CHAPTER 5.

BATTLE OF ARRAS, 1917.

Our rest was not for long, however, as we started once more to move north on the 15th February, leaving the Somme area for good. All will look back upon the Somme as a sort of horrible nightmare of mud and water, of scarcity of fresh meat rations, fuel, etc., of long and weary marches up to Le Sars and back again to the camps in "Scots Redoubt" and Metz Wood, where the conditions were almost as bad as in the front line. Not a place where the men could be entertained, not a Y.M.C.A. or other hut within miles of the front line, not a civilian to be seen. The Lewis Gunners had a specially hard time of it pulling their hand carts through the mud and shell-holes. The design was selected at home, doubtless with great care, but they must have been tested on the Guards' Parade or other sound ground. For the work in hand it would be difficult to imagine a worse pattern than that of these carts with their thin iron wheels set close in to the side of the cart and without any guiding pole or shafts. Luckily they were soon abandoned. The cold in the line during the winter was intense. Owing to the muddy conditions the men could not take their great coats with them, but they were now so hardy that this exposure did not affect their health.

Now and then an officer was able to "lorry jump" back to Amiens, and spend the evening round Charlie's Bar, or dine at a most excellent restaurant, where the dinners and wines were good and the waitresses pleasing to look upon. In fact, the sight of a woman, however ugly, was a delight. We fitted up at Albert a house which acted as a kind of rest billet for those suffering from slight ailments. The Town Major was always threatening to turn us out, but we contrived to keep sufficiently in his favour to prevent this catastrophe. We managed to fit up a long passage as a drying room, with the assistance of some water pipes which the R.E.'s kindly dumped in the square in front of the house, and which we quietly appropriated during the night. This house proved of the greatest value, as the temporarily sick were employed in washing socks and hose tops, which were dried in this room, so that every night we were able to send up a supply of dry socks, etc., to the men in the line in exchange for their dirty wet ones. No doubt this rest had an excellent effect on the men's health, and saved many from having to go to hospital.

The transport were generally in lines about La Boiselle Crater. Sometimes those in the front line imagined that the transport had a "cushy" time. But one is rather apt to think that the "other man" has the best of a bargain. No doubt they did not suffer the casualties of front-line troops, but their hours were long and weary. By night they struggled up with the rations, etc., often through shell fire, their carts up to the axles in mud, and the mules sometimes being nearly drowned by falling into shell-holes, out of which it was a long and weary business to extricate them. During the day they had to clean and feed their animals and collect the rations from the "train." They thus were working practically night and day, in all weathers and during all hours. It was wonderful how the men and animals were able to carry on.

We left Contay with regret. This was the first place where we had seen any sort of civilian life for months; and we had just settled down and begun to make friends with the inhabitants when we had to move on. The Mayor came and expressed his regret that we were going away, and told us that the inhabitants had greatly appreciated the good conduct and kindness of the men. We marched to Moucheaux, via Beauval, Gazaincourt, Bouquemaison and Crosiette. Here we settled down once more to train, as we learned that we were to take part in a big attack. This attack was delayed, as it could not take place until the new railway line from Doullens to Arras was completed. We soon received orders that practically the whole of the Battalion was to move to Milly under Major Macleod, to form a working-party on the railway cutting there. The men thoroughly enjoyed this change of employment, which consisted of three shifts of eight hours each per 24 hours, digging at the cutting. There is nothing a soldier appreciates more than to know the number of hours he will be employed and how long he is going to get to himself. He hates being messed about. There was also an element of competition in the work, as the total earth excavated by each shift was duly recorded, and the rivalry between Battalions and "shifts" to reach highest out-put was very keen.

At first we had great difficulty with our rations. By some mistake no arrangements had been made for these. The D.A.Q.M.G., when appealed to, said he would indent for us, but that according to the regulations they could not be supplied for 3 days. After the Major had ridden round the country for some hours he found a Railhead Officer, who, realising the situation, and not being quite hidebound to the Regulations, gave us some tins of bully beef and biscuits. Next day the hunt commenced again, and finally Corps H.Q. put the matter right. Theoretically, there is no difference between rations of Corps and other troops, but there is no doubt we never got rations anything like those we received when acting as Corps troops.

