CHAPTER XVII.

_VERITAS TEMPORIS FILIA._

We live in an age of criticism. Epithets will no longer serve in lieu of evidence, and we are called upon to revise the hasty judgments of past centuries, and to reconsider their verdicts. The verdict passed on Mary I. has hitherto been founded on the one-sided testimony of her enemies, and on their showing, the world has taken for granted that she was at the best a gloomy, narrow-minded bigot, whose life was utterly unproductive of good to England. Her very trials and sorrows have led the most indulgent to conclude, that she must in consequence have been of a melancholy disposition, and to find in her misfortunes an excuse for the moroseness which in their opinion, rendered her the most unattractive personality in our history. Moroseness is a fit accompaniment to cruelty and thirst for blood; and thus, by easy stages, it has been possible to imagine her gloating over the executions for religion’s sake, which disgraced her reign as they did those of her predecessors and successors, down to the time of Charles II.

Such, however, has not been the picture presented to us in the course of our study of the State papers, dealing with her life and reign, and “all history,” said the learned Dr. Samuel Johnson, “so far as it is not supported by contemporary evidence, is romance”.[708] We have seen her, as represented in the secret despatches of ambassadors, in her own private letters, in those of Cardinal Pole, in the narratives of her contemporaries, in the brief chronicles of her time, in the occasional admissions of her enemies; we have seen her as a girl, a woman, a queen, in a dozen different lights, and we have found an image, the very reverse of that which for three centuries has been held up to the world’s execration.

That Mary was not in advance of her contemporaries should scarcely be a reproach. What wonder even, if she looked to the past for inspiration, from amidst the chaos of new opinions, that seemed to her productive only of rebellion, licence and impiety! She could remember the time, when order reigned in Church and State, and when peace resulted from obedience to civil and ecclesiastical authority. With the change had begun all her miseries. Cromwell and Cranmer, the apostles of the new regime, had played her father’s game of tyranny and rapine, and their followers had made havoc of her own projects of peace and prosperity. Had the new religionists been mere harmless, loyal, quiet folk, the fires of Smithfield had never been lighted.[709] Hence, it was inevitable that all novelty should be regarded by her with suspicion, as synonymous with evil, and she died in the fruitless attempt to resist the inflowing tide. She was wanting neither in intelligence nor devotion to her people; what she lacked was the touch of genius to discern the actual trend of the new, restless ideas, that made her kingdom into a battle-field, and inspiration and tact, to guide them into peaceful channels. Absorbed in the inherited notions of an ideal good, she missed much of the practical good that lay within her grasp, and had she been less conscientious, she might have been a greater Queen.

It is not possible to exonerate her completely, in the matter of her formal condemnation of her mother’s marriage, although she was therein herself the victim, her only valid excuse being, that the Emperor had caught her in the toils of his diplomatic sophistry, and had blinded her judgment with the glamour of his arguments.

Her character, therefore, was not without some inconsistencies—and indeed of whom can the reverse be declared? Those who have extolled her more than virile courage, as it was exhibited in her early trials, during her persecution by Edward’s Council, in her manner of meeting Northumberland’s conspiracy, in her dealing with Wyatt’s rebellion, and on many smaller occasions, have generally overlooked the feminine weakness, with which she almost always yielded when her affections intervened. Thus, after having braved Henry’s anger, and stoutly maintained her mother’s rights and her own, fearless of the axe that hung by a thread over her, she gave in, when Katharine was beyond the reach of harm, from a, to us, almost incomprehensible longing for her father’s love, and in her childlike confidence that the Emperor could not lead her astray. She had taken up a logical attitude with reference to Elizabeth, which was the complement of the disgust, with which she regarded Elizabeth’s mother; but this attitude was at once abandoned when Anne Boleyn’s disgrace involved the child in the same ignominy and ruin. Mary had but just regained a certain amount of consideration for her own position, but she did not hesitate generously to risk all, by calling Henry’s attention to the neglected child, once her own triumphant rival. “My sister Elizabeth is in good health,” she ventured to write to the inhuman tyrant, “and such a child toward, as I doubt not your highness shall have cause to rejoice of in time coming.” _The Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary_ are eloquent of her generosity towards “the Lady Elizabeth’s grace,” and until Elizabeth forfeited her esteem by making common cause with her enemies, there was no diminution of cordiality on the part of the Queen towards her sister. She married Philip of Spain in spite of all opposition, in the first place for the sake of the realm, and in the hope of issue, and gave him a passionate devotion. In most of these things Mary was a true woman, no heroine, but tender and human to a fault. Of her learning and accomplishments, much has been said in the course of this history. Her contemporaries have been warm in praise of the high order of her intellect, of her knowledge of ancient and modern languages, of her musical talents, of her skill in dancing. Her translation of the _Paraphrases_ of Erasmus proves that her reputation for scholarship proceeded from no mere courtier-like flattery. And the same may be said of the general terms of praise in which foreign envoys wrote of her to their governments. Their communications being altogether secret, and often written in cipher, could have been penned with no ulterior views of pleasing Mary or her friends. Until within a year of her death, there is no allusion in their despatches to any despondency on her part. She felt her husband’s absence acutely, and it may have been that his indifference to her hastened her death; but contrary to what David Hume and his followers would have us believe, it is clear that no spirit of settled bitterness brooded over any portion, even the saddest, of her life. Nothing is more evident in her story, as it is told in the State Papers, than that to the end, her disposition was to hope against hope, to believe that her prayers would be answered, to trust that good would come out of evil; and not one despairing word is recorded as ever having passed her lips.[710]

We have had various descriptions of Mary’s personal appearance, of her manner and character, from those who came in contact with her at different periods. There still remains to be chronicled the impression which the Queen produced on the mind of Giovanni Michiel, and which he describes in his account of England in 1557, at a time, therefore, when the charm of youth was past, and when she was approaching her end.

After describing her as of low, rather than middling stature and of a spare and delicate frame, quite unlike her father, who was tall and stout, or her mother who was portly, he says that her face, as can be seen by her portraits, is well proportioned in features and lineaments. He mentions the fact that when younger, she was considered not merely tolerably handsome, but of beauty exceeding mediocrity. At present, with the exception of some wrinkles, caused more by anxieties than by age, which make her appear some years older, “she is a seemly woman and never to be loathed for ugliness, even at her present age, without considering her degree of queen”. Her expression is very grave, her eyes are so piercing, that they inspire not only respect but fear, in those on whom she fixes them, although she is very short-sighted. “Her voice is rough and loud almost like a man’s, so that when she speaks, she is always heard a long way off.... But whatever may be the amount deducted from her physical endowments as much more may with truth and without flattery be added to those of her mind, as besides the facility and quickness of her understanding, which comprehends whatever is intelligible to others, even to those who are not of her own sex (a marvellous gift for a woman) she is skilled in five languages, not merely understanding but speaking four of them fluently, _viz._, English, Latin, French, Spanish and Italian, in which last however she does not venture to converse, although it is well known to her; but the replies she gives in Latin, and her very intelligent remarks made in that tongue, surprise everybody. Besides woman’s work, such as embroidery of every sort with the needle, she also practises music, playing especially on the clavicorde (a sort of spinet or small harpsichord) and on the lute, so excellently, that when intent on it (though now she plays rarely) she surprised the best performers, both by the rapidity of her hand and by her style of playing. Such are her virtues and external accomplishments. Internally, with the exception of certain trifles, in which to say the truth she is like other women, being sudden and passionate and close and miserly,[711] rather more so than would become a bountiful and generous queen.”

In other respects, he maintains that she has “no notable imperfections, whilst in certain things she is singular and without an equal; for not only is she brave and valiant, unlike other timid and spiritless women, but so courageous and resolute, that neither in adversity nor peril did she ever display or commit any act of cowardice or pusillanimity, maintaining always on the contrary, a wonderful grandeur and dignity, knowing what became the dignity of a sovereign as well as any of the most consummate statesmen in her service; so that from her way of proceeding, and from the method observed by her (and in which she still perseveres) it cannot be denied, that she shows herself to have been born of truly royal lineage. Of her humility, piety and religion it is unnecessary to speak, or bear witness to them, as they are not only universally acknowledged, but recently blazoned by proofs and facts, which fell little short of martyrdom, by reason of the persecutions she endured; so that it may be said of her, as Cardinal Pole says with truth, that in the darkness and obscurity of that kingdom, she remained precisely like a feeble light, buffeted by raging winds for its utter extinction, but always kept burning, and defended by her innocence and lively faith, that it might shine in the world, as it now does shine. It is certain that few women (I do not speak of princesses or queens but of private women) are known to be more assiduous at their prayers than she is, never choosing to suspend them for any impediment whatever, going at the canonical hours with her chaplains either to church in public, or to her private chapel, doing the like with regard to the communion and fast days, and finally to all other christian works, precisely like a nun and a religious.”

After commenting on Mary’s weak health, on her disappointed hopes of maternity, on her grief at the insurrections, conspiracies and plots formed against her daily, Michiel goes on to say, that although these have resulted auspiciously for the Queen, and inauspiciously for their authors, “yet nevertheless it being necessary on such occasions to proceed to capital punishment or confiscation, against one person or another, sometimes for crime, and sometimes on suspicion, she knows that by these means, the hatred and indignation she inspires are increased, the delinquents being not only excused almost by everybody, but the causes, such as the expulsion of foreigners (who are most odious to the English, on account of the Spaniards) or the religion, or both together assigned by the conspirators for their movements, being tacitly approved of. The consequence is, that as until now, the plots have been set on foot by the commonalty, and persons of mean extraction, so from the fickleness of that nation, were they excited by some personage or nobleman of importance, there is no doubt, they would create a great revolution throughout the realm, much to the personal danger of the Queen, and of her life, the kingdom being still full of humours and discontent, and the country showing a greater inclination and readiness for change than ever, provided it has a leader. Besides these and many other distresses, the Queen witnesses the daily increasing decline of the affection evinced towards her universally at the commencement of her reign, which in truth was such and so extraordinary, that never was greater shown in that kingdom towards any sovereign; and she is also harassed by the poverty in which she sees the Crown, owing not only to the past debts and disorders, but to the many expenses and the wants incurred in her own time, which prevent her from showing courtesy and liberality such as become a sovereign, either to her own subjects or to others. She is compelled on the contrary (there being no other remedy) daily to repeat her demands for loans and subsidies, which have now become such a grievance, and so much the more odious to the people, as notwithstanding all the subsidies, the creditors remain unpaid, the majority having arrears due to them for entire years, so that their clamours and complaints being redoubled, the hatred of all other malcontents increases proportionably. These and many others are the public causes of the Queen’s distress, and although they are held by her in great account, she nevertheless feels them less painfully than certain others, which affect her personally, as respecting those already mentioned by me, she comforts herself with the hope of their being remedied in the course of time, by the counsel and diligence of some of her ministers, especially Cardinal Pole, through the care taken by them to investigate and retrench superfluities and abuses, and thus with the aid of parsimony, getting out of debt as she expects to do shortly, so as then to be enabled to use liberality, confer favours and rewards, and relieve those who are in want.”[712]

Michiel, in continuing his report, ascribes the Queen’s principal distress to two causes. It proceeds, he says, from love and hatred—from excessive love of her husband, of his character and manners, believed by Michiel to be such as to captivate any one; and from hatred of Elizabeth. He considers that no one could have been a better husband than Philip, nor so good a one, and that to think of losing him, as he and the Queen can only meet by accident, would be irksome and grievous to any person who loved another heartily, and is assuredly so to a woman who is naturally tender. “If,” he continues, “to this violent love were to be added jealousy, _which as yet she is not known to feel_ ... she would be truly miserable; and this separation is one of the anxieties that especially distresses her.”[713]

Without stopping to question the accuracy of Michiel’s assertion, that no one could have been a better husband than Philip, we pass on to what the Venetian considers the second principal cause of Mary’s distress, namely her “hatred of Elizabeth”. The expression is a strong one, and scarcely compatible with what he has already related of her piety, humility and prayerfulness. But “although dissembled,” the Queen, he tells us, “displays in many ways the scorn and ill-will she bears her ... whenever she sees her, fancying herself in the presence of the affronts and ignominious treatment to which she was subjected on account of her mother, from whom, in great part, the divorce from Queen Katharine originated. But what disquiets her most of all is, to see the eyes and hearts of the nation already fixed on this lady as successor to the Crown, from despair of descent from the Queen, to whom the demonstration and the thought are so much the more bitter and odious, as it would be grievous not only to her but to any one, to see the illegitimate child of a criminal, who was punished as a public ——, on the point of inheriting the throne, with better fortune than herself, whose descent is rightful, legitimate and regal. Besides this, the Queen’s hatred is increased, by knowing her to be averse to the present religion, she not only having been born in the other, but being versed and educated in it; for although externally she showed, and by living catholically shows, that she has recanted, she is nevertheless supposed to dissemble, and to hold it more than ever internally.”[714]

Strong feeling and strong language were natural in the days in which the above words were written, and a certain exaggeration of expression may be granted to an Italian, whose mother tongue flowed in superlatives. But Mary could not have been so ardent a lover, so devoted a friend, so kind a benefactress, if she had not also been quick to experience resentment, indignation, scorn and contempt. Elizabeth had been always the great antagonism of her life, and although Mary had repeatedly overcome her aversion, in very generous ways, her sister had done nothing to make her task an easier one. From the outset, their dispositions were as the poles asunder. Mary’s meaning was ever plain, expressed sometimes even bluntly; there was never anything the least ambiguous, either in her spoken or her clearly written words, in a hand admirably indicative of her firm, straightforward character. Elizabeth was at the best an enigma. It was impossible to judge whether any meaning lay behind her elaborate assurances which assured nothing; and her tortuous phrases served but to conceal whatever plan her cunning, secretive brain harboured. On the rare occasions when she was compelled to speak out, and declare herself, her utterances were for the most part falsified in the event.

It is not unlikely that Mary’s self-conquest in regard to Elizabeth, at the time of the latter’s abandonment and disgrace, would have resulted in a lasting affection, founded on pity, and that motherly instinct so strongly developed in the Queen, had not her sister persistently thrown herself into the arms of the rebels. At the time of Henry’s death, and until the beginning of Mary’s reign, their relations were as cordial as it was possible for Mary to make them. But in a very short time, Elizabeth became a source of constant annoyance and danger, and pursuing her underhand tactics to the end she thoroughly alienated and disgusted the Queen. If, for reasons of policy, Philip induced his wife to treat her as though she were innocent, the position was not thereby improved.

The purity of Mary’s court, at a period when licence was the order of the day, was the subject of much comment by her contemporaries. Her care for the honour and good repute of those about her, is illustrated by the following occurrence, which shows also the gentle manner in which she administered rebuke, when rebuke was necessary.

“Queen Mary being in the gallery, ready to go to the chapel, within the traverse, the Lord William Howard, Lord Chamberlain being with her, he taking his leave; without the traverse stood the maids of honour, expecting to wait on the queen to the chapel. Mrs. Frances Neville standing next to the traverse, the Lord Chamberlain passing by, a merry gentleman, took her by the chin saying: ‘My pretty —— (a word unfit for repetition) how dost thou?’ Which the queen saw and heard, the traverse being drawn. The queen gone forth, finding her farthingale at her foot loose, made sign to Mrs. Neville to pin it, which, kneeling down she did. The queen then took her by the chin as he had done saying: ‘God-a-mercy, my pretty ——’. She hearing the queen say thus, so blushed as she seemed to be astonished, replying: ‘Madam, what says your Majesty?’ still upon her knees, and seemed to be much troubled. The queen answered, ‘What is the matter? Have I said or done more than the Lord Chamberlain did? And may not I be as bold with thee as he?’ She replied: ‘My Lord Chamberlain is an idle gentleman, and we respect not what he saith or doth; but your Majesty from whom I think never any heard such a word, doth amaze me, either in jest or earnest to be called so by you. A —— is a wicked misliving woman.’ The queen took it, ‘Thou must forgive me; for I meant no harm’.”

The troubles arising from religious questions occupy so large a portion of Mary’s short reign, that a substantial reform of the criminal law, which at another period would have excited interest and admiration, has almost escaped the notice of historians. It was indeed in the reign of Edward VI. that a jury first began to be a fair and effective tribunal, but Mary’s noble exordium in appointing Morgan, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, contained the first indication of the precept, that not only was equity to be maintained among the people, but that in cases in which the Crown was involved, the like justice was to be done. “I charge you, Sir,” said the Queen, “to minister the law and justice indifferently, without respect of persons; and notwithstanding the old error among you, which will not admit any witness to speak, or other matters to be heard, in favour of the adversary, the Crown being party, it is my pleasure that whatever cases be brought, in favour of the subject may be admitted and heard. You are to sit there not as advocates for me, but as indifferent judges between me and my people.”[715]

That this was no empty formula was proved in the following year, when a jury persisted in acquitting a prisoner of State, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, against the direction of the court, and as was well known against the personal conviction of the Queen,[716] who believed in his guilt. Throughout Mary’s reign, the accused had absolute confidence in the uprightness, integrity and unhampered freedom of the jury, and never forgot, that a statute of the realm had expressly declared, that there should be two witnesses to prove a treason, and that they must be confronted face to face. Hitherto, and in the subsequent reigns, persons indicted on behalf of the Crown, whatever their rights, had no probability of a favourable decision, on account of the paramount advantages claimed and enjoyed by the counsel for the sovereign. Many instances of this arbitrary and tyrannical rule are to be found in the minutes of the State trials under Elizabeth and James I.

If, in some ways, Mary seemed to have inherited a large amount of Tudor obstinacy, her sincere and earnest intention to act according to the light of conscience, and to govern by strictly constitutional methods, made her singularly unlike her father before, or her sister after her. No flattery however insidious, on the part of those who sought to ingratiate themselves with her, by advocating a more unrestricted course, was able to lure her from this lofty resolve. A rebel who had been pardoned, and who thought by this means to secure her favour, drew up a plan by which she might render herself independent of Parliaments. It was presented to her by the Spanish ambassador, who ventured to recommend its adoption. As the Queen read it, she disliked it, “and judged it contrary to the oath she had made at her coronation”. She sent for Gardiner, and giving him the treatise to read, commanded him as he would answer for it at the judgment seat of God, to tell her his real opinion of the matter. “Madam,” replied the Chancellor, on returning the volume to her, “it is a pity that so noble and virtuous a lady should be endangered with the pernicious devices of such lewd and subtle sycophants. For the book is naught, and most horrible to be thought on.” The Queen thanked him, and threw the volume into the fire.[717]

There are important indications in the records of this reign showing that had Mary’s lines been cast in more peaceful places, and had her life been prolonged, much would have been done to develop international and commercial interests. Shortly before Edward’s death, a joint-stock company had been formed under the direction of Sebastian Cabot, son of the famous navigator. A small fleet commanded by Sir Hugh Willoughby was fitted out, and sailed for the north of Europe, with the object of discovering a north-east passage to China and India. Off the coast of Norway, their ships were scattered by a violent storm, and Challoner, the second officer in command, found his way into the White Sea, and reached Archangel in safety. The others were cast upon the shores of Nova Zembla, and Russian Lapland, where they all perished from cold and want. Challoner, obliged to abandon the original enterprise, travelled through Russia to Moscow, where he was kindly received by the Czar, Ivan Wassilegevich, who gave him a letter to the King of England. Edward being then dead, the letter was consequently delivered to Mary, and Challoner’s reports of the wonderful sights he had witnessed roused a keen spirit of adventure in the nation. A new company was formed, and directed by the same Sebastian Cabot, and was incorporated under the title of “_Merchants adventurers of England, for the discovery of lands, territories, isles and signories unknown_”. A charter was granted to the company, by which its members were empowered to make discoveries by navigating northwards, north-westwards or north-eastwards, and were entitled to raise the flag of England over “all manner of cities, towns, isles and main lands of infidelity,” after subduing them to the dominion of the King and Queen, and their heirs and successors for ever.[718] It was the beginning of the brilliant exploits by which England became subsequently so formidable, under the semi-piratical enterprises of Drake, Frobisher and Sir Walter Raleigh.

