CHAPTER V

FROM THE GAS ATTACK TO ST. HILAIRE--PASSCHENDAELE (FIRST TIME)--LOUCHES

The disorganization in the Brigade resulting from the gas bombardment was naturally very great. The 2/5th K.L.R. and ourselves were reduced by 50 per cent, not including Battalion Headquarters, and the relief of the battalion for reorganization was therefore imperative. Accordingly, on the evening of July 31st Captain Bowring, the Acting Commanding Officer, was instructed to move out to Bac St. Maur, the 2/5th King's Own Royal Lancaster Regiment taking the place of "A" and "B" Companies in the subsidiary line. The move was made by sections, owing to the continued shelling and the state of the roads, which had not yet been cleared of débris. It was effected without incident beyond a drenching from the heavy rain which came steadily down.

The work of tracing the casualties now began. Most of the battalion records were half buried in Armentières. These were unearthed, and Lance-Corporal Longridge tackled his new duties as Orderly-Room Sergeant with the greatest determination and ability. Salvage work was also carried out, and such remnants of the battalion's equipment as were left from the fires and the subsequent looting were collected at Bac St. Maur. Little time was allowed, however, at the moment for reorganization. On August 2nd "D" Company and one platoon of "A" Company were ordered into the subsidiary line of La Boutillerie to relieve a similar force of 4/5th Loyal North Lancashires. On August 4th "the Battalion (less garrison of subsidiary line)"--so reads Operation Order No. 33--relieved the 2/7th K.L.R. The "Battalion," in fact, consisted only of three platoons of "A" Company and a few odd men who formed Battalion Headquarters. This same force was inspected next day by General Barnes, the Divisional Commander, who paid a very warm tribute to the work that the battalion had done during the past two months.

By the time Major H. K. Wilson returned from hospital, August 6th, Captain Bowring, in spite of the enormous difficulty of the task, had got the reorganization of the battalion well under way, for which he deserved the very greatest credit, and for which, in fact, he eventually received a "Mention." In this work he had been greatly assisted by the remaining officers of the battalion, who discharged their various new duties with great zeal and ability.

About this time Lieutenant Freeman joined us as Transport Officer. For many years he had been with the A.S.C., and we were lucky to secure an officer with so much experience in the management of horse transport.

On August 7th the 2/7th K.L.R. relieved our small garrisons in Croix Marèchal, Elbow Farm, Chapel Farm, Smith's Villa, and Command Post; and the battalion went into billets at Fleurbaix, where Captain Plumley, R.A.M.C., reported as Medical Officer.

About this time Captain Alexander, London Regiment, who had been Brigade Major for about a month, relieving Major Geddes, was unfortunately killed by a bomb splinter while sitting in the Brigade Headquarters at Fleurbaix. He had been badly gassed in Armentières, but refused to leave. His death was greatly lamented. Captain P. H. Hansen, V.C., M.C., acted as Brigade Major for a time, being in a short while relieved by Captain R. W. Patteson, M.C., Norfolk Regiment, who remained with us to the very end, and whose ability outrivalled, if possible, even his great personal popularity.

On the evening of August 8th "A" and "D" Companies were attached to the 2/5th K.L.R., and took over the Cordonnerie sector on the right of La Boutillerie, probably the most peaceful sector in all France. The trenches were well constructed and dry, and hostile activity was normally of a very mild description.

But the fear that the enemy might intend a limited offensive on this front had not yet subsided, and elaborate orders dealing with this situation were still being issued. Meanwhile Battalion Headquarters, on August 15th, returned to Bac St. Maur, where they had more than enough to keep them occupied, as the first draft, consisting of 111 men, had arrived the previous day. On August 16th Lieutenant-General Sir R. C. B. Haking, commanding XI. Corps, presented Riflemen Bailey and Mills with the Military Medal which they had been awarded in Armentières.

On August 18th "A" and "D" Companies rejoined at Bac St. Maur; and the Company of the 2/5th K.L.R., who had been attached to us to strengthen the "battalion on Divisional Reserve," returned to their own unit. Drafts now came in apace. On August 18th drafts of 192, 61, and 131 men arrived. After these had been posted, the draft of 61 men proved to have been intended for the 2/8th K.L.R., and had to be given up. All these parties were inspected on August 21st by Brigadier-General Bray.

On the 24th the battalion moved into Fleurbaix, finding posts for the subsidiary line; and during this period two more drafts, of 79 and 45 men respectively, joined the battalion. The end of August found our effective strength 756 men, the highest figure that we had achieved since the end of February.