On 24th February, 1917, the Battalion Headquarters moved to Maizeres, the working party returning from Milly on 2nd March. On the 6th, the Brigade was inspected by the Commander-in-Chief at Ambrine. The Brigade was drawn up in quarter column in fighting dress. The Commander-in-Chief expressed himself highly pleased with the appearance and steadiness of the Brigade, and gave directions that this should be communicated to all ranks.

On the 11th March the 44th Brigade relieved the 45th Brigade in support in Arras, the route being by Penin, Tilloy, Hermaville, St. Pol-Arras Road. The sheer destruction of the Boche was very apparent. Before the war the great straight roads had been lined with splendid trees. These for miles he had cut down and left on the road side. Even the fruit trees, for which this district was famous, had all been ruthlessly destroyed. As the Battalion got near Arras the roads became very congested with traffic, and the men had to move off the highway or dodge between traffic in order to get on. By the time we passed under the Baudimont Gate the hour when the troops were allowed out of billets had arrived. The streets were absolutely packed with men and vehicles. Although Arras was practically in the front line the inhabitants remained in their shops, and though shutters were up and no lights could be shown a brisk trade was still carried on inside the shops. One of the peculiar things was that the Boche seldom shelled the town after daylight. If he had done so he would certainly have caused heavy casualties, and as he must have heard the roar of heavy traffic, it is difficult to understand why he did not take this opportunity of doing serious damage.

Our first experience in the line at Arras was in the cemetery defences, a somewhat gruesome place, and subject to the usual attentions of the Boches to such a place. One man went to hospital with what seemed to be a small piece of shell in his cheek, but when the M.O. extracted it, it was discovered to be a tooth, apparently belonging to one of the rightful inhabitants! Good shelter was to be had inside some of the tombs.

On 18th March "D" Company carried out a raid on the enemy's lines. The zero hour was 2.50 a.m., and Captain W. D. Stuart was in command, along with Lieut. Semple and Lieut. Morton. The 9th and 12th Division co-operated by similar raids on their fronts. The object of the raid was to destroy enemy dug-outs, and to obtain identifications and information regarding the enemy's lines.

The raiding party took up position along tapes which had been previously laid out by Captain Stuart. The raiders advanced in two parties (each two platoons) through separate gaps in the enemy's wire. They met with no difficulty in forming up, although an enemy party of about 40 strong had been seen working in front of their wire shortly before. An enemy machine gun kept firing through the gaps in the wire, but this was luckily put out of action by a direct hit from a shell. Both parties succeeded in getting through the wire and entering the enemy's trenches without encountering the enemy. The fire trench was found to be badly damaged, and the control trench, a few yards in the rear, was discovered to be very wide and deep (about 10 feet). The party working to the north came across six dug-outs. Voices were heard in them all. Each dug-out was bombed by means of Stoke shells. Wire frames acting as blocks had been erected in both the fire and communication trenches, and these made movement along the trenches difficult. In most cases the parties had to climb out of the trenches and go round the top.

The party working south found ten dug-outs; two entrances had been blown in by the artillery bombardment, the remainder were destroyed with Stoke shells. No dead were found in the trenches, but all dug-outs were still occupied by the enemy. A machine gun in an emplacement was destroyed. No gas cylinders were seen nor identifications obtained. A party of 30 or 40 Boches were seen and fired at as they retired through our box barrage. This was thought to be the wiring party which had been seen earlier in the evening. One of the dug-outs which we destroyed caught fire. The majority of the party returned to our trenches at 3.25 a.m., though one officer and a Lewis gunner, who were carrying a wounded man, did not return till later. The enemy barrage did not come down till 3 a.m., when the support line--Islington Street--and the cemetery were heavily shelled. The enemy put up the usual number of lights, those well behind the line bursting into golden rain. Our casualties amounted to 1 killed, 1 missing believed to be killed, and 35 wounded. Two died of wounds.