Challoner was sent back to Moscow, with a letter from Philip and Mary to the Czar, containing the initiative towards a commercial treaty between England and Russia.[719] The expedition was eminently successful, and he returned, accompanied by the Russian ambassador, as far as the Bay of Pitsligo, where the ship was wrecked, and Challoner was drowned. The ambassador escaped, but as he had suffered considerable loss at the hands of the Scotch, who plundered the wreck, Mary sent two messengers to Edinburgh, to redress his wrongs, and bring him with honour and distinction to London. After some difficulties, the commercial treaty with Russia was concluded, under very advantageous conditions for England, and the ambassador went back to his own country, loaded with costly presents for himself and his sovereign. By this treaty English trade received a great impetus, and henceforth the manufactures of the country were exchanged at a vast profit for the skins and other valuable products of Russia.

Mary also defended English commercial interests against the cupidity of a powerful company of foreign merchants, who had been settled in London for centuries, and were known as Easterlings, merchants of the Hanse towns, and merchants of the Steelyard. The privileges granted to them by generations of English kings, in return for the loans which their immense resources enabled them to advance in sudden emergencies, had accumulated until they had almost absolute control of the markets. One great subject of complaint was their exemption from paying more than 1 per cent. duty on their merchandise, which included almost every imaginable article of commerce, so that all competition was excluded, and they could raise or depress the prices as they pleased. It had been declared on investigation, that they had violated, and therefore forfeited their charter, but they were powerful enough to dispute its possession, until the bill of tonnage and poundage passed in Mary’s first Parliament aimed a decisive blow at their excessive privileges, by enacting that the Easterlings should pay the same duties as other merchants. The Queen was induced to suspend for a time the operation of the statute, but having ascertained what were, in this respect, the real interests of her people, she finally revoked the charter, and refused to listen to any further arguments in favour of the company.[720]

Among many interesting facts, hitherto ignored by Mary’s biographers, are the benefits which the Queen bestowed on her army. Two of these call for special remark, the first being an increase of pay from 6d. to 8d. a day, the sum for which the men had mutinied under Henry VIII.; the second being a touching instance of her care for them, expressed in her last will. In this document it will be seen, she left instructions for the foundation of a hospital in London, with an endowment of 400 marks, “for the relief and help of poor, impotent and aged soldiers,” who had suffered loss or wounds in the service of England. “For all her man’s voice and masculine will,” says a recent writer, “she had a woman’s heart, which warmed to the deserving old soldier, and whatever her demerits in the eyes of those who wear the gown, her memory may at least be cherished by those who wear the red coat.” She was the first English sovereign to lend a pitying ear to the necessities of those who had spent themselves in their country’s defence; while as for her immediate successor, Elizabeth has been declared by the same writer to have been “intolerably impatient of such miserable creatures”.[721]

But if the whole truth were known, it is certain that evidence would be forthcoming to prove that “those who wear the gown” have as little cause as soldiers to speak of Mary’s “demerits”. The history of our universities has yet to be adequately written, but when it is written, important instances will doubtless come to light, concerning her connection with both. Dr. John Christopherson, her chaplain and confessor, was installed master of Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1553, and through him, the Queen became a considerable benefactress to this college. She was especially anxious that it should possess a larger and more suitable chapel, and on her initiative, the present building was begun in the Tudor style in 1556.[722] Carrying her solicitude still further, she added to the endowments of Trinity, the Rectories of Heversham, Kendal and Kirkby Lonsdale in Westmorland, and those of Sedbergh and Aysgarth in Yorkshire, then producing a revenue of £338 per annum, for the maintenance of twenty scholars, ten choristers and their master, thirteen poor scholars, fourteen chaplains and two sizars.[723] In the Master’s Lodge, where Mary slept when she passed through Cambridge, on her way to London at the time of her accession, is a portrait of the Queen inscribed _Maria Regina Huius Collegii Benefactrix_. The picture is one of the replicas of the portrait painted by Sir Antonio More, before her marriage, with some variations as to minor details. Seeing how entirely Mary has passed from the minds and hearts of the English people, it is pleasant to learn that she is still commemorated at Trinity College, in a prayer said after grace on feast days.

The portrait which she presented to Christ Church, Oxford, and another in the University galleries, show her interest in that seat of learning also. During her short reign, two colleges were founded at Oxford; Trinity, by the munificence of Sir Thomas Pope, and St. John’s, on the site of Archbishop Chicheley’s foundation, the latter being the gift of Sir Thomas White, of the company of Merchant Tailors.

Sir Aubrey de Vere, in his little-known poem _Mary Tudor_, struck a right chord, in putting into the mouth of the unhappy Queen the words:—

Vampyre Calumny Shall prey on my remains. My name shall last To fright the children of the race I love.

But the real Mary was perhaps a truer prophet, when she foresaw the dawn of a better day, and chose for her motto the device—

_Veritas temporis filia._

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 708: Boswell’s _Life of Samuel Johnson, LL.D._, vol. v., p. 156.]

[Footnote 709: Peter Frarin of Antwerp, Master of Arts, and Bachelor of both laws, writing in the next reign says enthusiastically: “I could declare unto you how the traitorous gospellers of England gathered a main host against their most virtuous lady Queen Marie, the rare treasure, the peerless jewel, the most perfect pattern and example of our days. How they shot arrows and darts against her court gates, conspired her death, devised to poison and kill her with a dagg at one time, with a privy dagger at another time, reviled her, called her bastard, butcher; printed seditious books against her, wherein they railed at her like hell-hounds, and named her traitorous Marie, mischievous Marie” (_An oration against the unlawful insurrection of the Protestants of our time under Pretence to reform Religion_, Louvain, 1565).]

[Footnote 710: A more correct opinion of this trait in her character than that expressed by Hume, Froude and some others, is given by a writer in the _Dictionary of National Biography_ on John Heywood, the wit and epigrammatist, who says that his fortunes were at their highest under Mary, “who had a highly cultivated intelligence, and was fond of innocent fun ... and it is said that his pleasantries, often acceptable in her privy chamber, helped to amuse her even on her death-bed.”]

[Footnote 711: It has been elsewhere pointed out that Michiel did not, in the matter of generosity, give Mary the credit she deserved. It was natural to her to be lavishly generous, but the state of her finances was such, that parsimony became an equivalent for honesty. This he afterwards admits.]

[Footnote 712: _Ven. Cal._, vol. vi., pt. ii., 884.]

[Footnote 713: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 714: _Ven. Cal._, vol. vi., pt. ii., 884. This version of Michiel’s _Report_ is taken from a transcription made by Francesco Contarini, Doge of Venice, who died in 1624. Sir Henry Ellis transcribed another version which is in the Cottonian Library at the British Museum (Nero B. vii.).]

[Footnote 715: _State Trials_, vol. i., p. 72.]

[Footnote 716: Reeves’ _History of English Law_, edited by W. F. Finlason, “Criminal Law in Mary’s Reign,” vol. iii., p. 537, 538 _note_.]

[Footnote 717: Burnet, vol. ii., p. 448.]

[Footnote 718: Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, vol. iii., pt. i., p. 520.]

[Footnote 719: Cotton MS. Nero B. viii., f. 3, Brit. Mus.]

[Footnote 720: Lingard, vol. v., p. 533.]

[Footnote 721: _The History of the British Army_, by the Hon. J. W. Fortescue, vol. i., pp. 126, 138.]

[Footnote 722: _Notes on the History of Trinity College_, by W. W. Rouse Ball, p. 49.]

[Footnote 723: Harradon, _History of the University of Cambridge_, p. 185.]

APPENDIX.

A.

ORATIO SOLITA RECITARI SINGULO DIE ANTE IMAGINEM CHRISTI.

Concede mihi, misericors Deus, quæ tibi placita sunt ardenter concupiscere, prudenter investigare, veraciter agnoscere, et perfecte adimplere ad laudem et gloriam nominis tui. Ordina statum meum, et quod a me requiris ut faciam, tribue ut sciam; et da exequi sicut oportet et expedit animæ meæ. Da mihi Domine Deus meus, inter prospera et adversa non deficere, ut in illis non extollar et in istis non deprimar; de nullo gaudeam vel doleam nisi quod ducat ad te vel abducat a te. Nulli placere appetam vel displicere timeam nisi tibi. Vilescant mihi Domine omnia transitoria, et cara mihi sint omnia tua. Tædeat me gaudii quod est sine te, nec aliud cupiam quod est extra te. Delectet me Domine, labor qui est pro te; et tædiosa sit mihi omnis quies quæ est sine te. Frequenter da mihi, Domine, cor ad te dirigere, et in defectione mea cum emendationis proposito dolendo pensare. Fac me Domine Deus obedientem sine contradictione, pauperem sine defectione, castum sine corruptione, patientem sine murmuratione, humilem sine fictione, et hilarem sine dissolutione, tristem sine dejectione, maturum sine gravitate, agilem sine levitate, timentem te sine desperatione, veracem sine duplicitate, operantem bona sine præsumptione, proximum corripere sine elatione, ipsum ædificare verbo et exemplo sine simulatione. Da mihi, Domine Deus, cor pervigil quod nulla abducat a te curiosa cogitatio: da nobile, quod nulla deorsum trahat indigna affectio: da rectum, quod nulla seorsum obliquet sinistra intentio: da firmum, quod nulla frangat tribulatio: da liberum, quod nulla sibi vindicet violenta affectio. Largire mihi, Domine Deus meus, intellectum te cognoscentem, diligentiam te quærentem, sapientiam te invenientem, conversationem tibi placentem, perseverantiam fidenter te expectantem, et fiduciam te finaliter amplectentem, tuis pænis hic affligi per pœnitentiam, tuis beneficiis in via uti per gratiam, tuis gaudiis et præmiis in patria perfrui per gloriam. Qui vivis et regnas Deus per omnia sæcula sæculorum. Amen.

The prayer of Saint Thomas of Aquin, translated out of Latin into English by the most excellent Princess Mary, daughter to the most high and mighty Prince and Princess, King Henry the VIII. and Queen Katharine, his wife, in the year of Our Lord God 1527 and the eleventh year of her age.

O merciful God, grant me to covet with an ardent mind those things which may please Thee, to search them wisely, to know them truly, and to fulfil them perfectly, to the laud and glory of Thy Name. Order my living that I may do that which Thou requirest of me, and give me grace, that I may know it, and have wit and power to do it, and that I may obtain those things which may be most convenient for my soul. Good Lord, make my way sure and straight to Thee, that I fail not between prosperity and adversity, but that in prosperous things I may give Thee thanks, and in adversity be patient, so that I be not lift up with the one, nor oppressed with the other, and that I may rejoice in nothing but in this which moveth me to Thee, nor be sorry for nothing but for those which draweth me from Thee; desiring to please nobody, nor fearing to displease any besides Thee. Lord, let all worldly things be vile to me, for Thee, and that all Thy things be dear to me, and Thou, good Lord, most special above them all. Let me be weary with that joy which is without Thee, and let me desire nothing besides Thee. Let the labour delight me which is for Thee, and let all the rest weary me which is not in Thee. Make me to lift my heart oft-times to Thee, and when I fall, make me to think and be sorry, with a steadfast purpose of amendment. My God, make me humble without feigning, merry without lightness, sad without mistrust, sober without dulness, fearing without despair, gentle without doubleness, trusting in Thee without presumption, telling my neighbour’s faults without mocking, obedient without arguing, patient without grudging, and pure without corruption. My most loving Lord and God, give me a waking heart, that no curious thought withdraw me from Thee. Let it be so strong that no unworthy affection draw me backward, so stable that no tribulation break it, and so free that no election by violence make any change to it. My Lord God, grant me wit to know Thee, diligence to seek Thee, wisdom to find Thee, conversation to please Thee, continuance to look for Thee, and finally hope to embrace Thee, by Thy penance here to be punished, and in our way to use Thy benefits by Thy grace, and in heaven through Thy glory to have delight in Thy joys and rewards. Amen.

B.

MARGARET, LADY BRYAN, TO CROMWELL.[724]

My Lord, when your Lordship was last here, it pleased you to say, that I should not mistrust the King’s Grace, nor your Lordship, which word was more comfort to me than I can write, as God knoweth. And now it boldeth me to show you my poor mind. My Lord, when my Lady Mary’s Grace was born, it pleased the King’s Grace to appoint me Lady Mistress, and made me a Baroness. And so I have been a ... (mother?) to the children his Grace have had since.

Now it is so, my Lady Elizabeth is put from that degree she was afore: and what degree she is at now I know not but by hearing say; therefore I know not how to order her, nor myself, nor none of hers that I have the rule of: that is, her women and her grooms: beseeching you to be good Lord to my Lady and to all hers. And that she may have some raiments; for she hath neither gown nor kirtle, nor petticoat, nor no manner of linen for smocks, nor kerchiefs, nor sleeves, nor rails, nor body-stychets, nor handkerchiefs, nor mufflers, nor begens. All this her Graces Mostake, I have driven off as long as I can, that by my troth I cannot drive it no longer: beseeching you my Lord, that ye will see that her Grace may have that is needful for her, as my trust is ye will do.... My Lord, master Shelton would have my Lady Elizabeth to dine and sup every day at the board of estate. Alas, my Lord, it is not meet for a child of her age, to keep such rule yet. I promise you, my Lord, I dare not take it upon me to keep her Grace in health, and she keep that rule: for there she shall see divers meats and fruits and wine, which would be hard for me to refrain her Grace from it. Ye know, my Lord, there is no place of correction there. And she is yet too young to correct greatly. I know well and she be there, I shall neither bring her up to the King’s Grace’s honour, nor hers, nor to her health nor my poor honesty. Wherefore I show your Lordship this my discharge, beseeching you my Lord that my Lady may have a mess of meat to her own lodging, with a good dish or two, that is meet for her to eat of. And the reversion of the mess shall satisfy all her women, a gentleman usher and a groom. Which been eleven persons on her side. Sure I am, it will be (in to right little) as great profit to the King’s Grace, this way as the other way. For if all this should be set abroad, they must have three or four mess of meat, where this one mess shall suffice them all with bread and drink, according as my Lady Mary’s Grace had afore, and to be ordered in all things as her Grace was afore. God knoweth, my Lady hath great pain with her great teeth, and they come very slowly forth: and causeth me to suffer her Grace to have her will more than I would. I trust to God and her teeth were well graft to have her Grace after another fashion than she is yet; so I trust, the King’s Grace shall have great comfort in her Grace. For she is as toward a child and as gentle of conditions as ever I knew any in my life, Jesu preserve her Grace ... Hunsdon 1536.

C.

LADY JANE GREY TO QUEEN MARY.[725]

