a Graeko-Baktrian king, 332

Menelaos, 89

Mentôr, brother of Memnôn the Rhodian, 395

Mercenaries, Indian, 269-70, 306

Meroês, 108, 109

Mêros, Mount, 80, 81, 193, 338-9, 340

Meshed, capital of Khorasân, 36, 298

Meta, 197

Methora (_Muttra_), 184

Midas, 24

Mieza, 400

Milêtos, 23, 89, 172, 386

Minerva. _See_ Athêna

Mithânkôt, 156, 253, 293

Mitylênê, 7, 384

Moeres, Moeris, 256, 357

Moghsis, 157

Mong. _See_ Nikaia

Monsoon, 164, 166, 167, 396

Mounychion, an Athenian month, 95, 110

Mousikanos, 157, 158, 160, 217, 253, 293, 356, 395, 399, 400, 404

Mudrâ Râkshasa, a Hindu drama, 409

Müller, Professor Max, 359

Mullinus, Eumenês (?), 197, 248-9, 395

Multân, 114, 139, 143, 161, 353, 352

Mura, 409

Mushti Mountains (_Washati_), 357

Muttâri, 165

Mykalê, Mount, 87

Myrrh-trees, 170

Nanda, 409

Nandrus, 327, 405-6

Nangnihâr, Nanghenhar, 333, 338

Napoleon, 24, 32

Narâyanasaras, a lake at the mouth of the Indus, 166, 261

Nard, 170

Naukratis, 381

Nautaka (_Kurshee or Kesh_), 43

Nearchos, 7, 10, 45, 46, 50, 76, 86, 87, 123, 134, 139, 164, 165, 185, 186, 261-3, 296, 300, 316, 376, 379, 385, 394-8

Nekô, 123

Neoritae, 168

Nerbada, river, 367

Nero, 384

Neudros, river, 114

Nikaia (_Mong_), 110, 130, 134, 161, 231, 284, 323, 332, 344, 350, 398

Nikanôr, 58, 72

Nikomêdeia (_Ismiknid_), birthplace of Arrian, 9

Nile, river, 27, 89, 131, 123

Nora, 197

Numidia, 123

Nysa, 79, 81, 124, 133, 192, 194, 305, 321, 338-40

Nysatta, 339

Oarakta, Island of (_Kishm_), 185

Oasis, Libyan, 135

Ochos, a Persian King, 46

Ochos, river (_Aksou_), 42

Oidipous, Oedipus, 408

Ohind, 78, 337

Olympias, mother of Alexander, 15, 51, 132, 135, 247, 377-9, 381, 385, 398

Olynthos, 8, 392

Omphis, Môphis. _See_ Taxilês

Onêsikritos, 315-6, 134, 261, 379, 398

Opianê (_Houpiân_), 331

Ora (_Haur?_), 69, 71, 169, 173, 180, 375

Ordanês, 178

Oreitai, 167-9, 256, 262, 264, 296-7, 316, 394, 397

Orestis, 180, 393, 400

Orobatis (_Arabutti_), 72

Oromenus, Mount, the Salt range, 93, 94, 134, 156, 411

Orosius, 398

Ortospanum (_Kabul_), 58, 331, 338

Orxinês, 45, 46

Oryx, 187

Ossadioi, Yaudheya, Johiyas, 156, 252

Ouxians, Uxians, 110, 111

Ouxian Pass (near Bebehan), 33

Oxus, river (_Amû darya_), 39, 41, 411

Oxyartes, father of Rôxana, one of Alexander’s wives, 42, 44, 156, 157, 253, 398, 404, 412