The following special orders were issued:--

"The G.O.C. 15th Division wishes to convey his appreciation to all ranks who took part in this morning's raid, and his congratulations on the success achieved.

"The Corps Commander wishes to congratulate all concerned in the preparation, execution and success of the raid carried out by the 7th Cameron Highlanders."

The C.O. issued a special order congratulating Captain W. G. Stuart, M.C., 2nd Lieuts. Semple and Morton, Sergeant A. M'Donald, Lance-Corporal J. Kelly and Privates G. M'Lean and W. Marston on the gallant and conspicuous part they took in the raid. A special order was also issued by the Army Commander congratulating the 44th and 46th Brigades on the successful raids carried out during the month.

From the 3rd to the 7th of April the Battalion was billeted in the cellars of the Grand Place, Arras, preparatory to the battle. The shelling by the enemy was now considerable, but we only suffered two casualties. Before the attack the Padre held a Communion Service in one of the large cellars, in which many of the officers and men partook. It was indeed a unique and solemn Service. Every now and then the sound of a shell bursting amongst the houses above, or in the Grand Place, would drown the words of the Padre and shake the cellar. At 11.30 p.m. on the 8th the Battalion moved from the cellars down into sewers, along which they travelled to the communication trenches, and so to their assembly trench in front of the cemetery. The Battalion headquarters were in the cellars of a house in Rue de Douai.

At 3.20 a.m. on the 9th the Battalion was reported in position ready for the attack. The zero hour was 5.30 a.m. The attack commenced with the 8/10th Gordons on the right, the 9th Black Watch on the left, and the 7th Camerons in support. The advance was carried out behind an intense barrage. The German's first system was gained with slight loss, the Camerons occupying "O.G.1" and "O.G.2." At 7.30 a.m. the attack upon the second objective was commenced. The 9th Black Watch on the left were for a time held up at the Railway Triangle, where there was heavy fighting, and this also prevented the Gordons from reaching their objective. The Camerons were then ordered to support the assaulting battalions, and with their assistance all objectives were gained. About 3 p.m. the Camerons were ordered to relieve the Black Watch on the left. The Battalion was re-organised, "B" and "D" Companies moving forward, two platoons to "Hecq Trench," and two platoons to "Helle Trench." "A" and "B" Companies moved to "Cable Trench," which they started to consolidate about 1 p.m. Orders were then received to proceed eastwards to Feuchy, in support of the 45th Brigade. This move was carried out and completed by 4 p.m. Later it was arranged that the position occupied by us was to be taken over by the 6th Camerons (45th Brigade), and we were to move back to the trenches we had previously occupied. So ended the first phase of the battle.

At 12.45 a.m. on the 11th we heard that the attack was to be continued at 5 a.m. At 3 a.m. orders came through from Brigade to move into a position occupying part of the "Brown" line which had been captured previously by the 46th Brigade. This position was occupied by "A" Company on the right, "C" Company on the left, "B" Company right support, and "D" Company left support. At 11 a.m. the Companies attacked in artillery formation, moving half-right for "Orange Hill." As soon as the crest of the hill was reached we came under heavy machine gun and shrapnel fire, which for a time delayed the advance, but the Battalion finally worked forward and occupied a system of trenches about H29 central. About 2.54 p.m. a message reached us that the barrage was to again commence at 2.50 p.m., and the Brigade was to attack at 3. This gave only a few minutes to get the necessary orders issued, but about 3 p.m. the Battalion commenced the attack. Once again they came under exceptionally heavy machine gun and shrapnel fire, but they succeeded in reaching a position running roughly between Lone Copse and Monchy. Here word was brought about 4.40 p.m. that the enemy was reported to be preparing a counter attack, and at once everyone was busy putting the trenches in a state of defence. However, it was stated shortly afterwards that the counter attack was no longer to be expected.

