CHAPTER XIV.

THE TEMPLE.

The Temple Garden--The erection of new buildings in the Temple--The dissolution of the order of the Hospital of Saint John--The law societies become lessees of the crown--The erection of the magnificent Middle Temple Hall--The conversion of the old hall into chambers--The grant of the inheritance of the Temple to the two law societies--Their magnificent present to his Majesty--Their antient orders and customs, and antient hospitality--Their grand entertainments--Reader's feasts--Grand Christmasses and Revels--The fox-hunt in the hall--The dispute with the Lord Mayor--The quarrel with the custos of the Temple Church.

"PLANTAGENET. Great lords and gentlemen, what means this silence? Dare no man answer in a case of truth?

SUFFOLK. Within the TEMPLE HALL we were too loud: The GARDEN here is more convenient."

Shakspeare makes the Temple Garden, which is to this day celebrated for the beauty and profusion of its flowers, the scene of the choice of the white and red roses, as the badges of the rival houses of York and Lancaster. Richard Plantagenet and the earl of Somerset retire with their followers from the hall into the garden, where Plantagenet thus addresses the silent and hesitating bystanders:

"Since you are tongue-ty'd, and so loath to speak, In dumb significants proclaim your thoughts: Let him, that is a true-born gentleman, And stands upon the honour of his birth, If he suppose that I have pleaded truth, From off this brier pluck a white rose with me. _Somerset._ Let him that is no coward, nor no flatterer, But dare maintain the party of the truth, Pluck a red rose from off this thorn with me. _Warwick._ I love no colours; and, without all colour Of base insinuating flattery, I pluck this white rope with Plantagenet. _Suffolk._ I pluck this red rose with young Somerset, And say withal I think he held the right.

* * * * *

_Vernon._ Then for the truth and plainness of the case, I pluck this pale and maiden blossom here, Giving my verdict on the white rose side. _Somerset._ ... Come on, who else? _Lawyer._ Unless my study and my books be false, The argument you held was wrong in you; In sign whereof I pluck a white rose too. [TO SOMERSET.

* * * * *

_Warwick._ ... This brawl to-day, Grown to this faction in the Temple Garden, Shall send, between the red rose and the white, A thousand souls to death and deadly night."

In the Cotton Library is a manuscript written at the commencement of the reign of Henry the Eighth, entitled "A description of the Form and Manner, how, and by what Orders and Customs the State of the Fellowshyppe of the Myddil Temple is maintained, and what ways they have to attaine unto Learning."[591] It contains a great deal of curious information concerning the government of the house, the readings, mot-yngs, boltings, and other exercises formerly performed for the advancement of learning, and of the different degrees of benchers, readers, cupboard-men, inner-barristers, utter-barristers, and students, together with "the chardges for their mete and drynke by the yeare, and the manner of the dyet, and the stipende of their officers." The writer tells us that it was the duty of the "Tresorer to gather of certen of the fellowship a tribute yerely of iii_s._ iii_d._ a piece, and to pay out of it the rent due to my lord of Saint John's for the house that they dwell in."

"Item; they have no place to walk in, and talk and confer their learnings, but in the church; which place all the terme times hath in it no more of quietnesse than the perwyse of Pawles, by occasion of the confluence and concourse of such as be suters in the lawe." The conferences between lawyers and clients in the Temple Church are thus alluded to by Butler:

"Retain all sorts of witnesses That ply in the Temple under trees, Or walk the Round with knights of the posts, About the cross-legged knights their hosts."

"Item; they have every day three masses said one after the other, and the first masse doth begin at seaven of the clock, or thereabouts. On festivall days they have mattens and masse solemnly sung; and during the matyns singing they have three masses said."[592]

At the commencement of the reign of Henry VIII. a wall was built between the Temple Garden and the river; the Inner Temple Hall was "seeled," various new chambers were erected, and the societies expended sums of money, and acted as if they were absolute proprietors of the Temple, rather than as lessees of the Hospitallers of Saint John.

In 32 Hen. VIII. was passed the act of parliament dissolving the order of the Hospital, and vesting all the property of the brethren in the crown, saving the rights and interests of lessees, and others who held under them.

The two law societies consequently now held of the crown.

In 5 Eliz. the present spacious and magnificent Middle Temple Hall, one of the most elegant and beautiful structures in the kingdom, was commenced, (the old hall being converted into chambers;) and in the reigns both of Mary and Elizabeth, various buildings and sets of chambers were erected in the Inner and Middle Temple, at the expense of the Benchers and members of the two societies. All this was done in full reliance upon the justice and honour of the crown. In the reign of James I., however, some Scotchman attempted to obtain from his majesty a grant of the fee-simple or inheritance of the Temple, which being brought to the knowledge of the two societies, they forthwith made "humble suit" to the king, and obtained a grant of the property to themselves. By letters patent, bearing date at Westminster the 13th of August, in the sixth year of his reign, A. D. 1609, king James granted the Temple to the Benchers of the two societies, their heirs and assigns for ever, for the lodging, reception, and education of the professors and students of the laws of England, the said Benchers yielding and paying to the said king, his heirs, and successors, ten pounds yearly for the mansion called the Inner Temple, and ten pounds yearly for the Middle Temple.[593]

In grateful acknowledgment of this donation, the two societies caused to be made, at their mutual cost, "a stately cup of pure gold, weighinge two hundred ounces and an halfe, of the value of one thousand markes, or thereabouts, the which in all humbleness was presented to his excellent majestie att the court att Whitehall, in the said sixth year of his majestie's raigne over the realme of England, for a new yeare's gifte, by the hands of the said sir Henry Mountague, afterwards baron Mountague, viscount Mandevil, the earl of Manchester, Richard Daston, esq., and other eminent persons of both those honourable societies, the which it pleased his majesty most gratiously to accept and receive.... Upon one side of this cup is curiously engraven the proporcion of a church or temple beautified, with turrets and pinnacles, and on the other side is figured an altar, whereon is a representation of a holy fire, the flames propper, and over the flames these words engraven, _Nil nisi vobis_. The cover of this rich cup of gold is in the upper parte thereof adorned with a fabrick fashioned like a pyramid, whereon standeth the statue of a military person leaning, with the left hand upon a Roman-fashioned shield or target, the which cup his excellent majestie, whilst he lived, esteemed for one of his roialest and richest jewells."[594]

Some of the antient orders and regulations for the government of the two societies are not unworthy of attention.

From the record of a parliament holden in the Inner Temple on the 15th of November, 3 and 4 Ph. and Mary, A. D. 1558, it appears that eight gentlemen of the house, in the previous reading vocation, "were _committed to the Fleete_ for wilfull demenoure and disobedience to _the Bench_, and were worthyly expulsed the fellowshyppe of the house, since which tyme, upon their humble suite and submission unto the said Benchers of the said house, it is agreed that they shall be readmitted into the fellowshyppe, and into commons again, without payeing any ffine."[595]

Amongst the ancient customs and usages derived from the Knights Templars, which were for a lengthened period religiously preserved and kept up in the Temple, was the oriental fashion of long beards. In the reign of Philip and Mary, at the personal request of the queen, attempts were made to do away with this time-honoured custom, and to limit

THE LENGTH OF A LAWYER'S BEARD.

On the 22nd of June, 3 and 4 Philip and Mary, A. D. 1557, it was ordered that none of the companies of the Inner and Middle Temple, under the degree of a knight being in commons, should wear their beards above three weeks growing, upon pain of XL_s._, and so double for every week after monition. They were, moreover, required to lay aside their arms, and it was ordered "that none of the companies, when they be in commons, shall wear Spanish cloak, sword and buckler, or rapier, or gownes and hats, or gownes girded with a dagger;" also, that "none of the COMPANIONS, except Knights or Benchers, should thenceforth wear in their doublets or hoses any light colours, except scarlet and crimson; or wear any upper velvet cap, or any scarf, or wings on their gownes, white jerkyns, buskins or _velvet shoes_, double cuffs on their shirts, feathers or ribbens on their caps"! That no attorney should be admitted into either of the houses, and that, in all admissions from thenceforth, it should be an implied condition, that if the party admitted "should practyse any attorneyship," he was _ipso facto_ dismissed.[596]

In 1 Jac. I., it was ordered, in obedience to the commands of the king, that no one should be admitted a member of either society who was not _a gentleman by descent_;--that none of the gentlemen should come into the hall "in cloaks, boots, spurs, swords, or daggers;" and it was publicly declared that their "yellow bands, and ear toyes, and short cloaks, and weapons," were "much disliked and forbidden."

In A. D. 1623, king James recommended the antient way of wearing caps to be carefully observed; and the king was pleased to take notice of the good order of the house of the Inner Temple in that particular. His majesty was further pleased to recommend that boots should be laid aside as ill befitting gownsmen; "for boots and spurs," says his majesty, "are the badges rather of roarers than of civil men, who should use them only when they ride. Therefore we have made example in our own court, that no boots shall come into our presence."

The modern Templars for a long period fully maintained the antient character and reputation of the Temple for sumptuous and magnificent hospitality, although the venison from the royal forests, and the wine from the king's cellars,[597] no longer made its periodical appearance within the walls of the old convent. Sir John Fortescue alludes to the revels and pastimes of the Temple in the reign of Henry VI., and several antient writers speak of the grand Christmasses, the readers' feasts, the masques, and the sumptuous entertainments afforded to foreign ambassadors, and even to royalty itself. Various dramatic shows were got up upon these occasions, and the leading characters who figured at them were the "_Marshall of the Knights Templars_!" the constable marshall, the master of the games, the lieutenant of the Tower, the ranger of the forest, the lord of misrule, the king of Cockneys, and Jack Straw!

_The Constable Marshall_ came into the hall on banqueting days "fairly mounted on his mule," clothed in complete armour, with a nest of feathers of all colours upon his helm, and a gilt pole-axe in his hand. He was attended by halberdiers, and preceded by drums and fifes, and by sixteen trumpeters, and devised some sport "for passing away the afternoon."

_The Master of the Game_, and _the Ranger of the Forest_, were apparelled in green velvet and green satin, and had hunting horns about their necks, with which they marched round about the fire, "blowing three blasts of venery."

The most remarkable of all the entertainments was _the hunt in the hall_, when the huntsman came in with his winding horn, dragging in with him a cat, a fox, a purse-net, and nine or ten couple of hounds! The cat and the fox were both tied to the end of a staff, and were turned loose into the hall; they were hunted with the dogs amid the blowing of hunting horns, and were killed under the grate!!

The quantity of venison consumed on these festive occasions, particularly at the readers' feasts, was enormous. In the reign of Queen Mary, it was ordered by the benchers of the Middle Temple, that no reader should spend less than fifteen bucks in the hall, and this number was generally greatly exceeded: "there be few summer readers," we are informed in an old MS. account of the readers' feasts, "who, in half the time that heretofore a reading was wont to continue, spent so little as threescore bucks, besides red deer; some have spent fourscore, some a hundred...."[598] The lawyers in that golden age breakfasted on "brawn and malmsey," and supped on "venison pasties and roasted hens!" Among the viands at dinner were "faire and large bores' heads served upon silver platters, with minstralsye, roasted swans, bustards, herns, bitterns, turkey chicks, curlews, godwits, &c. &c."

The following observations concerning the Temple, and a grand entertainment there, in the reign of Queen Mary, will be read with interest. "Arriuing in the faire river of Thames, I landed within halfe a leage from the city of London, which was, as I coniecture, in December last. And drawing neere the citie, sodenly hard the shot of double cannons, in so great a number, and so terrible, that it darkened the whole aire, wherewith, although I was in my native countrie, yet stoode I amazed, not knowing what it ment. Thus, as I abode in despaire either to returne or to continue my former purpose, I chaunced to see comming towardes me an honest citizen, clothed in long garment, keping the highway, seming to walke for his recreation, which prognosticated rather peace than perill. Of whom I demaunded the cause of this great shot, who frendly answered, 'It is the warning shot to th' officers of the Constable Marshall of the Inner Temple to prepare to dinner!' Why, said I, is he of that estate, that seeketh not other meanes to warn his officers, then with such terrible shot in so peaceable a countrey? Marry, saith he, he vttereth himselfe the better to be that officer whose name he beareth. I then demanded what prouince did he gouerne that needeth such an officer. Hee answered me, the prouince was not great in quantitie, but antient in true nobilitie; a place, said he, priuileged by the most excellent princess, the high gouernour of the whole land, wherein are store of gentilmen of the whole realme, that repaire thither to learne to rule, and obey by LAWE, to yeelde their fleece to their prince and common weale, as also to vse all other exercises of bodie and minde whereunto nature most aptly serueth to adorne by speaking, countenance, gesture, and vse of apparel, the person of a gentleman; whereby amitie is obtained and continued, that gentilmen of al countries in theire young yeares, norished together in one place, with such comely order and daily conference, are knit by continual acquaintance in such vnitie of mindes and manners, as lightly neuer after is seuered, then which is nothing more profitable to the commonweale.

"And after he had told me thus much of honor of the place, I commended in mine own conceit the pollicie of the gouernour, which seemed to vtter in itselfe the foundation of a good commonweale. For that the best of their people from tender yeares trayned vp in precepts of justice, it could not chose but yeelde forth a profitable people to a wise commonweale. Wherefore I determined with myselfe to make proofe of that I heard by reporte.