Oxydrakai, 137, 149, 154, 234, 236, 248-9, 287, 324-5

Oxykanos, Porticanus, 158, 253-4, 293

Ozinês, 264

Pages, Royal, 198 conspiracy of the, 44, 58, 392

Paionians, Paeonians, 20

Paktyikê, 341

Palestine, 27

Palibothra, Palimbothra, Pataliputra (_Pâtnâ_), 8, 71, 187, 366, 405, 407, 408

Pallakopas, river, 397

Pamphylia, 122

Pandaia, daughter of Indian Heraklês, 70

Pânini, the great Indian grammarian, 399

Panjnad, river, 155

Panjshîr, river, 39, 61, 70

Paper, 186

Paphlagonia, 24, 122

Papyrus, 186

Paraitakai, 43, 44, 57, 375

Paraitonion, Paraetonium, 28

Parmeniôn, 24-6, 29, 30, 34, 37, 178, 393, 399, 410

Paropamisadai, 58, 59, 82, 83, 253, 399, 413

Paropamisos, Paropanisos, Mountains of, 38, 58, 82, 87, 410

Parrots, 186

Parsioi, 58

Parthalis, 364

Parthyaia, Parthia, 298, 401

Parysatis, said to have been wife of Alexander, 46

Pasargadai, 34, 45, 123

Pasitigris, Karun, river, 397

Patala (_Haidarâbâd_), 84, 161, 162, 165-7, 256, 261, 356-7, 396

Patalênê, Indus Delta, 161, 357

Pataliputra. _See_ Palibothra

Pâtnâ. _See_ Palibothra

Patroklês, 8, 399

Paurava, 402

Pausanias, 399

Peacocks, Indian, 217, 362-3, 407

Pearls, 188

Peithôn, son of Agênôr, 157, 159, 160, 161, 165, 385, 399, 400, 402

Peithôn, son of Krateuas, 50, 140, 143, 144, 180, 399

Pella, birthplace of Alexander, 15, 379, 394

Pellaians, 180

Peloponnêsos, 124

Pelusium, 27

Perdikkas, 50, 57, 59, 71, 78, 98, 99, 116, 140, 141, 145-6, 149, 352, 375-9, 382-5, 395, 399, 400-402, 404, 409, 410, 412

Periklês, 363

Petronius, 11

Peukelaôtis (_Hashtnagar_), 59, 60, 72, 331, 342, 381

Peukestas, 46, 50, 51, 146-8, 150, 179, 180, 239, 312, 382, 394, 400

Perinthos, 375

Persepolis, 33, 45, 123, 378, 388

Perseus, 28, 135

Persian Gulf, 87, 123

Persians, defeat of, by the Skythians, 86

Persis, 122, 179, 386, 397

Peshâwar, 59, 72

Phalanx, how organised and equipped, 19-20

Pharasii. _See_ Prasioi

Pharnabazos, 28

Pharsalos, 8, 393

Phegelas, Phegeus, 121, 221, 281, 365, 401

Philip, King of Macedonia and father of Alexander, 15, 212, 241, 246, 323, 379, 394, 396, 400, 402-3, 409

Philippos, Philip, one of Alexander’s great generals, 45, 65, 72, 92, 112, 133, 136, 139, 154, 155, 177, 309, 384, 401, 412

Philosophers, Indian, 190, 306, 313-4, 358-9, 368-9

Philostratos, 378

Philôtas, 37, 65, 198, 382, 383, 386, 398, 403

Phôkiôn, Phocion, 402

Phraortes, 378

Phrataphernes, 112, 178, 264, 401

Phrygia, 23

Phuleli, river, 165

Phylarchos, 405

Pillars of Hercules, 123

Pimprama, 116, 217

Pinaros, river, 25

Pipal tree, 191

Pîpilika, 341

Pisidia, 23

Pittakos, 411

Plato, 368, 379

Pliny, 411

Plutarch, life of, 12-3

Polyainos, 402

Polykleitos, 8, 402

Polysperchôn, Polyperchon, 50, 57, 97, 139, 325, 197, 385, 393, 402

Polytimêtos, river (_Kohik_), 40, 41

Pontos, 83

Pôros, Porus, 4, 13, 92, 110, 112-5, 120, 129, 133, 202-13, 216, 222, 231, 274-6, 282, 322, 365, 386, 393, 400, 401, 405, 406, 412 nephew of, 112, 114, 133, 279 son of, 101, 102, 107 an Indian king who sent an embassy to Augustus Caesar, 389