Although my fault be such that, but for the goodness and clemency of the queen, I can have no hope of finding pardon nor in craving forgiveness, having given ear to those who at that time appeared, not only to myself, but also to a great part of this realm to be wise, and now have manifested themselves the contrary, not only to my and their great detriment, but with the common disgrace and blame of all, they having with such shameful boldness made so blameable and dishonorable an attempt to give to others that which was not theirs, neither did it become me to accept (wherefore rightly and justly am I ashamed to ask pardon for such a crime) nevertheless, I trust in God, that as now I know and confess my want of prudence, for which I deserve heavy punishment, except for the very great mercy of your majesty, I can still on many grounds conceive hope of your infinite clemency, it being known that the error imputed to me has not been altogether caused by myself. Because, although my fault may be great, and I confess it to be so, nevertheless I am charged and esteemed guilty more than I have deserved. For whereas I might take upon me that of which I was not worthy, yet no one can ever say either that I sought it as my own, or that I was pleased with it, or ever accepted it. For when it was publicly reported that there was no more hope of the King’s life, as the Duchess of Northumberland had before promised, that I should remain in the house with my mother, so she, having understood this soon after from her husband, who was the first that told it to me, did not wish me to leave my house, saying to me that if God should have willed to call the King to his mercy, of whose life there was no lingering hope, it would be needful for me to go immediately to the Tower, I being made by his majesty heir of his realm. Which words being spoken to me thus unexpectedly, put me in great perturbation, and greatly disturbed my mind, as yet soon after they oppressed me much more. But I, nevertheless making little account of these words, delayed to go from my mother. So that the Duchess of Northumberland was angry with me, and with the duchess my mother, saying that if she had resolved to keep me in the house, she should have kept her son, my husband near her, to whom she thought I would certainly have gone, and she would have been free from the charge of me. And in truth, I remained in her house two or three nights, but at length obtained leave to go to Chelsea, for my recreation, where soon after, being sick, I was summoned by the Council, giving me to understand that I must go that same night to Sion to receive that which had been ordered for me by the King. And she who brought me this news was the lady Sidney, my sister-in-law, the daughter of the Duchess of Northumberland, who told me with extraordinary seriousness, that it was necessary for me to go with her, which I did. When we arrived there, we found no one, but soon after came the Duke of Northumberland, the marquis of Northampton, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Huntingdon, and the earl of Pembroke. By which lords I was long held in conversation before they announced to me the death of the King, especially by the earls of Huntingdon and Pembroke, who, with unwonted caresses and pleasantness, did me such reverence as was not at all suitable to my state, kneeling down before me on the ground, and in many other ways, making semblance of honouring me. And acknowledging me as their sovereign lady (so that they made me blush with infinite confusion) at length they brought to me the duchess Frances my mother, the duchess of Northumberland, and the marchioness of Northampton. The duke of Northumberland, as president of the council, announced the death of King Edward, shewing afterward what cause we had all to rejoice for the virtuous and praiseworthy life that he had led, as also for his very good death. Furthermore he pretended to comfort himself and the bystanders, by praising much his prudence and goodness, for the very great care that he had taken of his kingdom at the very close of his life, having prayed God to defend it from the Popish faith, and to deliver it from the rule of his evil sisters. He then said that his Majesty had well weighed an act of Parliament, wherein it was already resolved, that whoever should acknowledge the most serene Mary, that is your most serene Majesty or the Lady Elizabeth, and receive them as true heirs of the crown of England should be had all for traitors, one of them having been formerly disobedient to her father Henry the 8th, and also to himself, concerning the truth of religion, and afterwards also capital enemies of the Word of God, and both bastards. Wherefore, in no manner did he wish that they should be heirs of him, and of that crown, he being able in every way to disinherit them. And therefore, before his death, he gave order to the council that, for the honour they owed to him, and for the love they bare to the realm, and for the affection that was due to their country, they should obey this his last will. The Duke then added, that I was the heir named by his Majesty, to succeed to the crown, and that my sisters should likewise succeed me, in case of my default of issue. At which words, all the lords of the council kneeled down before me, telling me that they rendered to me the honour that was due to my person, I being of true direct lineage heir to that crown, and that it became them, in the best manner, to observe that which, with deliberate mind, they had promised to the King, even to shed their blood, exposing their own lives to death. Which things as soon as I had heard, with infinite grief of mind, how I was beside myself stupefied and troubled, I will leave it to those lords who were present to testify, who saw me, overcome by sudden and unexpected grief, fall on the ground, weeping very bitterly; and then, declaring to them my insufficiency, I greatly bewailed myself for the death of so noble a prince, and at the same time, turned myself to God, humbly praying and beseeching him, that if what was given to me was rightly and lawfully mine, his divine Majesty would grant me such grace and spirit that I might govern it to his glory and service, and to the advantage of this realm. On the day following (as is known to every one) I was conducted to the Tower, and shortly afterwards were presented to me by the Marquis of Winchester, lord high treasurer, the jewels, with which he also brought me the crown, although it had never been demanded from him by me, or by any one in my name; and he further wished me to put it on my head, to try whether it really became me well or no. The which, although with many excuses I refused to do, he nevertheless added, that I might take it without fear, and that another also should be made, to crown my husband with me. Which thing, I, for my part, heard truly with a troubled mind, and with ill will, even with infinite grief and displeasure of heart. And after the said lord was gone, and I was reasoning of many things with my husband, he assented, that if he were to be made King, he would be made so by me, by act of parliament. But afterwards I sent for the earls of Arundel and Pembroke, and said to them that if the crown belonged to me, I should be content to make my husband a duke, but would never consent to make him king. Which resolution of mine gave his mother (this my opinion being related to her) great cause for anger and disdain, so that she, being very angry with me, and greatly displeased, persuaded her son not to sleep with me any longer as he was wont to do, affirming to me moreover that he did not wish in any wise to be a duke, but a king. So that I was constrained to send to him the earls of Arundel and Pembroke, who had negotiated with him to come from me, otherwise I knew, that the next morning he would have gone to Sion. And thus in truth was I deceived by the duke and the council and ill-treated by my husband and his mother. Moreover (as Sir John Gates has confessed) he (the duke) was the first to persuade King Edward to make me his heir. As to the rest, for my part, I know not what the council had determined to do, but I know for certain that, twice during this time, poison was given to me, first in the house of the duchess of Northumberland, and afterwards here in the Tower, as I have the best and most certain testimony, besides that since that time all my hair has fallen off, and all these things I have wished to say, for the witness of my innocence, and the disburdening of my conscience.

D.

CORONATION.[726]

The last of September Queen Mary rode through the city of London towards Westminster, sitting in a chariot of cloth of tissue drawn with six horses and trapped with the like cloth of tissue. She sat in a gown of purple velvet furred with powdered ermine, having on her head a caul of cloth of tinsel beset with pearl and stone, and above the same upon her head, a round circlet of gold beset so richly with precious stones, that the value thereof was inestimable, the same caul and circlet being so massy and ponderous, that she was fain to bear up her head with her hand, and the canopy was borne over her chariot. Before her rode a number of gentlemen and knights, then judges, then doctors, then bishops, then lords, then the Council, after whom followed the Knights of the Bath, thirteen in number, in their robes, the bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor, and the Marquess of Winchester, Lord High Treasurer; next came the Duke of Norfolk, and after him the Earl of Oxford who bare the sword before her, the Mayor of London in a gown of crimson velvet bare the sceptre of gold, etc., after the Queen’s Chariot, Sir Edward Hastings led her horse in his hand: then came another chariot, having a covering all of cloth of silver, all white, and six horses trapped with the like. Therein sate the Lady Elizabeth and the lady Anne of Cleves, then ladies and gentlemen riding on horses trapped with red velvet, and their gowns and kirtles likewise of red velvet: after them followed two other chariots covered with red satin, and the horses be trapped with the same, and certain gentlewomen between every of the said chariots, riding in crimson satin, their horses betrapped with the same, the number of the gentlewomen so riding were forty-six, besides them in the chariots. At Fenchurch was a costly pageant made by the Genoese; at Gracechurch corner there was another pageant made by the Easterlings. At the upper end of Grace Street, there was another pageant made by the Florentines, very high, on the top whereof there stood four pictures, and in the midst of them and most highest, there stood an angel all in green with a trumpet in his hand, and when the trumpeter who stood secretly in the pageant did sound his trump, the angel did put his trump to his mouth, as though it had been the same that had sounded, to the great marvelling of many ignorant persons. This pageant was made with three thoroughfares or gates, &c. The Conduit in Cornhill ran wine, and beneath the Conduit, a pageant made at the charges of the City, and another at the great Conduit in Cheap, and a fountain by it running wine. The standard in Cheap new painted, with the waits of the City aloft thereof playing. The Cross in Cheap new washed and burnished. One other pageant at the little Conduit in Cheap next to Paul’s made by the City, where the Aldermen stood. And when the Queen came against them, the Recorder made a short proposition to her, and then the Chamberlain presented to her in the name of the Mayor and the City, a purse of cloth of gold and 1,000 marks of gold in it. Then she rode forth, and in Paul’s Churchyard against the School, one Master Haywood sate in a pageant under a vine, and made to her an oration in Latin and English. Then was there one Peter a Dutchman stood on the weather-cock of Paul’s steeple, holding a streamer in his hand of five yards long, and waving thereof stood some time on the one foot and shook the other, and then kneeled on his knees, to the great marvel of all people. He had made two scaffolds under him, one above the Cross, having torches and streamers set on it, and one other over the bole of the Cross, likewise set with streamers and torches, which could not burn, the wind being so great. The said Peter had sixteen pounds thirteen shillings and four pence given him by the City for his costs and pains, and all his stuff. Then was there a pageant made against the Dean of Paul’s gate, where the choristers of Paul’s played on vials, and sung. Ludgate was newly repaired, painted and richly hanged, with minstrels playing and singing there. Then was there another pageant at the Conduit in Fleet Street, and the Temple Bar was newly painted and hanged. And thus she passed to Whitehall at Westminster, where she took her leave of the Lord Mayor, giving him great thanks for his pains, and the City for their cost. On the morrow, which was the first day of October, the Queen went by water to the old palace, and there remained till about eleven of the clock, and then went on foot upon blue cloth, being railed on either side unto Saint Peter’s Church, where she was solemnly crowned and anointed by the Bishop of Winchester, which coronation and other ceremonies and solemnities then used according to the old custom, was not fully ended till it was nigh four of the clock at night, that she returned from the church, before whom was then borne three swords sheathed and one naked. The great service that day done in Westminster Hall at dinner by divers noblemen would ask long time to write. The Lord Mayor of London and twelve citizens kept the high cupboard of plate as butlers, and the Queen gave to the Mayor for his fee, a cup of gold with a cover weighing seventeen ounces.

E.

TRANSLATION OF CRANMER’S OATH OF ALLEGIANCE TO THE POPE ON HIS RECEIVING THE PALLIUM.[727]

In the name of God Amen. I Thomas elect of Canterbury from this hour forward shall be faithful and obedient to St. Peter, and to the holy Church of Rome, and to my lord the Pope, Clement VII. and his successors canonically entering. I shall not be of counsel nor consent that they shall lose either life or member, or shall be taken, or suffer any violence, or any wrong by any means. Their counsel to me credited by them, their messengers or letters I shall not willingly discover to any person. The papacy of Rome, the rules of the holy fathers and the regality of St. Peter I shall help and maintain, and defend against all men (saving my order). The legate of the see Apostolic going and coming, I shall honourably entreat and assist in his necessities [_in suis necessitatibus_]. The rights, honours, privileges, authorities of the Church of Rome, and of our Pope and his successors I shall cause to be conserved, defended, augmented and promoted. I shall not be in council, treaty or any act, in the which anything shall be imagined against him, or the Church of Rome, their rights, seats, honours or powers. And if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and as soon as I can, I shall advertise him or such as may give him knowlege. The rules of the holy fathers, the decrees, ordinances, sentences, dispositions, reservations, provisions and commandments apostolic to my power I shall keep and cause to be kept by others. Heretics, schismatics and rebels to our holy father and his successors I shall resist and prosecute to my power. I shall come to the Synod when I am called, except I be letted by a canonical impediment. The threshold of the Apostles I shall visit yearly, personally or by my deputy. I shall not alienate or sell the possessions of my Archbishopric without the Pope’s counsel. So help me God and the holy Evangelists.

F.

OPINION OF THE MOST SERENE QUEEN OF ENGLAND WHICH SHE WROTE WITH HER OWN HAND, AND GAVE TO HIS RIGHT REVEREND LORDSHIP THE LEGATE, CARDINAL POLE, AT THE TIME WHEN THE SYNOD WAS HELD.[728]

First—I should wish that all the Church property, which for the discharge of our conscience, the King my husband and I have totally renounced, should be distributed as shall seem best to my Lord Cardinal and to the rest of you, so that what has been commenced for the increase of the religion in this kingdom, may produce its due effect.

Secondly—I desire, that the preachers by their piety and doctrine do smother and extinguish all those errors and false opinions disseminated and spread abroad by the late preachers, making provision at the same time, that no book be printed sold or purchased, or brought into the kingdom, without our licence, and under very strict penalties.

Thirdly—I should deem it well, for the churches and universities of this kingdom, to be visited by such persons as my Lord Cardinal and we may know to be fit and sufficient, to execute what is required in this matter.

Fourthly—Touching the punishment of heretics, I believe it would be well to inflict punishment at this beginning, without much cruelty or passion, but without however omitting to do such justice on those who choose by their false doctrines to deceive simple persons, that the people may clearly comprehend that they have not been condemned without just cause, whereby others will be brought to know the truth, and will beware of letting themselves be induced to relapse into such new and false opinions. And above all, I should wish that no one be burned in London, save in the presence of some member of the Council; and that during such executions, both here and elsewhere, some good and pious sermons be preached, &c.

Fifthly—I really believe it to be by no means fitting, for a plurality of benefices to be placed in the hands of one individual, but that they should be so distributed that each priest may be resident, and have care of his flock, whereas at present, quite the reverse is seen, to which I attribute so great a lack of preachers throughout this kingdom; nor are they of such a sort as they ought to be, so as by their doctrine to overcome the diligence of false preachers in the time of schism, and also by leading an exemplary life, without which in my opinion, their sermons would not be of so much profit as I could wish; and in like manner, as their good example will through them, effect great good, so I acknowledge myself to be very greatly bound on my part also to give the like example by aiding in the disposition and maintenance of such persons, that they may perform their office and duty well; not forgetting on the other hand, to have those punished who shall do the contrary, that it may serve as a very evident example to the whole of this kingdom, of how I discharge my conscience in this matter, and administer justice by doing so.

G.

There is an account in Boswell’s _Life of Samuel Johnson_[729] of a curious discussion carried on by Johnson, Goldsmith, Dr. Mayo and Boswell as to the morality of punishing men for spreading religious opinions dangerous to the State. Boswell having introduced the subject of toleration is answered by:—

_Johnson_—“Every society has a right to preserve public peace and order, and therefore has a good right to prohibit the propagation of opinions which have a dangerous tendency. To say the _magistrate_ has this right, is using an inadequate word: it is the society for which the magistrate is agent. He may be morally or theologically wrong in restraining the propagation of opinions which he thinks dangerous, but he is politically right.” _Mayo_—“I am of opinion, Sir, that every man is entitled to liberty of conscience in religion; and that the magistrate cannot restrain that right.” _Johnson_—“Sir, I agree with you. Every man has a right to liberty of conscience, and with that the magistrate cannot interfere. People confound liberty of thinking with liberty of talking, nay, with liberty of preaching. Every man has a physical right to think as he pleases; for it cannot be discovered how he thinks. He has not a moral right, for he ought to inform himself and think justly. But, Sir, no member of a society has a right to _teach_ any doctrine contrary to what the society holds to be true. The magistrate, I say, may be wrong in what he thinks: but while he thinks himself right, he may and ought to enforce what he thinks....” _Goldsmith_—”... Our first reformers, who were burnt for not believing bread and wine to be Christ——” _Johnson_ (interrupting him)—“Sir, they were not burnt for not believing bread and wine to be Christ, but for insulting those who did believe it. And, Sir, when the first reformers began, they did not intend to be martyred: as many of them ran away as could....” _Mayo_—“But, Sir, is it not very hard that I should not be allowed to teach my children what I really believe to be the truth?” _Johnson_—“Why, Sir, you might contrive to teach your children _extra scandalum_; but, Sir, the magistrate, if he knows it has a right to restrain you. Suppose you teach your children to be thieves?” _Mayo_—“This is making a joke of the subject.” _Johnson_—“Nay, Sir, take it thus:—that you teach them the community of goods; for which there are as many plausible arguments as for most erroneous doctrines. You teach them that all things at first were in common, and that no man had a right to anything, but as he laid his hands upon it; and that this still is, or ought to be the rule amongst mankind. Here, Sir, you sap a great principle in society—property, and don’t you think the magistrate would have a right to prevent you? or suppose you should teach your children the notion of the Adamites, and they should run naked into the streets, would not the magistrate have a right to flog ’em into their doublets?” _Mayo_—“I think the magistrate has no right to interfere till there is some overt act.” _Boswell_—“So, Sir, though he sees an enemy to the state charging a blunderbuss, he is not to interfere till it is fired off!” _Mayo_—“He must be sure of its direction against the state.” _Johnson_—“The magistrate is to judge of that. He has no right to restrain your thinking, because the evil centres in yourself. If a man were sitting at this table, chopping off his fingers, the magistrate, as guardian of the community, has no authority to restrain him, however he might do it from kindness as a parent—though, indeed, upon more consideration, I think he may; as it is probable that he who is chopping off his own fingers, may soon proceed to chop off those of other people. If I think it right to steal Mr. Dilly’s plate I am a bad man; but he can say nothing to me. If I make an open declaration that I think so, he will keep me out of his house. If I put forth my hand, I shall be sent to Newgate. This is the gradation of thinking, preaching and acting: if a man thinks erroneously he may keep his thoughts to himself, and nobody will trouble him; if he preaches erroneous doctrine, society may expel him; if he acts in consequence of it, the law takes place and he is hanged.” _Mayo_—“But, Sir, ought not Christians to have liberty of conscience?” _Johnson_—“I have already told you so, Sir. You are coming back to where you were.” _Boswell_—“Dr. Mayo is always taking a return postchaise, and going the stage over again. He has it at half-price.” _Johnson_—“Dr. Mayo, like other champions for unlimited toleration has got a set of words. Sir, it is no matter, politically, whether the magistrate be right or wrong. Suppose a club were to be formed to drink confusion to King George the Third, and a happy restoration to Charles the Third, this would be very bad with respect to the state; but every member of that club must either conform to its rules, or be turned out of it. Old Baxter, I remember, maintains, that the magistrates should ‘tolerate all things that are tolerable’. This is no good definition of toleration upon any principle; but it shows that he thought some things were not tolerable.” _Toplady_—“Sir, you have untwisted this difficult subject with great dexterity.”

Cobbett’s _History of the Reformation_, which raised a storm of abuse at the time of its publication, may not in these days be ignored by any writer on the subject. Its statements, nearly all based on Lingard, who is admittedly a fair and large-minded authority, have been found to contain far less exaggeration than was formerly supposed. Cobbett lived and died a Protestant, but his convictions did not bias him concerning the seditious practices of Foxe’s Martyrs. He says:[730]—

“The real truth about these ‘Martyrs’ is that they were generally a set of most wicked wretches, who sought to destroy the Queen and her government, and under the pretence of conscience and superior piety, to obtain the means of again preying upon the people. No mild means could reclaim them; those means had been tried: the Queen had to employ vigorous means, or to suffer her people to continue to be torn by the religious factions, created not by her, but by her two immediate predecessors, who had been aided and abetted by many of those who now were punished, and who were worthy of ten thousand deaths each, if ten thousand deaths could have been endured. They were, without a single exception, apostates, perjurers or plunderers; and the greater part of them had also been guilty of flagrant high treason against Mary herself, who had spared their lives, but whose lenity they had requited by every effort within their power to overset her authority and government. To make particular mention of all the ruffians that perished upon this occasion would be a task as irksome as it would be useless; but there were amongst them three of Cranmer’s bishops and himself! For now, justice at last overtook this most mischievous of all villains, who had justly to go to the same stake that he had unjustly caused so many others to be tied to; the three others were Hooper, Latimer and Ridley, each of whom was indeed inferior in villainy to Cranmer, but to few other men that have ever existed!”

H.

A COPY OF QUEEN MARY’S WILL FROM THE ORIGINAL, FORMERLY IN THE HANDS OF MR. HALE OF ALDERLEY, GLOUCESTERSHIRE (Harl. MS. 6949, f. 29).

✠

MARY THE QUENE.

In the name of God, Amen. I Marye by the Grace of God Quene of Englond, Spayne, France, both Sicelles, Jerusalem and Ireland, Defender of the Faythe, Archduchesse of Austriche, Duchesse of Burgundy, Millayne and Brabant, Countesse of Hapsburg, Flanders and Tyroll, and lawful wife to the most noble and virtuous Prince Philippe, by the same Grace of God Kynge of the said Realms and Domynions of England, &c. Thinking myself to be with child in lawful marriage between my said dearly beloved husband and Lord, altho’ I be at this present (thankes be unto Almighty God) otherwise in good helthe, yet foreseeing the great danger which by Godd’s ordynance remaine to all whomen in ther travel of children, have thought good, both for discharge of my conscience and continewance of good order within my Realmes and domynions to declare my last will and testament; and by these presents revoking all other testaments and last Wills by me at onny time heretofore made or devised by wryting or otherwise, doe with the full consent, agreement and good contentment of my sayd most Dere L^d and Husband, ordeyn and make my sayd last will and testament in manner and forme following.

