CHAPTER 7.

THE BRITISH WITHDRAWAL AND GERMAN ATTACK, 28th MARCH, 1918.

By the end of December, 1917, rumours began to circulate regarding a great German offensive. Everyone had to sleep with their clothes on, all troops, even in the reserve billets in Arras, had to "stand to" before sun rise every morning until orders to "stand down" were received from Brigade. Sleeping in your clothes is never comfortable or refreshing. Practically every night large working parties had to be sent up to the trenches, often not returning till the early hours, so that shortly after the men had got comfortably settled down they had to get up again and "stand to" fully equipped ready to move. This "stand to" often lasted several hours. The advantage, therefore, which was supposed to be had in the rest billets was much discounted.

We were fated once again to spend our New Year in the trenches, but on the 2nd of January we were relieved by 2nd Guards Brigade. We had done our best to make the trenches as clean as possible in order that they might take over a system worthy of the Guards. It is satisfactory to know that the G.O.C. Guards Division informed the G.O.C. 15th Division that he had never had such a satisfactory take over as on this occasion from the 15th (Scottish) Division. It was doubtful if some of the men appreciated the hard fighting qualities of the Guards Brigade, looking upon them as show troops. This is exemplified by a story of a rather dirty Jock who was baling mud out of a trench. One of the splendid clean Guardsmen, who had come up as orderly with some officers, tried to get into conversation with him by remarking that they were coming up to relieve them. The muddy Jock asked him, "Who are ye?" and he replied, "Oh, we are the Guards," and the Jock, proceeding with his digging, rejoined: "Ah! weel! ye can write hame an' tell yer mither ye've seen the sodjers."

On relief the Battalion went into billets in the Ecole des Jeunes Filles. Here on the 9th and 10th the Battalion had their Christmas dinners, which were a great success and much enjoyed. During the proceedings the C.O. addressed the troops and gave a brief review of the operations which the Battalion had taken part in during the past year, also the new honours they had won for the regiment. He wished them all the best of luck for the coming year. We must record the very great kindness and assistance shewn us by Mademoiselle G. Marmier, who always did all she could to add to the comforts of the troops. On this occasion she made many fine paper flowers to decorate the Christmas dinner tables with. After the dinners the men were entertained in the theatre, where "the Jocks," our Divisional troupe, performed the pantomime "Robinson Crusoe."

The weather was now very cold, in fact when we handed over to the Guards the ground was deep in snow. On the 23rd February we carried out a small raid on the enemy's trenches at 3.30 a.m. The party consisted of 28 other ranks of "A" Company under command of 2nd Lieut. A. R. M'Donald. The raid proved a success. The German trenches were found to be unoccupied, but 4 men were caught in a sap head, one of whom was killed and 3 brought back as prisoners, so we succeeded in getting the identification which was required. Our casualties were nil. For this we received the congratulations of both the Corps and Brigade Commanders.

We now fully expected an attack by the Boche, and everyone was kept on the strain, working hard in preparing belts of wire and improving trench systems. For many weeks neither officers nor men had their clothes off, and the work in the reserve area was almost as strenuous as in the front line. We knew that the Germans had been successful further south, and we were holding what was becoming an acute salient. One can quite understand the nervousness of those behind the line, but those in the front areas were confident of their powers to resist the Boches and in the strength of the defensive systems. On the occasion when the Guards relieved us one of their officers was much impressed with the serious spirit with which he found the Staff behind the line treating the matter. After going round the front line, however, he remarked that the cheerfulness of the troops had put new heart into him.

Indeed, the front line troops (probably in their ignorance) treated the anxiety of those behind with a good deal of levity. An amusing method of dealing with the rumours flying around called the Thermometer game was invented. This consisted in assigning so many degrees or marks to the person reporting a "windy" story according to its source. Whoever got 100 degrees first won. For instance, a terrible story from the cook's mate or transport men was valued at about 10 points; from a brigade-major about two, and a higher staff officer about one.