Portikanos. _See_ Oxykanos

Pôseidôn, 164

Postumius, A., 274

Potidaia, Kassandreia, 7

Poura, 123, 172, 177, 357-8

Praesti, 158, 253

Prasioi, Praisioi, 13, 221, 281, 310, 323, 365, 349

Prasianê, 159

Precious stones, Indian, 188

Presidae. _See_ Prasioi

Promachos, 389

Promêtheus, 82, 83

Prophthasia (_Furrah_), 37, 38

Propontis (_Sea of Marmora_), 21

Psiltoukis. _See_ Skilloustis

Ptolemy, son of Lagos, surnamed Sôtêr, King of Egypt, 7, 11, 38, 40, 46, 50, 51, 61, 63-5, 73, 99, 112, 117, 139, 151, 168, 180, 194, 205-6, 209, 244, 255, 262, 295, 296-7, 355, 378-9, 380-5, 388, 394, 396, 399, 400, 402-3, 410 II. Philadelphos, 49, 377, 403 III. Euergetes, 52, 380, 384, 403 VI. Philomêtôr, 404 VII. Physkôn, 188, 404 Keraunos, son of Ptolemy Sôtêr, and King of Macedonia, 410

Purali, river, 167

Pyramids of Egypt, 27

Pythagoras, 315, 391

Pythia, 282

Râja Hodi, fort of, 337

Râjapatha, Royal road, 93, 349

Rajputs, 350, 354

Râma, 168, 340

Râmâyana, 168

Râmbakia, 168

Rânigat, 337

Râvi, river. _See_ Hydraôtês

Rawal Pindi, 344

Red Sea, 183, 185-6

Rhagai, 34

Rhenos, river (_Reno_), 90

Rhine, river, 90

Rhinoceros, 186, 187

Rhodians, 147

Rhone, river, 100

Rhotas, 94, 344

Rôxana, wife of Alexander, 42, 50, 156, 382, 398, 400, 404, 412

Sabagrae. _See_ Sabarcae

Sabarcae, 155, 252

Sabbos. _See_ Sambus

Sainte-Croix, 10, 13

Sâkâbda, 392

Sakala, 411, 347

Salamis, 150

Sâlatura, 399

Salt Hills. _See_ Oromenus

Salmous, 300

Samaxus, 203

Sambastai. _See_ Abastanoi

Sâmkala (Sangala), 348, 411

Samudragupta, 351, 367

Sandabala (Sandabaga?), river. _See_ Akesinês

Sandrokottos, Androkottos, Sandrokoptos, Chandragupta, 4, 8, 15, 53, 88, 187, 310, 327-8, 365, 380, 384, 386, 395, 399, 404-9, 410

Sangala, 4, 115-20, 217-8, 347-8, 394, 406

Sanggaios, 60

Sanglawâla-Tiba, 348

Saranges, river, 114

Sarasvatî, river (_Sursooty_), 184, 365

Sardis, 23

Sarissa, the long pike of the Macedonians, 19, 250

Sarmans, Śramanas, 358-9, 368, 389

Satibarzanes, 36, 38

Satlej, river, Śatadru, Zaradros, Hesydrus, 4, 120, 121, 155, 231, 349

Satrap, Kshatrapa, 18

Saubhuta, Realm of Sôphytês, 348

Sehwan. _See_ Sindimana

Seistan, 160

Seleukos Nikator, King of Syria, 6, 8, 50-2, 99, 100, 104, 133, 310, 327, 377, 385, 394, 399, 404, 405, 407, 409-10

Semiramis, a mythical Queen of Assyria, 170, 173, 246, 358

Septagen, 186

Septimius Severus, 10

Serpents, Indian, 217, 361-2

Shiraz, 33

Shoes, what kind of, worn by Indians, 188

Shorekôt, 139, 141

Siboi, Sibi, 139, 232, 285, 286, 324, 366

Sibyrtios, Tibyrtios, 88, 177, 264, 412

Sigambri. _See_ Oxydrakai

Silei. _See_ Sibi

Silphium, 39

Silver, 187, 371

Simoeis, river, 286

Sindh, 352-4, 402

Sindimana (Sehwân), 254-5, 354-5, 404

Sisikottos, Sisocostus, 76, 102, 200, 410

Sisunâga, 409

Sitalkês, 178, 410-11

Śiva, 70

Skamander, river, 286

Skilloustis, Killouta, 164, 316

Skylax, 132

Skythians, 122-4, 208, 226-7

Smyrna, 89

Sogdiana, 39

Sogdians, 225

Sogdoi, Sodrai, Seorai, 157, 293, 354

Sôkrates, 9, 315, 391

Solinus, 4, 11

Soloi, 411

Sôma, 190

Somatophylakes, Alexander’s select body-guard, names of the, 179, 180

Sôn, river. _See_ Erannoboas

Sonmiyâni, Bay of, 167

Sopeithes, Sopithes, Sôphytes, 133, 134, 187, 219, 220-1, 279, 280-1, 348, 349, 411