Fyrste I do commend my Soulle to the mercye of Almighty God the maker and Redeemer thereof, and to the good prayers and helpe of the most puer and blessed Virgin our Lady St. Mary, and of all the Holy Companye of Heven. My body I will to be buried at the discression of my executors: the interment of my sayd body to be made in such order and with such godly prayers, Suffrages and Ceremonies as with consideracyon of my estate and the laudable usage of Christ’s Church shall seme to my executors most decent and convenient. Also my mynde and will ys, that during the tyme of my interrment, and within oon moneth after my decesse owte of this transitory lyfe, ther be distributed in almes, the summe of ~oon thousand pownds~, the same to be given to the relefe of pore prysoners, and other pore men and whomen by the discression of my executors. And further I will that the body of the vertuous Lady and my most dere and well-beloved mother of happy memory, Quene Kateryn, whych lyeth now buried at Peterborowh, shall within as short tyme as conveniently yt may after my burial, be removed, brought and layde nye the place of my sepulture, in w^{ch} place I will my Executors to cawse to be made honorable tombs or monuments for a decent memory of us. And whereas the Howses of Shene and Sion, the which were erected by my most noble Progenitor K. Henry the Fyfte for places of Religion and prayer, the oon of Monks of th’ order of Carthusians and th’ other of Nunns Ordines S^{tæ} Brigittæ wer in the tyme of the late Scisme within this Realme clerly dissolv’d and defac’d, which sayde howses are lately by my said dere Lord and husband and by me reviv’d and newly erected accordynge to ther severall ancyent foundacyons, order and Statutes, and we have restor’d and endow’d them severally with diverse Mannors, londs, tenements and hereditaments, sometyme parcell of ther severall possessions. For a further increase of their lyvyng, and to thentent the said Religious persons may be the more hable to reedifye some part of ther necessary howses that were so subverted and defac’d, and furnish themselves with ornaments and other thyngs mete for Godd’s servyce, I will and give unto ether of the said Religious howses of Shene and Sion, the summe of ~fyve hundred pownds~ of lawfull money of Englond, and I further will and give unto the Pryor and Covent of the said house of Shene, and to ther Successours, Mannours, londs, tenements, sometyme parcell of the possessions belongyng to the same howse before the dissolucyon thereof and remayning in our possession, to the clere yerly valewe of ~one hundred pownds~. And lykewyse I will and give unto the Abbesse and Covent of the said house of Sion, and to ther Successors, Mannours, lands, tenements and hereditaments sometyme parcell of the possessions of the said house of Sion, and remayning in our hands at the tyme of our decesse or of some other late Spirituall possessions to the clere yerly valewe of ~one hundred pownds~, the which summe of 100^{li} to ether of the said houses and the said Mannours, londs, tenements and hereditaments to the said yerly valewe of C^{li} to ether of the said houses I will shall be pay’d, convey’d and assur’d to ether of the said houses within oon yere next after my decesse; requyring and chargyng the Religious persons, the which shall from tyme to tyme remayne and be in the said severall houses, to praye for my Soulle and the Soulle of my said most Dere and well-beloved husband the King’s Maj^{ty} when God shall call hym to hys mercye owt of this transitory lyfe, and for the Soulle of the said good and vertuous Quene my Mother, and for the Soulles of all other our Progenitours, and namely the said Kynge Henry 5 as they were bounden by the ancyente Statuts and ordyenances of ther Severall foundacyons. Item, I will and geve to the Warden and Covent of the Observante Fryers of Greenwiche the summe of ~five hundred pownds~. Item, I will and geve to the Pryor and Covent of the black fryers at St. Bartholomews within the suburbs of London, the sum of 400 ~Marks~. And likewise unto the Fryers of the said Observante order beyng at Southampton, the summe of 200 pownds. Item, I will and geve unto the pore Nunns of Langley the Summe of 200^{li} ~pounds~. All which said severall legacies unto the said Fryers and Nunns, I will that my Executors shall cawse to be payd to ther severall uses within oon yere next after my decesse, as well for the relefe and comfort, as towards the reparacyons and amendments of ther necessary howses, and to provyde them some more ornaments for their Churches, for the better service of Almighty God. Also I will and geve unto the Abbot and Covent of the said Monastery of Westminster the summe of 200^{li} ~pownds~ or else as many ornaments for ther Church ther, as shall amounte unto the said Summe of CC^{li} to be pay’d and deliver’d unto them within oon yere next after my decesse by my said Executors. And I will, charge and requyre the said Abbot and Covent, and all others the Fryers and Nunns and ther Covents above remembred, to pray for my Soulle, and for the Soulle of my said most Dere and well beloved Lord and husband, the King’s Highnesse, by whose specyall goodnesse they have been the rather erected, and for the Soulle of my said most dere beloved mother the Quene, and for the Soulles of all our Progenitors with dayly Masses, Suffrages and prayers. Also I will and geve for and to the relefe of the pore Scolers in ether of the Universities of Oxinford and Cambridge the Summe of 500^{li} ~pownds~, that ys to say, to ether of the said Universities the Summe of 500^{li} the which summe I will that my Executors shall delyver within oon yere next after my decesse unto the Chancellors and others of the most grave & wisest men of the same Universities, to be distributed and geven amongst the said pore Scolers, from tyme to tyme as they shall thynke expedient for ther relefe and comfort, and specyally to such as intend by Godds grace to be Religious persons and Priests. And whereas I have by my warrant under my Signe Manuell assigned and appoynted londs, tenements, and hereditaments of the yerly valewe of 200^{li} and somewhat more to be assur’d unto the Master and Brotherne of the Hospitall of Savoy, fyrste erected and founded by my Grandfather of most worthy memory Kynge Henry 7, my mynde will and intent ys, and I charge my Executors that yf the said londs be not assur’d unto the said howse of Savoy in my lyfetime, that yt be done as shortly as maye be after my decesse, or else some other londs, tenements & hereditaments, sometyme parcell of the possessions of the said howse, to the said yerely valewe of 200^{li} and as muche other londs, tenements and hereditaments, late parcell of the possessions of the said howse, or of some other the late spirituall londs, as shall make up together with the londs I have before this tyme assur’d unto the said howse, and the which the said Master and his Brotherne doth by vertue of our former grant enjoye, the summe of 500^{li} of clere yerely valewe, which is agreeable with thendowment my said Grandfather indow’d the same howse with, at the first erection thereof. Willynge and chargynge the said M^r and his Brotherne and ther successors, not only to keep and observe the anciente rewles and statuts of the said howse accordynge to the foundacyon of the said Kynge my Grandfather, but also to praye for the Soulles of me, and of my said most dere Lord and Husband, when God shall call hym out of this transitory lyfe, and of the said Quene my Mother, and of all others our Progenitors Soulles. And forasmuch as presently there ys no howse or hospitall specyally ordeyn’d and provyded for the relefe and helpe of pore and old Soldiers, and namely of such as have been or shall be hurt or maymed in the warres and servys of this Realme, the which we thynke both honour, conscyence and charyte willeth should be provided for. And therefore my mynde and wyll ys, that my Executors shall, as shortly as they may after my decesse, provide some convenient howse within or nye the Suburbs of the Cite of London, the which howse I would have founded and erected of oon Master and two Brotherne, and these three to be Priests. And I will that the said howse or Hospitall shall be indow’d with Mannours, londs tenements and hereditaments some tyme parcell of the Spirituall londs and possessions, to the clere yerly valewe of 400 ~Markes~ whereof I will, that the said M^r shall have 30 pownds by the yere, and ether of the said two brotherne 20^{li} by the yere, and the rest of the revenewe of the said londs, I will that my Executors shall limyt and appoynt by good ordynances and statuts, to be made and stablyshed upon the erection of the said Hospitall, how the same shall be us’d and imployed, wherein specyally I would have them respect the relefe succour and helpe of pore, impotent and aged Souldiers, and chefely those that be fallen into exstreme poverte, havyng no pencyon or other pretence of lyvyng, or are become hurt or maym’d in the warres of this Realme, or in onny servyce for the defence and suerte of ther Prince and of ther Countrey, or of the Domynions thereunto belongyng. Also I will and specyally charge theexecutors of this my present testament and last Will, that yf I have injuried or done wrong to onny person (as to my remembrance willingly I have not) yet yf onny such may be proved, and lykewyse all such detts as I owe to onny person sens the tyme I have been Quene of this Realme, and specyally the lone money (the which diverse of my lovyng subjects have lately advanced and lent unto me) that the same injuries (yf onny be) and the said detts and lone money above all thyngs, as shortly as may be after my decesse be recompenced, restor’d and pay’d, and that doon, my mynde and will ys, that all such detts as were owing by my late Father, King Henry 8^{th} or by my late brother K. Edward the 6^{th}, shall likewyse, as they conveniently may, be satisfyed and payd. And for as much as yt hath pleased Almighty God of hys infenyte marcye & goodnesse, to reduce this Realme unto the unyte of Christ’s Church, from the which yt declyned, and during the tyme thereof diverse londes and other hereditaments, goods and possessions geven and dispos’d, as well by sondry of my Progenitors as by other good and vertuous people to sondrye places and Monasteries of Religion, and to other Ecclesiastical howses and persons, for the mayntenance of Godds servyce, and for continuall prayer to be made for the relefe both of the lyvyng and of the dedde, were taken away and committed to other uses; I have before this tyme thought yt good, for some part of satisfaction thereof, and to be a piece of the dewtie I owe unto God, that some porcyon of the londs and hereditaments that were sometyme the goods of the said Church shold be restor’d ageyne unto good and Godly uses, and for the accomplyshing thereof I have, with the consent of my said most Dere Lord and Husband the Kyng’s Majesty, and by theauthority of Parliament, and with the advyce and counsell of the Most Rev. Father in God and my right intierly beloved Cousyne Cardynall Poole, Archbp̃. of Cant. and Primate of Englond, who hath specyally travelled as a good Mynister and Legate sent from the Apostolique See to reduce this Realme unto the Unyte of the said See, Renounc’d and geven over as well diverse parsonages Impropriate, tythes and other Spirituall hereditaments, as also divers other profits and hereditaments some tyme belongyng to the said Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall persons and howses of Religion, to be ordered, used and imploy’d by the said most Reverend Father in God, in such manner and forme as ys prescribed and lymitted by the said Statute, and as to hys godly wysdome shall be thowght mete and convenyent. My mynde, will and pleasure ys, that such ordynances and devyses as the said most Rev^d Father in God hath made and devised, or shall hereafter make and devise, for and concerning the said parsonages, tithes and other Spirituall hereditaments (the which I have committed to his order and disposition) shall be inviolably observ’d. Requyryng my said Cousyne and most Rev^d Father in God, as he hath begun a good work in this Realme, soe he will (cheifly for God’s sake and glory, and for the good will he beareth unto me, and to this my Realme, beynge his native Countrey) doe, as much as he maye, by Godd’s grace, to fynishe the same. And specyally to dispose and order the said Parsonages, tithes, and other Spirituall possessions and hereditaments commytted to his order, with as much speed as he convenyently may, accordynge to the trust and confidence that my most Dere Lord and Husband and I, and the whole Realme have repos’d in hym, and yn hys virtue and wysdome, for the which God shall rewarde hym, and this hys Countrey honour and love hym. And for hys better assistance in theexecution thereof, I will, charge and requyre my Executors, and all others of my Counsell, and the rest of my good and faythfull Subjects, that they to the uttermost of ther power be aydynge and assistynge unto my said Cousyne, as they tender the benefit of ther Countrey and ther own Commodyte. Furthermore I will and charge my said Executors, that yf onny person or persons have pay’d unto my use onny Summe of money for the purchase of onny londs, tenements and hereditaments the assurances whereof to them in my lyfe tyme ys not perfitted, that the said Person or Persons be, within such short tyme after my decesse as may be, either repay’d ther mony, or else have good assurances of the said londs, or of others of the like valewe, made unto them accordynge to the laws of this Realme. Also I will that my Executors shall within oon quarter of a year next after my decesse, destribute amongst my pore Servants that be ordinary, and have most nede, the Summe of 2000^{li}. willyng them in the destribution thereof to have a specyall regarde unto such as have serv’d me longest and have no certainty of lyvyng of my gifte to lyve by after my decesse. And as towchyng the dispocyon of this my Imperiall Crowne of England, and the Crowne of Ireland, with my title to France, and all the dependances, of the same, whereof by the mere provydence of Almighty God I am the lawful Inheritor and Quene: my will, mynde, and entent ys, that the s^d Imperiall Crowne of Englond and Ireland, and my Title to France, and all the dependances, and all other my Honours, Castells, fortresses, mannours, londs, tenements, prerogatyves and hereditaments whatsoever, shall wholly and entirely descend remayne & be unto the heyres, issewe and frewte of my bodye, accordyng to the laws of this Realme. Neverthelesse the order, Governnment and Rewle of my said issewe, and of my said Imperiall Crowne, and the dependances thereof, during the Minoryte of my said heyre and Issewe, I specyally recommend unto my said most Dere and well beloved Husband, accordynge to the laws of this my said Realme for the same provided. Willing, charging, and most hertily requyryng all and singular my lovyng, obedient and naturall subjects, by that profession and dewtye of allegiance that by God’s commandment they owe unto me, beyng ther naturall Sovereigne Lady & Quene; And also desyryng them (per viscera Misericordiæ Dei) that sens yt hath pleased hys devyne Majesty, far above my merits to shew me so great favour in this world, as to appoynte me so noble, vertuous, and worthy a Prince to be my husband, as my said most Dere and intirely beloved Husband the King’s Majesty ys, whose endeavour, care and stodie hath ben, and chefely ys, to reduce this Realme unto the Unyte of Christ’s Church and trewe Religion, and to the anncyente and honourable fame and honor that yt hath ben of, and to conserve the same therein; And not dowting but accordyng to the trust that ys repos’d in hys Maj^{ty}, by the laws of this Realme, made concernyng the Government of my Issewe, that hys Highnesse will discharge the same to the glory of God, to hys own honour, to the suerty of my said Issewe, and to the profit of all my Subjects; that they therefore will use themselves in such humble and obedient sort and order, that hys Majesty may be the rather incoraged and provoked to continewe hys good and gracious disposition towards them and this Realme. And for as much as I have no Legacy or jewell that I covet more to leve unto hys Majesty to reqyte the nobility of hys harte towards me and this Realme, nor he more desirous to have, than the love of my Subjects, I doe therefore once agayne reqyre them to bere and owe unto his Highnesse the same dewtie and love that they naturally doe and should owe unto me, and in hope they will not forget the same, I do specyally recommend the same dewtye and love unto hys Highnesse, as a legacye, the which I trust he shall enjoye. Also I will and geve unto my said issewe all my jewells, ships, municyons of warre, and artillery, and after my detts (and the detts of my said late Father and brother, King Henry 8. and King Edward 6.) satisfied and pay’d, and this my present testament and last will perform’d, I geve and bequethe unto my said issewe all the rest of my treasure, plate, goods and Chattells whatsoever they be. And callynge to my Remembrance the good and dewtyfull service to me doon by diverse of my lovyng Servants and faythfull Subjects, to whom, as yet, I have not given onny condigne recompence for the same, therefore I am fully resolv’d and determyn’d to geve to every of them whose names are hereafter mention’d such legacies and gifts as particularly ensueth.

[Then follow in the Will several particular Legacies to her women and other Servants about her, which in all amount to 3400^{li} among which she gives Dr. Malet her Almoner and Confessor, to praye for her the summe of 200^{li} and to the poor fryers of the Order of St. Dominick, erected and placed within the University of Oxford, to pray for her soul, her Husband’s, Mother’s, and all other her progenitours the summe of 200^{li}; besides all this she gives 20^{li} a year apiece to Father Westweek and Father Metcalfe and then it followes in her Will.]

And to thentente this my last will and testament may be the more inviolably observ’d, fulfill’d and executed, I will the Issewe of my bodye that shall succede me in th’ Imperiall Crowne of this Realme upon my blessing, that he or she be no Impedyment thereof, but that to the uttermost of his or her power, they do permytt and suffer my said Executors to performe the same, and to ayd them in theexecution thereof. And yf ther shall be any imperfection in the assurances of the londs that I have devis’d and appoynted to the howses of Religion or to Savoye, or to the hospitall I mynde to have erected for the pore and maymed Souldiers, or onny negligence be in my Executors in the performance and execucyon of this my testament and last will, that then I will and charge my said Issewe on my blessing, to supply and accomplyshe all such defects and imperfections. And I charge my said Executors, as they will answer before God at the dredfull day of Judgement, and as they will avoyde such commynacyons, threatnyngs, and the severe justice of God pronounc’d and executed against such as are brekers and violaters of wills and testaments, that they to the uttermost of ther powers and wyttes, shall see this my present Testament & last will perform’d and executed, for the which I trust, God shall reward them, and the world commend them. And as yt hath stood with the good contentment and pleasure of my said most dere beloved Lord and husband the King’s Majesty, that I should thus devise my Testament and last will, so I dowte not, but that his most noble harte desyreth and wysheth that the same should accordyngly take effect after yt shall please God to call me out of this transytory lyfe to his marcye. And havyng such exsperience of his gracyus faveure, zeale and love towards me as I have, I am fully perswaded that no person either can or will more honorably and ernestly travell in thexecution of this my Testam^t and last will, then his Majesty will doo. Therefore I most humbly beseech his Highnesse that he will vouchsafe and be pleas’d to take upon hym the pryncipall and the chefest care of thexecutyon of this my present Testament and last will, and to be a patron to the rest of my Executors of the same in thexecutyon thereof.

~And I do humbly beseeche my saide most dearest lorde and husbande to accepte of my bequeste, and to kepe for a memory of me one jewell, being a table dyamond which themperours Majesty, his and my most honourable Father, sent unto me by the Cont degmont, at the insurance of my sayde lorde and husbande, and also one other table dyamonde whiche his Majesty sent unto me by the marques de les Nanes, and the Coler of golde set with nyne dyamonds, the whiche his Majestye gave me the Epiphanie after our Maryage, also the rubie now sett in a Golde ryng which his Highnesse sent me by the Cont of Feria, all which things I require his Majestye to dispose at his pleasure, and if his Highnesse thynck mete, to the Issue betwene us.~

Also I reqyre the said most Reverend Father in God and my said most dere beloved Cosyn the Lord Cardynall Poole, to be oon of my Executors, to whom I geve for the paynes he shall take aboute the thexecucyon of this my present Testament the summe of ~one thousande powndes~. And for the specyall truste and good service that I have alweyes had and founde in the most Rev^d Father in God, and my right trustye and right well beloved Councellour Nicholas Abp of Yorke, my Chancellor of Englonde, and in my right trusty and right wel beloved Cosyns William, Marques of Wynchester, L^d Treasorer of Englonde, Henry Erle of Arundel, Henry Erle of Westmorland, Francis Erle of Shrewsbury, Edward Erle of Derbye, Thomas Erle of Sussex, W^m Erle of Pembroke, and in my right trusty and well beloved Councellors Visc, Mountague, Edward Lord Clynton, highe Admyrall of Englonde, and in the Rev^d Father in God and my right trusty and well beloved Councellors Thomas Bishop of Elye, Edward Lord Hastings of Lowtheborowghe, Lorde Chamberlayne of my Howsehold, S^r W^m Petre K^t Chancellor of my order of the Garter, and S^r W^m Cordell K^t M^r of the Rowlles of my Court of Chancerye. I ordeyne and constitute them also Executors of this my present Testament and last Will, and I geve unto every of the said L^d Chancellor, Lord Tresorer, etc., for their paynes and travell therein to be taken, the Summe of ~fyve hundred powndes~. And unto every of the said Visc Montague, Lord Admyrall, etc., for ther paynes likewise to be taken ~fyve hundred marckes~.