The Staff, it is to be feared, did not appreciate this chaff, and orders were issued that Regimental Officers were not to refer to the Staff as having the "wind up," as they were only taking necessary precautions. However, it shewed the troops were in good spirits.

On the evening of the 22/23rd of March we were surprised to receive an order that we were to withdraw with all stores to the Army line, the movement to be completed by 3 a.m. The Battalion happened to be occupying La Fosse Farm with the caves below, and also the strong points. We had, therefore, a considerable amount of ammunition, etc., in the part of the line held by us. Further, we were instructed to guard our right flank carefully. As we knew that the enemy had driven in the line further south of us, this warning was appreciated. "D" Company, who were occupying Fork, Spade, and Gordon Trenches, were to be left behind to fight the rear guard actions when the Boche discovered we had withdrawn. O.C. "D" Company also had orders to destroy the Headquarters dug-out at Crater Subway, and the electric lighting plant in the Fosse Farm was to be rendered unworkable. Over and above this, R.E.'s were to blow a mine placed under the Cambrai Road.

As soon as it was dark motor lorries and vehicles of all descriptions were brought up to the farm, and we at once started loading them. Luckily for us there was a Y.M.C.A. Canteen in the caves, the officers in charge of which left it when they heard we were retiring. The C.O., taking advantage of this, allowed every man who brought down a box of ammunition from the strong points to help himself to cigarettes. With this encouragement, men carrying ammunition came back in quick succession, and by the time we finally retired, about 3.30 a.m., all ammunition trench stores, etc., with the exception of a few gum boots, had been loaded and withdrawn.

It was difficult to understand how the Boche did not hear the noise of the retiral. If he had done so, and had trained his guns on the Cambrai Road, he would have caused endless confusion and casualties. The road was simply packed with motor lorries, guns and vehicles of all descriptions, with the retiring infantry dodging in and out between them. The congestion was extremely bad at the cross roads at Tilloy, where the different streams of traffic met. While recognising that this movement was necessary from a military point of view, still it was hard to persuade the men to see this, almost as difficult as it is for anyone who was not there to realise their disappointment and surprise. They had worked hard for months in preparing this position. They had carried up tons of wire and constructed belts of it many yards wide. They now felt all this work had gone for nothing. Supremely confident that they would have held this position against all odds, they regretted that they had not an opportunity of proving it. They evidently did not appreciate the dangers of an exposed flank. We got into our new position shortly before sunrise, and from there we could see our artillery, in the morning light, still getting back their guns, but the enemy was not even then aware of the movement.

We knew that an attack by the Germans was almost inevitable. All preparations possible were being made, and it was easy to understand the importance of the orders that the ground we held must be "held at all costs." While it is true that there were many defensive lines behind us, right back almost to the sea, yet we believed that there were practically no troops in our immediate support to man them, so that, if the Boche once more broke through us, it was likely to prove a disaster. Furthermore, if our position was lost the enemy would outflank Vimy Ridge, which would probably necessitate our withdrawing from it. We had gone through a long spell of hard work in the trenches, and had been kept in a state of suspense for several months without a chance of ever getting our clothes off. The men, however, were in good fettle, but the Battalion contained a number of young lads from 18½ to 19, who had been sent out in drafts in the early Spring. They had not been proved in battle or seen any action, and it was impossible to say how they might act, although we had every confidence in them.

On the evening of the 27th March the Brigadier visited our Battalion Headquarters with the joyful news that it looked as if the Boche had given up the idea of attacking us meantime, as he was moving his guns from their battery positions, presumably with the intention of taking them somewhere else. Unfortunately this conclusion proved wrong, for in reality they must have been taking their guns out to move them into position for the attack. When the Brigadier left, the C.O. went round the front line with the good news. He remained in the front line till about 2 a.m. Just as he was leaving, a post reported that a short time earlier they had discovered a party of Boche in front of our wire, apparently cutting it. They had been driven off with a Lewis gun, and had not been seen since. On examining the wire, which was a fairly broad belt, there were certainly signs that this had been their intention.