"The next day I thought for my pastime to walke to this Temple, and entering in at the gates, I found the building nothing costly; but many comly gentlemen of face and person, and thereto very courteous, saw I passe too and fro. Passing forward, I entered into a church of auncient building, wherein were many monumentes of noble personnages armed in knighteley habite, with their cotes depainted in auncient shieldes, whereat I took pleasure to behold....

"Anon we heard the noise of drum and fyfe. What meaneth this drumme? said I. Quod he, this is to warn gentlemen of the household to repaire to the dresser; wherefore come on with me, and yee shall stand where ye may best see the hall serued; and so from thence brought me into a long gallerie that stretcheth itselfe alongest the hall, neere the prince's table, where I saw the prince set, a man of tall personage, of mannelye countenance, somewhat browne of visage, strongelie featured, and thereto comelie proportioned. At the neather end of the same table were placed the ambassadors of diuers princes. Before him stood the caruer, seruer, and cup-bearer, with great number of gentlemen wayters attending his person. The lordes steward, treasorer, with diuers honorable personages, were placed at a side-table neere adjoyning the prince on the right hand, and at another table on the left side were placed the treasorer of the household, secretarie, the prince's serjeant of law, the four masters of the reaulles, the king of armes, the deane of the chapell, and diuers gentlemen pentioners to furnish the same. At another table, on the other side, were set the maister of the game, and his chiefe ranger, maisters of household, clerkes of the greene cloth and checke, with diuers other strangers to furnish the same. On the other side, againste them, began the table of the lieutenant of the Tower, accompanied with diuers captaines of footbandes and shot. At the neather ende of the hall, began the table of the high butler and panter, clerkes of the kitchen, maister cooke of the priue kitchen, furnished throughout with the souldiours and guard of the prince....

"The prince was serued with tender meates, sweet fruites, and daintie delicates, confectioned with curious cookerie, as it seemed woonder a word to serue the prouision. And at euerie course, the trompettes blew the courageous blaste of deadlye warre, with noise of drum and fyfe, with the sweet harmony of viollens, shakbuts, recorders, and cornettes, with other instruments of musicke, as it seemed Apolloe's harpe had tewned their stroke."

After dinner, prizes were prepared for "tilt and turney, and such knighteley pastime, and for their solace they masked with bewtie's dames with such heauenly armonie as if Apollo and Orpheus had shewed their cunning."[599]

Masques, revels, plays, and eating and drinking, seem to have been as much attended to in the Temple in those days as the grave study of the law. Sir Christopher Hatton, a member of the Inner Temple, gained the favour of Queen Elizabeth, for his grace and activity in a _masque_ which was acted before her majesty. He was made vice-chamberlain, and afterwards lord chancellor![600] In A. D. 1568, the tragedy of Tancred and Gismund, the joint production of five students of the Inner Temple, was acted at the Temple before queen Elizabeth and her court.[601]

On the marriage of the lady Elizabeth, daughter of king James I., to prince Frederick, the elector palatine, (Feb. 14th, A. D. 1613,) a masque was performed at court by the gentlemen of the Temple, and shortly after, twenty Templars were appointed barristers there in honour of prince Charles, who had lately become prince of Wales, "the chardges thereof being defrayed by a contribution of xxxs, from each bencher, xvs. from euery barister of seauen years' standing, and xs. a peice from all other gentlemen in commons."[602]

Of all the pageants prepared for the entertainment of the sovereigns of England, the most famous one was that splendid masque, which cost upwards of £20,000, presented by the Templars, in conjunction with the members of Lincoln's Inn and Gray's Inn, to king Charles I., and his young queen, Henrietta of France. Whitelock, in his Memorials, gives a minute and most animated account of this masque, which will be read with interest, as affording a characteristic and admirable exhibition of the manners of the age.

The procession from the Temple to the palace of Whitehall was the most magnificent that had ever been seen in London. "One hundred gentlemen in very rich clothes, with scarce anything to be seen on them but gold and silver lace, were mounted on the best horses and the best furniture that the king's stable and the stables of all the noblemen in town could afford." Each gentleman had a page and two lacqueys in livery waiting by his horse's side. The lacqueys carried torches, and the page his master's cloak. "The richness of their apparel and furniture glittering by the light of innumerable torches, the motion and stirring of their mettled horses, and the many and gay liveries of their servants, but especially the personal beauty and gallantry of the handsome young gentlemen, made the most glorious and splendid show that ever was beheld in England."

These gallant Templars were accompanied by the finest band of picked musicians that London could afford, and were followed by the _antimasque_ of beggars and cripples, who were mounted on "the poorest, leanest jades that could be gotten out of the dirt-carts." The habits and dresses of these cripples were most ingeniously arranged, and as the "gallant Inns of Court men" had their music, so also had the beggars and cripples. It consisted of _keys, tongs, and gridirons_, "snapping and yet playing in concert before them." After the beggars' antimasque came a band of pipes, whistles, and instruments, sounding notes like those of birds, of all sorts, in excellent harmony; and these ushered in "_the antimasque of birds_," which consisted of an owl in an ivy bush, with innumerable other birds in a cluster about the owl, gazing upon her. "These were little boys put into covers of the shape of those birds, rarely fitted, and sitting on small horses with footmen going by them with torches in their hands, and there were some besides to look unto the children, and these were very pleasant to the beholders." Then came a wild, harsh band of northern music, bagpipes, horns, &c., followed by the "_antimasque of projectors_," who were in turn succeeded by a string of chariots drawn by four horses abreast, filled with "gods and goddesses," and preceded by heathen priests. Then followed the chariots of the grand masquers drawn by four horses abreast.

The chariots of the Inner and Middle Temple were silver and blue. The horses were covered to their heels with cloth of tissue, and their heads were adorned with huge plumes of blue and white feathers. "The torches and flaming flamboys borne by the side of each chariot made it seem lightsom as at noonday.... It was, indeed, a glorious spectacle."

Whitelock gives a most animated description of the scene in the banqueting-room. "It was so crowded," says he, "with fair ladies glittering with their rich cloaths and richer jewels, and with lords and gentlemen of great quality, that there was scarce room for the king and queen to enter in." The young queen danced with the masquers herself, and judged them "as good dancers as ever she saw!" The great ladies of the court, too, were "very free and easy and civil in dancing with all the masquers as they were taken out by them."

Queen Henrietta was so delighted with the masque, "the dances, speeches, musick, and singing," that she desired to see the whole thing _acted over again_! whereupon the lord mayor invited their majesties and all the Inns of Court men into the city, and entertained them with great state and magnificence at Merchant Taylor's Hall.[603]

Many of the Templars who were the foremost in these festive scenes afterwards took up arms against their sovereign. Whitelock himself commanded a body of horse, and fought several sanguinary engagements with the royalist forces.

The year after the restoration, Sir Heneage Finch, afterwards earl of Nottingham, kept his readers' feast in the great hall of the Inner Temple with extraordinary splendour. The entertainments lasted from the 4th to the 17th of August.

At the first day's dinner were several of the nobility of the kingdom and privy councillors, with divers others of his friends; at the second were the lord mayor, aldermen, and principal citizens of London; to the third, which was two days after the former, came the whole college of physicians, who all appeared in their caps and gowns; at the fourth were all the judges, advocates, and doctors of the civil law, and all the society of Doctors' Commons; at the fifth were entertained the archbishops, bishops, and chief of the clergy; and on the 15th of August his majesty king Charles the Second came from Whitehall in his state barge, and dined with the reader and the whole society in the hall. His majesty was accompanied by the duke of York, and attended by the lord chancellor, lord treasurer, lord privy seal, the dukes of Buckingham, Richmond, and Ormond; the lord chamberlain, the earls of Ossory, Bristol, Berks, Portland, Strafford, Anglesy, Essex, Bath, and Carlisle; the lords Wentworth, Cornbury, De la Warre, Gerard of Brandon, Berkley of Stratton and Cornwallis, the comptroller and vice-chamberlain of his majesties's household; Sir William Morice, one of his principal secretaries of state; the earl of Middleton, lord commissioner of Scotland, the earl of Glencairne, lord chancellor of Scotland, the earls of Lauderdale and Newburgh, and others the commissioners of that kingdom, and the earl of Kildare and others, commissioners of Ireland.

An entrance was made from the river through the wall into the Temple Garden, and his majesty was received on his landing from the barge by the reader and the lord chief justice of the Common Pleas, whilst the path from the garden to the hall was lined with the readers' servants in scarlet cloaks and white tabba doublets, and above them were ranged the benchers, barristers, and students of the society, "the loud musick playing from the time that his majesty landed till he entered the hall, where he was received with xx. violins." Dinner was brought up by fifty of the young gentlemen of the society in their gowns, "who gave their attendance all dinner-while, none other appearing in the hall but themselves."

On the 3rd of November following, his royal highness the duke of York, the duke of Buckingham, the earl of Dorset, and Sir William Morrice, secretary of state, were admitted members of the society of the Inner Temple, the duke of York being called to the bar and bench.[604]

In 8 Car. II., A. D. 1668, Sir William Turner, lord mayor of London, came to the readers' feast in the Inner Temple with his sword and mace and external emblems of civic authority, which was considered to be an affront to the society, and the lord mayor was consequently very roughly handled by some of the junior members of the Temple. His worship complained to the king, and the matter was inquired into by the council, as appears from the following proceedings:--

"At the Courte att Whitehall, the 7th April, 1669,

"Present the king's most excellent majestie."

H. R. H. the duke of York. Lord bishop of London. Lord Keeper. Lord Arlington. Duke of Ormonde. Lord Newport. Lord Chamberlaine. Mr. Treasurer. Earle of Bridgewater. Mr. Vice-chamberlaine. Earle of Bath. Mr. Secretary Trevor. Earle of Craven. Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy. Earle of Middleton. Mr. John Duncombe.

"Whereas, it was ordered the 31st of March last, that the complaints of the lord maior of the city of London concerneing personall indignities offered to his lordshippe and his officers when he was lately invited to dine with the reader of the Inner Temple, should this day have a further hearing, and that Mr. Hodges, Mr. Wyn, and Mr. Mundy, gentlemen of the Inner Temple, against whome particular complaint was made, sshould appeare att the board, when accordingly, they attendinge, and both parties being called in and heard by their counsell learned, and affidavits haveing been read against the said three persons, accuseing them to have beene the principall actors in that disorder, to which they haveing made their defence, and haveing presented severall affidavits to justifie their carriage that day, though they could not extenuate the faults of others who in the tumult affronted the lord maior and his officers; and, the officers of the lord maior, who was alleaged to have beene abused in the tumult, did not charge it upon anie of their particular persons; upon consideration whereof it appeareing to his majestie that the matter dependinge very much upon the right and priviledge of beareing up the lord maior's sword within the Temple, which by order of this board of the 24th of March last is left to be decided by due proceedings of lawe in the courts of Westminster Hall; his majestie therefore thought fitt to suspend the declaration of his pleasure thereupon until the said right and priviledge shall accordinglie be determined att lawe."

On the 4th of November, 14 Car. II., his highness Rupert prince palatine, Thomas earl of Cleveland, Jocelyn lord Percy, John lord Berkeley of Stratton, with Henry and Bernard Howard of Norfolk, were admitted members of the fellowship of the Inner Temple.[605]

We must now close our remarks on the Temple, with a short account of the quarrel with Dr. Micklethwaite, the _custos_ or guardian of the Temple Church.

After the Hospitallers had been put into possession of the Temple by king Edward the Third, the prior and chapter of that order, appointed to the antient and honourable post of _custos_, and the priest who occupied that office, had his diet in one or other of the halls of the two law societies, in the same way as the guardian priest of the order of the Temple formerly had his diet in the hall of the antient Knights Templars. He took his place, as did also the chaplains, by virtue of the appointment of the prior and chapter of the Hospital, without admission, institution or induction, for the Hospitallers were clothed with the privileges, as well as with the property, of the Knights Templars, and were exempt from episcopal jurisdiction. The _custos_ had, as before mentioned, by grant from the prior and chapter of the order of St. John, one thousand faggots a year to keep up the fire in the church, and the rents of Ficketzfeld and Cotterell Garden to be employed in improving the lights and providing for the due celebration of divine service. From two to three chaplains were also provided by the Hospitallers, and nearly the same ecclesiastical establishment appears to have been maintained by them, as was formerly kept up in the Temple by the Knights Templars. In 21 Hen. VII. these priests had divers lodgings in the Temple, on the east side of the churchyard, part of which were let out to the students of the two societies.