And for the greate experyence I have had of the trothe fidelite and good servyce of my trustye and righte well beloved Servants and Councellors, S^r Tho. Cornwallis K^t Comptroller of my howsehold, S. Henry Jernegan K^t Master of my horses, M^r Boxall, my Chefe Secretary, S^r Edward Waldegrave K^t Chancellor of my Duchy of Lancaster, S^r Francis Englefeld K^t Master of my Court of Wards and lyveries, and S^r John Baker K^t Chancellor of my Exchequer I geve unto every of them for ther paynes and good servyce to be taken, as assistants to this my said testament, and to be of Council with my said Issewe, the Summe of ~two hundred powndes~. I do appoynte, name and ordeyne them to be Assistants unto my said Executors in thexecucyon of this my said Testament, and to be with them of the Council to my said issewe. And I geve unto every of my said Servants and Councellors last before remembered whom I have appoynted to be assistants to my said Executors, as ys aforesaid, for ther good servyce and paynes to be taken and doon with my said Executors for thexecucyon of this my present Testament and last Will, the Summe of ~two hundred powndes~, before geven unto ether of them.

Nevertheless my playne Will, mynde and entent ys, that yf onny of my said Councillors whom I have appoynted before by this my Testament to be my Executors of the same, shall at the tyme of my decesse be indetted unto me in onny Summes of money, or ought to be and stond charged unto me or to my heirs or Successors for onny Acc^{ts} or summes of money by hym or them receyved, whereof at the tyme of my decesse he ys not lawfully discharged. That the said Executor or Executors, who shall be so indetted or ought to be charg’d with onny such Acc^{ts} shall not, for that he or they be named & appoynted onny of my Executars, be exonerate and discharged of the said detts or acc^{ts}, but thereof shall remayne charged, as tho’ he or they had not been named of my said Executors, and in that respect only shall be excepted to all intents as none of my said Executors, to take any benefit or discharge of the said dette or acc^{ts}.

And in wytnesse that this ys my present Testament and last Will, I have sign’d diverse parts of the same with my Signe Manuell, and thereunto also have cawsed my prevye Signett to be put, the Thirtieth day of Marche, in the yere of our Lorde God a Thousande fyve hundred fyfty and eight, and in the fourth yere of the Reigne of my said moste dere lorde and husband, and in the fyfte yere of the Reigne of me the said Quene. These beynge called to be wytnesses, whose names hereafter followythe

HENRY BEDINGFELD JOHN THROKMORTON

THOMAS WHARTON R. WILBRAHM

MARYE THE QUENE

Hereabouts was her Seale being the Arms of England France and Spayne, and round the Seale was a collar of Roses as it seemed to me to be.—H.

Throughout this Will those words which are underlined were written with the Queen’s own hand in the original.

(Here follows the Codicil, which was afterwards annexed by the Queen to her Will.)

MARYE THE QUENE.

This Codicell made by me Marye by the Grace of God Quene of Engl^d &c., & lawful wyfe to the most noble and vertuous Prynce Philippe, by the same grace of God, Kynge of the said Realmes and Domynions of Englond, &c., the twenty-eighth day of October, in the yere of our Lord God 1558, and in the 5^{th} yere of the reign of my said most dere Lord and husbande, and in the Sixth yere of the reigne of me the said Quene. The which Codicell I will and ordeyne shall be added and annexed unto my last Will and Testament heretofore by me made and declared. And my mynd and will ys, that the said Codicell shall be accepted, taken and receyved as a part and parcell of my said last will and testament, and as tho’ it were incorporate with the same to all entents and purposes, in manner and forme followynge.

Fyrste, whereas I the said Quene have with the good contentment and pleasure of my said most dere belov’d Lorde and husbande the Kyng’s Majesty devis’d & made my said last will and testament, beryng date the 30^{th} day of Marche last past, and by the same, for that as I then thowght myself to be with childe did devise and dispose the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme of Englond and the Crowne of Ireland, with my title to France and all the dependances thereof, and all other honours, Castells, Fortresses, Prerogatives and hereditaments, of what nature, kynde or qualitie soever they be, belongyng to this crowne, unto the heires, Issewe and frewte of my body begotten, & the government, order, and rewle of the said heire and Issewe I recommended unto my said most dere Lord and husband duryng the mynoryte of the said heire, accordynge to the lawes of this Realme in that case provided.

Forasmuch as God hath hitherto sent me no frewte nor heire of my bodie, yt ys onlye in his most devyne providence whether I shall have onny or noo, Therefore both for the discharge of my conscyence and dewtie towards God and this Realme, and for the better satisfaction of all good people, and to thentent my said last will and Testament (the which I trust, is agreeable to God’s law and to the laws of this Realme) may be dewly performed, and my dettes (pryncipally those I owe to many of my good subjects, and the which they most lovyngly lent unto me) trewly and justly answered and payed, I have thought it good, fealynge myself presently sicke and week in bodye (and yet of hole and perfytt remembrance, our Lord be thanked) to adde this unto my said testament and last will, viz. Yf yt shall please Almighty God to call me to his mercye owte of this transytory lyfe without issewe and heire of my bodye lawfully begotten, Then I most instantly desire et per viscera misericordiæ Dei, requyre my next heire & Successour, by the Laws and Statutes of this Realme, not only to permytt and suffer theexecutors of my said Testament and last will and the Survivours of them to performe the same, and to appoynte unto them such porcyon of treasure & other thynges as shall be suffycient for the execution of my said testament and last will, and to ayd them in the performance of the same, but also yf such assurance and conveyance as the Law requyreth for the State of the londs which I have devysed and appoynted to the howses of Religion, and to the Savoye, and to the Hospitall I would have erected, be not suffycyent and good in Lawe by my said Will, then I most hertily also requyre both for God’s sake, and for the honour and love my said heyre and Successour bereth unto me, that my said heyre and Successour will supplye the Imperfection of my said will and testament therein, & accomplyshe and fynishe the same accordynge to my trew mynde and intente, for the dooyng whereof my said heire and Successour shall, I dowte not, be rewarded of God, and avoyde thereby his severe justice pronounced and executed ag^t all such as be violaters and brekers of wills and testaments, and be the better assisted with his specyall grace and favour in the mynistracyon of ther Regall function and office, And the more honored of the world and loved of ther subjects, whose natural zeale and love (as a most precious jewell unto every Prynce) I leve and bequeathe unto my said heire and Successour for a specyall Legacye and bequeste, the which I most humbly beseech our Lord, the same may enjoye and possesse (as I trust they shall) chefely to the advancement of God’s glorye & honor, and to the good quyetnesse and Government of this Realme, the which two thynges I most tender. And albeit my said most Dere Lord and Husband shall for defawte of heyre of my bodye have no further government, order and rewle within this Realme and the domynions thereunto belongynge, but the same doth and must remayne, descend, and goo unto my next heyre and Successour, accordyng to the Lawes and Statuts of this Realme, yet I most humbly beseech his Majesty, in recompence of the great love and humble dewtye that I have allwayes born and am bounden to bere unto his Majesty, and for the great zeale and care the which his Highness hath always sens our marriage professed and shew’d unto this Realme, and the Subjects of the same, and for the ancyente amyte sake that hath always ben betwene our most Noble Progenitours and betwene this my Realme and the Low Countries, whereof his Majesty is now the enheritour, And finally, as God shall reward hym, and I praye (I hope among the elect servants of God) that yt may please his Majesty to shew hymself as a Father in his care, as a Brother or member of this Realme in his love and favour, and as a most assured and undowted frend in his powre and strengthe to my said heire and Successour, and to this my Country and the Subjects of the same, the which I trust his Highnesse shall have just cause to thynke well bestowed, for that I dowte not, but they will answer yt unto his Majesty with the like benevolence and good will, the which I most hertily requyre them to doo, bothe for my sake, and for the honour and suerty of this Realme. And In witnesse that I have cawsed this Codicell to be made, and that my will & entent ys, that the same shall be annexed and added unto my said former testament & last will, the which my full mynde and will ys shall stonde and remayne in perfytte force and effect, to all intents and purposes, and this Codicell to be accepted taken and declared only as a part and parcell of my said testament and last Will, I have sign’d this Codicell with my Signe Manuell, and have also cawsed my privy Signet to be put thereunto, the day and yere fyrste in this Codicell above written. These beying called to be my wytnesses as well to my said testament and last will as to this Codicell whose names followeth.

MARYE THE QUENE

[She wrote her name here in smaller letters and not so well as to the bottom of her will.—H.]

EDMOND PECKHAM THOMAS WENDYE

JOHN WILLIS BARNARD HAMPTON

Here the seale was fix’d being the same as to the end of her Will. H.

On the outside cover of this Will was written with the Queen’s own hand these words, with a Crosse at the top:—

✠

This is the laste wyll and testament of me Marye the Quene.

“The copy from which the Harleian transcript is taken was made from the original will at the beginning of the last century, by the Rev. George Harbin, Chaplain to Lord Weymouth, a very zealous and diligent searcher into historical records, whose papers are now with the above copy in the hands of Sir Alexander Malet, Bart. Great pains have been taken to trace what has become of the Will itself, but without success. It is to be regretted that the copy is not quite complete, and that Harbin has modernised the orthography in many instances. Such as it is, it is printed _verbatim_ from his autograph.”

Note by Sir Frederick Madden, _Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary_ (Appendix, No. iv.).

A PRAYER OF THE LADY MARY TO THE LORD JESU; AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF VICES.

Most benign Lord Jesu! Behold me wretched beggar, and most vile sinner, prostrate here before the feet of thy mercy. Behold the wounds, sores, griefs and vices of my soul, (which alas! I have brought into the same by sin) that they may be healed. Most Merciful Lord Jesu! Have pity upon mine infirmities, captivity and infelicity: by means whereof my miserable soul is pressed down to earthly things, and divided into sundry desires.

Most loving Jesu! I beseech thee for thy great love’s sake, which caused thee to deliver thy soul into the hands of sinners, to be bound and crucified; and which also did force thee to remain three hours upon the cross, more than the nails either of thy hands or feet had power to do. For thy charity I humbly desire thee to loose the yoke of my captivity, and to deliver me from all my vices, concupiscence, and evil inclinations, to defend me from all the assaults of mine enemies, and in time of temptation to help me. Moreover, quench and pluck up by the roots in me all private love, all inordinate motions, passions and affections, all provokings, readiness and inclination to pride, wrath, envy and vainglory, with such other like. For it is in thy power only to deliver me from these things. Sweet Jesu! Fulfil me with thy grace, and most perfect charity. Make me to continue in goodness, that I may eschew all occasion of sin, strongly overcome temptation, subdue the flesh to the Spirit, persecute and banish sin, and obey thy inspiration; escape the deceits and frauds of the Devil, never consent to any sin, nor nourish anything that should displease thee. But cause me most fervently to thirst for thy honour, laud and glory, most faithfully to prefer the same, and to give and submit myself wholly to thy will. My Lord God, give me grace to cleave to thee only with a clean and pure heart, that I may be unite and knit to thee without separation by a most chaste and fervent love. Amen.

A MEDITATION TOUCHING ADVERSITY, MADE BY MY LADY MARY’S GRACE, 1549.

This natural life of ours is but a pilgrimage from this wandring world, and exile from our own country: that is to say, a way from all misery to thee (Lord) which art our whole felicity. And lest the pleasantness and commodity of this life should withdraw us from the going to the right and speedy way to thee, thou dost stir and provoke us forward, and as yet ward prick us with thornes, to the intent we should covet a quiet rest, and end of our journey. Therefore sickness, weepings, sorrow, mourning, and in conclusion all adversities be unto us as spurs; with the which we being dull horses, or rather very asses, are forced not to remain long in this transitory way. Wherefore Lord, give us grace to forget this wayfaring journey, and to remember our proper and true country. And if thou do add a weight of adversity, add thereunto strength, that we shall not be overcome with that burden: but having our minds continually erected and lift up to thee, we may be able strongly to bear it. Lord! all things be thine; therefore do with all things without any exception as shall seem convenient to thine unsearchable wisdom. And give us grace never to will but as thou wilt. So be it.

A PRAYER TO BE READ AT THE HOUR OF DEATH.

O Lord Jesu! which art the health of all men living, and the everlasting life of them which die in faith, I, wretched sinner give and submit myself wholly unto thy most blessed will. And I being sure that the thing cannot perish which is committed unto thy mercy, willingly now I leave this frail and wicked flesh, in hope of the resurrection; which in better wise shall restore it to me again. I beseech thee most merciful Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt by thy grace make strong my soul against all temptations; and that thou wilt cover and defend me with the buckler of thy mercy against all the assaults of the Devil. I see and knowledge that there is in myself no help of salvation, but all my confidence, hope and trust is in thy most merciful goodness. I have no merits nor good works which I may allege before thee. Of sins and evil works (alas), I see a great heap; but through thy mercy I trust to be in the number of them to whom thou wilt not impute their sins; but take and accept me for righteous and just, and to be an inheritor of everlasting life.

Thou merciful Lord, wert born for my sake. Thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake. Thou didst preach and teach, thou didst pray and fast for my sake. Thou didst all good works and deeds for my sake. Thou sufferedst most grievous pains and torments for my sake. And finally, Thou gavest thy most precious body to die, and thy blood to be shed on the cross for my sake.

Now, most merciful Saviour, let all these things profit me which thou freely hast given me, that hast given thyself for me. Let thy blood cleanse and wash away the spots and foulness of my sins. Let Thy righteousness hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits of thy passion and blood be the satisfaction for my sins.

Give me, Lord, thy grace, that my faith, and salvation in thy blood waver not in me, but ever be firm and constant; that the hope of thy mercy and life everlasting never decay in me; that charity wax not cold in me.

Finally, that the weakness of my flesh be not overcome by the fear of death. Grant me merciful Father, that when Death has shut up the eyes of my body, yet that the eyes of my soul may still behold and look upon thee; that when death hath taken away the use of my tongue and speech, yet that my heart may cry and say unto Thee _In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum_; that is, O Lord, into thy hands I give and commit my soul. _Domine Jesu accipe spiritum meum._ Lord Jesu, receive my soul unto thee. Amen.[731]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 724: Cotton MS. Otho C. x., f. 230. Ellis, 2nd series, vol. ii., p. 78.]

[Footnote 725: Pollini, _Istoria Ecclesiastica della rivoluzion d’Inghilterra_, p. 355. Harl. MS. 424.]

[Footnote 726: Stow, _Annals_, p. 616.]

[Footnote 727: Cranmer’s _Register_, Lambeth MS. The original is in Latin, written in Cranmer’s own hand. The form given in Strype’s _Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer_ is mutilated, and could not have been collated by Strype with Cranmer’s manuscript.]

[Footnote 728: MS., St. Mark’s Lib., Cod. xxiv., Cl. x., p. 208 _et seq._; Rawdon Brown, _Ven. Cal._, vol. vi., pt. iii., App. 136; original in Italian.]

[Footnote 729: _The Life of Samuel Johnson, LL.D._, vol. iii., p. 291 _et seq._]

[Footnote 730: _The History of the Reformation_, by William Cobbett, a new edition, revised, with notes and preface by Francis Aidan Gasquet, D.D., O.S.B., p. 207.]

[Footnote 731: E. MSS., D. Sampson, M.D.; printed in Strype’s _Ecclesiastical Memorials_ vol. iii., pt. ii., p. 550.]

INDEX.

A.

_Acts and Monuments_— value of the collection, 365 _et seq._ a powerful engine in the misrepresentation of Mary’s character, 370. the secret of its success, 371.

Acunha, Don Juan de, 461.

Agustini, Monsignor, auditor of the Rota, 344.

Alva, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of, 313, 323, 346, 349, 444, 445.

Anderson, Judge, 369.

Angoulême, Duke of, third son of Francis I., 89.

Arundel, Henry, Earl of, Lord High Steward in Mary’s reign, 223, 225, 226, 228, 229, 234, 261, 271, 321, 330, 339, 403, 433, 497, 499.

Ascham, Roger, 374.

Ashley, Katharine, governess of the Princess Elizabeth’s household, 193, 416, 417, 421.

Aske, Robert, 142.

Askew, Anne, 384.

Assonleville, Christophe d’, 467.

Azevedo, Don Diego de, steward to Philip II., 404.

B.

Badoer, Venetian ambassador in Flanders, 404, 406, 412, 432.

Baker, Alys, a gentlewoman of the Princess Mary’s household, 6.

Bale, John, 474.

Barker, Dr., one of the Princess Mary’s chaplains, 203.

Barlings, Abbot of, hanged in chains, 143.

Bath, Earl of. See Bourchier.

Bavaria, Philip, Count Palatine, Duke of— a suitor for the hand of the Princess Mary, 170. his betrothal to her, 173. a treaty for their marriage, drawn up but never signed, 185.

Baynton, Margery, 133.

Beauchamp, Viscount, 152.

Bedford, Earl of. See Russell.

Bedingfeld, Sir Henry, 218, 307, 312, 345, 348, 349.

Berkeley, Sir Maurice, 290.

Beza, Theodore, the reformer, 357.

Black Joan, Cranmer’s first wife, 380.

Bocher, Joan, otherwise Joan of Kent, 196, 358, 384.

Bohemia, Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, King of, 414.

Boleyn, Anne, daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, afterwards Queen, 36, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 45, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 66, 67, 68, 69, 72, 77, 84, 85, 88, 98, 99, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106. is created Marchioness of Pembroke, and accompanies the King to France, 52. is secretly married to Henry VIII., 53. her coronation, 56. gives birth to a daughter, 57. her arrest and trial, 104. her execution, 105.

—— George, Viscount Rochford, brother of the above, 59, 70, 72, 93.

—— Sir Thomas, created Earl of Wiltshire, father of the above, 36, 93, 381.

Bonivet, Sieur de, Admiral of France, ambassador to England, 9.

Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London, 238, 326, 329, 333, 334, 357, 372, 373, 387, 389, 391 392. his articles concerning religion, 329, 334. accused of dilatoriness by the Council, 334. receives a papal commission to degrade Cranmer, 387. his character, 392.

Bourchier, John, Earl of Bath, 217, 218.

Bourne, Gilbert, Archdeacon of St. Paul’s, 238.

Bowes, Sir Robert, Master of the Rolls in the reign of Edward VI., 223.

Bradford, John, Bishop Ridley’s chaplain, 375.

Branch, William, _alias_ Flower, an ex-monk of Ely, 355, 356.