About 3 a.m. on the 28th, the enemy opened an intense bombardment on our front and immediate support lines, using gas shells on the left Company's front, south of Cambrai Road. This had lasted for about half an hour, when the bombardment was moved on to the back area, including the town of Arras. It was learnt afterwards that this was largely composed of gas shells. About 4 a.m. the bombardment of the front line having become less, the officer on duty patrolled the whole of the left Company's front up to the Cambrai Road, afterwards returning to the right, when he reported that the whole Company were standing to. There had been a fair number of casualties. Once again our front was heavily bombarded, mostly with trench mortars. This bombardment was exceedingly severe, especially on the left, south of the Cambrai Road. The N.C.O. who was on duty (the officer on duty having been killed) stated afterwards that he had again tried to patrol his front, but found the trenches so flattened that it was hard to say where they had been, and the ground resembled a ploughed field. He believed nearly everyone in this sector was either killed, buried or wounded.

At 5.15 a.m. the enemy again put down a very intense trench mortar barrage on the left, which probably killed any men left in the front trench south of the Cambrai Road. At the same time the enemy could be seen jumping from shell-hole to shell-hole in front of Le Fosse Farm. We now fired S.O.S. signals, and opened rapid fire on the enemy. On the centre of our front line the enemy were about 100 yards away in front of the wire. The men in this part of the line afterwards stated that they were still confident that they could hold them up. Suddenly, however, it was seen that the enemy were working round our flank. An attempt was at once made to form a flank defence, but the casualties had been so great that this was found impossible, and practically no officers were left. Those remaining, therefore, had to fall back rapidly. So quickly did the enemy come round the flank that the signallers and others in the advance Battalion Headquarters (old 44th Brigade) were not able to get out in time to escape.

The extreme right of the Battalion had also been severely shelled along with the left of the 3rd Division. Here, too, the enemy broke through. From the Battalion Headquarters we now saw the lines of the 3rd Division front being driven back, and shortly afterwards our own men were seen retiring. The officer on the right had thrown back a platoon to try and form a flank defence, but soon found the enemy working round his rear and forcing him to withdraw. The withdrawal was carried out in an orderly fashion, a covering fire being kept up with Lewis guns and rifles, the men behaving splendidly, which says a lot for their morale, as by this time most of the officers had been killed, and it must be remembered that many of the men were young recruits who had just come through their first experience of a hurricane bombardment.

At no time was the shelling so severe on the centre of our line as it was on the flanks. It is more than probable that the bombardment was so withering that the men on the flanks were wiped out before the enemy attacked. This seems to be proved by the fact that no officer or man belonging to the three platoons on the left or the platoon on the right, and only 1 man of the next two platoons, returned; in other words, only 7 men returned out of 6 platoons. The smoke and dust were such, however, that no one could see more than a few yards, and in any case it was impossible for us to see what was occurring to the north of the Cambrai Road, as at this point it is raised by an embankment.

The front line Companies Headquarters were in machine gun nest dug-outs in front of our wire. They were rushed early in the attack. No-man's-land certainly was a bad place for Company Headquarters, but there was no better location available. By 8.15 a.m. we had formed a new front line running north along the switch line, being in touch with the 8/10th Gordons on our right and the 6th Camerons on our left. By this time there were probably not more than 150 other ranks and 3 Company officers remaining. As, however, the 6th Camerons were on our left, some of the men naturally got intermixed with them. The Battalion Headquarters were by this time in the front line, and all the Headquarter officers and men were used in the defence of the line. It was one of the advantages of having the Battalion Headquarters worked more or less on the principle of a Company, that this was so easily carried out: each Headquarter officer had his own section of men, and the men knew under whose command they had to place themselves.

The C.O. now consulted with Captain Wood, commanding the Company of the 8/10th Gordons, who at once took in hand the collection of ammunition, which was rather short in the new trench, from the dump at Shamrock Corner and the old trench systems. This distribution was successfully carried out. It is only right that we should refer to the splendid assistance given to us by Captain Wood. He was one of the few remaining officers who came out with the Division. He therefore had a wide experience in fighting, and shewed as usual that coolness, disregard for danger, and sound judgment with which we all associate him.