By sections 9 and 10 of the act 32 _Hen._ VIII., dissolving the order of the Hospital of St. John, it is provided that William Ermsted, clerk, the _custos_ or guardian of the Temple Church, who is there styled "Master of the Temple," and Walter Limseie and John Winter, chaplains, should receive and enjoy, during their lives, all such mansion-houses, stipends, and wages, and all other profits of money, in as large or ample a manner as they then lawfully had the same, the said Master and chaplains of the Temple doing their duties and services there, as they had previously been accustomed to do, and letters patent confirming them in their offices and pensions were to be made out and passed under the great seal. This appellation of "Master of the Temple," which antiently denoted the superior of the proud and powerful order of Knights Templars in England, the counsellor of kings and princes, and the leader of armies, was incorrectly applied to the mere _custos_ or guardian of the Temple Church. The act makes no provision for the _successors_ of the _custos_ and chaplains, and Edward the Sixth consequently, after the decease of William Ermsted, conveyed the lodgings, previously appropriated to the officiating ministers, to a Mr. Keilway and his heirs, after which the custos and clergymen had no longer _of right_ any lodgings at all in the Temple.[606]

From the period of the dissolution of the order of Saint John, down to the present time, the _custos_, or, as he is now incorrectly styled, "the Master of the Temple," has been appointed by letters patent from the crown, and takes his place as in the olden time, without the ceremony of admission, institution, or induction. These letters patent are couched in very general and extensive terms, and give the _custos_ or Master many things to which he is justly entitled, as against the crown, but no longer obtains, and profess to give him many other things which the crown had no power whatever to grant. He is appointed, for instance, "to rule, govern, and superintend the house of the New Temple;" but the crown had no power whatever to make him governor thereof, the government having always been in the hands of the Masters of the bench of the two societies, who succeeded to the authority of the Master and chapter of the Knights Templars. In these letters patent the Temple is described as a rectory, which it never had been, nor anything like it. They profess to give to the _custos_ "all and all manner of tythes," but there were no tythes to give, the Temple having been specially exempted from tythe as a religious house by numerous papal bulls. The letters patent give the _custos_ all the revenues and profits of money which the _custodes_ had at any time previously enjoyed by virtue of their office, but these revenues were dissipated by the crown, and the property formerly granted by the prior and chapter of Saint John, and by pious persons in the time of the Templars, for the maintenance of the priests and the celebration of divine service in the Temple Church was handed over to strangers, and the _custos_ was thrown by the crown for support upon the voluntary contributions of the two societies. He received, indeed, a miserable pittance of 37_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ per annum from the exchequer, but for this he was to find at his own expense a minister to serve the church, and also a clerk or sexton!

As the crown retained in its own hands the appointment of the custos and all the antient revenues of the Temple Church, it ought to have provided for the support of the officiating ministers, as did the Hospitallers of Saint John.

"The chardges of the fellowshyppe," says the MS. account of the Temple written in the reign of Hen. VIII., "towards the salary or mete and drink of the priests, is none; for they are found by my lord of Saint John's, and they that are of the fellowshyppe of the house are chardged with nothing to the priests, saving that they have eighteen offring days in the yeare, so that the chardge of each of them is xviii_d._"[607]

In the reign of James the First, the _custos_, Dr. Micklethwaite, put forward certain unheard-of claims and pretensions, which led to a rupture between him and the two societies. The Masters of the bench of the society of the Inner Temple, taking umbrage at his proceedings, deprived the doctor of his place at the dinner-table, and "willed him to forbear the hall till he was sent for." In 8 Car. I., A. D. 1633, the doctor presented a petition to the king, in which he claims precedence within the Temple "according to auncient custome, he being master of the house," and complains that "his place in the hall is denyed him and his dyett, which place the Master of the Temple hath ever had both before the profession of the lawe kept in the Temple and ever since, whensoever he came into the hall. That tythes are not payde him, whereas by pattent he is to have _omnes et omnimodas decimas_.... That they denye all ecclesiastical jurisdiction to the Master of the Temple, who is appointed by the king's majesty master and warden of the house _ad regendum, gubernandum, et officiendum domum et ecclesiam_," &c. The doctor goes into a long list of grievances showing the little authority that he possessed in the Temple, that he was not summoned to the deliberations of the houses, and he complains that "they will give him no consideracion in the Inner House for his supernumerarie sermons in the forenoon, nor for his sermons in the afternoon," and that the officers of the Inner Temple are commanded to disrespect the Master of the Temple when he comes to the hall.

The short answer to the doctor's complaint is, that the _custos_ of the church never had any of the things which the doctor claimed to be entitled to, and it was not in the power of the crown to give them to him.

The antient _custos_ being, as before mentioned, a priest of the order of the Temple, and afterwards of the order of the Hospital, was a perfect slave to his temporal superiors, and could be deprived of his post, be condemned to a diet of bread and water, and be perpetually imprisoned, without appeal to any power, civil or ecclesiastical, unless he could cause his complaints to be brought to the ear of the pope. Dr. Micklethwaite quite misunderstood his position in the Temple, and it was well for him that the masters of the benches no longer exercised the despotic power of the antient master and chapter, or he would certainly have been condemned to the penitential cell in the church, and would not have been the first _custos_ placed in that unenviable retreat.[608]

The petition was referred to the lords of the council, and afterwards to Noy, the attorney-general, and in the mean time the doctor locked up the church and took away the keys. The societies ordered fresh keys to be made, and the church to be set open. Noy, to settle all differences, appointed to meet the contending parties in the church, and then alluding to the pretensions of the doctor, he declared that if he were visitor he would proceed against him _tanquam elatus et superbus_.

In the end the doctor got nothing by his petition.

In the time of the Commonwealth, after Dr. Micklethwaite's death, Oliver Cromwell sent to inquire into the duties and emoluments of the post of "Master of the Temple," as appears from the following letter:--

"From his highness I was commanded to speake with you for resolution and satisfaction in theise following particulers--

"1. Whether the Master of the Temple be to be putt in him by way of presentation, or how?

"2. Whether he be bound to attend and preach among them in terme times and out of terme?

"3. Or if out of terme an assistant must be provided? then, whether at the charge of the Master, or how otherwise?

"4. Whether publique prayer in the chapell be allwayes performable by the Master himselfe in terme times? And whether in time of vacation it be constantly expected from himselfe or his assistant.

"5. What the certain revenue of the Master is, and how it arises?

"2. Sir, the gentleman his highness intends to make Master is Mr. Resburne of Oundle, a most worthy and learned man, pastor of the church there, whereof I myselfe am an unworthy member.

"3. The church would be willing (for publique good) to spare him in terme times, but will not part with him altogether. And in some of the particulers aforementioned Mr. R. is very desirous to be satisfyd; his highness chiefly in the first.

"4. I begg of you to leave a briefe answer to the said particulars, and I shall call on your servant for it.

"For the honourable Henry Scobell, esq., theise."[609]

During the late repair of the Temple Church, A. D. 1830, the workmen discovered an antient seal of the order of the Hospital, which was carried away, and appears to have got into the hands of strangers. On one side of it is represented the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem, with the Saviour in his tomb. At his head is an elevated cross, and above is a tabernacle or chapel, from the roof of which depend two incense pots. Around the seal is the inscription, "FR---- BERENGARII CUSTOS PAUPERUM HOSPITALIS JHERUSALEM." On the reverse a holy man is represented on his knees in the attitude of prayer before a patriarchal cross, on either side of which are the letters _Alpha_ and _Omega_. Under the first letter is a star.

These particulars have been furnished me by Mr. Savage, the architect.

THE END.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY G. J. PALMER, SAVOY STREET, STRAND.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. Eutychius.

[2] Ingulphus, the secretary of William the Conqueror, one of the number, states that he sallied forth from Normandy with _thirty_ companions, all stout and well-appointed horsemen, and that they returned _twenty_ miserable palmers, with the staff in their hand and the wallet at their back.--_Baronius ad ann. 1064_, No. 43, 56.

[3] _Will. Tyr._, lib. i. cap. 10, ed. 1564.

[4] Omnibus mundi partibus divites et pauperes, juvenes et virgines, senes cum junioribus, loca sancta visitaturi Hierosolymam pergerent.--Jac. de Vitriaco. _Hist. Hierosol._ cap. lxv.

[5] "To kiss the holy monuments," says William of Tyre, "came sacred and chaste widows, forgetful of feminine fear, and the multiplicity of dangers that beset their path."--Lib. xviii. cap. 5.

[6] Quidam autem Deo amabiles et devoti milites, charitate ferventes, mundo renuntiantes, et Christi se servitio mancipantes in manu Patriarchæ Hierosolymitani professione et voto solemni sese astrinxerunt, ut a prædictis latronibus, et viris sanguinum, defenderent peregrinos, et stratas publicas custodirent, more canonicorum regularium in _obedientia et castitate et sine proprio_ militaturi summo regi. _Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Hierosol. apud Gesta Dei per Francos_, cap. lxv. p. 1083.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xii. cap. 7. There were three kinds of poverty. The first and strictest (_altissima_) admitted not of the possession of any description of property whatever. The second (_media_) forbade the possession of individual property, but sanctioned any amount of wealth when shared by a fraternity in common. The lowest was where a separate property in some few things was allowed, such as food and clothing, whilst everything else was shared in common. The second kind of poverty (media) was adopted by the Templars.

[7] _Pantaleon_, lib. iii. p. 82.

[8] _D'Herbelot Bib. Orient._ p. 270, 687, ed. 1697. William of Tyre, who lived at Jerusalem shortly after the conquest of the city by the Crusaders, tells us that the Caliph Omar required the Patriarch Sophronius to point out to him the site of the temple destroyed by Titus, which being done, the caliph immediately commenced the erection of a fresh temple thereon, "Quo postea infra modicum tempus juxta conceptum mentis suæ feliciter consummato, _quale hodie Hierosolymis esse dinoscitur_, multis et infinites ditavit possessionibus."--_Will. Tyr._ lib. i. cap. 2.

[9] Erant porro in eodem Templi ædificio, intus et extra ex opere musaico, Arabici idiomatis literarum vetustissima monimenta, quibus et auctor et impensarum quantitas et quo tempore opus inceptum quodque consummatum fuerit evidenter declaratur.... In hujus superioris areæ medio Templum ædificatum est, forma quidem _octogonum_ et laterum totidem, tectum habens sphericum plumbo artificiose copertum.... Intus vero in medio Templi, infra interiorem columnarum ordinem _rupes_ est, &c.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. i. cap 2, lib. viii. cap. 3. In hoc loco, supra _rupem_ quæ adhuc in eodem Templo consistit, dicitur stetisse et apparuisse David exterminator Angelus.... Templum Dominicum in tanta veneratione habent Saraceni, ut nullus eorum ipsum audeat aliquibus sordibus maculare; sed a remotis et longinquis regionibus, a temporibus Salomonis usque ad tempora præsentia, veniunt adorare.--_Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Hierosol._ cap. lxii. p. 1080.

[10] _Procopius de ædificiis Justiniani_, lib. 5.

[11] Phocas believes the whole space around these buildings to be the area of the ancient temple. [Greek: En tô archaiô dapedô tou periônymou naou ekeinou tou Solomôntos theôroumenos ... Exôthen de tou naou esti periaulion mega lithostôton to palaion, hôs oimai, tou megalou naou dapedon.]--_Phocæ descript. Terr. Sanc._ cap. xiv. Colon. 1653.

[12] Quibus quoniam neque _ecclesia_ erat, neque certum habebant domicilium, Rex in Palatio suo, quod secus Templum Domini ad _australem_ habet partem, eis concessit habitaculum.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xii. cap. 7. And in another place, speaking of the Temple of the Lord, he says, Ab _Austro_ vero domum habet Regiam, quæ vulgari appellatione _Templum Salomonis_ dicitur.--_Ib._ lib. viii. cap. 3.

[13] Qui quoniam juxta Templum Domini, ut prædiximus, in Palatio regio mansionem habent, fratres militiæ Templi dicuntur.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xii. cap. 7.

[14] Est præterea Hierosolymis Templum aliud immensæ quantitatis et amplitudinis, _a quo fratres militiæ Templi, Templarii nominantur_, quod Templum Salomonis nuncupatur, forsitan ad distinctionem alterius quod specialiter Templum Domini appellatur.--_Jac. de Vitr._ cap. 62.

[15] In Templo Domini abbas est et canonici regulares, et sciendum est quod aliud est Templum Domini, aliud Templum militiæ. Isti _clerici_, illi _milites_.--_Hist. Orient. Jac. de Vitr. apud Thesaur. Nov. Anecd. Martene_, tom. iii. col. 277.

[16] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xii. cap. 7.

[17] Prima autem eorum professio quodque eis a domino Patriarcha et reliquis episcopis in remissionem peccatorum injunctum est, ut vias et itinera, ad salutem peregrinorum contra latronum et incursantium insidias, pro viribus conservarent.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xii. cap. 7.

[18] _Gibbon._

[19] _Reg. Constit. et Privileg. Ordinis Cisterc._ p. 447.

[20] _Chron. Cisterc. Albertus Miræus._ Brux. 1641. _Manricus ad ann. 1128_, cap. ii. _Act. Syn. Trec._ tom. x. edit. Labb.

[21] Ego Joannes Michaelensis, præsentis paginæ, jussu consilii ac venerabilis abbatis Clarævallensis, cui creditum ac debitum hoc fuit, humilis scriba esse, divinâ gratiâ merui.--_Chron. Cisterc._ ut sup.

[22] See also Hoveden apud X script. page 479. Hen. Hunting. ib. page 384.

[23] _Annales Benedictini_, tom. vi. page 166.

[24] _Histoire de Languedoc_, lib. xvii. p. 407.

[25] _Hist. de l'eglise de Gandersheim. Mariana de rebus Hispaniæ_, lib. x. cap. 15, 17, 18. _Zurita anales de la corona de Aragon_, tom. i. lib. i. cap. 52. _Quarita_, tom. i. lib. ii. cap. 4.

[26] Semel et secunda, et tertio, ni fallor, petiisti a me. Hugo carrissime, ut tibi tuisque commilitonibus scriberem exhortationis sermonem, et adversus hostilem tyrannidem, quia lanceam non liceret, stilum vibrarem. _Exhortatio S. Bernardi ad Milites Templi, ed. Mabillon. Parisiis_, 1839, tom. i. col. 1253 to 1278.