A great portion of the Battalion entered Monchy, where they were placed under command of a Colonel of the Essex Yeomanry, who was in charge of the troops there. No one who was in Monchy is likely to forget the sight. The casualties had been heavy amongst both men and horses, some of the latter being literally blown to pieces. Later, orders were issued to O.C. Companies to withdraw and link up with the Gordons from a line about 100 yards in front of the sunken road. This movement being completed about 3 a.m. On the 12th, the Battalion was relieved by a Company of the Worcester Regiment, and moved back into "Helle Trench," which was reached about 5.30 a.m. There it remained till 3 p.m., when it was finally relieved and moved into billets in Arras. The strength of the Battalion taking part in these operations was 23 officers and 521 other ranks; of these 12 officers and 175 other ranks became casualties. The officer casualties were:--

_Killed._--Lieuts. P. G. Jenkins, G. R. Morton, M.C., R. W. B. Semple, M.C., J. F. Smith, J. B. Ronaldson, and 19 other ranks.

_Wounded._--Captain G. A. C. Davy, Lieuts. S. C. Russell, J. A. Symon, D. M. Brown, J. K. M'Millan, E. F. Forrest, and 128 other ranks.

We have also to record the death of C.S.M. Cameron and Sergt. Dalgleish, two splendid N.C.O.'s.

We all felt very sorry for Lieuts. Semple and Morton, as these two splendid young officers had only on the day before the attack been awarded the Military Cross for their conspicuous gallantry in the raid which had taken place a few days previously. They were killed while the sincere congratulations of all ranks still sounded in their ears.

A special order was issued by the Commander-in-Chief:--

"My warmest congratulations on the important success achieved by you yesterday. The manner in which the operations were carried out reflects the greatest credit on Commander, staff and troops. Please convey to all employed my appreciation of the great skill and gallantry shown by them."

The Corps Commander also issued a special order, expressing his appreciation and thanks for the splendid work done both in the preparation for, and execution of, the attack. He was particularly gratified by the energy displayed by all ranks after the third objective was captured.

The Divisional Commander issued the following special order:--

"15th Divisional Commander feels sure that this generous acknowledgment of the work of the Division will be highly valued by all. He wishes to add his own thanks. He is proud to have under his command a Division in which officers, N.C.O.'s and men are inspired with so fixed a determination to do their duty. The task given to the 15th Division in the Battle of Arras was a very heavy one, entailing hard work in preparation and great gallantry in attack. The difficulties of the operation only inspired all ranks to greater effort, and brilliant success has been achieved. The crushing defeat of the enemy on 9th April was due to the discipline, hard work, untiring energy, and magnificent gallantry of all ranks. Another page of honour has been added to the glorious record of the Division. The Divisional Commander wishes to thank every officer, N.C.O. and man, and he feels that it is indeed an honour to command the victorious 15th Division."

The signallers and runners during the battle of Arras had a severe time, owing to the heavy shell and machine gun fire. The system of deep buried cable had not yet been developed, all wires being laid over the open. They were therefore being constantly cut by shell fire, and the signallers had to be out continually, both night and day, repairing them. This also necessitated the use of runners to carry messages during the periods of the heavy bombardment. Signallers and runners were picked men, as the work was not only arduous and dangerous, but required both judgment and commonsense. We were lucky with the men chosen, as they on this and all other occasions did their work well, showing courage and devotion to duty.

At the close of this phase of the battle, Lieut.-Colonel Crichton went down the line sick, the command of the Battalion being taken over by Major MacLeod. The Battalion was billeted in Arras up till the 23rd April, re-organising and absorbing fresh drafts. They also practised the attack in open order, and did a certain amount of rifle practice in the "butte de tir." We left our billets in Grand Place on the night of the 22nd, relieving the 8/10th Gordons. We were to attack the enemy on the 23rd, the first objective being the "Blue" line. At 3.20 a.m. the Battalion was in position, "D" Company being on the left, "A" Company on the right, "B" and "C" Companies in support. On our right were the Seaforths, on the left the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders (45th Brigade).