On September 2nd the battalion--and it was a complete battalion now--relieved the 2/7th K.L.R. in La Boutillerie: "A" Company on the right, "B" in the centre, "D" on the left, and "C" in the subsidiary line. Headquarters were situated at Foray House. This latter spot had been heavily shelled on August 21st when the Portuguese held the line, the intention of the Germans, according to the Portuguese official report, being "to disorganize the Battalion Staff for future operations"; which laudable object, the report naively added, "was attained by 10 a.m., at which time the orderly-room, kitchen mess, and orderlies' dug-outs were damaged." However, as far as we were concerned, the enemy took very little interest in us, and the time was exceptionally quiet. Moreover, the weather had turned fine and warm again, which made life pleasant as well as peaceful. The left sector occasionally received attention in the form of trench mortar shooting, which, we remembered, was characteristic of that corner of France, but it was not sufficient to cause any serious results.

On September 5th, to the great delight of the overworked remnant of officers, a draft of thirteen fresh ones arrived--Carr, Eupen, Harper, T. W. Jones, Lever, Novelle, Profit, Broad, Roberts, Robinson, Rycroft, Upward, and T. L. Williams. This was a great accession of power, as in the matter of men the battalion was already up to a good fighting strength. But there was still much to be done. Specialists had to be trained, N.C.Os. to be selected, and the general process of amalgamating and consolidating the new material so recently come together to be perfected. A new Quartermaster, Lieutenant Jackson, also reported for duty at this time.

The tour in the line ended on September 10th, when the 2/7th K.L.R. once more took over from us, and one platoon per company took charge of the four strong points in the subsidiary line. The only incident in the latter part of the tour was the attempt of a strong patrol of the enemy to round up a patrol of four men from our battalion. The effort was made with determination, and eventually our patrol had to scatter. All reached our line safely, but three of them were wounded in the fight.

On September 11th Colonel Fletcher returned from hospital, and the work of organizing and training the battalion was renewed with the greatest energy. Specialist classes both for officers and N.C.Os. were soon hard at work; while for the companies, now so very much changed in their personnel, general training, inspections, close order drill, and all other approved methods for increasing knowledge and morale were in full swing.

Meanwhile rumours of a move to a rest area had long been rife. The Division had now been doing trench duty continuously for seven months, and it was quite time that it was taken away for a general overhaul. During all those months we had been kept more or less continuously in the trenches, with no opportunity to improve on the lessons learnt, and nothing to inspire our men to increase their efficiency, beyond the regular round of eight days in reserve and eight days in the line. Already the ordinary wastage of trench warfare, not to mention the disaster of Armentières, had deprived us of many of our best N.C.Os. and men. We had, in fact, lost as many men as if we had been in a battle, but there was not that feeling of satisfaction, such as results from a successful push, to animate the remainder. However that may be, the theory that we were going out to rest grew steadily, and for once proved correct. The idea of a "rest" was not in itself particularly attractive, except that it meant freedom from shell fire, permission to give up wearing the box-respirator, and other little relaxations of that description. As a "rest" in the ordinarily accepted sense of the word, it had long since been discovered to be a fraud, being, in fact, a period of intense activity. Still, it was a change, and possibly meant that the Division would thereafter be required for work a little more stimulating than trench warfare.

On September 16th we were relieved by the 15th Welch, and proceeded to Neuf Berquin viâ Estaires, a distance of seven or eight miles, under a very hot sun. After a day's quiet training here, we handed over our billets to the 4/5th Loyal North Lancashire Regiment, and set off to L'Ecleme on September 18th. The Brigade marched as such, the battalion starting at 8.20 a.m., and passing the Brigade starting-point at 10 a.m. The route led round the southern outskirts of Merville, and thence viâ Calonne and Robecq. Our billets were in L'Ecleme, a little hamlet about a mile south-east of Busnes. The morning proved cloudy, which made marching pleasant; and, thanks to our early start, we were in by midday.

Next day we were on the move again for our final destination, St. Hilaire. On the way we passed through the comparatively large town of Lillers, and then the village of Bourecq. The country, from being as flat as could be conceived, now became pleasantly undulating and very pretty, especially to eyes tired of the lifeless monotony of Northern France. St. Hilaire itself is a delightful little village, consisting of one long winding street with several little side streets running off it. Billets were, on the whole, good, and you felt at once the relief of being able to move without a box-respirator and steel helmet. Thoughts of war vanished for the moment; the mind was occupied with the pleasant rural scenes and the air of quiet industry that pervaded the spot, so different from the wear and tear of war, and so infinitely refreshing.