[27] i. e. Without any _separate_ property.

[28] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xiii. cap. 26; _Anselmus_, lib. iii. epistolarum. epist. 43, 63, 66, 67; _Duchesne in Hist. Burg._ lib. iv. cap. 37.

[29] Miles eximius et in armis strenuus, nobilis carne et moribus, dominus Robertus cognomine Burgundio Magister militiæ Templi.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xv. cap. 6.

[30] Vir eximius frater militiæ Templi Otto de Monte Falconis, omnes de morte suâ moerore et gemitu conficiens, occisus est.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xv. cap. 6.

[31] _Abulfeda_, ad ann. Hegir. 534, 539. _Will. Tyr._ lib. xvi. cap. 4, 5, 7, 15, 16, who terms Zinghis, Sanguin. _Abulfaradge Chron. Syr._ p. 326, 328. _Will. Tyr._ lib. xvi. cap. 14.

[32] _Odo de Diogilo_, p. 33. _Will. Tyr._ lib. xii. cap. 7; _Jac. de Vitr._ cap. lxv.; _Paul. Æmil._ p. 254; _Monast. Angl._ vol. vii. p. 814.

[33] In nomine sanctæ et individuæ Trinitatis omnibus dominis et amicis suis, et Sanctæ Dei ecclesiæ filiis, Bernardus de Baliolo Salutem. Volo notum fieri omnibus tam futuris quam præsentibus, quod pro dilectione Dei et pro salute animæ meæ, antecessorumque meorum fratribus militibus de Templo Salomonis dedi et concessi Wedelee, &c. ... Hoc donum in capitulo, quod in Octavis Paschæ Parisiis fuit feci, domino apostolico Eugenio præsente, et ipso rege Franciæ et archiepiscopo Seuver, et Bardell et Rothomagi, et Frascumme, et fratribus militibus Templi alba chlamide indutis cxxx præsentibus.--_Reg. Cart. S. Joh. Jerus. in Bib. Cotton. Nero E. b._ No. xx. fo. 118.

[34] _Gallia Christiana nova_, tom. i. col. 486.

[35] _Odo de Diogilo de Ludov._ vii. _profectione in Orientem_, p. 67.

[36] Rex per aliquot dies in Palatio Templariorum, ubi olim Regia Domus, quæ et Templum Salomonis constructa fuit manens, et sancta ubique loca peragrans, per Samariam ad Galilæam Ptolemaidam rediit.... Convenerat enim cum rege militibusque Templi, circa proximum Julium, in Syriam ad expugnationem Damasci exercitum ducere.--_Otto Frising_, cap. 58.

[37] Ludovici regis ad abbatem Sugerium epist. 58.--_Duchesne hist. franc. scrip._ tom. iv. p. 512; see also epist. 59, ibid.

[38] _Simeonis Dunelmensis hist._ ad ann. 1148, _apud_ X _script._

[39] _Dugdale Baronage_, tom. i. p. 122, _Dugd. Monast._ vol. 7, p. 838.

[40] Ex regist. Hosp. S. Joh. Jerusalem in Angli in _Bib. Cotton._ fol. 289, a-b. _Dugd. Monast. Angl._ ed. 1830, vol. vii. p. 820.

[41] Ex. cod. vet. M. S. penes Anton. Wood, Oxon, fol. 14 a. Ib. p. 843.

[42] _Liber Johannis Stillingflete_, M. S. in officio armorum (L. 17) fol. 141 a, Harleian M. S. No. 4937.

[43] _Geoffrey of Clairvaux_ observes, however, that the second crusade could hardly be called _unfortunate_, since, though it did not at all help the Holy Land, it served to _people heaven with martyrs_.

[44] His head and right hand were cut off by Noureddin, and sent to the caliph at Bagdad.--_Abulfarag. Chron. Syr._ p. 336.

[45] _Spicilegii Dacheriani_, tom. ii. p. 511; see also _Will. Tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. 9.

[46] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. 21. _L'art de verifier les dates_, p. 340. _Nobiliaire de Franche-Compté_, par Dunod, p. 140.

[47] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. 20, ad ann. 1152.

[48] _S. Bernardi epistolæ_, 288, 289, 392, ed. Mabillon.

[49] _Anselmi Gemblacensis Chron._ ad ann. 1153. _Will. Tyr._ lib. xvii. cap. 27.

[50] Captus est inter cæteros ibi Bertrandus de Blanquefort, Magister Militiæ Templi, vir religiosus ac timens Deum. _Will. Tyr._ lib. xviii. cap. 14. _Registr. epist._ apud _Martene_ vet. script. tom. ii. col. 647.

[51] Milites Templi circa triginta, ducentos Paganorum euntes ad nuphas verterent in fugam, et divino præsidio comitante, omnes partim ceperunt, partim gladio trucidarunt. _Registr. epist._ ut sup. col. 647.

[52] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xix. cap. 8.

[53] _Epist._ xvi. S. Remensi archiepiscopo et ejus suffraganeis pro ecclesia Jerosolymitana et militibus Templi, apud _Martene vet. script._ tom. ii. col. 647.

[54] _Islam_, the name of the Mahometan religion. The word signifies literally, delivering oneself up to God.

[55] Keightley's Crusaders.

[56] The virtues of Noureddin are celebrated by the Arabic Historian _Ben-Schunah_, in his _Raoudhat Almenadhir_, by _Azzeddin Ebn-al-ather_, by _Khondemir_, and in the work entitled, "The flowers of the two gardens," by _Omaddeddin Kateb_. See also _Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 33.

[57] _Regula_, cap. xlviii.

[58] Vexillum bipartitum ex Albo et Nigro quod nominant _Beau-seant_ id est Gallicâ linguâ _Bien-seant_; eo quod Christi amicis candidi sunt et benigni, inimicis vero terribiles atque nigri, _Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Hierosol. apud Gesta Dei_, cap. lxv. The idea is quite an oriental one, black and white being always used among the Arabs metaphorically, in the sense above described. Their customary salutation is, May your day be _white_, i. e. may you be happy.

[59] _Alwakidi Arab. Hist._ translated by Ockley. _Hist. Saracen._ It refers to a period antecedent to the crusades, but the same religio-military enthusiasm prevailed during the holy war for the recovery of Jerusalem.

[60] _Cinnamus_, lib. iv. num. 22.

[61] _Gesta Dei_, inter regum et principum epistolas, tom. i. p. 1173, 6, 7. _Hist. Franc. Script._ tom. iv. p. 692, 693.

[62] Hist. de Saladin, par _M. Marin_, tom. i. p. 120, 1. _Gibbon_, cap. 59.

[63] _Gesta Dei_, epist. xiv. p. 1178, 9.

[64] De fratribus nostris ceciderunt LX. milites fortissimi, præter fratres clientes et Turcopulos, nec nisi _septem_ tantum evasêre periculum. Epist. _Gauf. Fulcherii_ procuratoris Templi Ludovico regi Francorum. _Gesta Dei_, tom. i. p. 1182, 3, 4.

[65] Registr. epist. apud _Martene_, vel script. tom. ii. col. 846, 847, 883.

[66] "... præcipue pro fratribus Templi, vestram exoramus Majestatem ... qui quotidie moriuntur pro Domino et servitio, et per quos possumus, si quid possumus. In illis enim tota summa post Deum consistit omnium eorum, qui sano fiunt consilio in partibus orientis...." _Gesta Dei_, tom. i. epist. xxi. p. 1181.

[67] Dominus fuit Arabiæ secundæ, quæ est Petracensis, qui locus hodie Crach dicitur, et Syriæ Sobal ... factus est Magister Militiæ Templi.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xxii. cap. 5.

[68] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xviii. cap. 4, 5.

[69] Fratres ejusdem domus non formidantes pro fratribus suis animas ponere; cum servientibus et equitaturis _ad hoc officium specialiter deputatis et propriis sumptibus retentis_, tam in eundo, quam redeundo ab incursibus Paganorum defensant.--_De Vertot._ hist. des chev. de Malte, liv. i. preuve 9.

[70] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 5.

[71] Prædicti enim Hospitalis fratres _ad imitationem_ fratrum militiæ Templi, armis materialibus utentes, milites cum servientibus in suo collegio receperunt.--_Jac. de Vit._ cap. lxv.

[72] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 5.

[73] This assumption of arms by the Hospitallers was entirely at variance with the original end and object of their institution. Pope Anastasius, in a bull dated A. D. 1154, observes, "omnia vestra _sustentationibus peregrinorum et pauperum_ debent cedere, ac per hoc nullatenus aliis usibus ea convenit applicari."--_De Vertot_, liv. i. preuve 13.

[74] _Gest. Dei per Francos_, p. 1177.

[75] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 5. _Hoveden_ in Hen. 2, p. 622. _De Vertot_, Hist. des Chevaliers de Malte, liv. ii. p. 150 to 161, ed. 1726.

[76] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. 29.

[77] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. xxi. xxii.

[78] _Omne datum optimum_ et omne donum perfectum desursum est, descendens a Patre luminum, apud quem non est transmutatio, nec vicissitudinis obumbratio.

[79] Acta Rymeri, tom. i. ad ann. 1172, p. 30, 31, 32.

[80] _Wilcke_, Geschichte des Tempelherrenordens, vol. ii. p. 230.

[81] 3 Concil. Lat. cap. 9.

[82] Regula, cap. 20.

[83] Cap. 21, 22.

[84] Cap. 20, 27, of the rule.

[85] _Jac. de Vitr._ Hist. Orient. apud _Martene_ thesaur. nov. anecdot. tom. iii. col. 276, 277.

[86] Narratio Patriarchæ Hierosolymitani coram summo Pontifice de statu Terræ Sanctæ. ex M. S. Cod. Bigotiano, apud _Martene_ thesaur. nov. anecdot. tom. iii. col. 276, 277.

[87] Dissertation sur les Assassins, Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xvii. p. 127, 170. _De Guignes_, Hist. des Huns.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 31.

[88] _Jac. de Vitr._ Hist. Orient. lib. iii. p. 1142. _Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 32.

[89] Adjecit etiam et alia _a spiritu superbiæ_, quo ipse plurimum abundabat, dictata, quæ præsenti narrationi no multum necessarium est interserere.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 32.

[90] _Will. Tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. 20, 22, 23. Abulfeda Abulpharadge, Chron. Syr. p. 379.

[91] Capti sunt ibi de nostris, Otto de Sancto Amando militiæ Templi Magister, homo nequaquam superbus et arrogans, spiritum furoris habens in naribus, nec Deum timens, nec ad homines habens reverentiam.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. 29, Abulpharadge, Chron. Syr. p. 380, 381.

[92] _Abulpharadge_, Chron. Syr. ut sup. Menologium Cisterciente, p. 194. _Bernardus Thesaurarius_ de acq. _Terr. Sanc._ cap. 139.

[93] Dicens non esse consuetudinis militum Templi ut aliqua redemptio daretur pro eis præter cingulum et cultellum. Chron. _Trivet_ apud _Hall_, vol. i. p. 77.

[94] Eodem anno quo captus est in vinculis et squalore carceris, nulli lugendus, dicitur obiisse.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xxi. cap. 29. Ib. lib. xxii. cap. 7. Gallia christiana nova, tom. i. col. 258; ibid p. 172, instrumentorum.

[95] _Abulfeda_, ad ann. 1182, 3. _Will. Tyr._ lib. xxii. cap. 16-20.

[96] Unde propter causas prædictas generali providentia statutum est, ut Jerosolymitanus Patriarcha, petendi contra immanissimum hostem Saladinum auxilii gratia, ad christianos principos in Europam mitteretur; sed maxime ad illustrem Anglorum regem, cujus efficacior et promptia opera sperabatur.--_Hemingford_, cap. 33; _Radulph de Diceto_, inter; _Hist. Angl._ X. script. p. 622.

[97] Concil. Magn. Brit. tom. iv. p. 788, 789.

[98] _Arnauld_ of Troy. _Radulph de Diceto_, ut sup. p. 625.

[99] Eodem anno (1185,) Baldewinus rex Jerusalem, et Templares et Hospitalares, miserunt ad regem Angliæ Heraclium, sanctæ civitatis Jerusalem Patriarcha, et summos Hospitalis et Templi Magistros una cum vexillo regio, et clavibus sepulchri Domini, et turris David, et civitatis Jerusalem; postulantes ab eo celerem succursum ... qui statim ad pedes regis provoluti cum fletu magno et singultu, verba salutationis ex parte regis et principum et universæ plebis terræ Jerosolymitanæ proferebant ... tradiderunt ei vexillum regium, etc. etc.--_Hoveden_, ad ann. 1185; _Radulph de Diceto_, p. 626.

[100] _Matt. Westm._ ad ann. 1185; _Guill. Neubr._ tom. i. lib. iii. cap. 12, 13. _Chron. Dunst._

[101] _Speed._ Hist. Britain, p. 506. A. D. 1185.

[102] _Stowe's_ Survey; _Tanner_, Notit. Monast.; _Dugd._ Orig. Jurid.

[103] _Herbert_, Antiq. Inns of Court.

[104] "Yea, and a part of that too," says Sir William Dugdale, in his _origines juridiciales_, as appears from the first grant thereof to Sir William Paget, Knight, Pat. ii. Edward VI. p. 2.