Brandenburg, Albert, Marquis of, 187.

Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 2, 65, 66, 68, 77, 142, 214.

Braye, Lord, 328.

Brett, Captain Alexander, 281, 282, 294.

Bridges or Brydges, Sir John, Lieutenant of the Tower, created Lord Chandos in May 1554, 306, 311.

—— Charles, second son of John, first Lord Chandos, 455.

Brooke, George, Lord Cobham, 223, 280, 287, 295, 403.

—— Thomas, son of the above, 290, 291, 295.

Brookes, John, Bishop of Gloucester in the reign of Mary, 387.

Brown, Dr., Prior of the Austin Friars in London, 53 _note_.

—— Mary, maid to the Princess Mary, 133.

Browne, Sir Anthony, afterwards Viscount Montague, 203, 272, 321, 440.

Bryan, Sir Francis, 36.

—— Margaret, Lady, “Lady Maistress” of the Princess Mary’s household, 6, 16, 495 App. B.

Bucer, Martin, 385.

Bullinger, Henry, 357, 372.

Bulmer, Lady, 143.

Burgartus, Vice-chancellor to the Duke of Saxony, 164.

Buttes, Dr., physician to Henry VIII., 78, 81, 87.

C.

Cabot, Sebastian, 488.

Calthorpe, Sir Philip, 17.

—— Lady, 17.

Calvin, John, the reformer, 212, 357, 358 _note_.

Campeggio, Cardinal, papal legate, 9, 40, 41.

Capua, Archbishop of, 29.

Caraffa, Cardinal, nephew of Pope Paul IV., 420.

Carew, Sir Gawin, 287.

—— Sir Peter, 15, 275, 278, 287, 414, 415, 421.

—— Mr., 328.

Carlos, Don, Prince of Spain, son of Philip II., 273.

Carne, Sir Edward, English ambassador to the Vatican, 438, 452, 456, 457.

Carter, William, armourer, 24.

Casale, Sir Gregory da, agent of Henry VIII. in Rome, 68.

Castro, Alfonso de, confessor of Philip II., 364, 404. preaches at court against the persecution of heretics, 404.

Cecil, Sir William, 196, 208, 223, 228, 229, 338, 341 _note_.

Challoner, navigator, 488, 489.

Chamberlain, Sir Thomas, English ambassador in Flanders, in the reign of Edward VI., 202.

Chandos, Lord. See Bridges.

Chapuys, Eustace, imperial ambassador at the court of Henry VIII., 41, 42, 43, 44, 51, 53, 54, 55, 57, 59, 62, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 88, 92, 97, 101, 102, 103, 107, 109, 116, 123, 126, 134, 136, 137, 145, 148, 159, 161, 168, 170, 179, 181, 182. consults the Emperor as to the advisability of carrying away the Princess Mary, 82, 83. suggests that the Emperor should make war on Henry, 88. visits Queen Katharine, and describes her illness and death, 92. revives the scheme for Mary’s escape, 101. seeks to allay Mary’s scruples on account of her abjuration, 126. his eulogy of the Princess, 136. his audience with Queen Jane, 137. advocates Mary’s marriage with Don Loys of Portugal, 151. again suggests that the Princess should leave England, 161. his advice to the Emperor, 181.

Charles V., Emperor of Austria, etc., 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 29, 70, 71, 82, 98, 109, 111, 131, 145, 152, 165, 181, 201, 211, 215, 231, 232,235, 236, 237, 251, 263, 267, 269, 271, 306, 320, 326, 328, 334, 335, 336, 357, 364, 403, 405, 407, 414. his see-saw policy, 11. his contemplated marriage with the Princess Mary, 11, 12, 17, 18, 19. repudiates his pledges, by the extravagance of his demands, 20, 21. his marriage to Isabella of Portugal, 22. his letter to the Empress announcing Queen Katharine’s death, 98. offers to be “a mean” to reconcile Henry to the Pope, 109. his reply to Henry’s answer, 111. his political selfishness overrides his humanity, 131. puts forward Don Loys as a suitor for Mary, 145. his satisfaction at the birth of Prince Edward, 152. report that he is to marry the Princess Mary, 165. is apprehensive for Mary’s safety, 181. receives the English envoys, 201. revives the plan for abducting Mary, 211. sends three envoys to England on the death of Edward VI., 215. urges Mary to have Lady Jane Grey executed, 231. insists on her signing Northumberland’s death-warrant, 232. advises caution in the restoration of religion in England, 235. instructs Renard to treat with the Queen of her marriage, 251. his opinion of the English, 263. detains Cardinal Pole in Belgium, 267. presses for the execution of Elizabeth, 306. makes over to Philip, the Kingdom of Naples and the Duchy of Milan, 326. is satisfied with the success of his policy, 325, 328, 336. insists that the peace-breakers should be punished as traitors, 337, 364. welcomes Philip to Brussels, 403. desires his son’s coronation as King Consort, 405 _note_. abdicates in favour of Philip, 407. reassures the Queen with delusive hopes, 414.

Charlotte, Princess, of France, 11.

Chartres, the Vidame de, 297.

Chedsey, Dr., Prebendary of St. Paul’s, 386.

Cheke or Cheeke, Dr., tutor to Edward VI., 223, 414, 415, 421.

Cheney, Mr., one of the King’s archers, 176.

Chester, Bishop of, 124.

Cheyne, or Cheney, Sir Thomas, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, 225, 226, 440.

Chichester, Bishop of. See Day, George.

Christopherson, Dr. John, Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, 288, 490.

Cifuentes, Count de, Imperial ambassador in Rome, 71, 146, 148.

Clarencyeus, Susan, 133, 265, 348, 350.

Clayton, Laurence, gunner, 24.

Clement VII., Pope, 40, 44, 57.

Cleves, Anne of, fourth wife of Henry VIII., 164, 165, 170, 173, 175, 178, 180, 181, 245, 256, 257. her arrival in England, 173. her marriage annulled, 178. her extraordinary reappearance at Court, 180, 181.

—— William, duke of, 49 _note_, 164, 178.

Clifford, Henry, secretary to the Duchess of Feria, and author of her _Life_, 423, 464, 468.

—— Lady Margaret, 326 _note_.

Clinton, Edward Fiennes de, ninth Lord Clinton and Saye, twice Lord High Admiral, 288, 411, 412, 414, 460, 461.

Cobham, Lord. See Brooke, George.

Constable, Sir Robert, 143.

Contarini, Francesco, 17, 18.

—— Gasparo, Cardinal, 165.

Convocation, both houses of, wait on Cardinal Pole and crave absolution “from all perjuries, schism and heresies,” 342.

Cooper, John, 368.

Cornwallis, Sir Thomas, 297.

Cotman, William, 282.

Cotton, Sir Richard, Comptroller of the Household to Edward VI., 223.

Council, Fourth Lateran, 362.

Courtenay, Henry, Marquis of Exeter and Earl of Devon, 125, 167, 168.

—— Edward, Earl of Devon, son of the above, 168, 218, 231, 252, 253, 270, 272, 275, 276, 278, 289, 296, 299, 301, 307, 308, 310, 311, 312, 349, 350, 412. a prisoner in the tower, 168. released by Mary on her accession, 231. the standard of revolt to be raised in his name, 275. his conduct during Wyatt’s rebellion, 289. proceedings against him, 296. suspected of communicating with Elizabeth, 307. sent to Fotheringhay, 312. is advised to travel for his improvement, 349.

Cranach, Lucas, court painter to the Duke of Cleves, 165.

Cranmer, Edmund, Archdeacon of Canterbury, 244.

—— Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 52, 53, 57, 74, 104, 107, 141, 177, 194, 195, 200, 223, 237, 240, 241, 243, 244, 260, 267, 268, 358, 375, 380-89. his consecration, 53. his oath of fidelity to the Pope, 502 App. E. gives sentence of divorce against Katharine of Arragon, 54. his excommunication, 57. annuls the King’s marriage with Anne Boleyn, 104. his advice to Henry after Anne’s death, 107. joins the Protestant party, 195. promotes union between the Church of England, and the reformed churches of the Continent, and revises the Prayer-book at the instigation of the foreign reformers, 385. makes himself guilty of high-treason by signing Edward’s will, 386. subscribes the letter of the Councillors calling upon Mary to acknowledge Queen Jane, 223. is active against the restoration of the old religion, 241. is committed to the Tower, 244. is attainted for high-treason, 260, 267. his view of heresy and his treatment of heretics, 358, 384. is sent to Oxford with Latimer and Ridley to hold a disputation, 375. sketch of his career, 380-89. his recantations and his burning at Oxford, 388, 389.

Croft, Sir James, 275, 277, 278, 297, 305, 306.

Crofts, Elizabeth, an impostor, 356.

Cromwell, Thomas, created Earl of Essex in 1539, Chief Secretary of State, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lord Privy Seal in the reign of Henry VIII., 41, 50, 67, 73, 77, 81, 85, 87, 113, 118, 122, 126, 128, 132, 134, 137, 141, 143, 152, 156, 158, 159, 160, 162, 168, 169, 174, 175, 177, 178. succeeds Cardinal Wolsey as Chancellor, 41. sends drafts of letters for Mary to copy, 113. his letter to her, 122. his fear of the King, 128. is regarded as the evil genius of the throne, 141. his dealings with the northern insurgents, 143. is considered a possible husband for Mary, 152. his connection with the Lutherans, 156. his _Remembrances_, 162, 168. his character, 169. brings about a marriage between the King and Anne of Cleves, and failing to find “a remedy” is disgraced, 174. his appeals to Henry; his trial and execution, 177.

Cumberland, Earl of, 142.

D.

Dacre, Lord, of the North, 143, 144.

Darcy, George, Lord, 223.

Dauncy, Sir John, 24.

Dauphin, the, eldest son of Francis I. See Henry II.

Day, George, Bishop of Chichester, 195, 326.

Deighton, John, 369.

Derby, Earl of, 325, 326.

Devon, the Countess of, 25, 252.

Dingley, Sir Thomas, 167.

Dormer, Jane, afterwards Duchess of Feria, 156, 353, 460, 464, 465, 468.

Drury, Sir William, 218.

Dudley, Lord, Governor of Hammes, 435.

—— Lord Ambrose, 260, 267.

—— Lord Guildford, 213, 260, 267, 293, 294, 497, 499.

—— Lord Henry, 220, 267.

—— John, Earl of Warwick, Viscount Lisle, Lord Great Master, Lord President of the Council, afterwards Duke of Northumberland. See Northumberland, Duke of.

—— Sir Henry, conspirator, 407, 409, 410, 411, 441, 453.

Dupuy, Cardinal, 387.

Durham, Bishop of. See Tunstal, Cuthbert.

E.

Easterlings, 489.

Eboli, Prince of. See Ruy Gomez.

Edward, Prince, son of Henry VIII., afterwards King, 152, 160, 188, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 211, 214, 215, 216, 217. his birth, 152. his coronation, 195. his Journal, 196, 199, 211. he summons Mary to embrace the new form of worship, 197. his death, 214, 216.

Egmont, Count, 272, 301, 307, 313, 320, 323, 453.

Eleanor, Dowager-Duchess of Austria, 27.

Elizabeth, Princess, daughter of Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn, 57, 65, 74, 76, 93, 104, 142, 171, 183, 192, 193, 230, 236, 237, 244, 245, 246, 256, 257, 268, 271, 275, 276, 278, 296, 297, 301, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 310, 311, 312, 329, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 354, 357, 396, 402, 403, 407, 415, 416, 418, 435, 442 _note_, 461, 462, 463, 464, 466, 467, 468, 498. her birth, 57. is provided with an establishment at Hatfield, 65. receives public honours on the death of Queen Katharine, 93. is declared illegitimate by Cranmer, 104. and by Act of Parliament, 142. her letter to Mary, 192. her public entrance into London with Queen Mary, 230. refuses to be present at Mass, 237. is the rallying point of the disaffected, 245, 275. her supposed conversion, 246. is present at the Queen’s coronation, 256, 257. proceedings against her, 296. is accused by Sir Thomas Wyatt, 297. her journey from Ashridge to Westminster, 297. charged with complicity with the rebels, she denies everything, 303. is sent to the Tower, 304. is entrusted to the care of Sir Henry Bedingfeld, 307. the Emperor and Renard demand her execution, 310. is sent to Woodstock, 312. a marriage proposed for her with the Duke of Savoy, 345. is summoned to Hampton Court, 346. her interview with the Queen, 348. is the centre of a fresh plot, 407. her household, 416. her letter to the Queen, 418. receives a visit from the Count de Feria, 461. declares herself a Catholic, 464.

Ely, Bishop of. See Goodrich, Thomas, and Thirlby, Thomas.

Emmanuel Philibert, Prince of Piedmont and Duke of Savoy, 345, 449, 450, 452, 463.

England, its character at the time of Mary’s birth, 1. is raised by Wolsey’s policy to greater power and importance, 11. its sanitary condition during the first half of the sixteenth century, 16. Sorranzo’s report on, 249. the religious state of, at the time of Mary’s accession, 337, 340.

Englefield, Sir Francis. See Inglefield.

Erasmus of Rotterdam, 5, 16, 183, 355, 380.

Essex, Henry Bourchier, Earl of (died in 1539), 58, 59, 126.

Exeter, Gertrude, Marchioness of, 30, 90, 91, 167.

—— Marquis of, 125.

F.

Faitta, Marc Antonio, secretary to Cardinal Pole, 224.

Falier, Ludovico, 47.

Farel, the reformer, 357.

Featherstone, John or Richard, schoolmaster to the Princess Mary, 23, 26, 75.

—— a boy made to personate Edward VI., 354.

Ferdinand of Arragon, 5, 12, 438.

Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, 254, 255.

Feria, Gomez, Suarez de Figuera, Count, then Duke, of, 313, 437, 459, 460, 461, 463, 464, 466, 467.

Fermes, Marshal de, 454.

Ferrar, Robert, Bishop of St. David’s, 367.

Ferrara, Duke of, 187.

Figueroa, Don Juan, Regent of Naples, 326.

Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, 38 _note_, 50, 75, 90.

Fitzwilliam, William, afterwards Earl of Southampton, Lord High Admiral, Lord Treasurer, 125.

Forest, Friar John, 364, 383.

Fortescue, Sir Adrian, 167.

Fountains, Abbot of, hanged in chains, 143.

Fox, Dr., almoner to Henry VIII., afterwards Bishop of Hereford, 65, 98, 381.

Foxe, John, martyrologist, 365-70, 372, 389, 391, 392, 474.

Francis I., King of France, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 27, 28, 32, 33, 34, 52, 70, 71, 89, 155. his personal appearance compared with that of Henry VIII., 4. betrothes the Dauphin to the Princess Mary, and is to be Regent of England if Henry predeceases him, 10. enmity between him and Charles V., 11. entertains Henry at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 13. his defeat at Pavia, 27. proposes to marry the Princess Mary, 33. but is obliged, by the Treaty of Madrid, to take the Emperor’s sister, 34. exchanges orders with Henry VIII., 34. meets Henry at Boulogne, and presents Anne Boleyn with a jewel, 52. is eager for a marriage between Mary and the Duke of Orleans, 155.

Frith, John, 375.

G.

Gage, Sir John, Constable of the Tower and Lord Chamberlain, 234, 289, 305, 306.

—— Robert, 442 _note_.

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor, 151, 153, 195, 218, 231, 234, 249, 250, 251, 256, 261, 262, 263 _note_, 269, 273, 274, 276, 283, 286, 287, 288, 294, 303, 307, 326, 330, 333, 334, 336, 338, 339, 340, 341, 347, 372, 374, 377, 378, 379, 382, 400, 402, 431, 487. is deprived and sent to the Tower, 195. in danger of execution by the Council, 218. is released by Mary on her accession, and made Chancellor, 231. his integrity and ability, 249. is obnoxious to de Noailles, 250. crowns the Queen at Westminster, 256. is anxious for her to marry an Englishman, 261. his affection for Courtenay, 263 _note_. opposes the Spanish match until further resistance is vain, 269. settles with Renard the terms of the Queen’s marriage treaty, 273. solemnises the royal marriage at Winchester, 326. incident of the “Nine Worthies,” 330. his attitude towards the disturbers of public order, 333. appeals to the Pope for a bull, confirming lay proprietors of ecclesiastical goods in their possession, 338. addresses both Houses of Parliament on the subject of their return to the Catholic Church, 339. preaches at St. Paul’s, 341. visits Elizabeth at Hampton Court, 347. sits on a commission of inquiry into the teaching of four Churchmen, 372. Foxe’s account of his death, 378. the true account of it, 382. his last speech in Parliament, 400.

Gates, Sir John, 223, 231, 449, App. C.

Gibbs, William, 287.

Gifford, Sir George, 343.

Giustinian, Marin, a Venetian traveller, 47.

—— Sebastian, Venetian ambassador to Henry VIII., 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10. his description of Mary’s betrothal to the Dauphin, 9.

Gloucester, Bishop of. See Brookes, John, and Hooper, John.

Gonzaga, Prince of, 320.

Gonzolles, Monsieur de, French ambassador to Scotland, 20.

Goodrich, Thomas, Bishop of Ely and Lord Chancellor in the reign of Edward VI., 196, 223.

Grammont, Cardinal, Bishop of Tarbes, 29, 33, 38.

Granvelle, Antoine Perrenot Cardinal de, Bishop of Arras, 81, 134, 135, 137, 185, 254, 256, 329. sends the chrism for anointing Queen Mary at her coronation, with apologies for the box, 256.

Gresham, Sir Thomas, 320.

Grey, Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, 219, 232, 279, 497, 498 App. C.

—— Henry, Duke of Suffolk, 214, 223, 226, 227, 275, 278, 279, 280, 287, 293, 302. signs the letter of the Privy Councillors calling upon Mary to acknowledge Queen Jane, 223. proclaims Queen Mary, 226 stirs up rebellion in the Midlands, 279. is beheaded on Tower Hill, 302.

—— Lady Jane, granddaughter of Mary, sister of Henry VIII. and daughter of Henry, Duke of Suffolk, 213, 219, 227, 228, 232, 260, 267, 293, 294. is proclaimed queen, 219. her letter to Mary from the Tower, 496 App. C. is attainted for high treason, 260, 267. is the victim of her father’s persistent disloyalty, 293. her execution, 294.

—— Lord John, son of Henry, Duke of Suffolk, 279.

—— Lady Katharine, 25.

—— Lord Leonard, son of Henry, Duke of Suffolk, 279.

—— Lord, de Wilton, Governor of Guisnes, 440, 447, 450, 454, 455.

Grimwood, “a notorious Papist,” 367, 368.

Grindal, Edmund, 266.

Guise, Duke of, 445, 449, 450, 451.

H.

Harper, Sir George, 280, 281, 287.

Harpsfield, John, 387.

—— Nicolas (Alan Cope), 366.