After the consultation the C.O. decided to try and counter-attack the enemy and establish a line along the old support trench in the Brown Line. We sent off messages asking for artillery support for 9.30 a.m., when we proposed making the counter-attack. We could not get Brigade on the 'phone, the wires having probably been cut. We sent off pigeons, but the bombardment had been too much for them, and it was only after considerable amount of stone throwing that we got them to fly at all. We sent messages also with the buzzer set, but the annoying thing about both pigeon and power buzzer messages is, that one never knows whether they have been received or not. The artillery support never came, and we held back the counter attack till 10.30, as we did not wish to advance in case we should walk into our own fire. As a matter of fact not one of our messages ever got through.

About 10.30 a.m. the C.O. received a message from the O.C. "A" Company 6th Camerons, who were on our left, stating that his flank was now in the air, and that the enemy were as far back as Feuchy Chapel Crossroads on his left and rear, and he asked what he should do. Instruction were sent him to try to form a flank defence so as to get in touch on his left, but to hold his ground at all costs whatever happened. This information definitely decided us to give up the idea of counter-attacking. In order to get a clear idea of the situation, the C.O. went along the front line to the 6th Camerons, and found they were holding the front in good strength. There was not much doing in their immediate front, but evidently some of the enemy had penetrated along the Cambrai Road to their left rear. Three Vickers gun teams which were in the trench were instructed to get into position where they could defend the flank, if necessary. On returning to the Battalion he ordered a certain number of men to get back into the strong points directly behind the line, and thus increased the depth of our defence.

About 1 p.m., as the line was now well organised, the Headquarters were withdrawn to those of the 8/10th Gordons. The instructions issued previously were that if the front line went the Headquarters were to withdraw immediately. As it turned out, however, it was not possible to withdraw the Headquarters earlier, as they had to be used in the defence of the line. Almost as soon as we arrived (1.30 p.m.) orders were received that the whole line was to be withdrawn to the "Army" line, and instructions were sent forward accordingly. Orders afterwards came through that we were to hold the position we had, but by the time they arrived we had already moved back. The Headquarters were again withdrawn to those of the Reserve Battalion (8th Seaforths), and shortly afterwards we withdrew the Battalion to some old trenches. Lieut. Gibb, however, and a few men remained with the 8/10th Gordons, and during the afternoon this party accounted for many casualties amongst the enemy by sniping them with the Lewis gun which had been attached to Headquarters. At 1 o'clock in the morning we received orders that what remained of the Battalion were to go back and join the Transport at Wanquetim. We could not muster more than 30. Only one Company Officer got back. Some more men came in next morning, but the total number that returned from the fight never reached 100. Luckily, several officers and men who had been left out at the transport line form a nucleus round which to reconstruct the Battalion.

To sum up: the enemy's barrage fire successfully annihilated our right and left flank, the evident intention being to surround those left in the centre. All the officers of the front Company being casualties, the line was methodically withdrawn under N.C.O.'s. The support Companies had more or less the same experience. No officer or other rank returned from the platoons on the flanks, and out of the 4 Companies 1 officer and about 150 other ranks returned to the switch line. The men at all times shewed a good fighting spirit. The rapid fire, together with the subsequent sniping which was brought to bear on the enemy must have caused him heavy casualties. It was noticed early in the fight that the enemy brought up a light gun with pack animals. He also mounted several machine guns, which caused heavy casualties when the line was withdrawn from the switch line. The total casualties for the day were:--

Officers, 3 killed, 3 wounded, 10 missing. Other Ranks, 1 killed, 72 wounded, 299 missing.

The number of officers and other ranks returned as killed and wounded is small, but most of the missing turned out afterwards to be either killed or wounded.