Sophagasenos, 53

Souastos, river, 59, 61, 334, 335

Sourasenoi, 184

Sousa, 32, 45, 178, 301, 385, 386, 393, 394, 400, 401, 403, 409

Sousia (_Sous_), 36

Sousis, Sousiana, 397

Sparta, 16, 296

Sphines. _See_ Kalânos

Spitakês, Pittacus, 107, 411

Spitamenes, 39, 40-3, 379, 409, 411

Śramanas. _See_ Sarmans

Stadium, length of, 71

Stageira, 379

Stateira, daughter of Darius, and wife of Alexander, 301, 386, 412

Stathmos, 8

Stephanos of Byzantium, 412

Strabo, 412

Stymphalia, 382

Sudracae. _See_ Oxydrakai

Sudras, 351, 354, 409

Suicide, practice of, in India, 190, 306

Sunium, 150

Surât, 254

Suttee, Satî, custom of, 219, 279, 347, 369

Swât, river. _See_ Souastos

Sword-blades of Indian steel, 252

Syrakousai. _See_ Oxydrakai

Syria, 26 and _passim_

Syria, Hollow, 122

Tabrânâlâ. _See_ Tiberoboam

Tapeirians, people of _Taburistân_, 35

Taprobanê, Ceylon, 187, 372-4, 398

Tauala, Patala, 296

Taurôn, 100, 104, 209, 412

Tauros, Mount, 23, 24, 58, 87, 88, 398

Taxila, 44, 83, 92, 107, 126, 215, 285, 342-4

Taxilês, Omphis, Môphis, 45, 58, 59, 72, 83, 92, 93, 108, 112, 177, 201-3, 212, 231, 273, 305-6, 361, 365, 371, 378, 383, 384, 386, 390, 398, 401, 402, 406, 412

Telephos, 172

Terioltes. _See_ Tyriaspês

Têthys, ocean goddess, 216

Thapsakos, 29

Thasos, 8

Thatha, Dêval, 356-7

Thebes, in Boiôtia, 17, 124, 400

Theodotos, Diodotos, 52, 377

Theophilos, 147

Theophrastos, 379

Thessalians, 20, 126

Thôas, 171, 177, 412

Thracians, 20, 124, 156, 245

Thriamboi, Triumphi, 179

Tiberius, 412

Tiberoboam, river, 342-3

Tibyrtios. _See_ Sibyrtios

Tides, Indian rivers, how affected by, 163, 256-61

Tigris, river, 29, 45, 88, 91, 123, 180, 367-8, 397

Tilla, 94

Timaeus, 240

Timagenes, 11

Timour, 40, 43, 261

Tiryns, 124

Tlepolemos, 177, 413

Tmôlos, Mount, 79

Tomyris, Queen of the Skythians, 86

Towers, movable, 196

Trajan, 13

Triballians, 124

Triparadeisos, 50, 412

Trogus, 15

Tulamba, 141

Tyre, 26-9, 68

Tyriaspês, 58, 112, 157, 252

Uchh, 121, 156, 351, 352

Umritsar. _See_ Amritsar

Unicorn, 186, 187

Uraśa, 129

Utica, 127

Vasati. _See_ Ossadioi

Vaugelas, 12

Velleius, 11

Vespasian, 10

Vindusâra, Allitrochadês, 343, 349, 380, 409, 413

Vipaśâ. _See_ Hyphasis

Vishnu, 70

Vitastâ. _See_ Hydaspês

Wazîrâbâd, 129

Weber, Professor, 129

Wells, dug by Alexander’s orders, 261

Whales, 298, 300

Whip-snakes, 278

Wine, 190

Wives, how selected, in the kingdom of Sophytês, 280

Writing, material used for, 186; art of, known in India before Alexander’s time, _ibid._