Hastings, Sir Edward, afterwards Lord Hastings of Loughborough, Master of the Horse, 225, 297, 338, 417.

Hawkins, Nicholas, 53 _note_.

Heath, Nicholas, Bishop of Worcester, afterwards Archbishop of York, afterwards Lord Chancellor, in succession to Stephen Gardiner, 195, 243, 257, 406 _note_.

Heer, Lucas van, painter— his portraits of Queen Mary, 186.

Henry II., King of France, eldest son of Francis I., 9, 15, 33, 34, 89, 215, 235, 262, 275, 297, 409, 410, 411, 412, 414, 420, 437, 438, 439, 441, 443, 444, 445, 451, 454. is betrothed as Dauphin to the Princess Mary, 9. his hereditary enmity with the emperor, 215. instructs his ambassador to remonstrate with Queen Mary on her alliance with Charles V., 275. causes De Noailles to incense the English people against the Spanish marriage, 275. subsidises Mary’s enemies, 297. his part in Dudley’s conspiracy, 410. refuses to give up the conspirators, 411. his answer to the Venetian ambassador, 412, 414. sends assurances of his friendship to Mary, 414. his renewed encouragement of the English rebels, 441. loses the battle of St. Quentin, 444. recalls the Duke of Guise from Italy, 445. wins back Calais from the English, 451. probably from “some treason” from within, 452. his interview with Philip II., 454.

Henry VII., King of England, 1.

Henry VIII., King of England, 1, 3, 4, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 20, 23, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 42 _note_, 43, 47, 49, 52, 55, 56, 58, 62, 63, 66, 67, 68, 75, 76, 80, 82, 85, 86, 88, 93, 96, 98, 101, 103, 105, 109, 113, 121, 134, 135, 141, 145, 150, 151, 153, 154, 158, 162, 165, 166, 172, 173, 174, 175, 178, 179, 181, 182, 186, 189, 190, 194. description of, by Giustinian, 3. his jealousy of Francis I., 4. his treaty with him, 8, 9, 10. transfers Mary’s hand to the Emperor, 11, 20. is entertained by Francis at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 13. creates Mary Princess of Wales, 23. negotiates a marriage between her and Francis I., 28. entertains the French envoys with a pageant, 30, 31. his “secret matter,” 32. sends the Garter to Francis I. and receives the Order of St. Michael in exchange, 34. his passion for Anne Boleyn, and the first proceedings in order to a divorce from the Queen, 36, 37. his letters to Anne Boleyn, 42 _note_. parts finally from Queen Katharine, 43. meets Francis I. at Boulogne, 52. his marriage with Anne Boleyn, 53. his breach with the Pope, 57. commands Katharine to give up her title, and sends commissioners to Mary with the same instructions, 56, 58. articles to be proposed to the “Lady Mary,” 58. deprives her of her household, and sends her to serve Elizabeth, 63. tells the French ambassador that Katharine cannot live long, 68. relents towards Mary in her illness, and sends her his physician, 78. is interested in a new favourite, 85. rejoices in the news of Katharine’s death, 93. desires friendship with Charles V., and considers Mary the only obstacle to it, 96. declares that he was led to marry Anne by witchcraft, 101. is enamoured of Jane Seymour, 98, 103. his reply, through Chapuys, to the Emperor’s advances, 109. his brutality towards Mary, 113, 121. restores her to favour, 134. his unpopularity and the terror he inspires, 88, 141. sends Mary the draft of a letter to be written to the Emperor, 145. sends for her to court, 150. refuses to legitimatise her, but gives hope that she will succeed if he has no other issue, 151. his indifference on the death of Queen Jane, 154. is anxious to detach Mary from the Emperor, 158. his reaction in favour of Catholicism, 166, 194. his marriage to Anne of Cleves, 173. his disgusted with his new wife and causes Cromwell to be arrested as responsible for his marriage, 174, 175. his union with Anne of Cleves declared null, 178. marries Katharine Howard, 179. but on reports of her misconduct, has her tried and executed, 181 his marriage to Katharine Parr, 182. his death, 186, 190. his opinion of his brothers-in-law, 189.

Herbert, Lord, of Cherbury, 2, 5.

—— William, first Earl of Pembroke. See Pembroke.

Heresy as understood and punished by Protestants, 357 _et seq._ as understood and punished by Catholics, 360 _et seq._

Heywood, John, 479 _note_, 501 App. D.

Highfield, John, 452.

Hoby, Master, 306.

Holbein, Hans, his portraits of the Princess Mary, 186, 187.

Holstein, Duke of, 186.

Hooper, John, Bishop of Gloucester, 196, 372, 373, 374.

Hopton, Dr., one of the Princess Mary’s chaplains, 203.

Horn, Count, 313.

Howard, Katharine, daughter of Lord Edmund Howard, a younger son of Thomas, second Duke of Norfolk, fifth wife of Henry VIII., 179, 181.

—— Thomas, third Duke of Norfolk. See Norfolk.

—— Lord Thomas, second son of the third Duke of Norfolk, 415, 416.

—— Lord William, first Lord Howard of Effingham, Lord High Admiral, and afterwards Lord Chamberlain, 286, 290, 291, 297, 298, 313, 347, 443, 485.

Huddleston, Mr., of Sawston, 217.

Hungary, Queen Maria of, 179, 182, 263, 311, 345, 413. sends Queen Mary the portrait of Philip II. by Titian, 263.

Huntingdon, Earl of, 223, 280, 281, 287, 497.

Hussey, Lord, 58, 143.

I.

Inglefield, or Englefield, Sir Francis. A member of the Princess Mary’s household, afterwards of the Queen’s Privy Council, 203, 206, 211, 234, 417.

Inquisition, the Spanish, 255, 261, 300, 329.

Isley, Sir Henry, 280, 282, 287.

J.

Jerningham, Sir Henry, 218, 224, 234, 281, 282.

Jervaulx, Abbot of, hanged in chains, 143.

Julius III., Pope, 266, 338, 344. appoints Cardinal Pole legate _a latere et pro pace_, 266. signs a bull granting the retention of Church property by lay holders in England, 338. sends the Golden Rose to Queen Mary, and the Sword and Cap of maintenance to Philip II., 344.

Jurieu, the reformer, 357.

K.

Katharine of Arragon, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile and Arragon, first wife of Henry VIII., and mother of Queen Mary, 1, 5, 6, 12, 13, 18, 21, 25, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 43, 44, 47, 51, 54, 56, 60, 66, 68, 76, 79, 81, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 153. her character and accomplishments, 5. receives the Emperor on his first visit to England, at Canterbury, 13. and on his second visit, at Greenwich, 18. her letter to Mary, on the departure of the Princess for Wales, 25. her divorce first mooted, 36. her uncompromising attitude, 38. her letter to Ludovicus Vives, 39. is finally abandoned by the King, 43. is no longer to be styled “Queen,” 47. her gift to the King refused, 51. is declared “contumacious,” and divorced by Cranmer, 54. her refusal to accept the title of “Princess-Dowager,” 56. her letter to Mary, 60. refuses to leave Buckden, 66. her fear of poison, 68. is in anxiety about her daughter, 76. is in danger of the scaffold, 90, 91. is visited by Chapuys, 92. her death, 92, 93. her funeral, 94.

—— the Lady, sister of the Prince of Castile afterwards Charles V., 2.

Kingston, Sir Anthony, 410, 420.

—— Lady, 106, 112, 162.

Knevett, William, 280, 290, 291.

Knox, John, the reformer, 354, 358, 359, 474.

L.

Lalain, Count, 272.

Lambert, John, 384.

Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Worcester, 141, 194, 196, 244, 268, 364, 375, 376, 377, 378. his sermon at Admiral Seymour’s funeral, 194. is committed a close prisoner to the Tower, 244. his sermon at Friar Forest’s burning, 364. is sent to Oxford to take part in a disputation, 375. approves the burning of heretics, 376. his own burning at Oxford, 377, 378.

Lautrec, commander of the French troops in Italy, 33.

La Viste, 29.

Lee, Rowland, chaplain to Henry VIII., afterwards successively Bishop of Chester, Coventry and Lichfield, and President of Wales, 53 _note_.

Lisle, Viscount. See Northumberland, Duke of.

Llandaff, Bishop of, 92.

Lollardy, 194, 362, 374.

Londoners, the, 1, 236, 238, 240, 244, 255, 264, 282, 300, 308, 329, 330, 333, 334, 351, 354, 396. are Protestant to the backbone, 238, 330. their anger at the restoration of the Mass, 240. their affection for Elizabeth, 244. their delight in pageants, 255. their turbulence, 264. their secret pleasure at the defeat of the Queen’s guards, 282. view with alarm the prospect of a withdrawal of the seat of government, 300. their attitude towards the Spaniards, 329. attack religious ceremonies, 333. clamour for the return of Cardinal Pole, 334. their renewal of disturbances on Elizabeth’s release from captivity, 351. circulate seditious pamphlets, 354. feed the Queen with insults, 396.

Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, 54.

Louise, Duchess of Savoy, 28, 49 _note_.

Loys, Don of Portugal, 144, 145, 151, 155, 187.

Luther, Martin, 94, 357.

M.

Madeleine, Madame, daughter of Francis I., 34.

Malin, Admiral, 453.

Mallet, Dr., one of Mary’s Chaplains, 203, 514 App. H.

Manrique, Don Juan, 414.

Marbeck, John, 367.

Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scotland, elder sister of Henry VIII., 49, 214.

Marillac, Monsieur de, French Ambassador to Henry VIII., 155 _note_, 156, 165, 170, 173, 174, 175, 180, 182. his description of the Princess Mary, 156. his letter to Francis I. on the fall of Cromwell, 175.

Martyr, Peter, the reformer, 242, 244, 374, 385. is furnished by Gardiner with funds to escape out of England, 374.

Mary Tudor, younger sister of Henry VIII., Queen Dowager of France, afterwards Duchess of Suffolk, 6, 8, 9, 214.

Mary, the Princess, afterwards Queen of England— her birth, baptism and early years, 1-6, 7-15. is formally betrothed to the Dauphin, 9. steps taken for transferring her hand to the Emperor, 11. treaty of marriage with the Emperor, 17. sees Charles V. at Greenwich, and is brought to Windsor to take leave of him, 18, 19. sends him an emerald with a message, 20. replies in Latin to his envoys, 21. is declared Princess of Wales and sent to that principality, 23. her Council and the “persons of gravity” in her suite, 24, 25. her education and proficiency in Latin, 26, 27. receives the French envoys, 29. and appears in a pageant for their entertainment, 30. is betrothed to the Duke of Orleans, 34. her character, 35. is no longer to be styled Princess, 47. contributions to her wardrobe, 48 _note_. projects for her marriage, 49. her title to be undecided, until after the birth of Anne’s child, 55. is deprived of her title and degraded, 57. her letter of protest to the King, 59. the love of the English people for her, 60, 108, 135. is removed to Hatfield, 65. is in danger of being poisoned, 68. does nothing but by the advice of Chapuys, 77. her illness, 78, 79. her proposed escape to Flanders, 82, 84. refuses to meet Anne’s advances, 85. the extreme danger in which she is placed, 88. her death plotted, 90, 91. Chapuys advises her to acknowledge Anne as queen, 97. refuses to subscribe to the new statute, 122. her letters to Cromwell, 112, 113, 116, 118, 119, 132, 139, 140, 157, 158, 163, 172, 179. to the King, 59, 114, 117, 120, 128, 130, 139. her abjuration, 113, 126. is restored to Henry’s favour, 134. takes Elizabeth under her protection, 139. her further protests against the declarations wrung from her, 146, 147. goes to court at Jane Seymour’s request, 150. is godmother to Prince Edward, 152. and chief mourner at Queen Jane’s funeral, 154. her beauty, 155. her irreproachable conduct, 157. the negotiation for her marriage to the Duke of Cleves, 164. it is thought that she will be married to the Emperor, 165. or to Reginald Pole, 167. her preference for a single life, 171. her betrothal to Duke Philip of Bavaria, 173. returns to court, 181. her appearance in 1544, 186. and in 1547, 187. her letter to Admiral Seymour, 191. her letter to Edward’s Council, 197. her letters to King Edward, 198, 204. her appeal to the Emperor, 198. must no longer use the Mass, 202. her servants summoned before the Privy Council and given “a strait charge,” 203-205. receives a deputation from the Council, 207. her reply to them, 210. is informed of Edward’s death and rides into Suffolk, 217. gathers round her the flower of the nobility, and announces her accession, 218. her letter to Edward’s Council, 220. is proclaimed all over the country, 225. her entrance into London, 230. releases the prisoners in the Tower, 231. her unprecedented clemency, 232. her difficulties in forming a Government, 234. issues a proclamation concerning religion, 239. her gifts to Elizabeth, 247, 268. her justice and honesty, 249. her marriage resolved upon for state reasons, 251. her kindness to Courtenay, 253, 486. her proposed marriage to Philip of Spain, 254. will no longer style herself Supreme Head of the Church of England, 256. her coronation, 256, 499 App. D. opens her first Parliament, 257. receives a deputation from the Commons concerning her marriage, 262. resolves to marry Philip of Spain, 263, 265. and proposes to marry Elizabeth to Courtenay, 271. her letter to Elizabeth, 277. her bearing during Wyatt’s rebellion, 282, 283, 284, 287, 288. her speech at the Guildhall, 284. her clemency, 292. yields to the Emperor’s demands for the execution of Lady Jane Grey and her husband, 293. reproaches de Noailles for his share in the rebellion, 302. will not have Elizabeth convicted on insufficient evidence, 306. her solemn betrothal to Philip, 307. her constitutional mode of government, 310, 486, 487. description of her person and character by Sorranzo, 318 _et seq._ her marriage, 324-327. her public entry into London with her husband, 329. is easy of access to the humblest individual, 332. is present in Parliament at the reconciliation of the kingdom, 339. goes to Hampton Court to await her confinement, 346. sends for Elizabeth, 348. her disappointment and grief, 351. the loss of her popularity, 352, 354. her desire for peace, 352 _note_. her kindness to the poor and afflicted, 353, 423. issues a proclamation concerning heretical books, 355. her written opinion concerning the restoration of Church property, the visitation of churches, the punishment of heretics, the plurality of benefices, etc., 363, 503 App. F. not keen to punish the peace-disturbers as heretics, 364. her letter in Council to Bonner concerning them, 390. her grief at the departure of the King, 398. opens her fourth Parliament, 400. her irreparable loss in Stephen Gardiner, 402. cannot induce the Council to give Philip the Crown matrimonial, 405. on the discovery of a fresh plot, her courage fails for the first time, 410. performs the ceremony of the feet-washing on Holy Thursday, 424-425. blesses cramp-rings and touches the scrofulous, 426. Faitta’s tribute to her goodness, 427. her plans for the re-establishment of religious houses, 428. her poverty, and refusal to make use of Church property, 430. restores the Church lands vested in the Crown, 431. raises money for Philip’s wars by means of privy seals, 432. writes to the Pope, 432, 438. receives Elizabeth graciously, 435. is rejoiced by her husband’s return, 436. sells Crown property to help Philip in his wars, 441 _note_. takes a final leave of him, 443. her grief at the loss of Calais, 446. and her resolve to recover the place, 451, 453. finds herself involved in a contest with the Pope, 455-458. believes herself to be again _enceinte_, 459. her decline, 460-465. sends commissioners to Elizabeth, to examine her as to her intention concerning religion, 464. a contemporary’s description of her death, 468. her funeral, 470-472. her panegyric by the Bishop of Winchester, 472. her will, 507 App. H. summary of her character, 476-479. the purity of her court, 485. her encouragement of commerce and navigation, 488, 489. her benefits to her army, 490. her connection with the Universities; her motto, 491.

Masone, Sir John, English ambassador to Charles V., 211, 223, 226, 234, 349, 467.

Mass, unauthorised said in London, 238, 240. the Princess Mary forbidden to have it said in her house, 198, 200-203, 208-210. of the Holy Ghost sung at the opening of Parliament, 257, 400. sung at the presentation of the Golden Rose, 344.

Maximilian, son of Ferdinand of Austria, 255.

Medina Cœli, Duke of, 313.

Melancthon, Philip, 165, 357.

Memo, the Rev. Dionysius, choir-master to Henry VIII., 7, 8.

Mendoza, Hurtado de, special envoy from Charles V. to Henry VIII., 151, 158, 162.

Metcalfe, Father, 514 App.H.

Michiel, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador to Queen Mary, 377, 379 _note_, 394, 396, 398, 400, 404, 407, 408, 414, 415, 416, 417, 420, 421, 422, 423, 428, 429, 430, 434, 435, 436, 448, 449, 479. communicates Dudley’s plot to his government, 408. his report on England, 448. his description of Queen Mary, 479.

Milan, Duchess of, 165.

Mont, or Mount Christopher, a German agent in the service of Henry VIII., 164.

Montague, Viscount. See Pole, Henry.

—— —— See Browne, Anthony.

Monte, Innocenzio Cardinal del, afterwards Pope Julius III., 236, 253.

Montmorency, Anne due de, 170.

—— Jean de, Sieur de Corrières, 215, 272.

Mordaunt, Lord, 218.

More, Sir Antonio, painter, his portraits of Queen Mary, 186, 491.

—— Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor, 50, 75, 98, 362, 369.

Morgan, Henry, Bishop of St. David’s, 367.

—— Serjeant, afterwards Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 202, 486.

Morice, Ralph, Cranmer’s secretary, 385.

Morley, Lord, 27, 152.

Mornix, Jacques de, Sieur de Toulouse, 215.

Morone, Cardinal, 456.

Morysine, Sir Richard, 200, 201.

Mountjoy, Lord, Queen Katharine’s Chamberlain, 56.

Müller, Caspar, 94.

Munday, Master, 378.

N.

Navagero, Bernardo, Venetian ambassador in Rome, 438.

Naves, Marquis de las, 312, 515.

Neville, Mrs. Frances, 485.

Nigry, Sieur de, Chancellor of the Order of the Golden Fleece, 272.

Noailles, Antoine de, French ambassador to Queen Mary, 215, 230, 244, 245, 246, 250, 252, 253, 255, 257, 260, 261, 266, 268, 269, 274, 275, 296, 302, 316, 322, 331, 343, 345, 351, 402, 406, 410, 415, 431. begins to stir the coals of rebellion, 244. his intrigues with Courtenay, 253. incenses the English against the Queen’s marriage, 255. asks for his brother as coadjutor, 260. his interview with Gardiner, 261. his practices with Elizabeth discovered, 268, 296. effect of his treachery, 269, 274, 275. his part in Wyatt’s rebellion, 296. congratulates the Queen on her victory, 302. is coldly received by Mary, 316. absents himself from the royal marriage ceremonies, 327, 331. still at his work of sowing discord, 343, 351. communicates with Elizabeth at Woodstock, 345. appreciates the effect of Gardiner’s death on French affairs, 402. his estimation of Cardinal Pole, 406. receives instructions from Henry II. concerning the English conspirators and Elizabeth, 410. takes leave of the Queen, 415.