[105] We read on many old charters and deeds, "Datum apud _vetus_ Templum Londoniæ." See an example, _Nichols'_ Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 959; see also the account, in Matt. Par. and Hoveden, of the king's visit to Hugh bishop of Lincoln, who lay sick of a fever at the Old Temple, and died there, the 16th November, A. D. 1200.

[106] Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLXXXV. facta est ista inquisitio de terrarum donatoribus, et earum possessoribus, ecclesiarum scil. et molendinorum, et terrarum assisarum, et in dominico habitarum, et de redditibus assisis per Angliam, per fratrem Galfridum filium Stephani, quando ipse suscepit balliam de Anglia, qui summo studio prædicta inquirendo curam sollicitam exhibuit, ut majoris notitiæ posteris expressionem generaret, et pervicacibus omnimodam nocendi rescinderet facultatem. Ex. cod. MS. in Scacc. penes Remor. Regis. fol. i. a.; _Dugd._ Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part ii. p. 820.

[107] Quorum res adeo crevit in immensum, ut hodie, trecentos in conventu habeant equites, albis chlamydibus indutos: exceptis fratribus, quorum pene infinitus est numerus. Possessiones autem, tam ultra quam citra mare, adeo dicuntur immensas habere, ut jam non sit in orbe christiano provincia quæ prædictis fratribus suorum portionem non contulerit, et regiis opulentiis pares hodie dicuntur habere copias.--_Will. Tyr._ lib. xii. cap. 7.

[108] Dominus Baldwinus illustris memoriæ, Hierosolymorum rex quartus, Gazam munitissimam fratribus militiæ Templi donavit, _Will. Tyr._ lib. xx. cap. 21. Milites Templi Gazam antiquam Palæstinæ civitatem reædificant, et turribus eam muniunt, _Rob. de Monte_, appen. ad chron. Sig. p. 631.

[109] _Marin. Sanut_, p. 221. _Bernard Thesaur._ p. 768. _Radulph Coggleshale_, p. 249. Hoveden, p. 636. Radulph de Diceto, ut sup. p. 623. Matt. Par. p. 142. Italia sacra, tom. iii. p. 407.

[110] Tunc Julianus Dominus Sydonis vendidit Sydonem et Belfort Templariis, _Marin. Sanut_, cap. vi. p. 221.

[111] Atlas _Marianus_, p. 156; Siciliæ Antiq., tom. iii. col. 1000.

[112] Gallia christiana nova, tom. iii. col. 118; Probat. tom. ix. col. 1067, tom. x. col. 1292, tom. xi. col. 46; _Roccus Pyrrhus_, Sicil. Antiq. tom. iii. col. 1093, 4, 5, 6, 7, &c.

[113] _Petrus Maria Campus_ Hist. Placent. part ii. n. 28; _Pauli M. Paciandi_ de cultu S. Johannis Bapt. Antiq. p. 297.

[114] Description et delices d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 259; Hist. Portugal, _La Clede_, tom. i. p. 200, 202, &c.; Hispania illustrata, tom. iii. p. 49.

[115] Annales Minorum, tom. v. p. 247; tom. vi. p. 211, 218; tom. viii. p. 26, 27; tom. ix. p. 130, 141.--_Campomanes._

[116] _Marcæ_ Hispanicæ, col. 1291, 1292, 1304. Gall. christ. nov. tom. i. col. 195. _Mariana_, de. reb. Hisp. lib. ii. cap. 23.

[117] Script. rer. Germ. tom. ii. col. 584. Annales Minorum, tom. vi. p. 5, 95, 177. Suevia and Vertenbergia sacra, p. 74. Annal. Bamb. p. 186. Notitiæ episcopatûs Middelb. p. 11. Scrip. de rebus Marchiæ Brandeburg, p. 13. _Aventinus_ annal. lib. vii. cap. 1. n. 7. Gall. christ. nov. tom. viii. col. 1382; tom. i. col. 1129.

[118] Constantinopolis christiana, lib. iv. p. 157.

[119] Hist. de l'Eglise de Besancon, tom. ii. p. 397, 421, 450, 474, 445, 470, 509, &c.

[120] Hist. de l'Eglise de St. Etienne à Dijon, p. 133, 137, 205. Hist. de Bresse, tom. i. p. 52, 55, 84.

[121] Hist. gen. de Languedoc, liv. ii. p. 523; liv. xvi., p. 362; liv. xvii. p. 427; liv. xxii. p. 25, 226. Gall. christ. tom. vi. col. 727. _Martene_ Thesaur. anecd. tom. i. col. 575.

[122] Gall. christ. nov. tom. i. p. 32; tom. iii. col. 333; tom. ii. col. 46, 47, and 72. _La Martiniere_ dict. geogr. _Martene_, ampl. collect. tom. vi. col. 226. Gloss. nov. tom. iii. col. 223.

[123] Histoire de la ville de Paris, tom. i. p. 174. Gall. christ. nov. tom. vii. col. 853.

[124] Annales Trevir. tom. ii. p. 91, 197, 479. _Prodromus_ hist. Trevir. p. 1077. _Bertholet_ hist. de Luxembourg, tom. v. p. 145. _Joh. Bapt._ Antiq. Flandriæ Gandavum, p. 24, 207. Antiq. Bredanæ, p. 12, 23. _Austroburgus_, p. 115. _Aub Miræi_ Diplomat. tom. ii. p. 1165, &c.

[125] _Dugd._ Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part 2, p. 800 to 817. Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. iii. p. 333 to 382. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 279, 288, 291, 295, &c.

[126] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 279, 288, 291, 297, &c.

[127] _Nichols'_ hist. of Leicestershire.

[128] _Clutterbuck's_ hist. Hertfordshire. _Chauncey_, antiq. Hert. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 133, 134. _Dodsworth_, M. S. vol. xxxv.

[129] _Morant's_ hist. Essex, _Rymer._ tom. iii. p. 290 to 294.

[130] Redditus omnium ecclesiarum et molendinorum et terrarum de bailliâ de Lincolnscire. Inquis. terrar. ut sup. fol. 41 b to 48 b and 49 a. _Peck's_ MS. in Museo Britannico, vol. iv. fol. 95 et seq.

[131] _Peck's_ MS. ut sup. fol. 95.

[132] Inquis. ut. sup. 58 b to 65 b.

[133] Inquis. terrar. ut sup. fol. 12 a to 23 a. Dodsworth MS. vol. xx. p. 65, 67, ex quodam rotulo tangente terras Templariorum. Rot. 42, 46, p. 964. Dugd. Baron. tom. i. p. 70.

[134] Monast. Angl. ut sup. p. 840. _Hasted._ hist. Kent.

[135] Ex cod. MS. in officio armorum, L. xvii. fol. 141 a. Calendarium Inquis. post mortem, p. 13. 18.

[136] _Manning's_ Surrey. _Atkyn's_ Gloucestershire; and see the references in Tanner. _Nash's_ Worcestershire.

[137] _Bridge's_ Northamptonshire, vol. ii. p. 100.

[138] _Thoroton's_ Nottinghamshire. _Burn and Nicholson's_ Westmoreland. _Worsley's_ Isle of Wight.

[139] Habuerunt insuper Templarii in Christianitate _novem millia_ maneriorum ... præter emolumenta et varios proventus ex fraternitatibus et prædicationibus provenientes, et per privilegia sua accrescentes. _Mat. Par._ p. 615, ed. Lond. 1640.

[140] Amplis autem possessionibus tam citra mare quam ultra ditati sunt in immensum, villas, civitates et oppida, ex quibus certam pecuniæ summam, pro defensione Terræ Sanctæ, summo eorum magistro cujus sedes principalis erat in Jerusalem, mittunt annuatim.--_Jac. de Vitr._ Hist. Hierosol. p. 1084.

[141] Masculum pullum, si natus sit super terram domus, vendere non possunt sine licentiâ fratrum. Si filiam habent, dare non possunt sine licentiâ fratrum. Inquisitio terrarum, ut supr. fol. 18 a.

[142] The Templars, by diverting the water, created a great nuisance. In A. D. 1290, the _Prior et fratres de Carmelo_ (the white friars) complained to the king in parliament of the putrid exhalations arising from the Fleet river, which were so powerful as to overcome all the frankincense burnt at their altar during divine service, and had occasioned the deaths of many of their brethren. They beg that the stench may be removed, lest they also should perish. The Friars preachers (black friars) and the bishop of Salisbury (whose house stood in Salisbury-court) made a similar complaint; as did also Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, who alleges that the Templars (_ipsi de novo Templo_) had turned off the water of the river to their mills at Castle Baignard.--_Rot. Parl._ vol. i. p. 60, 200.

[143] Ex cod. MS. in officio armorum, L. xvii. fol. 141 a. _Dugd._ Monast. Angl. ut sup. p. 838. _Tanner_, Notit. Monast.

[144] _Dugd._ Baronage. Monast. Angl. p. 800 to 844.

[145] Power to hold courts;

[146] to impose and levy fines and amerciaments upon their tenants;

[147] to buy and sell, or to hold a kind of market;

[148] to judge and punish their villains and vassals;

[149] to try thieves and malefactors belonging to their manors, and taken within the precincts thereof;

[150] to judge foreign thieves taken within the said manors, &c.

[151] Cart. 11. Hen. 3. M. 33. _Dugd._ Monast. p. 844.

[152] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 54, 298, 574, 575.

[153] Page 431.

[154] 13 Edward I.

[155] 2 Inst. p. 432.

[156] 2 Inst. p. 465.

[157] Stat. Westr. 2, cap. 43, 13 Ed. I.

[158] The title Master of the Temple was so generally applied to the superiors of the western provinces, that we find in the Greek of the lower empire, the words [Greek: Templou Maistôr]. _Ducange._ Gloss.

[159] Also summus magister, magister generalis.

[160] Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 335, 339, 340. Monast. Angl. p. 818.

[161] Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 355, 356.

[162] In cujus rei testimonium huic præsenti scripto indentato sigillum capituli nostri apposuimus.

[163] MS. apud Belvoir. _Peck's_ MS. in Museo Britannico, vol. iv. p. 65.

[164] _Nicholl's_ Hist. Leicestershire, vol. iii. pl. cxxvii. fig. 947, p. 943; vol. ii. pl. v. fig. 13.

[165] Two of these visitors-general have been buried in the Temple Church.

[166] Rot. claus. 49. H. III. m. xi. d. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 802.

[167] L'histoire des Cisteaux, _Chrisost. Henriques_, p. 479.

[168] Ricardus de Hastinges, Magister omnium militum et fratrum Templi qui sunt in Angliâ, salutem. Notum vobis facimus quod omnis controversia quæ fuit inter nos et monachos de Kirkested ... terminata et finita est assensu et consilio nostro et militum et fratrum, &c., anno ab incarnatione Domini 1155, 11 die kal. Feb. The archbishop of Canterbury, the papal legate, the bishop of Lincoln, and several abbots, are witnesses to this instrument.--_Lansdown_ MS. 207 E, fol. 467, p. 162, 163; see also p. 319, where he is mentioned as Master, A. D. 1161.

[169] Et paulo post rex Angliæ fecit Henricum filium suum desponsare Margaritam filiam regis Franciæ, cum adhuc essent pueruli in cunis vagientes; videntibus et consentientibus Roberto de Pirou et Toster de Sancto Homero et Ricardo de Hastinges, Templariis, qui custodiebant præfata castella, et statim tradiderunt illa castella regi Angliæ, unde rex Franciæ plurimum iratus fugavit illos tres Templarios de regno Franciæ, quos rex Angliæ benigne suscipiens, multis ditavit honoribus.--_Rog. Hoveden_, script. post Bedam, p. 492. _Guilielmi Neubrigiensis_ hist. lib. ii. cap. 4, apud _Hearne_.

[170] Life of Henry II. tom. iv. p. 203.

[171] Ib. tom. ii. p. 356. Hist. quad. p. 38. _Hoveden_, 453. _Chron. Gervasii_, p. 1386, apud X script.

[172] Ricardus Mallebeench, magister omnium pauperum militum et fratrum Templi Salomonis in Angliâ, &c. ... Confirmavimus pacem et concordiam quam Ricardus de Hastings fecit cum Waltero abbate de Kirkested.--_Lansdown_ MS. 207 E., fol. 467.

[173] Gaufridus, filius Stephani, militiæ Templi in Angliâ _Minister_, assensu totius capituli nostri dedi, &c., totum illud tenementum in villâ de Scamtrun quod Emma uxor Walteri Camerarii tenet de domo nostrâ, &c. Ib. fol. 201.

[174] Post.

[175] The money is ordered to be paid "dilecto filio nostro Thesaurario domus militiæ Templi Londonien." Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 442, 4, 5. _Wilkins_ Concilia, tom. ii. p. 230.

[176] _Matt. Par._ p. 381.

[177] _Matt. Par._ p. 253, 645.

[178] _Wilkins_, Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. ii. p. 19, 26, 93, 239, 253, 272, 292.

[179] _Bernard Thesaur._ cap. 157, apud _Muratori_ script. rer. Ital. p. 792. _Cotton_ MS., Nero E. vi. p. 60, fol. 466.

[180] _Radulph de Diceto_, ut sup. p. 626. _Matt. Par._ ad ann. 1185.

[181] _Hoveden_ annal. apud rer. Angl. script. post Bedam, p. 636, 637.