During this fighting our Medical Officer, Captain A. C. Bateman, M.C., was killed. Among personalities connected with the Battalion there was none more striking or lovable than "the Doc." Posted in the early months of 1916, he served continuously with us until the fateful 28th March, 1918, when he was reported as having been wounded and taken prisoner by the enemy. As no more was heard of him after that date it can only be inferred that he succumbed to his injuries, and gave up his brave life in the service of his country. As a Battalion Medical Officer he was unrivalled, and his ability in diagnosis and treatment was widely commented on by all ranks. Sympathetic and kindly to "lame dogs," and to the "nervy," he was a terror to "lead-swingers." Providence seemed to have endowed him with a special faculty for discovering these. In a battle he was ever in the thick of things doing his duty, and more than his duty. It therefore gave high satisfaction in all quarters when he was awarded the Military Cross in recognition of the gallantry and efficiency he displayed at Ypres in July, 1917.

But all who knew him will think of him first as the best of comrades--a very prince of good fellows. His rich Hibernian humour, his infectious laugh, his droll ways were unfailing medicaments for weary men, and in every social gathering he was the life and soul of the company. One wonders if the French War Office has it on record how two British doctors who had been enjoying Paris leave, and were in danger of being late in rejoining their units, solemnly presented their compliments to the Minister of War, along with a polite request that they might without delay have the use of a car to take them to Albert. On the request being acceded to that dignitary was warmly shaken by the hand, and assured that no want of his, if made known to them, would go unsupplied! Such was Bateman. Irrepressibly gay when all around him was dismal and difficult, he brought sunshine into our lives, and as often as men of the 7th Battalion meet together his name is sure to be mentioned in terms of affectionate praise.

The engagement was probably the heaviest fight the Battalion ever took part in. One realised the difference between attacking and being attacked. We felt all the horrible uncertainty as to what would be the result of the next move by the enemy. We believed there was practically no one between us and the sea, and that we had to hold the position at all costs. Nobly did the officers and men carry out these instructions. Unfortunately, as was proved later, practically all the missing were never heard of again, only some 50 or 60 were accounted for as prisoners, and most of these were wounded.

We know now, through General Ludendorf's _Memoirs_, that it was the failure of the German Divisions at Arras that brought their big offensive to a standstill. It is interesting to read his description and to note how it coincides with our experience. He states:--

"At the shortest range the artillery was to be supplemented by trench mortars. After a short artillery bombardment, lasting only a few hours, the infantry should advance to the assault. This short artillery preparation was expected to paralyze the enemy's artillery by means of gas spread over a large area and to keep his infantry in their dug-outs. At the beginning of the assault the artillery, while continuing to keep down that of the enemy, was to put down a barrage in front of the infantry and pave a way for it like a giant roller. The infantry had to keep close up to this wall of projectors. The enemy, who would come out of his dug-out after the barrage had passed, would be, surprised by our infantry, assisted by 'auxiliary' or companion arms under the protection of artillery.... We had 20 to 30 more Divisions than the enemy. We thought of carrying out the attack with 50 or 60 Divisions. The Army had thrown off its depression. Morale was completely restored, and we intended starting a War movement. If the blow at the centre succeeded the strategic results might indeed be enormous, as we should separate the bulk of the English Army from the French and crowd it up with its back to the sea.... The 17th Army was to capture the decisive heights East and North of Arras. I attached the greatest importance to this attack, to have the high ground in our possession was bound to be decisive in any fighting in the plain of the Lys. In spite of employing extraordinary masses of artillery and ammunition, the attack of the 17th Army on both banks of the Scarpe was a failure."

To shew the amount of artillery sometimes used, apart from trench mortars, he states in another place:--

"In the offensive battle it was necessary to bring up a 100 guns to each kilometre (1100 yards) of front."

The following day the C.O. received the following letters:--

"MY DEAR COLONEL,

"A hurried line to tell you that, while I feel most keenly your heavy losses, I cannot sufficiently express to you my humble thanks for the gallantry and devotion shewn by your Battalion yesterday under your leadership. If you have a moment, let me know any details of losses. I cannot come to see you, or, needless to say, I would. I may say that the Corps C.O. says the Division has, it is hoped, saved Arras, and I know that the 7th Cameron Highlanders bore the hardest share of the fight.

