The History of Roman Literature From the Earliest Period to the Death of Marcus Aurelius
CHAPTER VIII.
[1] For an excellent account of this inconstant prince see his biography by Aelius Spartianus, who preserves other poems of his.
[2] Cf. Dom. 12, Interfuisse me _adolescentulum_ memini cum inspiceretur senex (a Domitiano). From Gram. 4, Ner. 57, as compared with this, we should infer that he was about fifteen in the year 90.
[3] Ep. i. 18.
[4] Ep. iii. 8.
[5] Paneg. Traj. 95.
[6] Ep. i. 24.
[7] _E.g._ Fronto writing under Antoninus mentions him as still living.
[8] Hist. Var. 6, 874-896 (Roth).
[9] De Spect. 5.
[10] _Ad Aen._ 7, 612: Tria suntgenera trabearum; nuum diis sacratum, quod est tantum de purpura; aliud regum, quod est purpureum, habet tanem album aliquid; tertium augurale de purpura et cocco. The other passage (_Ad Aen._ 2, 683) describes the different priestly caps, the _apex_, the _tubulus_, and the _galerus_.
[11] Etym. 18, 2, 3.
[12] Perhaps the word _Stemma_ should be supplied before _syngenikon_.
[13] In one MS. is appended to Suetonius's works a list of grammatical observations called _Differentiae sermonum Remmi Palaemonis ex libro Suetoni Tranquilli qui inscribitur Pratum_. Roth prints these, but does not believe them genuine.
[14] It will be found _Ner._ 47-49.
[15] Qualis artifex pereo.
[16] Many of these ejaculations are in Greek. On this see note i. p. 37.
[17] Usually (from the Cod. Bamberg.) Julius Florus; but Mommsen considers this a corruption.
[18] Riese, _Anthol. Lat._ p. 168-70; ib. No. 87, p. 101. Some have ascribed the _Pervigilium Veneris_ to him.
[19] ii. 1.
[20] See back page 331.
[22] Dio. xl. 5, 20.
[23] For these writers, see Teuff. § 345.
[24] i. 4, 1.
[25] He speaks of having learnt from him _to epistasthai oti hae turannikae baskania kai poikilia kai hypokrisis kai oti os epipan oi kaloumenoi outoi par aemin Eupatridai astorgoteroi pos eisin_.
[26] Paneg. Constant. 14.
[27] Sat. V. 1.
[28] _Siccum_. This shows more acumen than we should have expected from Macrobius.
[29] Ep. ad M. Caes ii. 1.
[30] In complaining of fate, he suddenly breaks off with the words: _Fata a fando appellata aiunt; hoccine est recte fari?_ § 7.
[31] On this see a fuller account, pp. 478, 474.
[32] Some of the more interesting chapters in his work may be referred to:--On religion, i. 7; iv. 9; iv. 11; v. 12; vi. 1. On law, iv. 3; iv. 4; iv. 5; v. 19; vii. 15; x. 20. On Virgil, i. 23; ii. 3; ii. 4; v. 8; vi. 6; vii. 12; vii. 20; ix. 9; x. 16; xiii. 1; xiii. 20. On Sallust, i. 15; ii. 27; iii. 1; iv. 15; x. 20. On Ennius, iv. 7; vii. 2; xi. 4; xviii. 5.
[33] And those often rare ones, as _solitavisse_.
[34] _E.g._ in vii. 17, where he poses a grammarian as to the signification of _obnoxius_. Compare also xiv. 5, on the vocative of _egregius_.
[35] See xiv. 6.
[36] See iv. 9.
[37] See esp. xix. 9.
[38] _E.g._ iv. 1.
[39] Especially iv. 7; v. 21; vii. 7, 9, 11; xvi. 14; xviii. 8, 9.
[40] xviii. 5.
[41] Civ. Dei. ix. 4.
[42] Teuffel, § 356.
[43] Note 1, p. 466.
[44] xix. 11.
[45] The personal taste of the emperors now greatly helped to form style. This should not be forgotten in criticising the works of this period.
[46] Such is Teuffel's opinion, following Büchelor, L. L. § 358.
[47] P. 1414.
[48] This date is adopted by Charpentier. Teuffel (L. L. § 362, 2) inclines to a later date, 125 A.D.
[49] Apol. 23.
[50] Sometimes called _De Magia_.
[51] The word _paupertas_ must be used in a limited sense, as it is by Horace, _pauperemque dives me petit_; or else we must suppose that Apuleius had squandered his fortune in his travels.
[52] The case was tried before the Proconsul Claudius Maximus.
[53] It will be found Metam. iv. 28--vi. 24.
[54] Apuleius himself (i. 1) calls it a _Milesian tale_ (see App. to ch. 3). These are very generally condemned by the classical writers. But there is no doubt they were very largely read _sub rosa_. When Crassus was defeated in Parthia, the king Surenas is reported to have been greatly struck with the licentious novels which the Roman officers read during the campaign.
[55] St Augustine fully believed that he and Apollonius of Tyana were workers of (demoniacal) miracles.