[182] The above passage is almost literally translated from Abbot Bromton's Chronicle. The Patriarch there says to the king, "Hactenus gloriose regnasti, sed amodo ipse te deseret quem tu deseruisti. Recole quæ dominus tibi contulit, et qualia illi reddidisti; quomodo regi Franciæ infidus fuisti, beatum Thomam occidisti, et nunc protectionem Christianorum abjecisti. Cumque ad hæc rex excandesceret, obtulit patriarcha caput suum et collum extensum, dicens, 'Fac de me quod de _Thomá_ fecisti. Adeo libenter volo a te occidi in Anglia, sicut a Saracenis in Syria, quia tu omni Saraceno pejor es.' Cui rex, 'Si omnes homines mei unum corpus essent, unoque ore loquerentur, talia mihi dicere non auderent.' Cui ille, 'Non est mirum, quia tu et non te diligunt, prædam etiam et non hominem sequitur turba ista.' 'Recedere non possum, quia filii mei insurgerent in me absentem.' Cui ille, 'Nec mirum, quia de diabolo venerunt, et ad diabolum ibunt.' Et sic demum patriarcha navem ascendens in Galliam reversus est."--_Chron. Joan. Bromton_, abbatis Jornalensis, script. X. p. 1144, ad ann. 1185.

[183] Sed hæc omnia præfatus Patriarcha parum pendebat, sperabat enim quod esset reducturus secum ad defensionem Ierosolymitanæ terræ præfatum regem Angliæ, vel aliquem de filiis suis, vel aliquem virum magnæ auctoritatis; sed quia hoc esse non potuit, repatriaturus dolens et confusus a curiâ recessit.--_Hoveden_ ut sup. p. 630.

[184] _Contin. Hist. Bell. Sacr._ apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 606. It appears from _Mansi_ that this valuable old chronicle, formerly attributed to Hugh Plagon, is the original French work of _Bernard the Treasurer_.

[185] Quand le roi avoit offert sa corone au Temple Dominus, si avaloit uns degrès qui sont dehors le Temple, et entroit en son pales au Temple de Salomon, ou li Templiers manoient. La etoient les tables por mengier, ou le roi s'asseoit, et si baron et tuit cil qui mengier voloient.--Contin. bell. sacr. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 586.

[186] Contin. hist. ut sup., col. 593, 4. _Bernard. Thesaur._ apud _Muratori_ script. rer. Ital., tom. vii. cap. 147, col. 782, cap. 148, col. 173. Assizes de Jerusalem, cap. 287, 288. _Guill. Neubr._ cap. 16.

[187] Vita et res gestæ Saladini by _Bohadin F. Sjeddadi_, apud _Schultens_, ex. MS. Arab. Pref.

[188] Chron. terræ Sanctæ apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 551. Hist. Hierosol. Gest. Dei, tom. i. pt. ii. p. 1150, 1. _Geoffrey de Vinisauf._

[189] Contin. hist. bell. sacr. ut sup., col. 599.

[190] _Muhammed F. Muhammed_, _N. Koreisg. Ispahan_, apud _Schultens_, p. 18.

[191] _Radulph Coggleshale_, an eye-witness, apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 553.

[192] Chron. Terræ Sanctæ, apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 558 and 545. A most valuable history.

[193] _Omad'eddin Kateb-Abou-hamed-Mohamed-Benhamed_, one of Saladin's secretaries. Extraits Arabes, par _M. Michaud_.

[194] Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 608. _Bernard. Thesaur._ apud _Muratori_ script. rer. Ital., cap. 46. col. 791.

[195] _Bohadin_, cap. 35. _Abulfeda._ _Abulpharag._

[196] _Omad'eddin Kateb_, in his book called _Fatah_, celebrates the above exploits of Saladin. Extraits Arabes, _Michaud_. _Radulph Coggleshale_, Chron. Terr. Sanct. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 553 to 559. _Bohadin_, p. 70. _Jac. de Vitr._ cap. xciv. _Guil. Neubr._ apud Hearne, tom. i. lib. iii. cap. 17, 18. _Chron. Gervasii_, apud X. script. col. 1502. _Abulfeda_, cap. 27. _Abulpharag._ Chron. Syr. p. 399, 401, 402. _Khondemir._ _Ben-Schunah._

[197] _Geoffrey de Vinisauf_ apud _Gale_, script. Antiq. Anglic. p. 15, "O zelus fidei! O fervor animi!" says that admiring historian, cap. xv. p. 251.

[198] _Geoffrey de Vinisauf_, ut sup. cap. v. p. 251.

[199] Epistola Terrici Præceptoris Templi de captione terræ Jerosolymitanæ, _Hoveden_ annal. apud rer. Angl. script. post Bedam, p. 636, 637. _Chron. Gervas._ ib. col. 1502. _Radulph de Diceto_, apud X. script. col. 635.

[200] Saladin's letter to the caliph _Nassir Deldin-Illah Aboul Abbas Ahmed_.--_Michaud_, Extraits Arabes.

[201] Les dames de Jerusalem firent prendre _cuves_ et mettre en la place devant le monte Cauviaire, et emplir _d'eue froide_, et firent lors filles entrer jusqu'au col, et couper lor treices et jeter les.--Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 615.

[202] Chron. Terræ Sanctæ, _Radulphi Coggeshale_, apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 572, 573; flentibus christianis, crines et vestes rumpentibus, pectora et capita tundentibus, says the worthy abbot.

[203] See ante, p. 6.

[204] Saladin ot mandé a Damas por euë rose assés por le Temple laver ... il avoit quatre chamiex ou cinq tous chargiés.--Contin. hist. Bell. Sacr. col. 621.

[205] Bohadin, cap. xxxvi., and the extracts from _Abulfeda_, apud _Schultens_, cap. xxvii. p. 42, 43. _Ib'n Alatsyr_, Michaud, Extraits Arabes.

[206] _Hoveden_, annal. apud rer. Angl. script. post Bedam, p. 645, 646.

[207] _Bohadin_ apud _Schultens_, cap. xxxvi.

[208] _Ibn-Alatsyr_, hist. Arab. and the _Raoudhatein_, or "the two gardens." _Michaud_, Extraits Arabes. Excerpta ex _Abulfeda_ apud _Schultens_, cap. xxvii. p. 43. _Wilken_ Comment. Abulfed. hist. p. 148.

[209] Omad'eddin Kateb.--_Michaud_, Extraits Arabes.

[210] _Khotbeh_, or sermon of _Mohammed Ben Zeky_.--_Michaud_, Extraits Arabes.

[211] See the account of this remarkable stone, ante p. 7, 8.

[212] _Hist. Hierosol._ Gesta Dei per Francos, tom. i. pt. ii. p. 1155.

[213] _Hoveden_ ut sup. p. 646. _Schahab'eddin_ in the Raoudhatein.--_Michaud._

[214] _Jac. de Vitr._ cap. xcv. _Vinisauf_, apud XV script. p. 257. _Trivet_ ad ann. 1188, apud _Hall_, p. 93.

[215] _Radulph de Diceto_ ut sup. col. 642, 643. _Matt. Par._ ad ann. 1188.

[216] _Radulph Coggleshale_, p. 574. Hist. Hierosol. apud Gesta Dei, tom. i. pars 2, p. 1165. _Radulph de Diceto_ ut sup., col. 649. _Vinisauf_, cap. xxix. p. 270.

[217] _Ducange_ Gloss. tom. vi. p. 1036.

[218] _Geoffrey de Vinisauf_, apud XV script. cap. xxxv. p. 427. _Rad. Coggleshale_ apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 566, 567. _Bohadin_, cap. l. to c.

[219] _Bohadin_, cap. v. vi.

[220] L'art de verif. tom. i. p. 297.

[221] Hist. de la maison de Sablé, liv. vi. chap. 5. p. 174, 175. Cotton MS. Nero, E. vi. p. 60. folio 466, where he is called Robert de Sambell. L'art de Verif. p. 347.

[222] _Jac. de Vitr._ cap. 65.

[223] Le roi de France ot le chastel d'Acre, ot le fist garnir et le roi d'Angleterre se herberja en la maison du Temple.--Contin. Hist. bell. sacr. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 634.

[224] _Chron. Ottonis_ a S. Blazio, c. 36. apud Scriptores Italicos, tom. vi. col. 892.

[225] _Contin. Hist. bell. sacr._ apud Martene, tom. v. col. 633. _Trivet_, ad. ann. 1191. _Chron. de S. Denis_, lib. ii. cap. 7. _Vinisauf_, p. 328.

[226] Primariam aciem deducebant Templarii et ultimam Hospitalarii, quorum utrique strenue agentes magnarum virtutum prætendebant imaginem.--_Vinisauf_, cap. xii. p. 350.

[227] Ibi rex præordinaverat quod die sequenti primam aciem ipse deduceret, et quod Templarii extremæ agminis agerent custodiam.--_Vinisauf_, cap. xiv. p. 351.

[228] Deducendæ extremæ legioni præfuerant Templarii, qui tot equos eâ die Turcis irruentibus, a tergo amiserunt, quod fere desperati sunt.--Ib.

[229] _Bohadin_, cap. cxvi. p. 189.

[230] Singulis noctibus antequam dormituri cubarent, quidam ad hoc deputatus voce magnâ clamaret fortiter in medio exercitu dicens, ADJUVA SEPULCHRUM SANCTUM; ad hanc vocem clamabant universi eadem verba repetentes, et manus suas cum lacrymis uberrimis tendentes in cælum, Dei misericordiam postulantes et adjutorium.--_Vinisauf_, cap. xii. p. 351.

[231] Ibid. cap. xxxii. p. 369.

[232] _Bedewini_ horridi, fuligine obscuriores, pedites improbissimi, arcus gestantes cum pharetris, et ancilia rotunda, gens quidem acerrima et expedita.--_Vinisauf_, cap. xviii. p. 355.

[233] _Vinisauf_, cap. xxii. p. 360. _Bohadin_, cap. cxx.

[234] Expedite descenderunt (Templarii) ex equis suis, et dorsa singuli dorsis sociorum habentes hærentia, facie versâ in hostes, sese viriliter defendere coeperunt. Ibi videri fuit pugnam acerrimam, ictus validissimos, tinniunt galeæ a percutientium collisione gladiorum, igneæ exsiliunt scintillæ, crepitant arma tumultuantium, perstrepunt voces; Turci se viriliter ingerunt, Templarii strenuissime defendunt.--Ib. cap. xxx. p. 366, 367.

[235] _Vinisauf_, cap. xxxii. p. 369.

[236] Ib. cap. xxxvii. p. 392. _Contin. Hist. Bell. Sacr._ apud _Martene_, v. col. 638.

[237] _Vinisauf_, lib. v. cap. 1, p. 403. Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 2, p. 404.

[238] Ib. cap. iv. v. p. 406, 407, &c. &c.; cap. xi. p. 410; cap. xiv. p. 412. King Richard was the first to enter the town. Tunc rex per cocleam quandam, quam forte prospexerat in domibus Templariorum solus primus intravit villam.--_Vinisauf_, p. 413, 414.

[239] _Contin. Hist. Bell. Sacr._ apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 641.

[240] Concessimus omne jus, omne dominium quod ad nos pertinet et pertineat, omnem potestatem, omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines quas regia potestas conferre potest. _Cart. Ric._ 1. ann. 5, regni sui.

[241] _Hispania Illustrata_, tom. iii. p. 59. _Hist. gen. de Languedoc_, tom. iii. p. 409. Cotton, MS. Nero E. VI. 23. i.

[242] Castrum nostrum quod Peregrinorum dicitur, see the letter of the Grand Master _Matt. Par._ p. 312, and _Jac. de Vitr._ lib. iii. apud Gest. Dei, p. 1131.

[243] "Opus egregium," says _James of Vitry_, "ubi tot et tantas effuderunt divitias, quod mirum est unde eas accipiunt."--_Hist. Orient._ lib. iii. apud Gest. Dei, tom. i. pars 9, p. 1131. _Martene_, tom. iii. col. 288. Hist. capt. Damietæ, apud Hist. Angl. script. XV. p. 437, 438, where it is called Castrum Filii Dei.

[244] _Pococke_, Travels in the East, book i. chap. 15.

[245] _Dufresne_, Gloss. _Archives d'Arles._ Cotton, MS. Nero E. VI.

[246] Acta et Foedera _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 134, ad. ann. 1203, ed. 1704.

[247] _Rigord_ in Gest. Philippi. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 165, 173.

[248] Itinerarium regis Johannis, compiled from the grants and precepts of that monarch, by _Thomas Duff Hardy_, published by the Record Commissioners.

[249] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 170, ad. ann. 1213.

[250] _Matt. Par._ ad. ann. 1213, p. 234, 236, 237. _Matt. Westr._ p. 271, 2. _Bib. Cotton._ Nero C. 2. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 172, 173. King John resided at Temple Ewell from the 7th to the 28th of May.

[251] Teste meipso apud Novum Templum London.... Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 105. ad. ann. 1214, ed. 1704.

[252] "Formam autem rei prolocutæ inter nos et ipsos, scriptam et sigillo nostro sigillatam ... in custodiam Templariorum commisimus."--_Literæ Regis sorori suæ Reginæ Berengariæ_, ib. p. 194.