At St. Hilaire the battalion spent a month, and from the first it became apparent that the "rest" was only a preparation for a "push." The first day was spent by the Commanding Officer in inspecting the battalion. This is a far more lengthy process than might be supposed, and it is surprising what a length of time can be spent on it without the inspector realizing that he has taken more than a few minutes.

The next day training areas, which had been duly allotted, were covered with the men performing various mysterious evolutions. Here you would see a whole company endeavouring to perform a wheel in close column, with the Company Sergeant-Major and Platoon Officers now urging on, now checking, the onrush of what from a distance is apt to look like a race crowd breaking on to the course. From another part of the field a sudden series of unearthly shouts betokens the efforts of a final assault party to inspire terror in the hearts of rows of disinterested sacks. Here, again, stand a group of men solemnly waving their arms in a slow and stately movement. There comes a sudden order, and in a trice the whole crowd are off, like a pack of hounds, to some neighbouring object and back again. "Physical jerks," if properly carried out, are full of variety.

In an adjoining field two rows of men are standing opposite each other, roaring orders to the full extent of their lungs. This is a rough and ready form of instruction in voice production, technically called "Communication" or "Shouting Drill." In retired corners little groups of men may be seen examining the intricacies of a Lewis gun or a field telephone. Theirs is a more peaceful form of existence during training, and one that is apt to lapse into story-telling, or even solo whist, if opportunity permits. But all the while the Commanding Officer and Adjutant (Captain Wilson, recently returned from his course in England), the Regimental Sergeant-Major, the Company Commanders, the Specialist Officers, and frequently the Brigadier and the Brigade Major, are hovering about, asking questions, correcting, suggesting, and generally supervising. Their assistance, it must be confessed, is often more readily given than desired; but still that is part of the business. "Red hats" have little terror for us. We are not worried with that type of Staff Officer so frequently upbraided. Our Brigadier and Brigade Major, our Divisional Commander and General Staff, are in the main helpful and sympathetic.

In the midst of all this activity markers are called for, and a general sigh of relief goes up. Training continues, and everyone has an eye for the four men facing the Regimental Sergeant-Major. Here comes the Adjutant at last. "Get your company together, Captain X., and fall in on your marker as soon as you are ready." Work may have been proceeding languidly till now, and you might have thought the men were tired. Perhaps they were, but there is little sign of it now. Everyone is suddenly galvanized into intense activity. In a remarkably short time the battalion is formed up in mass, a few short orders are given, and the column winds its way back to St. Hilaire for dinner. The day's work is over. The afternoon is devoted to football matches and other forms of amusement; the evening to the estaminet. On Sundays the full ceremonial of Church Parade would be gone through, the band of the 6th (now the Divisional Band) supplying the music.

On September 21st a further draft of 130 men arrived, and the battalion was now stronger than it had ever been previously in France. This last draft came from the East Surreys, and a very fine lot of men they were. About this time General Bray met with an accident while riding, and Brigadier-General F. C. Longbourne, D.S.O., arrived to take over the Brigade. He was somewhat younger than General Bray, and of the very best type of officer--considerate, courteous, and capable. He was as popular as he was respected.

Training now became of a more specialized type, and it was obvious that we were destined in due course to take part in the Third Battle of Ypres, which was still raging with great fierceness, in spite of the almost insuperable difficulties of the ground and the weather. Attacks on strong posts by platoons and companies figured prominently in our training, and the general formations for attack by a battalion were the subject of continual study. Unfortunately, which is the best form of attack was (and probably still is) a matter of warm dispute on the part of the Higher Command. Some advocated two companies in front and two in support; others three in front and one behind. Others, again, supported "blobs," and another school "worms"; while a third body of opinion pronounced "leap-frogging" the only feasible scheme. The training in the attack, therefore, if lacking in continuity, was certainly not lacking in variety. Sheets of instructions poured in upon us in the most bewildering fashion, till even the most careful student was muddled beyond hope of recovery. Eventually all officers more or less abandoned any hope that they may have cherished of solving the higher mysteries of the attack, and devoted their whole attention to musketry, bayonet fighting, bombing, and so forth, trusting to the general efficiency obtained to solve the final problem as set by the enemy.

The commands of companies had now been arranged as follows: "A" Company, Captain McWilliam; "B" Company, Lieutenant Penrice; "C" Company, Captain Ormrod; "D" Company, Captain Fell. Regimental Sergeant-Major Smith had returned from hospital, and Company Sergeant-Major Heyworth, who had been acting in his place, became Regimental Quartermaster-Sergeant.