The zero hour was 4.45 a.m., when the Battalion commenced to attack under a heavy barrage. The enemy almost at once opened a barrage on our front line, and also an intense machine gun fire from an emplacement on our immediate front and from the high ground on the south side of Scarpe River. The machine gun emplacement on our front was to have been knocked out by our trench mortars, which were to open rapid fire on it half a minute before we attacked; but this scheme was not carried into effect, and we suffered very heavy casualties when the men got over the top and rushed the gun at the point of the bayonet. The fact that Lieut. Anderson, the trench mortar officer, was killed probably accounted for the failure of the trench mortar to knock out the machine gun. Lieut. Anderson was a most skilled and gallant officer, beloved by all, and his death must have had a disconcerting effect on his men. He was a cheery individual, and had often rendered very valuable service in the attack. We missed him both as a soldier and as a man. After rushing the gun at the point of the bayonet, our right was held up by machine gun fire. Our left, in the meantime, pushed on to Bullet Trench, seizing the south end of it, taking about 40 prisoners and capturing a machine gun. Here about 5.30 a.m., finding they were out of touch both on their left and right, they dug themselves in. The centre of the Battalion for a time had been held up by the machine gun fire, but succeeded finally in advancing and fortifying a post about the sunken road (5.45 a.m.) A small party on the right, with the assistance of Captain Morrison of the Black Watch, formed another post in the sunken road. By 10.30 a.m. those who were holding the post in Bullet Trench had managed, with the assistance of a few stokes and rifle grenades, to clear the trench up to the Cambrai Road, three posts being formed in the trenches.

For a time our right was insecure, as the Black Watch, who had attacked the village of Guemappe, had not succeeded in holding it, and had been driven out by the enemy. About 12 mid-day a new barrage was formed, under which we pushed forward the posts in the sunken road, advancing to a part of "Hammer Trench." These posts, being on high ground slightly in front of the village, spotted the enemy forming up for a counter attack against the Black Watch, and our Lewis Gunners were able to do considerable execution before the counter attack was broken up. The 46th Brigade advanced through the 44th, and again our Lewis gunners were able to do good work in firing on the enemy as he retired from the trenches on the right. After re-organising the Battalion moved back to behind the "Brown" line about 2 a.m. on the 24th.

Everyone believed we were now done with fighting for the time being, as our casualties had been heavy, and we were all congratulating each other on being the lucky ones who had got through it. Next day, however, the Commanding Officer received orders that we were to go back into the line in order to take Cavalry Farm on the 26th, as another Battalion had failed to do so. No doubt it was necessary, as there were no fresh troops available, but no one, unless he has done it, can realise the feelings of a Commanding Officer when he has to order the men to turn round and go back into the fight under such circumstances. But he was proud of his men who, tired as they were, once more turned back and faced the enemy without a grumble.

Owing to casualties in the previous fighting, we had now only three Company Officers left, besides the Commanding Officer and Lieut. Legate, who was acting as Adjutant. A request was made to be allowed to bring up fresh officers from the transport lines, but this was refused. Unfortunately, just as the Battalion was moving off, one of the three officers became a casualty, leaving only two, neither of whom had been in action before the previous day's fighting. When we reached the lines and found that the Battalion was to carry out the attack on Cavalry Farm, the Commanding Officer suggested to Brigade that he would go forward to Company Headquarters, as the Battalion had been practically reduced to the strength of a Company, especially in officers. However, the Brigade would not agree to this.

The intention was that the Battalion was to take Cavalry Farm and the trenches to the east of it. The 45th Brigade were to attack to the north of Cambrai Road, and take a German strong point so as to protect our left, while the Black Watch were to advance on our right and form a line of posts. As soon as the Battalion had captured the farm, the 9th Pioneer Gordons were to make a communication trench up to it. The attack commenced at 11 p.m. We managed to capture the farm, but on getting past it we found the trench to the east strongly held by the enemy. These we attacked, but almost immediately found ourselves between two fires, coming from the trenches in front and from machine guns close on our left rear, situated in the strong point which the 45th Brigade had failed to capture. The result was that we had to fall back on the farm. In the meantime the Gordons, having heard that we had taken the farm, came up to commence their trench. They also came under the same heavy cross fire as was holding up our advance, and had to withdraw. The Major in Command and many others become casualties.