[253] Berengaria Dei gratiâ, quondam humilis Angliæ Regina. Omnibus, &c. salutem.... Hanc pecuniam solvet in domo Novi Templi London. Ib. p. 208, 209, ad. ann. 1215.

[254] _Matt. Par._ p. 253, ad. ann. 1215.

[255] _Monast. Angl._ vol. vi. part ii.

[256] Ital. et Raven. Historiarum _Hieronymi Rubei_, lib. vi. p. 380, 381, ad ann. 1217. ed. Ven. 1603.

[257] _Jac. de Vitr._ lib. iii. ad. ann. 1218. Gesta Dei, tom. i. 1, pars 2, p. 1133, 4, 5.

[258] _Gall. Christ. nov._ tom. ii. col. 714, tom. vii. col. 229.

[259] _Jac. de Vitr._ Hist. Orient. ut sup. p. 1138. Bernard Thesaur. apud Muratori, cap. 190 to 200.

[260] Epist. Magni Magistri Templi apud Matt. Par. p. 312, 313.

[261] Our historian, James de Vitry; he subsequently became one of the hostages. Contin. Hist. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 698.

[262] Matt. Par. ad ann. 1222, p. 314. See also another letter, p. 313.

[263] Actum London in domo Militiæ Templi, II. kal. Octob. _Acta Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 234, ad ann. 1219.

[264] _Acta Rymeri_, tom. i. ad ann. 1223, p. 258.

[265] Mittimus ad vos dilect. nobis in Christo, fratrem Alanum Marcell Magistrum militiæ Templi in Angliâ, &c. ... Teste meipso apud Novum Templum London coram Domino Cantuar--archiepiscopo, Huberto de Burgo justitiario et J. Bath--Sarum episcopis. _Acta Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 270, ad ann. 1224.

[266] Ib. p. 275.

[267] Ib. p. 311, 373, 380.

[268] Sanut, lib. iii. c. x. p. 210.

[269] _Cotton_, MS. Nero E. VI. p. 60. fol. 466. Nero E. VI. 23. i.

[270] Cecidit autem in illo infausto certamine illustris miles Templarius, Anglicus natione, Reginaldus de Argentomio, eâ die Balcanifer; ... indefessus vero vexillum sustinebat, donec tibiæ cum cruribus et manibus frangerentur. Solus quoque eorum Preceptor priusquam trucidaretur, sexdecim hostium ad inferos destinavit.--_Matt. Par._ p. 443, ad ann. 1237.

[271] A _Clerkenwelle_ domo sua, quæ est Londoniis, per medium civitatis, clypeis circiter triginta detectis, hastis elevatis, et prævio vexillo, versus pontem, ut ab omnibus videntibus, benedictionem obtinerent, perrexerunt eleganter. Fratres verò inclinatis capitibus, hinc et inde caputiis depositis, se omnium precibus commendaverunt.--_Matt. Par._ p. 443, 444.

[272] Et eodem anno (1239) ... passi sunt Judæi exterminium magnum et destructionem, eosdem arctante et incarcerante, et pecuniam ab eisdem extorquente Galfrido Templario, Regis speciali consiliario.--_Matt. Par._ p. 489, ad ann. 1239.

[273] In ipsâ irâ aufugavit fratrem Rogerum Templarium ab officio eleemosynariæ, et a curiâ jussit elongari.--Ib.

[274] _Rymer_, tom. i. p. 404.

[275] Post.

[276] _Matt. Par._ p. 615.

[277] _Michaud_ Extraits Arabes, p. 549.

[278] _Steph. Baluz_. Miscell., lib. vi. p. 357.

[279] _Marin Sanut_, p. 217.

[280] _Matt. Par._ p. 631 to 633, ad ann. 1244. Huic scripto originali, quod erat hujus exemplum, appensa fuerunt duodecim sigilla.

[281] _Matt. Par._ p. 618-620.

[282] Cotton MS. Nero E. VI. p. 60, fol. 466, vir discretus et circumspectus; in negotiis quoque bellicis peritus.

[283] Hospitalarii et Templarii milites neophitos et manum armatam cum thesauro non modico illuc ad consolationem et auxilium ibi commorantium festinanter transmiserunt. Epist. Pap. Innocent IV.

[284] _Matt. Par._ p. 697, 698.

[285] Literæ Soldani Babyloniæ ad Papam missæ, a quodam Cardinali ex Arabico translatæ.--_Matt. Par._ p. 711.

[286] Ibid. p. 733.

[287] _Matt. Par._ p. 735.

[288] Ib. in additamentis, p. 168, 169.

[289] Quant les Templiers virent-ce, il se penserent que il seroient honniz se il lessoient le Compte d'Artois aler devant eulz; si ferirent des esperons qui plus plus, et qui miex miex, et chasserent les Turcs. Hist. de San Louis par _Jehan Sire de Joinville_, p. 47.

[290] Nec evasit de totâ illâ gloriosâ militiâ nisi duo Templarii.--_Matt. Par._ ad ann. 1250. Chron. _Nangis_, p. 790.

[291] Et à celle bataille frere Guillaume le Mestre du Temple perdi l'un des yex, et l'autre avoit il perdu le jour de quaresm pernant, et en fu mort ledit seigneur, que Dieux absoille.--_Joinville_, p. 58.

[292] Et sachez que il avoit bien un journel de terre dariere les Templiers, qui estoit si chargé de pyles que les Sarrazins leur avoient lanciées, que il n'i paroit point de terre pour la grant foison de pyles.--Ib.

[293] _Joinville_, p. 95, 96.

[294] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 474, ad ann. 1252.

[295] _Matt. Par._ ad ann. 1254, p. 899, 900.

[296] ... Mandatum est Johanni de Eynfort, camerario regis London, quod sine dilatione capiat quatuor dolia boni vini, et ea liberet Johanni de Suwerk, ponenda in cellaria Novi Templi London. ad opus nuntiorum ipsorum.--Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 557, ad ann. 1255.

[297] Et mandatum est Ricardo de Muntfichet, custodi forestæ Regis Essex, quod eadem forestâ sine dilatione capiat X. damos, et eos usque ad Novum Templum London cariari faciat, liberandos prædicto Johanni, ad opus prædictorum nuntiorum.--_Ib._

[298] Acta _Rymeri_, p. 557, 558.

[299] MCCLVI. morut frère Renaut de Vichieres Maistre du Temple. Apres lui fu fait Maistre frère Thomas Berard.--Contin. hist. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 736.

[300] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 698, 699, 700.

[301] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 730, 878, 879, ad ann. 1261.

[302] Furent mors et pris, et perdirent les Templiers tot lor hernois, et le commandeor du Temple frère Matthieu le Sauvage.--Contin. hist. bell. sacr. ut sup. col. 737. _Marin Sanut_, cap. 6.

[303] _Marin Sanut Torsell_, lib. iii. pars 12, cap. 6, 7, 8. Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 742. See also Abulfed. Hist. Arab. apud Wilkens, p. 223. _De Guignes_, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 141.

[304] _Michaud_, Extraits Arabes, p. 668.

[305] _De Vertot_, liv. iii. Preuve. xiii. See also epist. ccccii. apud _Martene_ thesaur. anec. tom. ii. col. 422.

[306] Facta est civitas tam famosa quasi solitudo deserti.--_Marin Sanut_, lib. iii. pars. 12, cap. 9. _De Guignes_, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 143. Contin. Hist. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 743. _Abulpharag._ Chron. Syr. p. 546. _Michaud_, Extraits Arabes, p. 681.

[307] _Marin Sanut_ ut sup. cap. 11, 12. Contin. Hist. apud _Martene_, col. 745, 746.

[308] En testimoniaunce de la queu chose, a ceo testament avons fet mettre nostre sel, et avoms pries les honurables Bers frere Hue, Mestre de l'Hospital, et frere Thomas Berard, Mestre du Temple, ke a cest escrit meisent ausi lur seus, etc. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 885, 886, ad ann. 1272.

[309] Trivet ad ann. 1272. Walsingham, p. 43. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 889, ad ann. 1272, tom. ii. p. 2.

[310] Monast. Angl., vol. vi. part 2, p. 800-844.

[311] MCCLXXIII. a viii. jors d'Avri morut frere Thomas Berart, Maistre du Temple le jor de la notre dame de Mars, et fu fait Maistre a xiii. jors de May, frere Guillaume de Bieaujeu qui estoit outre _Commendeor_ du Temple en Pouille, et alerent por lui querire frere Guillaume de Poucon, qui avait tenu lieu de Maistre, et frere Bertrand de Fox; et frere Gonfiere fu fait _Commandeor_ gran tenant lieu de Maistre.--Contin. Hist. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 746, 747. This is the earliest instance I have met with of the application of the term COMMANDER to the high officers of the Temple.

[312] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. ii. p. 34, ad ann. 1274.

[313] Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 748.

[314] Life of Malek Mansour Kelaoun. _Michaud_, Extraits Arabes, p. 685, 686, 687.

[315] De excidio urbis Aconis apud _Martene_ vet. script. tom. v. col. 767.

[316] The famous Abul-feda, prince of Hamah, surnamed Amod-ed-deen, (Pillar of Religion,) the great historian and astronomer, superintended the transportation of the military engines from Hasn-el-Akrah to St. Jean d'Acre.

[317] Ex ipsis fratrem monachum Gaudini elegerunt ministrum generalem. De excidio urbis Acconis apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 782.

[318] Videntes pulchros Francorum filios ac filias, manus his injecerunt.--_Abulfarag_, Chron. Syr. p. 595. Maledicti Saraceni mulieres et pueros ad loca domus secretiora ex eisdem abusuri distrahere conabantur, turpibus ecclesiam obscoenitatibus cum nihil possent aliud maculantes. Quod videntes christiani, clausis portis, in perfidos viriliter irruerunt, et omnes a minimo usque ad maximum occiderunt, muros, turres, atque portas Templi munientes ad defensam.--De excid. Acconis ut sup. col. 782. _Marin Sanut_ ut sup. cap. xxii. p. 231.

[319] Per totam noctem illam, dum fideles vigilarent contra perfidorum astutiam, domum contra eos defensuri, fratrum adjutorio de thesauris quod potuit cum sacrosanctis reliquiis ecclesiæ Templi, ad mare salubriter deportavit. Inde quidem cum fratribus paucis auspicato remigio, in Cyprum cum cautelâ transfretavit.--De excid. Acconis, col. 782.

[320] De excidio urbis Acconis apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 757. _De Guignes_, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 162. _Michaud_, Extraits Arabes, p. 762, 808. Abulfarag. Chron. Syr. p. 595. Wilkens, Comment. Abulfed. Hist. p. 231-234. _Marin. Sanut Torsell_, lib. iii. pars 12, cap. 21.

[321] _Raynald_, tom. xiv. ad ann. 1298. Cotton MS. Nero E. vi. p. 60. fol. 466.

[322] _Marin Sanut Torsell._ lib. iii. pars. 13, cap. x. p. 242. _De Guignes_, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 184.

[323] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 575, 576-579, 582, tom. ii. p. 250. _Martene_, vet. script. tom. vii. col. 156.

[324] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. ii. p. 683. ad ann. 1295.

[325] Chron. _Dunmow_. Annals of _St. Augustin_. _Rapin._

[326] Ipse vero Rex et Petrus thesaurum ipsius episcopi, apud Novum Templum Londoniis reconditum, ceperunt, ad summam quinquaginta millia librarum argenti, præteraurum multum, jocalia et lapides preciosos.... Erant enim ambo præsentes, cum cistæ frangerentur, et adhuc non erat sepultum corpus patris sui.--_Hemingford_, p. 244.

[327] Chron. _Triveti_, ad ann. 1298. _Hemingford_, vol. i. p. 159.

[328] _Dante_ styles him _il mal di Francia_, Del. Purgat. cant. 20, 91.

[329] Questo Papa fue huomo molto cupido di moneta, e fue lusurioso, si dicea che tenea per amica la contessa di Paragordo, bellissima donna!! _Villani_, lib. ix. cap. 58. Fuit nimis cupiditatibus deditus.... Sanct. Ant. Flor. de Concil. Vien. tit. 21. sec. 3. Circa thesauros colligendos insudavit, says _Knighton_ apud X script. col. 2494. _Fleuri_, l. 92. p. 239. _Chron. de Namgis_, ad ann. 1305.

[330] _Rainald._ tom. xv. ad ann. 1306, n. 12. _Fleuri_, Hist. Eccles. tom. xix. p. 111.

[331] _Bal. Pap. Aven._ tom. ii. p. 176.

[332] _Bal. Pap. Aven._ tom. i. p. 99. Sexta Vita, Clem. V. apud _Baluz_, tom. i. col. 100.

[333] Hist. de la Condemnation des Templiers.--_Dupuy_, tom. ii. p. 309.

[334] _Mariana_ Hispan. Illustr. tom. iii. p. 152. _Le Gendre_ Hist. de France, tom. ii. p. 499.

[335] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 18. ad ann. 1307.

[336] Les forfaits pourquoi les Templiers furent ars et condamnez, pris et contre eux approuvez. _Chron. S. Denis._ Sexta vita, Clem. V. _Dupuy_, p. 24. edition de 1713.

[337] Liv. ii. chap. 106, chez _Dupuy_.

[338] Sexta vita, Clem. V. col. 102.

[339] Ostendens duo ossa quod dicebat illa esse quæ ceciderunt de talis suis. _Processus contra Templarios._ _Raynouard_ Monumens Historiques, p. 73, ed. 1813.