On October 8th the Division had the honour of being inspected by the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Douglas Haig. Great preparations were made for this important event, but, unfortunately, the day proved of the wettest. We started at 8 a.m. and marched for about two hours in pouring rain along bad roads and worse field-tracks to some exposed ground above Estrée Blanche, where the whole Division was assembled. The position was swept by a biting wind, and there we stood for nearly two hours waiting for the Field-Marshal to arrive. After a general salute, he rode round the ranks, and then the usual march past took place. Everyone was soaked to the skin and half frozen, and right glad they were to get on the move again.

Field operations on a large scale now took place several times a week. They were conducted with such realism as modern resources can provide, and under the eyes of General Maxse, the Corps Commander, and other important personages. The former had a bright and breezy manner in dealing with the problems of training, and his presence generally produced considerable animation among those participating in the operations. From the point of view of the ordinary man in the ranks, these "stunts" are apt to be laborious and tiresome; but at the same time there is no doubt that only under these more or less realistic conditions can officers and N.C.Os. appreciate the value of the lessons learnt in theoretical training.

The scene of operations on October 7th for the Divisional attack was the practice trenches behind Estrée Blanche, near Enguingatte. The march to the assembly positions through very pretty country was pleasant enough, although the weather was cold and dull. After forming up, the attack proceeded by waves, one of the orthodox methods at the time, preceded by a real trench mortar bombardment, and accompanied by a real contact aeroplane, for which flares had to be lit at various intervals. The operations ceased at four o'clock, and as the battle ended the rain began. From then till we got home it poured in torrents. We splashed along field-tracks and muddy lanes as darkness fell, and still it came down. As we entered our billets, about 8 p.m., we most of us felt that field days were a luxury we would willingly forego.

The period in rest was now fast drawing to a close. It had at its commencement seen the battalion strong indeed in numbers, but lacking in cohesion and unprepared for any continued action. The pleasant weeks at St. Hilaire, in spite of the vigorous training that had taken place, had proved restful to the old members of the battalion, and had given the new-comers a full opportunity of acclimatizing themselves to their new surroundings. Everyone was fit, and ready for anything that might come. Equipment was complete, specialists were replaced, and all gaps filled. It was well that it was so, as the change in store for the battalion was to be severe. Real hardships and real danger were ahead, which the battalion, as expected, proved itself fully capable of enduring.

The move commenced on October 19th, the battalion leaving the village about 8 a.m. to join the Brigade column. At St. Hilaire, as elsewhere in France, as well as in England, the battalion had become very popular with their hosts, and many a tear was shed and many a kindly "God-speed" uttered as we moved off. It was a good long march, about fifteen miles in all, and though the day was cool a few fell out. The new drafts, good men though they were, had not all yet appreciated the Commanding Officer's inflexible rules in the matter of march discipline. Our destination was the Renescure area, east-south-east of St. Omer, and the road lay through Wittes and Racquinghem. Lieutenant Goulding and a billeting party went on ahead to the Proven area; but the battalion halted for the night in a series of small farms standing in a piece of country not unlike the ground round Inkerman Barracks at Woking. The morning of the 20th saw us early afoot. At 8 a.m. we were formed up on the Arques--Eblinghem--Hazebrouck road, ready to embus. There is always a certain amount of amusement at embussing. To begin with, the buses almost invariably face in the opposite direction to what is expected. Moreover, they are frequently of all sizes and shapes, and thereby upset your most careful calculations. For a man wearing full marching order, plus a blanket wound round his pack, it is no easy matter to scale a lorry. A bus--that is, a real bus--presents less difficulty; but the stairs are awkward, and the constructional expert of the General Omnibus Company did not design his seats to accommodate people requiring at least twelve inches of spare seat behind the traveller before he can hope to sit down. The scene to the uninitiated would appear to be sheer chaos. Each vehicle is surrounded by a heaving and struggling mass; and when this has been dissipated, there are still men who have to be almost literally forced into vehicles which look hopelessly overcrowded already. The operation takes time, but eventually the long column moves off. With the violent motion caused by the lack of springs and bad _pavé_ the human mass is gradually shaken into a more or less solid condition; and it is really rather remarkable that at the end of the journey anyone is sufficiently mobile to begin the process of debussing.