"Yours ever,

"H. L. REED."

From the G.O.C. 44th Brigade:--

"MY DEAR COLONEL,

"I wish to send my sincerest congratulations and to thank you, and all ranks under your leadership, for the grand work done during the whole of this last tour of two months, which culminated in the gallant fight put up by your Battalion on the 28th, and I consider that it was entirely due to this fight that the 15th Division was practically saved from destruction, or, at any rate, an ignominous retreat. I would like you to convey to all ranks of your Battalion my sincerest sympathy with them in the great struggle. The Divisional Commander to-day, in expressing his thanks for the work of the 44th Brigade, in all sincerity told me that your work has saved Arras.

"Yours very sincerely,

"EDWARD HILLIAM."

Copy telegram G.O.C. XVII. Corps to G.O.C. 15th Division, dated 29th March:--

"I knew you could be relied on to stick it out to the end. There are fresh troops now in support of you, but I want the honour of holding Arras to be yours alone."

The Battalion was now reduced in numbers to one Company, made up mostly from the reserves at the Transport lines which had been left out of the trenches. Consequently we had one Company of the 9th Gordons attached to us, and three days later (1st April) we were again holding the trenches in rear of the intermediate Army line, which we started to put in a state of defence. We soon received drafts, which began to increase our strength, but there were no officers with them. One fully realises the difficulties with which the Staff had to contend, and the last thing anyone wants to do is to reflect in any way on their hard work and wonderful organisation. At the same time, we feel that the system of posting officers and men at the Base was not the best that could have been devised. This was brought home to us on this occasion. We were very short of officers, and on the Division asking for drafts we were informed that there were no Cameron officers available, and that if we insisted on having officers we would have to take them from other units, a thing the C.O. always objected to. Within a few days we received a letter from an officer with the home Battalion who was anxious to try and get re-posted to the 7th. In his letter he stated that there was such an enormous number of officers with the Reserve Units they could hardly find room to put them all up! The letter was brought to the notice of the Division, and the result was that in a very short time we had a draft of Cameron officers on their way to us.

On the 26th the Brigade was relieved by the 176th Brigade, and we withdrew to Berneville, via Dainville and Warlus, in motor lorries. We were now leaving the 17th Corps area, and the following communication was received from the Corps Commander addressed to the C.O.C. 15th Division:--

"I wish to express to you and all ranks in the Division my great regret at your departure from the 17th Corps, in which you have been incorporated for many months, and I had hoped that we might have seen the battle through together. That, however, is not to be, and I only hope that the fortune of war may some day bring us together again. The Division has a great reputation, and may well be proud of it. I know that the honour of Scotland is safe in its keeping, and that those now serving will prove themselves worthy of those men who have won glory for the Division in the past. I wish you all good luck and success from the bottom of my heart.

"CHARLES FERGUSON,

"Lieut.-General Commanding 17th Corps."

On the 26th we moved by motor bus to Auchel. On the 1st May the G.O.C. inspected the Battalion and presented medals. In a short address to the Brigade he thanked all ranks for their work and devotion to duty while in the Arras sector, and dwelt particularly on their splendid work on the 28th in repelling the German attack. The following was sent from the G.O.C. 44th Brigade to O.C. 7th Camerons:--

"I wish to thank you and all ranks of your Battalion for their excellent behaviour and smart appearance the whole time we have been in billets in Auchel. I think it will be very gratifying to you to know that the Divisional Commander, during the parade yesterday, told me that he considered the 44th Brigade the best command in France, and that he had never seen smarter or cleaner men in any village during the war than the 7th Cameron Highlanders. I would like you to notify all ranks of the Divisional Commander's high appreciation of their successful efforts to keep up the credit of the 44th Brigade.

"EDWARD HILLIAM,

"Brigadier-General."