This information being received at the Battalion Headquarters, the Commanding Officer decided to go forward and try to re-organise the attack. The communication trench was filled with 9th Gordons, and it became necessary to advance over the open, which was a slow process, as the ground was being swept by machine guns. On reaching the front line it was found crowded with troops, in consequence of the Seaforths, who were in support, having moved forward into the front line when our Battalion had advanced to the attack. They were now mixed up with our men who had come back. The Seaforths were ordered to withdraw to the support line, with the exception of one Company which was retained to assist us in holding the front line. It was practically impossible to take the trenches east of the farm unless the strong point on the north side of the road was attacked and captured. Having therefore formed posts in the farm and to the right, to link up with the Black Watch, he proceeded to the 45th Brigade Company, who had failed to capture the strong point on the north side of the road, and from which position the enemy were able to fire into our rear when we had gone forward. They informed him that they did not intend to attack the strong point again. This made it impossible for us to continue the attack beyond the farm with any chance of success. That evening the Battalion was relieved by the Seaforths, and moved into support. The next day the Battalion was occupied in burying dead. This work was difficult, as the enemy, seeing the movement, kept up intermittent shelling. However, we managed to collect 64 bodies of Camerons, which we buried in one grave. The Commanding Officer took the service, but had to limit the number of men present owing to the danger of casualties from shelling.

In order to save space, the majority of men were buried lying on their side. A touching feature was the fact that someone had taken each man's arm and put it round the body lying next to him. From the top of the trench one could imagine that the men were sleeping, embraced in each other's arms, more especially as they were buried in their kilts just as they had fought, no blankets or other covering being available. Altogether it was a most moving scene. The machine gun, which has already been referred to, and which should have been knocked out before the attack, had taken its toll, as most of these bodies were found round about its emplacement. One could well appreciate the desperate gallantry of the men who rushed it. We had the satisfaction, however, of knowing that many of the enemy's gun crew had been bayoneted by our men.

A good example of the grit of the young officer and also the difficulty of obtaining accurate information regarding casualties was experienced. Lieut. Mackay was missing, and though several men were certain that they had seen him dead in a certain shell-hole, his body could not be found. One reliable N.C.O. was so certain of its position that he guaranteed, if he were allowed to go out, he would return directly with the body. His re-request was granted, but proved a failure. As a matter of fact, Mackay was found dead a considerable distance further on. He had been severely wounded where the men saw him, and they had been wrongly convinced that he was dead. He had been killed finally by a direct hit. He must have suffered severe wounds first of all, as his right hand, which had been blown off, and other wounds, had been dressed. Such wounds would have more than justified anyone going back to the dressing station, but this brave young officer, although stunned and wounded to such an extent that his own men thought he was dead, had evidently advanced with the remainder of the Battalion as soon as he had regained consciousness.

If the Battalion on our left had succeeded in obtaining their objective, or had at least silenced the enemy, the attack on the farm would probably have proved a success. On the night of the 28/29th of April the Battalion was relieved by the 3rd London Regiment, and withdrew into billets in the Grand Place. The fighting had been long and severe, and if fresh troops had been available to go through on the completion of the first "phase" the success might have been even greater. At the close of the fighting at that time one was able to move a considerable distance forward at night without encountering the enemy, who must have been holding his line very lightly and far back. He had recovered himself, however, when the second phase started. It is interesting to read with what surprise and despondency General Ludendorf, the Chief of the German Staff, writes concerning the battle. He says:--

"On that day (9th April) I celebrated my birthday. I looked forward to the expected offensive with confidence, and was now deeply depressed. Was this to be the result of all our care and trouble during the past half year? A day like April the 9th threw all calculations to the winds."

Such an expression of opinion is high praise to the troops whose vigour and bravery brought such a disaster to the enemy.

It may be remembered that at that time the latter part of the battle of Arras was almost over-shadowed in the press by the very gallant and successful attack by the Canadians when they took Vimy Ridge. It is instructive, however, to read in General Ludendorf's Memoirs the statement:--

"On the 11th they took Monchy, and during the following night we evacuated the Vimy Ridge."

So ends the battle of Arras.