The trip was quite a long one, and it was after two o'clock when Poperinghe was passed and the column came to a final stop. Everywhere the "push" in progress was very evident. Poperinghe itself was seething with troops of all arms, and the general air of activity so conspicuous behind an "active" front was very marked. After the whole battalion had been extracted, like sardines from a tin, a march of two or three miles--a very trying performance with cramped limbs--brought us to Plurendon Camp, in the Proven area, recently vacated by the Welsh Guards; and a cheerless and bleak-looking spot it was, covered with old canvas tents. After the pleasant billets of St. Hilaire, we felt already a bit discouraged, but it was a perfect paradise compared with some of the places to which we were about to be introduced. The weather was also very unsettled, and the mud that the rain produced was quite up to the best traditions of Flanders. To add to our discomfort, the tea ration, which had been put on the mechanical transport, arrived very late owing to a breakdown. We did not move the next day, as we had expected, but on October 23rd proceeded in the morning to Proven Station. After despatching the "Life-boat Party," the nucleus of 33⅓ per cent. of officers and men always left out by a battalion going into action, with a view to subsequent reorganization, and after about an hour in the train, we arrived at Elverdinghe about 1.30 p.m. A march of two miles followed, and then we entered Wolff Camp, in the Malakoff area. A more wretched and inhospitable spot it would be hard to find. Pitched in what had once been No Man's Land, it was an admirable representation of the tangled and disreputable desolation that one's imagination connects with such a place. The 2/5th Loyal North Lancashire Regiment had, moreover, failed to vacate the camp, and we had consequently to remain in the adjacent field for the time being, though the difference was little enough. The ground was broken and muddy beyond description. The only accommodation to be found consisted of tattered tents, through which the rain and wind drove at will--and there was no lack of either. A Y.M.C.A. tent, the sole refuge of the area, struggled manfully all day with a queue, often fifty yards long, of men waiting for tea and biscuits. Apart from this oasis, we were surrounded by a desert of hideous misery, but in spite of it all our spirits were high. Even for those not in the secret it was by now clear that we were moving up to take our turn in the grim struggle in the morass, into which a continual barrage had long since converted the Passchendaele Ridge. At least we felt we had come for a purpose; and if the usual routine were followed, we should be back in rest before long--those of us, at least, who had not "collected a Blighty," or a more permanent separation from the troubles of this world.

We were not allowed to be idle for very long. At 4.30 and 5 p.m. respectively working parties, 100 strong, moved up to the line, and the next morning a party of forty men went up to be similarly employed. Other parties were detailed to reconnoitre routes, a most necessary but difficult operation under the conditions. At 4 p.m. that day (October 26th) the battalion was suddenly ordered to move to Marsouin Farm, a camp nearer the line. As so often happens, the order synchronized with the approach of tea. The usual rush attended this sudden move, and resulted in the majority of the men missing their tea, a regrettable thing at ordinary times, but in view of the mental and physical strain about to be encountered particularly unfortunate.

Our Quartermaster left us at this point, his work being efficiently continued by Captain Bowring, summoned from the "nucleus party" for the purpose. Marsouin Farm proved to be the lowest form of habitation that can possibly be classified as a camp. "Bivvies" of the rudest description, "leans-to" of ground sheets or odd bits of corrugated iron, formed our quarters, all half immersed in mud of the thickest and vilest consistency. The biting air and heavy rainstorms combined to give the finishing touch to this execrable spot, which was calculated to inspire all ranks with as profound a contempt for death as was ever entertained by the most ardent believer in Valhalla. Similar "camps" were dotted about in the vicinity; and an unending stream of guns, men, pack transport, and so forth, poured by continually, struggling and slipping on the crude roads or corduroy tracks which led up to the battle zone. Trolley trams and light trains wound their way forward, grunting and creaking under loads consisting of all the multifarious stores required in modern warfare. The surrounding country, if difficult to describe, was certainly of a uniform appearance. It consisted simply of endless mud and water. As far as the eye could reach there was the same yellowish waste of muddy misery, shell-hole touching shell-hole with never a break, save where a splintered and winding duck-board track, a primitive road of half-buried logs, or the spidery lines of a light railway, relieved the hopeless monotony. Across this wilderness of squalor and filth every fighting man had to pass to reach the enemy. Ammunition, rations, R.E. material, Red Cross stores, everything, in fact, had to be transported over this quagmire, and woe betide the luckless man who fell from the slippery safety of the duck-boards into its clutches! All the while the guns on either side kept up their steady bombardment, now fierce and concentrated, now desultory and scattered.