[340] In quibus tormentis dicebat se quatuor dentes perdidisse. Ib. p. 35.

[341] Fuit quæstionibus ponderibus appensis in genitalibus, et in aliis membris usque ad exanimationem. Ib.

[342] Tres des Chart. TEMPLIERS, cart. 3, _n._ 20.

[343] Dat. apud Redyng, 4 die Decembris. Consimiles litteræ diriguntur Ferando regi Castillæ et Ligionis, consanguineo regis, domino Karolo, regi Siciliæ, et Jacobo regi Aragoniæ, amico Regis. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. 1307, p. 35, 36.

[344] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 37, ad ann. 1307.

[345] Dat. Pictavis 10, kal. Dec. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. 1307, p. 30-32.

[346] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 34, 35, ad ann. 1307.

[347] Ibid. p. 34, 35.

[348] Ibid. p. 45.

[349] _Knyghton_, apud X. script. col. 2494, 2531.

[350] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 83.

[351] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 101, 2, 3.

[352] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 110, 111. _Vitæ paparum Avenion_, tom. ii. p. 107.

[353] Ibid. tom. iii. p. 121, 122.

[354] Ibid. p. 168.

[355] Ibid. p. 168, 169.

[356] Ibid. p. 174.

[357] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 173, 175.

[358] _Rainald_, tom. xv. ad ann. 1306.

[359] Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 346, 347.

[360] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 178, 179.

[361] Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 304-311.

[362] _Processus contra Templarios_, _Dugd._ Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part 2, p. 844-846 ed. 1830.

[363] The original draft of these articles of accusation, with the corrections and alterations, is preserved in the Tresor des Chartres _Raynouard_, Monumens Historiques, p. 50, 51. The proceedings against the Templars in England are preserved in MS. in the British Museum, Harl. No. 252, 62, f. p. 113; No. 247, 68, f. p. 144. Bib. Cotton Julius, b. xii. p. 70; and in the Bodleian Library and Ashmolean Museum. The principal part of them has been published by _Wilkins_ in the Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. ii. p. 329-401, and by _Dugdale_, in the Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part 2. p. 844-848.

[364] Actum in Capella infirmariæ prioratus Sanctæ Trinitatis præsentibus, etc. Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. iii. p. 344. Ibid. p. 334-343.

[365] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 305-308.

[366] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 312-314.

[367] _Acta Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 194, 195.

[368] Ibid. p. 182.

[369] Et ad evidentius præmissorum testimonium reverendus in Christo pater dominus Willielmus, providentiâ divinâ S. Andreæ episcopus, et magister Johannes de Solerio prædicti sigilla sua præsenti inquisitioni appenderunt, et eisdem sigillis post subscriptionem meam eandem inquisitionem clauserunt. In quorum etiam firmius testimonium ego Willielmus de Spottiswod auctoritate imperiali notarius qui prædictæ inquisitioni interfui die, anno, et loco prædictis, testibus præsentibus supra dictis, signum meum solitum eidem apposui requisitus, et propriâ manu scripsi rogatus.--_Acta contra Templarios._ _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 380, 383.

[370] Act. in ecclesiâ parochiali S. Dunstani prope Novum Templum.--Ib., p. 349.

[371] _Acta contra Templarios._ _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 350, 351, 352.

[372] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. 1310. p. 202, 203.

[373] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 179, 180. _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 373 to 380.

[374] Terrore tormentorum confessi sunt et _mentiti_.--_Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 365, 366, 367.

[375] Depositiones Templariorum in Provinciâ Eboracensi.--_Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 371-373.

[376] Eodem anno (1310) XIX. die Maii apud Eborum in ecclesiâ cathedrali, ex mandato speciali Domini Papæ, tenuit dominus Archiepiscopus concilium provinciale. Prædicavitque et erat suum thema; _omnes isti congregati venerunt tibi_, factoque sermone, recitavit et legi fecit _sequentem bullam horribilem contra Templarios_, &c. &c. _Hemingford_ apud _Hearne_, vol. i. p. 249.

[377] Processus observatus in concilio provinciali Eboracensi in ecclesiâ beati Petri Ebor. contra Templarios celebrato A. D. 1310, ex. reg. Will. Grenefeld Archiepiscopi Eborum, fol. 179, p. 1.--_Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 393.

[378] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 367.

[379] _Acta contra Templarios._ _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 358.

[380] _Joan. can. Sanct. Vict._ Contin. de _Nangis_ ad ann. 1310. Ex secundâ vitâ _Clem._ V. p. 37.

[381] Chron. _Cornel. Zanfliet_, apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 159. _Bocat._ de cas. vir. illustr. lib. 9. chap. xxi. _Raynouard_, Monumens historiques. _Dupuy_, Condemnation des Templiers.

[382] Vit. prim. et tert. Clem. V. col. 57, 17. _Bern. Guac._ apud _Muratori_, tom. iii. p. 676. Contin. Chron. de _Nangis_ ad ann. 1310. _Raynouard_, p. 120.

[383] _Raynouard_, p. 155.

[384] Inhibuisti ne contra ipsas personas et ordinem per _quæstiones_ ad inquirendum super eisdem criminibus procedatur, quamvis iidem Templarii diffiteri dicuntur super eisdem articulis veritatem.... Attende, quæsumus, fili carissime, et prudenti deliberatione considera, si hoc tuo honori et saluti conveniat, et statui congruat regni tui. Arch. secret. Vatican. Registr. literar. curiæ anno 5 domini Clementis Papæ 5.--_Raynouard_, p. 152.

[385] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. ad ann. 1310, p. 224.

[386] Ib., p. 224, 225. claus. 4. E. 2. M. 22.

[387] Et si per hujusmodi arctationes et separationes nihil aliud, quam prius, vellent confiteri, quod extunc _quæstionarentur_; ita quod _quæstiones_ illæ fierent ABSQUE MUTILATIONE ET DEBILITATIONE PERPETUA ALICUJUS MEMBRI, ET SINE VIOLENTA SANGUINIS EFFUSIONE.--_Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 314.

[388] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 227, 228.

[389] Cum nuper, OB REVERIENTIAM SEDIS APOSTOLICÆ, concessimus prælatis et inquisitoribus ad inquirendum contra ordinem Templariorum, et contra Magnum Præceptorem ejusdem ordinis in regno nostro Angliæ, quod iidem prælati et inquisitores, de ipsis Templariis et eorum corporibus IN QUÆSTIONIBUS, et aliis ad hoc convenientibus ordinent et faciant, quoties voluerint, id quod eis secundum legem ecclesiasticam, videbitur faciendum, &c.--Teste rege apud Linliscu in Scotiâ, 23 die Octobris. Ibid. tom. iii. p. 228, 229.

[390] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 229.

[391] Ibid. p. 230.

[392] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 231.

[393] Ibid. p. 231, 232.

[394] Ibid. tom. iii. p. 232-235.

[395] _Acta contra Templarios, Concil. Mag. Brit._ tom. ii. p. 368-371.

[396] Suspicio (quæ loco testis 21, in MS. allegatur,) probare videtur, quod omnes examinati in aliquo dejeraverunt (pejeraverunt,) ut ex inspectione processuum apparet.--MS. Bodl. Oxon. f. 5. 2. _Concil._ tom. ii. p. 359.

[397] This knight had been tortured in the Temple at Paris, by the brothers of St. Dominic, in the presence of the grand inquisitor, and he made his confession when suffering on the rack; he afterwards revoked it, and was then tortured into a withdrawal of his revocation, notwithstanding which the inquisitor made the unhappy wretch, in common with others, put his signature to the following interrogatory, "Interrogatus utrum _vi_ vel _metu carceris_ aut _tormentorum_ immiscuit in suâ depositione aliquam falsitatem, dicit _quod non_!"

[398] _Acta contra Templarios._--_Concil. Mag. Brit._ tom. ii. p. 358-364.

[399] _Concil. Mag. Brit._ tom. ii. p. 364.

[400] Vobis, præfati vicecomites, mandamus quod illos, quos dicti prælati et inquisitores, seu aliquis eorum, cum uno saltem inquisitore, deputaverint ad supervidendum quod dicta custodia bene fiat, id supervidere; et corpora dictorum Templariorum in QUÆSTIONIBUS et aliis ad hoc convenientibus, ponere; et alia, quæ in hac parte secundum legem ecclesiasticam fuerint facienda, facere permittatis. Claus. 4, E. 2. m. 8. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 290.

[401] _M. S. Bodl._ F. 5, 2. _Concil._ p. 364, 365. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 228, 231, 232.

[402] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 383-387.

[403] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 388, 389.

[404] Acta fuerunt hæc die et loco prædictis, præsentibus patribus antedictis, et venerandæ discretionis viris magistris Michaele de Bercham, cancellario domini archiepiscopi Cantuar.... et me Ranulpho de Waltham, London, episcoporum notariis publicis.--_Acta contra Templarios._ _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 387, 388.

[405] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 390, 391.

[406] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 394-401.

[407] _Concilia Hispaniæ_, tom. v. p. 233. _Zurita_, lib. v. c. 73. 101. _Mariana_, lib. xv. cap. 10. _Mutius_, chron. lib. xxii. p. 211. _Raynouard_, p. 199-204.

[408] Ut det Templariis audientiam sive defensionem. In hac sententiâ concordant omnes prælati Italiæ præter unum, Hispaniæ, Theutoniæ, Daniæ, Angliæ, Scotiæ, Hiberniæ, etc. etc., ex secund. vit. Clem. V. p. 43.--_Rainald_ ad ann. 1311, n. 55. _Walsingham_, p. 99. _Antiq. Britann._, p. 210.

[409] _Muratorii_ collect. tom. iii. p. 448; tom. x. col. 377. _Mariana._ tom. iii. p. 157. _Raynouard_, p. 191, 192.

[410] _Raynouard_ ut supra. Tertia vita Clem. V.

[411] Pro executoribus testamenti Wilielmi de la More, quondam Magistri militiæ Templi in Anglia, claus 6. E. 2. m. 15. Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 380.

[412] Registr. Hosp. S. Joh. Jerus. _Cotton_ MS. Nero E. vi. 23. i. Nero E. vi. p. 60. fol. 466.

[413] _Lansdown_, MS. 207. E. vol. v. fol. 317.

[414] Ib., fol. 284.

[415] Ib., fol. 162, 163, 317.

[416] Ib., fol. 467.

[417] Ib., fol. 201.

[418] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 134, ad ann. 1203. He was one of those who advised king John to sign Magna Charta.--_Matt. Par._, p. 253-255.

[419] Ib., p. 258, 270. _Matt. Par._, p. 314.

[420] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. p. 342, 344, 345. He was employed to negotiate a marriage between king Henry the Third and the fair Eleanor of Provence.

[421] _Matt. Par._, p. 615, et in additamentis, p. 480.

[422] _Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 340.

[423] Ib., p. 339, 341, 344.

[424] Ib., p. 335, 343. _Prynne_, collect 3, 143.

[425] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. i. part iii. p. 104.

[426] In vilissimo carcere, ferro duplici constrictus, jussus est recludi, et ibidem, donec aliud ordinatum extiterit, reservari; et interim visitari, ad videndum si vellet _alterius aliqua confiteri_!--_Concil. Mag. Brit._, tom. ii. p. 393.

[427] _Processus contra Templarios._ _Dupuy_, p. 128, 139. _Raynouard_, p. 60.

[428] _Villani_, lib. viii. cap. 92. Contin. Chron. de _Nangis_, ad ann. 1313. _Pap. Mass._ in Philip. pulchr. lib. iii. p. 393. _Mariana_ de reb. Hisp. lib. xv. cap. 10. _Dupuy_, ed. 1700, p. 71. Chron. _Corn. Zanfliet_ apud _Martene_, tom. v. col. 160. _Raynouard_, p. 209, 210.

[429] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 323, 4, 5, ad ann. 1312.

[430] _Zurita_, lib. v. c. 101. Institut. milit. Christi apud _Henriquez_, p. 534.

[431] Annales Minorum. Gall. Christ. nov. _Aventinus_, Annal. _De Vertot_, liv. 3.

[432] _Fuller's_ Hist. Holy War, book v. ch. iii.

[433] _Dupuy_, p. 179, 184.

[434] Essai sur les moeurs, &c., tom. ii. p. 242.

[435] Nihil ad nos unquam pervenit nisi modica bona mobilia. Epist. ad Philip, 2 non. May, 1309. _Raynouard_, p. 198. _De Vertot_, liv. iii.

[436] _Raynouard_, 197, 198, 199.

[437] The extents of the lands of the Templars are amongst the unarranged records in the Queen's Remembrancer's office, and various sheriffs' accounts are in the third chest in the Pipe Office.

[438] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 130, 134, 139, 279, 288, 290, 1, 2, 297, 321. _Dodsworth._ MS. vol. xxxv. p. 65, 67.

[439] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 292, 3, 4, 5.

[440] Ib. tom. iii. p. 299.

[441] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 303.

[442] Ib., tom. iii. p. 326, 327.

[443] Ib., tom. iii. p. 337.

[444] Cart. 6. E. 2. No. 4. 41.

[445] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 409, 410.

[446] Acta _Rymeri_, tom. iii. p. 451.

[447] Ib., p. 451, 454, 455, 457, 459-463. _Dugd. Monast. Angl._, vol. vi.