—— François de, Protonotary, and Bishop of Acqs, brother of the above, 443.

—— Gilles de, ambassador in England after the departure of his brother, Antoine, 416.

Norfolk, Thomas Howard, third Duke of, 14, 43, 63, 64, 70, 77, 101, 124, 142, 143, 154, 175, 176, 218, 231, 234, 261, 271, 281, 282.

—— Duchess of, 2, 14.

North, Lord, 223.

Northampton, William Parr, Marquis of, 223, 228, 291, 295, 497 App.

Northumberland, John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, Viscount Lisle, Duke of, Lord Great Master and Lord President of the Council (created Duke in 1551), 154, 167, 189, 194, 211, 214, 215, 218, 219, 220, 223, 224, 228, 229, 231, 232. resigns his patent of Lord High Admiral to Sir Thomas Seymour, 189. accuses the Duke of Somerset, 194. marries his son to the Lady Jane Grey, 214. and persuades Edward VI. to exclude both his sisters from the succession, 214. advances with an army against Mary, 218. sends his son, Lord Henry Dudley, into France, 220. proclaims Queen Mary at Cambridge, 228. is arrested and sent to the Tower, 229. his execution, 232.

—— Duchess of, 497 App.

—— Thomas Percy, Earl of, 68, 143. is hanged in chains, 143.

O.

Orio, Lorenzo, 23.

Orleans, Duke of, 34, 89, 144, 152, 155.

Ormanetto, Niccolò, Chancellor and Secretary to Cardinal Pole, 458.

Ormond, Earl of, 281, 282.

Oxford, Earl of, 58, 59.

—— Lady, 17.

Oysel, Monsieur d’, French ambassador to Scotland, 296.

P.

Paget, Sir William, afterwards first Baron Paget of Beaudesert, Lord Privy Seal, 155, 225, 226, 234, 261, 262, 265, 269, 270, 271, 338, 363, 374, 402, 403, 406, 412, 413, 414, 415, 433, 434.

Palmer, Sir Thomas, 231.

—— Sir Robert, servant to the Earl of Arundel, 279.

Parliament, first of Queen Mary, meets on the 5th October, 1553, 257. passes a bill declaring the marriage between the Queen’s father and mother good and valid, 259. re-establishes religion as it was left on the death of Henry VIII., 260. causes to be attainted those who had been foremost in conspiring to exclude Mary from the throne, 260. presents the Queen with an address on the subject of her marriage, 262. passes a bill of tonnage and poundage, 489. is dissolved, 263. second of Queen Mary, is opened on the 2nd April, 1554, passes the Royal Marriage Act, and is immediately dissolved, 300. third of Queen Mary, is opened on the 12th November, by the King and Queen, 338. reverses Reginald Pole’s attainder, 338. both Houses of, pass a unanimous resolution to return to the Communion of the Catholic Church, 339. and are absolved, and restored to Catholic unity by Cardinal Pole, 340. the Queen’s title of Supreme Head abolished, and the Act against heresy revived, 363. fourth of Queen Mary, meets on the 21st October, 1555, and grants the Queen a million of gold, 402. passes the Queen’s bill for the restoration of Church property vested in the Crown, 431.

Parr, Katharine, sixth wife of Henry VIII., 182, 183, 184, 190, 193. her letter to the Princess Mary, 184. her marriage to Admiral Seymour, 190. her death, 193.

Parsons, the Rev. Robert, his indictment of Foxe, 366.

Pasqualigo, Venetian envoy, 4.

Paul III., Pope, 110, 146, 149, 335. makes advances towards a reconciliation with Henry VIII., 110. is ignorant for whom he grants a dispensation, 149. makes Reginald Pole a Cardinal, 335.

Paul IV., Pope, 420, 438, 439, 444, 445-458. imprisons Philip’s ambassador, 420. his desire for peace, 439. disassociates Mary from the blame he bestows on her husband, 455. recalls Pole as legate _a latere_, 455.

Paulet, Poulet or Powlett, Sir William, Comptroller of the King’s Household, 58, 59.

Peckham, Sir Edward, 225.

Pembroke, William Herbert, first Earl of, 223, 225, 226, 288, 290, 291, 323, 325, 326, 403, 407, 414, 433, 434, 440, 444, 448, 497, 499. defends London against Sir Thomas Wyatt, 288. conducts Philip to Winchester, 323.

Percy, Thomas, Earl of Northumberland. See Northumberland.

Peto, Friar, 456, 457, 458.

Petre, Sir William, Secretary of State, 196, 207, 223, 230, 234, 295, 341, 346, 403. made a Privy Councillor by Queen Mary, 234.

Philibert, Emmanuel, Prince of Piedmont and Duke of Savoy, 345, 450, 452.

Philip II. of Spain, 254, 255, 274, 295, 309, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316 _et seq._, 320, 321, 322, 323, 325, 326, 328, 329, 331, 332, 335, 338, 339, 342, 343, 344, 346, 349, 364, 397, 399, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 413, 416, 417, 420, 431, 433, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 443, 444, 445, 446, 450, 453, 454, 455, 459, 461. his arrival at Southampton, 314, 321. his appearance and character, 316 _et seq._ the treasure he brought with him, 320. his marriage to Queen Mary at Winchester, 325. his style, 326. is installed Knight of the Garter, 328. receives the French ambassador, 331. maintains Spanish etiquette, 332. his politics, 335. his letter to the Pope, 342. issues a proclamation forbidding Spaniards to carry arms in England, 343. receives the Sword and Cap of Maintenance from the Pope, 344. visits Elizabeth at Hampton Court, 346. helps Courtenay out of captivity, 349. is averse from the punishment of the seditious as heretics, 364. his departure for the Netherlands, 397. his manner of life at Brussels, 404. is invested by the Empress with the Grand Mastership of the Golden Fleece, 406. succeeds to his father’s titles and honours, 407. delays his return, in order to exact a promise from the Queen to bestow on him the Crown matrimonial, 413. his prudence regarding Elizabeth, 416. declares war against Paul IV., 420. his return to England, 436. seeks to draw the English into his wars, 439. and obtains such support as they are bound to give him by ancient treaties, 440. re-embarks for Flanders, 443. gains the battle of St. Quentin, 443. but fails to send timely relief to Calais, 450. does all he can to recover the place, 453, 454. sends de Feria to the Queen, 459. and hearing of her mortal illness, orders him to visit Elizabeth, 461.

Piamontese, Francesco, courier, 415, 420, 432, 433.

Pleine, Gerard de, 5.

Pole, Henry, Viscount Montague, eldest son of Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, his arrest and attainder, 166. is beheaded on Tower Hill, 167, 168.

—— Katharine, the Princess Mary’s nurse, 6.

—— Reginald, afterwards Cardinal, Archbishop of Canterbury, younger son of the Countess of Salisbury, 50, 51, 165, 166, 167, 235, 252, 254, 266, 267, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 344, 365, 380, 387, 397, 399, 402, 406, 409, 410, 420, 422, 424, 427, 429, 431, 433, 435, 437, 438, 444, 446, 452, 455, 456, 457, 458, 461, 462, 463, 468, 469, 470, 481. declines the Archbishopric of York, 50. leaves England, 51. his book on _The Unity of the Church_, 166. letter to Cardinal Contarini, 167. is made a Cardinal by Paul III., 335. urges Mary to reconcile the kingdom with Rome and to restore Church property, 235. not yet being pledged to the ecclesiastical state, is proposed as a husband for Queen Mary, 254. is appointed legate _a latere et pro pace_, 266. only just misses being elected Pope, 266 _note_. his letter to King Philip, 334. his attainder reversed, 338. returns to England, 339. reconciles the representatives of the nation to the Pope, 340. is appointed to conduct Cranmer’s trial for heresy, 387. is to take Philip’s place in the Government during the King’s absence, 399. consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury, 409, 410. is somewhat embarrassed by Philip’s return, 437. his death, 468.

Pope, Sir Thomas, 291, 418.

Portugal, King of, 11, 151, 315.

—— the Princess of, afterwards the Empress Isabella, 11, 12 _note_, 19, 136, 165.

—— the Infant of, 255.

Poynet, John, Bishop of Winchester, 244, 354.

Poyns, Sir Nicholas, 291.

Priuli, Monsignor, 433, 468.

Privy Council— of Edward VI., 187, 189, 194, 196, 197, 198, 200-212, 218-221, 223, 234, 237, 373, 385. of Queen Mary, 231, 234, 244, 245, 254, 261, 272, 276, 282, 283, 287, 295, 309, 310, 311, 319, 330, 332, 333, 334, 354, 357, 363, 364, 377, 390, 402, 405, 415, 437, 439, 440, 443, 466, 470, 474. urges Mary in vain to secure Elizabeth’s person, 276. panic-stricken on Wyatt’s rebellion, 283. for treating the rebels as heretics, 309, 357. some of the members incline to a secret understanding with Elizabeth, 402. and refuse to crown Philip, 405.

R.

Rauffe, John, gunner, 24.

Renard, Simon, Imperial ambassador to Queen Mary, 215, 237, 246, 247, 251, 253, 254, 263, 264, 267, 270, 273, 277, 283, 295, 299, 308, 309, 310, 313, 329, 338, 357. entreats the Queen to take measures against Elizabeth’s disloyalty, 237. regards Elizabeth as the champion of the disaffected, 247. declares that she and Courtenay are in collusion, 253. introduces the subject of a marriage between Mary and Philip, 254. his dislike of Gardiner, 310. advises Philip to come with as little state as possible, 313. his letter to the Emperor after the royal marriage, 329. is sent to Brussels to negotiate the return of Cardinal Pole, 338.

Ricardes, Dr., one of the Princess Mary’s chaplains, 203.

Rich, Richard, first Baron, Lord Chancellor in Edward’s reign, 207, 208, 223.

Richmond, Duke of, natural son of Henry VIII., 65, 105, 136, 153.

Ridley, Nicholas, Bishop of London, 196, 212, 223, 224, 238, 268, 375, 377, 378. visits the Princess Mary at Hunsdon, 212. preaches against Mary’s accession, 223. is arrested at Ipswich and sent to the Tower, 224.

Rochefoucauld, Count de la, 454.

Rochester, Sir Robert, Comptroller of the Household, 203, 206, 209, 211, 212, 234, 261, 295, 432.

Rochford, George Viscount. See Boleyn.

Rœulx, Baron de, 102.

Rogers, John, Prebendary of St. Paul’s, 372, 374.

Ross, ——, a reformed preacher, 363.

Rota, Court of the, 41, 57.

Rowte, Sir Henry, chaplain to the Princess Mary, 6.

Rudston, Master, 280, 287.

Russell, Sir John, first Earl of Bedford, 44, 223, 278, 313, 326, 341.

—— Francis, Viscount, son of the above, succeeded him as second Earl, 296.

Rutland, Henry Manners, Earl of, 403.

Ruy Gomez, Prince of Eboli, 313.

S.

Sagudino, Venetian envoy, 5.

Sainte Croix, Prosper de, 253.

St. Asaph, Bishop of, Thomas Goldwell, 469.

Saint Thomas of Aquin, 361.

Salinas, Martin de, 18.

Salisbury, Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of, 2, 25, 26, 64, 81, 166, 167, 168, 181. accompanies the Princess Mary into Wales, 25. is removed from Mary’s household, 64. her arrest and attainder, 166. her execution, 168, 181.

Saluce, Marquis de, 67.

Sampson, Dr., 59.

Sanguino, Signor Carlo da, gentleman of the mouth to Philip II., 396.

San Saluto, Abbot of, 406.

Saunders, Laurence, Rector of All Hallows, 372, 374.

Savage, Mistress Anne, 53 _note_.

Savagnano, Mario, his report of a visit to the English court, 45.

Savoy, Duke of. See Emmanuel Philibert.

Scory, Dr. John, successively Bishop of Rochester, Chichester and Hereford, 243.

Seamer, Master John, 291.

Selve, Monsieur de, French ambassador to the Venetian Republic, 275.

Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, afterwards Duke of Somerset, and Lord Protector, 189, 193, 194, 196, 211.

—— Jane, third wife of Henry VIII., sister of the above, 99, 103, 105, 107, 112, 125, 137, 149, 150, 153, 154. her affection for the Princess Mary, 125, 150. her death, 153.

—— Sir Thomas, Lord Seymour of Sudley, Lord High Admiral, 189, 190, 193.

Sforza, Francesco, Duke of Milan, 49.

Shelton, Sir John, 218.

—— Lady (also called Mistress), governess to the Princess Mary, 69, 70, 75, 81, 99, 124.

Shrewsbury, Earl of, 142, 223, 225.

Skeffington, Sir William, 24.

Smith, Sir Thomas, Secretary of State in Edward’s reign, 196, 374.

Sorranzo, Giacomo, Venetian ambassador to England, 261, 302, 518. to France, 411, 412. his description of Queen Mary, 318.

Soto Pedro, 254, 377, 380.

Southwell, Sir Richard, Master of the Ordnance, 295.

Spaniards in England, 323, 329, 343, 344, 356, 436.

Speke, Sir George, 167.

Spinelli, Gasparo, 28, 29, 30.

Stafford, Thomas, grandson of the Duke of Buckingham, 441, 442, 452.

Strelley, Sir Anthony, 403.

—— Mrs. Frideswide, 351.

Strozzi, Prince, 454.

Stuart, Mary, Queen of Scots, 215, 245, 274, 306 _note_, 315, 359.

Suffolk, Duke of. See Brandon, Charles, and Grey, Henry.

—— Frances, Duchess of, daughter of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and Mary Tudor, Queen Dowager of France, sister of Henry VIII., 214, 219, 232, 279.

Surian, Michiel, replaces Giovanni Michiel as Venetian ambassador to England, 436, 437, 439, 443, 444, 451, 453, 462, 465, 468.

Sussex, Earl of, 58, 59, 124, 218, 304, 305, 328.

Sweden, Gustavus Vasa, King of, 464.

Sydney, Elizabeth, 157 _note_.

—— Mabel, _ibid._

T.

Tarbes, Bishop of. See Grammont.

Taylor, John, _alias_ Cardmaker, Rector of Hadley, 372, 374.

Thirlby, Thomas, Bishop of Ely in the reign of Mary, 326, 387, 388, 400, 424.

Thomas, William, plots the murder of Queen Mary, 355.

Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas, 198, 410, 486.

Trivulci, Cardinal, 452.

Tunstal, Cuthbert, successively Bishop of London and of Durham, 9, 20, 21, 22, 231, 326. ambassador-extraordinary to Spain, 20. his opinion of the Princess Mary, 22. released from the Tower on Mary’s accession, 231.

Turenne, Vicomte de, 30, 31.

U.

Udal, Nicholas, Headmaster of Eton College, and Vicar of Braintree, 183, 410.

Underhill, Edward, Gospeller, 227, 288, 327, 328 _note_.

V.

Vagrancy, 248.

Venier, Marc Antonio, 47.

Vives, Ludovicus, 26, 39, 40.

W.

Waldegrave, Sir Edward, a member of the Princess Mary’s household, afterwards Master of the Wardrobe, 203, 205, 211, 234.

Wallop, Sir John, English ambassador to Francis I., 47, 154.

Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, 36, 37, 52, 381.

Warre, Lord de la, 416, 421.

Warwick, Earl of. See Northumberland, Duke of.

—— —— eldest son of the above, 231.

Wassilegevich, Ivan, Czar of Russia, 488.

Wentworth, Lord, Deputy-governor of Calais, 448, 450.

Westmorland, Earl of, 442.

Weston, Dr., 302, 311, 386.

Westweek, Father, 514 App.

White, Dr., Bishop of Winchester, preaches Queen Mary’s funeral sermon, and suffers for his praise of her, 472-474.

Williams, Sir John, 225.

—— Lord, of Thame, 312.

Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 488.

Wiltshire, Earl of. See Boleyn, Sir Thomas.

Winchester, Marquis of, Lord High Treasurer, 223, 234, 304, 305, 326.

Windsor, Sir Andrew, 24.

—— Lord, 225.

Wingfield, Sir Anthony, Comptroller of the Household to Edward VI., 207.

—— Sir Richard, ambassador-extraordinary to Spain, 13 _note_, 20, 21.

Wolsey, Cardinal of York and Lord Chancellor, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 18, 19, 24, 28, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 50, 55, 136. sponsor at the baptism of the Princess Mary, 2. his ascendency over the King, 4, 6. his foreign policy, 12, 13, 18. his ambition and dreams of the Papacy, 28, 32. schemes to marry the Princess Mary to Francis I., 33. opens a legatine Court, in conjunction with Campeggio, 40. his disgrace, 41, 50, 55.

Wood, Anthony à, 367.

—— Avis, laundress to the Princess Mary, 6.

Worcester, Earl of, 289, 308.

Worth, John, his letter to Lord Lisle, 167.

Wotton, Dr., Dean of the Chapel to the Princess Mary, and ambassador to Charles V. and Henry II., 25, 201, 202, 266, 406, 442.

Wriothesley, Sir Thomas, Keeper of the Wardrobe, and Secretary to Thomas Cromwell, 162, 170, 172.

Wyatt, Sir Thomas, son of the poet, special envoy from Henry VIII. to Charles V., and author of the second rebellion under Mary, 145, 151, 275, 277, 280, 282, 287, 289, 290, 291, 292, 296, 299, 303, 308, 311. sets up the standard of revolt in Kent, 280. arrives at Hyde Park Corner, 289. gives himself up at Temple Bar, 290. his conflicting statements concerning Elizabeth and Courtenay, 296, 299, 311. his execution, 311.

Z.

Zapolski, John, King of Hungary, 49.

Zwingli Ulrich, Swiss reformer, 372.

THE ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS LIMITED.

┌───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐ │ Transcriber’s Note: │ │ │ │ The original spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have been │ │ retained, with the exception of apparent typographical errors │ │ which have been corrected without note. │ │ │ │ Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. │ │ │ │ Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant │ │ form was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. │ │ │ │ Italicized words are surrounded by underline characters, _like │ │ this_. │ │ │ │ Mid-paragraph illustrations have been moved between paragraphs │ │ and some illustrations have been moved closer to the text that │ │ references them. The List of Illustrations paginations were │ │ changed accordingly. │ │ │ │ Italicized words are surrounded by underline characters, │ │ _like this_. │ │ │ │ Footnotes were moved to the end of chapters and numbered in one │ │ continuous sequence. │ │ │ │ Superscripts are enclosed in brackets like this: 2^d or like │ │ this: 2^{nd}. │ │ │ │ Underlined words are surrounded by tildes like this: ~100 pounds~.│ │ │ │ These variants of Boleyn were unchanged: Boleyne (p. 85), Boleine │ │ (p. 149). │ │ │ │ p. 243: “with mine own seal joined thereto.”[1] │ │ Footnote anchor removed by the transcriber as it lacks a │ │ corresponding footnote. │ └───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