Xandrames. _See_ Agrammes

Xathroi, Kshatriya, 147, 156, 252

Xenippa, 43

Xenophôn, 9, 12

Xerxes, 16, 33, 90, 282

Xylenopolis, 316

Yamuna, river. _See_ Iomanês

Yaudheyas. _See_ Ossadioi

Yavana, Greeks, 122, 374, 409, 413

Yemen, 185

Yusufzai, 61, 334

Zadrakarta (_Sari?_), 26

Zagros, Mount, 33

Zaradros, river. _See_ Satlej

Zariaspa, Baktra (?), 40, 41, 42, 264, 383

Zarmanochegas, Sarmanachârya, 389

Zarrah, Lake, 160, 184

II. INDEX OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED OR REFERRED TO

Abbott, General, 59, 77, 83, 194, 333, 335, 336, 338, 344

Agatharchidês, 185, 263

Ailianos, Aelian, 7, 186, 190, 217, 224, 249, 263, 361, 362, 363, 365

Aischylos, 87, 153

Appian, 404

Aristoboulos, 101, 111, 150, 161, 165, 179, 231, 357, 361, 390

Aristotle, 93, 187, 364

Arrian, 57-180 _passim_

Artemidôros, 184

Athênaios, 7, 190, 196, 249, 363, 382-3, 392, 405, 409

Baber, 332, 334, 366

Bellasis, 355

Bellew, Dr., 334, 335, 337, 339, 397

Benfey, 356

Bhandarkar, 411

Bournouf, 166

Bunbury, Sir E. H., 131, 132, 134, 160, 332, 333, 347, 349, 350, 353, 396

Burnes, Sir A., 131, 137-8, 142, 161, 344, 347, 356

Caesar, 91, 93, 117, 163, 196, 218, 227

Chardin, 360

Charês, 212, 389, 392

Chesney, General, 30, 78, 94, 231, 346

Chinnock, Dr., 110, 117, 170

Chronicle of Ceylon. _See_ Mahavanso

Cicero, 214, 237, 241, 392

Clinton, 274

Court, General, 76, 194, 337, 344

Cunningham, General Sir A., 78, 97, 134, 136, 139, 140, 142, 143, 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 167, 168, 194, 293, 326, 331, 333, 335, 337, 342, 347-8, 351, 352, 354, 356, 365, 371

Curtius, 183-266 _passim_

D’Anville, 169

Dio Cassius, 186

Diodôros Sic., 269-301 _passim_

Dionysios Periêgêtês, 167, 337

Dioskoridês, 171

Droysen, 48, 104, 107, 160, 333, 356

Dryden, 33

Duncker, 86, 358-9, 363

Dutt, R. C., 369-70

Edinburgh Cabinet Library, 252, 278

Edrisi, 169

Elphinstone, Lord, 93, 132, 332, 340, 344

Elzivir Curtius, 246, 361

Epigraphia Indika, 347

Eratosthenês, 82-3, 88, 193

Freeman, Professor, 2, 13, 32, 250

Fresnel, 185

Foss, 184

Gellius, Aulus, 212, 383

Grote, 5, 48, 250, 346

Gutschmid, 327

Hardy, 332

Heber, Bishop, 340

Hedike, 184

Heitland, 360-1

Hêkataios, 89

Hematchandra, 156

Hêrodotos, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 123, 132, 187, 341, 370

Homer, 89, 132, 237, 284

Humboldt, 6

Hunter, Sir W., 89

Hwen Thsiang, 332, 342, 343, 348

Ibn Haukal, 355

Jerome, Saint, 15

Journal Asiatique, 201, 342, 348

Justin, 321-328

Juvenal, 245

Kallisthenês, 282, 392

Kleitarchos, Clitarchus, 151, 188, 240

Köchly and Rustow, 104

Kosmas Indikopleustês, 187

Krüger, 134

Ktêsias, 3, 84, 186, 252

Lassen, 53, 76, 129, 143, 158, 160, 187, 252, 333, 335, 347, 349, 354, 356, 381

Le Clerc, 359

Lêvi, Sylvain, 342, 348, 401, 411, 413

Livy, 100, 197, 218

Loewenthal, 337

Lucan, 13, 214

Lucian, 378-9, 392

M’Murdo, Captain, 157, 166, 353, 356

Mahâbhârata, 111, 116, 155, 156, 333, 350, 351

Mahâvanso, Chronicle of Ceylon, 187, 332, 404

Mann, 156, 190

Marco Polo, 364

Markianos, Marcian, 167, 397

Masson, 61, 142, 156, 331, 349

Maximus Tyrius, 361

Megasthenês, 3, 7, 8, 14, 86, 88, 93, 155, 187, 190, 341, 358, 361, 364, 386, 412