On the evening of the 27th, at the usual short notice, the battalion was ordered forward to the reserve trenches. As has already been remarked, these sudden moves are very trying, and this one proved to be particularly so. The battalion was now leaving the last limits of what in such an area might be called civilization. Consequently rations, equipment, and ammunition had to be completed for the whole period in the desolate country into which we were now to penetrate. The scene that followed will not easily be forgotten. The march to Eagle Trench, which brought us into close proximity with the trench area, was made under considerable difficulties, owing to the large number of gas shells which were falling in the area. At one point on the duck-board track along which the battalion was winding its way in single file, Colonel Fletcher at its head, a large working party of another battalion was halted and blocking the way. This working party was held up in front by heavy enemy shell fire, which was falling on a road across which the track ran. After waiting some forty minutes, it was observed that the shell fire, which covered about 200 yards of the road, was being lifted at regular intervals of about fifteen minutes on to a different sector of the road, and after another fifteen minutes brought back to the former objective. Time was getting on, so Colonel Fletcher decided to try to rush his battalion through next time the bombardment lifted from the immediate neighbourhood of the track; and with this end in view arranged with the officer commanding the working party in front to get his men off the track to give the 2/6th K.L.R. a clear run through. It was known from a reconnaissance made the previous day that the track crossed the road and then the stream called the Steenbeck on the far side of it. The Commanding Officer calculated that he would just have time to get his battalion across the road and over the Steenbeck before the barrage returned to the track. Word was passed down the battalion from front to rear to be prepared to travel at the fastest possible speed, and at a correctly judged moment a move forward was ordered. The working party in front had meanwhile got off the track, so good progress could be made over the 200 yards which remained to be covered before the road was reached. When the head of the battalion arrived at the road, the unpleasant discovery was made that the bridge over the Steenbeck had been destroyed by the bombardment. An officer succeeded in crossing the stream by the trunk of a fallen tree, but on his return reported that the track on the other side had also been destroyed for a considerable distance, and that the place where it recommenced again could not be found in the darkness. The Commanding Officer came to an instant decision and ordered the column to turn to the left along the road in a north-easterly direction, with the intention of reaching another road which ran north-west through the village of Langemarck, from which place he expected to be able again to pick up the track which had to be followed. Unfortunately, the road on the side of the Steenbeck had been so churned up by shell fire that only very slow progress was possible; in fact, one stretch of twenty yards was thigh deep in a stiff porridge-like mud, which, for men loaded with Lewis guns and large supplies of ammunition, was extremely difficult to negotiate. It was a time of considerable anxiety, because the barrage was still proceeding about 300 yards south-east, and might come back at any moment, in which case the casualties could not fail to be heavy. However, good luck prevailed, and the tail end of the battalion had just got clear of the road before the bombardment lifted back on the section we had quitted.

Eagle Trench was reached and found to contain a good deal of gas, so all ranks had to be continually on the alert to adjust their box-respirators during the remainder of the night. Battalion Headquarters was established in an old German concrete pill-box, called "Double Cotts," in which the stench was almost unbearable. On the following night (November 28th-29th), we relieved the battalion in the front line and took over their positions, which consisted of a series of shell-holes, order of companies from right to left being as follows: "A" Company (Captain McWilliam), "B" Company less one platoon (Lieutenant Penrice), "C" Company plus one platoon of "B" Company (Captain Ormrod); support company, "D" Company (Captain Fell). Battalion Headquarters in a German pill-box called Louis Farm. About half-way between front line companies and Battalion Headquarters, on an almost imperceptible rise of ground, called "19 Metre Hill," a transmitting station for lamp signals and also a relay post for runners were established.

The Higher Command had observed from aeroplane photographs that there were some new erections, which they thought were concrete pill-boxes, about 600 yards behind the enemy's front line; and the battalion was instructed to send a patrol out as soon as the front line had been taken over in order, if possible, to ascertain their nature. This reconnoitring patrol, detailed from "A" Company, under command of Lieutenant C. W. Clarke, and consisting of Sergeant Powell, Corporal Stubbs, and three riflemen (C. C. Smith, P. McGinn, and W. McGrath), succeeded in penetrating the enemy line as far as the objective they had been ordered to examine. Valuable information was obtained, but, unfortunately, on the return journey the patrol was observed by the enemy, who opened machine-gun fire, and both Lieutenant Clarke and Sergeant Powell were severely wounded, the former having his thigh broken. The remainder of the patrol displayed great gallantry in bringing in their wounded under heavy fire, for which act they were each subsequently awarded the Military Medal. Lieutenant Clarke was complimented by the Brigadier-General on his fine work, which was later on rewarded with the Military Cross. Among other gallant deeds performed this night was the recovery from No Man's Land of several British wounded who had fallen in an abortive attack on this front five days previously, and who had lain out in the shell-holes untended ever since. 2nd-Lieutenant T. Lever, of "C" Company, was particularly active in this good work, for which he also received the Military Cross.