Mela, Pomponius, 186, 190

Mitford, 48

Moberly, 104, 105

Mockler, Major, 397

Moorcroft, 366

Müller, C., 194, 343

Nearchos, 165, 186, 188, 244, 341, 361, 391-2

Nikolaos of Damascus, 365, 389

Nonnus, 333

Olshausen, 127

Onêsikritos, 7, 157, 187, 217, 307, 309, 361, 390-1

Orosius, 7, 116, 155, 190

Ovid, 186

Panini, 201, 334, 348, 350, 367, 411, 413

Patroklês, 6, 8

Pausanias, 49, 72, 151, 246

Periplous of the Erythraian sea, 59, 110, 116, 161, 186, 188, 252, 310, 367

Peutinger Tables, Geographer of Ravenna, 110

Philo, 190

Philostratos, 193, 215, 344, 349

Pliny, 7, 123, 134, 155, 159, 170, 172, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 217, 220, 231, 241, 253, 262, 263, 331, 339, 341, 343, 345, 348, 351, 364, 365, 380

Plutarch, 305-317 _passim_

Polyainos, 107, 340, 345, 411

Polybios, 21, 100, 184, 187

Porphyrios, 190

Pratt, 196

Pseudo-Kallisthenês, 342, 392

Ptolemy Sôtêr, 101, 102, 128, 134, 148, 150, 179, 392 the Geographer, 58, 59, 61, 114, 129, 155, 165, 167, 183, 184, 188, 194, 245, 293, 326, 338, 343, 347, 365-6

Racine, 235, 383

Rajput Chronicle, 111

Râmâyana, 349, 363

Rashîd-ud-Dîn, 363

Raven, 218, 230, 237

Rennell, 334, 356

Rig-veda, 93, 186, 370

Ritter, 64, 72, 333, 356

Rooke, 360

Ross, Major, 357

Royal Asiatic Society, Journal of, 343

Saint Ambrose, 392

Sainte-Croix, 48

Saint-Martin, V. de, 64, 111, 116, 156, 157, 158, 159, 323, 333, 339, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 355, 356, 365, 367

Sallat, 372

Salt, 85

Scaliger, 360

Schmieder, 110, 134

Senart, 374

Seneca, 195, 229

Sintenis, 171

Smith, V. A., 371-2

Solinus, 186, 220, 364

Sophoklês, 339

Sôtiôn, 309

Stephanos of Byzantium, 57, 129, 139, 186, 194, 262, 331, 351

Stobaeus, 153

Strabo, 6, 7, 39, 57, 95, 110, 112, 114, 131-2, 133, 134, 157, 160, 161, 168, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 217, 219, 282, 339, 341, 347, 351, 358, 361, 365, 369, 383, 389, 393, 399

Suidas, 190

Tacitus, 193, 227

Theobald, W., 370-2

Theophrastos, 217

Thirlwall, Bishop, 19-20, 41, 48, 104, 107, 121, 138, 227, 237, 249, 266, 287, 351

Timagenês, 151, 240

Turnour, 187

Tzetzes, 224

Varâha Sanhita, 111, 367

Vegetius, 218

Vigne, 78

Vincent, 169, 261, 356

Virgil, 199, 234, 365

Voltaire, 313

Weber, Professor A., 332, 359

Wilford, 365, 367

Willdenow, 171

Williams, Archdeacon, 48 Sir Monier, 156

Wilson, Dr. John, 356 Dr. H. H., 59, 331-2, 335, 336

Wood, Lieut., 78, 157

Xenophôn, 86, 364

Yule, Colonel Sir H., 252, 356

Zumpt, 10, 11

THE END

_Printed by R. & R. CLARK, Edinburgh._