At dawn on November 29th O.C. "B" Company despatched a message by runner to Battalion Headquarters, with advice to the effect that with daylight he had discovered that the company which he had relieved during the night had not handed over to him the positions of which they alleged they had been in occupation, but had in fact handed over positions some 300 yards farther back, and called these rear positions by the names of positions farther forward. The positions in question went by the names of Memling Farm and Rubens Farm, but the farm buildings had long since been utterly destroyed, and their places had been taken by a few scattered pill-boxes. Immediately on receipt of this message at Battalion Headquarters, Colonel Fletcher himself hurried up to the front line, and after a careful reconnaissance on the ground and study of the map confirmed the conclusions arrived at by O.C. "B" Company. He accordingly ordered O.C. "B" Company to have Memling and Rubens Farm reconnoitred, with the intention of occupying them, if so desired by the Higher Command, as soon as darkness fell; and then himself returned to Battalion Headquarters to report fully by runner to Brigade Headquarters. The latter ordered that the positions be captured without loss of time; but, owing to difficulties of communication, this order did not reach Battalion Headquarters until night, when O.C. "B" Company was ordered to take the farms with two platoons. Meantime the reconnoitring party which had gone out by daylight had found the positions unoccupied; and it is a matter of opinion whether the enemy observed them and jumped to the conclusion that the position might later be occupied, or whether they were held by the enemy as defensive positions at night only. The latter seems the most likely solution. Gallant attempts were immediately made by the platoons detailed (Nos. 7 and 8 Platoons), but they were met by heavy machine-gun fire, and found the pill-boxes were occupied in strength by the enemy. No. 7 Platoon, under Lieutenant Vaughan, made repeated attempts to reach the more distant objective (Rubens Farm), but after suffering heavy casualties was compelled to desist. Dawn was now approaching, and at 5.40 a.m. our artillery opened a barrage along the front, preliminary to an attack by the 58th Division on the immediate right of the battalion. This brought heavy retaliating artillery fire on our front, and No. 7 Platoon, which was still in the open attacking Rubens Farm, was practically wiped out, including Lieutenant Vaughan. It is evident the enemy were expecting the 57th Division also to attack, inasmuch as they maintained a heavy artillery bombardment for several hours, causing many casualties to the companies in the front line. The casualties, indeed, were so extensive that after a reconnaissance of the front by Captain Wilson under heavy fire, two platoons from the support company ("D" Company) were ordered up to strengthen the much-thinned front line. As soon as the bombardment had somewhat subsided, Lieutenant Penrice and Lieutenant Hodgkinson attempted to reach Memling Farm to see if it was still occupied, but they found that it was, and were very lucky to get back to our lines unscathed.

Apart from these particular incidents, the situation of the remainder of the battalion was far from comfortable. Sitting all day in a shell-hole half filled with water, surrounded by all the most ghastly features of war, and being shelled intensely the greater part of the time, was an experience that few would wish to repeat. The men bore it splendidly, and officers and N.C.Os. carried on their various duties with the greatest coolness. Captain McWilliam was, as always under trying conditions, most conspicuous, and, unfortunately, was very seriously wounded. For his general gallantry on this and many previous occasions he was awarded the Military Cross, which he had richly deserved.

On the night of October 30th-31st the battalion was relieved by the 2/7th K.L.R., and made its way back to Huddlestone Camp, near the canal, having suffered casualties to the extent of five officers and 122 other ranks.

Although our battalion did not actually participate in an attack (another Brigade of our Division carried out the first part of the projected operation; the rest was cancelled owing to the condition of the ground), we had our share of the horrors of the Third Battle of Ypres, confined though it was to an experience not new to us of taking the gruelling while someone else did the fighting. As an experience of the realities of war it was not without value, though it cost us dear. The misery of the countryside has already been indicated, and this was enhanced by the spectacle of the countless dead that littered the ground. So many were they that in places it was almost impossible to move without treading on them. Indeed, all that has been said and written elsewhere as to the conditions of this battle does not appear to have been exaggerated. The importance or necessity of the action in the main scheme of operations does not concern us here.

Those who took part in it will never erase from their minds its many ghastly features, among which the mud and the multitude of the dead will stand out pre-eminent. Of the former it must be said that the sodden condition of the ground, though it stopped our advance, certainly prevented many casualties from shell fire; but at the same time many a wounded man was sucked down into the horrible quagmire, and stretcher-bearers found their tasks in many cases quite beyond their powers. The enemy, too, seemed to take a fiendish delight in adding extra terrors to the work by sniping them with "whizz-bangs"; and Lieutenant Clarke had several of his bearers hit before his journey to the regimental aid post, which took some sixteen hours, was completed. His great patrol and Lieutenant Vaughan's gallant attempt which cost him his life are glorious memories of that grim period. If nothing else was learnt, the value of personal bravery, for the display of which the quiet routine of trench warfare had afforded but little scope, was now made clear to all; and not only by the performances of Clarke, Vaughan, and Lever and the gallant members of their parties, but also by the steady bearing of the battalion generally during those trying times. The courage and initiative displayed by the transport, and particularly by the specially organized pack-mule section, were worthy of the highest commendation.

Huddlestone Camp was just the ordinary collection of Nissen huts, but it represented to the tired and weary all the comforts of civilization. How long it seemed since we were last in any place that could be remotely described as civilized! In point of fact it was four days, but the battalion during that time had achieved another stage in its education--and a big stage, too. We knew a good deal about trench warfare, and we knew something about being shelled, but we had never previously been at quite such close quarters with war in its fiercest aspect as we were in front of Langemarck.

The next morning (November 1st, 1917) we moved back still farther to Bridge Camp, arriving there at 11 a.m. We remained there till November 6th, cleaning up and making good deficiencies--of no inconsiderable nature after such experiences--and generally restoring mind and body by the normal routine of a soldier's training. The same day we left our camp and marched to Boesinghe, where we entrained about 1 p.m. for Audruicq, not far from Calais, arriving about 10 p.m. Thence we marched to Nordasques, which was understood to be our area; but some confusion was abroad--our billeting party had gone one way, we another, and so on. However, the hour was late, so we made the best of it in Nordasques for the night, and moved to our proper area, Louches, the following day (November 7th), which we reached about 2.30 p.m.

This place proved a real "rest" area, and here we remained for a very pleasant month reorganizing, refitting, and, above all, resting. The day after our arrival the party in the "lifeboat," consisting of five officers and 71 men, rejoined, and on November 13th a draft of 76 men reported. At the end of November our "effective strength" was up to 38 officers and 867 other ranks.

This period at Louches requires little description, though it was probably the most real "rest" the battalion ever enjoyed. Training was of the more practical kind--"leap-frogging," counter-attack, consolidation, intensive digging, attack on strong posts, and so forth. Among these were judiciously inserted the usual drill, rifle exercises, physical training, and the like. Musketry was practised on a large scale at the Zouafques ranges. Baths at Nielles also played a salutary if uninteresting part in the life of the battalion; while trips to Calais proved a great attraction to officers and N.C.Os., that place being within easy reach by means of a light railway. A Sergeants' Rest Billet was instituted, and thither for short periods the sergeants in turn betook themselves, free for the time being from all military cares. It was a sign of the Commanding Officer's constant care for his men, and the arrangement was strongly approved.

It was odd to find oneself once more living what was after all the old life of home training areas. Here were no sudden alarms, but just the ordinary regulation routine. Afternoons were free, and football and musketry competitions soon blossomed into being.

While we were here Major H. K. Wilson, who had been long suffering from an injury to his ankle, the result of a collision with a lorry, proceeded to England on leave, and was there admitted to hospital. To our great regret, we saw him no more; he had been with us since the formation of the battalion. Another officer who left us at this time was Lieutenant Hodgkinson, a most gallant and popular officer, whom we were extremely sorry to lose. His venturous spirit led him to transfer to the R.F.C., where his career, we may be sure, was, if short, full of incident. He was, we understood, shot down near Valenciennes, and must have been a great loss to his Corps.

All good things come to an end in time--a law which fortunately applies also to their opposites--and 7.30 a.m. on December 8th found the battalion climbing once more into buses on the Crezeques--Autingues road to visit the area north of Ypres once more. After debussing we proceeded, two companies each, to two adjacent camps in the Proven area which rejoiced in the names of Privett and Portsdown, the latter being also the home of Battalion Headquarters. They were the usual camps of the area, no worse--possibly a little better--than the average. They consisted of Nissen huts. Training continued here for a few days prior to going into the line, which was visited by the Commanding Officer, accompanied by five officers, on December 12th for two days' instruction, from which they returned on December 14th.

The Adjutant, Captain Wurtzburg, reported from England for duty just before the battalion went into the line, and Captain C. W. Wilson in consequence gave up his duties as Adjutant and took over the appointment of Second-in-Command, with the subsequent acting rank of Major.