The History of Lynn, Vol. 2 [of 2]

Part 16

Chapter 163,883 wordsPublic domain

In the course of the following year, (1704) our national feelings were very differently affected. The dejection of the preceding year was no longer felt, and the public mind became suddenly elated in a wonderful manner, and to an extraordinary degree. This was occasioned by the battle of _Hochstet_, or _Blenheim_, as we most commonly call it. That surprising victory filled the nation with such vainglorious triumph as to throw it almost into a state of atheistical intoxication. Addresses to the throne came in thick now from all quarters, and our corporation appeared conspicuous among those memorable addressers. Our address was not a little remarkable; but whether most so for its piety, good sense, and elegance, or for its loyalty, adulation, and fustian, or bombastry, may be left for the reader to judge. {878}

But however loyal or patriotic we seemed at this period, and elated with the idea of our military successes and national glory, we yet lay at the same time under some very unfavourable and disreputable imputations from some of our neighbours, on the score of extortion, or unwarrantable and exorbitant exactions in our commercial dealings. Nor is it at all clear that the charge was absolutely or entirely groundless.—These circumstances appear from the following document in the Hall-books.—

“Jan. 12th. 1704–5. Whereas Petitions have been lately exhibited to the Honourable House of Commons in Parliament by the Deputy Leuftenants, Justices of the Peace, Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the Countys of Bedford and Huntingdon, complaining of great duties and payments exacted by this town of Lynn by force of pretended By-Laws on all such sea coales brought into this port as are not consumed in this town, and for that under a pretence of a certain custome of _Foreign bought and foreign sold_ all masters of ships and others not free of this corporation who bring in coales are compelled to lye three market days after arrival before they are permitted to sell their coales to any person whatsoever; and after they have layn such time yet they are permitted to sell to non but Freemen and inhabitants of the burgh at their own prices, whereby all other traders in Sea coales are discouraged, that trade monopolised there, and the prices raised to an excessive rate, and that the freemen and inhabitants thereby make exorbitant gains to themselves, to the great oppression of the petitioners and diminution of the queen’s revenue, which custom and practices are contrary to divers laws and statutes, viz. 9th of Ed. 3 and 25th. Ed. 3. and 11th. Rd. 2. and therefore pray to be relieved against them.—And whereas the matters in said petition are referr’d to a private committee it is ordered that Councell be taken in said case, and that such concession and disclaims {880a} be made before the committee or otherwise as by our Burgesses in Parliament with advice of such Councell shall be thought reasonable touching the duty of 8_d._ per Chalder and compelling Strangers ships to lye 3 days mentioned in the said case, and to act farther therein as they shall see cause, _saving_ to this corporation the ancient _custome of fforeign bought of foreign sold_, and the _duty_ 4_d._ _per chalder_ time out of mind received and injoyed.” {880b}

How this affair terminated we have not been able to ascertain.

Soon after the affair just now mentioned another circumstance transpired which had a still more serious aspect on our corporation, as it seemed to involve them in a kind of dispute with the crown itself, and to threaten them with a repetition of former alarming regal procedures, or another deprivation of their charters and municipal franchises. A process was accordingly commenced against them on the part of their sovereign, for the embezzlement, or non-payment of certain royal dues; and it is thus noticed in their own records—“June 13th. 1705; upon reading a writt directed to the sheriffe of this county, for seizing into Her Majesties hands the liberties of this Burgh, for default of entering claims, and answering and accounting for the debts, fines, and forfeitures due to Her Majestie arising within this Burgh. It is this day ordered that the Town Clerke forthwith take care to cause appearance to the said writt, and such other matters be performed as are incumbent on the mayor and burgesses.”—It is not said what was the result, but it may be supposed to have ended favourably, though, probably, not without absolute submission and great expense. But for any disloyalty that might be alleged against them in this instance, they seem to have made ample amends by their memorable address to the throne in 1706, which shall be given in the next section.

Among the advantages enjoyed formerly by the minister of the town, or the vicar of St. Margaret’s parish, was that of a _parsonage house_ for his habitation. This house was situated in _Webster’s row_, or Broad street. For sometime before the period of which we are now speaking there seems to have been some doubt, whether this house belonged to the corporation, or to the Dean and Chapter of Norwich. But now, during the deanship of the celebrated _Dr. Prideaux_, the Dean and Chapter expressly relinquished their claim in favour of the corporation. But this is supposed to have proved to succeeding ministers an unfortunate relinquishment: for it does not seem that they had any longer an appropriate mansion in the town, but were obliged to shift for themselves, and procure a dwelling as they could, like the rest of the inhabitants. How the corporation came to deprive the minister of his parsonage house we have not learnt.—Of this affair the following notice occurs in the Hall-Books; “August 29. 1705; It appeareth by old deeds that the minister’s house in Webster’s Row belongeth to the mayor and burgesses, and Dr. Prideaux, Dean of Norwich, by his Letter produced doth disclaim the same, as never in possession of the Dean and Chapter of Norwich.”

SECTION IV.

_State of Lynn under Q. Anne continued—pompous address to the throne in_ 1706—_cut made the same year from Kettlewell to Gannock gate—state of the Middleton river and water-mills—another notable address to the throne—execution of two children—state of the harbour—Dr. Hepburne and other doctors—the medical as well as clerical profession supposed to be more highly esteemed here formerly than at present—reasons for that supposition—law-suit—Walpole’s expulsion—death of Anne and accession of George I_.

In the summer of 1706, our corporation distinguished themselves by another most elaborate and pompous address to the throne, which might well compensate for all that constructive disloyalty, or treasonable delinquency which seemed imputable to them the preceding year. Indeed, as far as words could do it, this address must have placed them among the most loyal, most zealous, and most devoted of all her majesty’s subjects. Whether she herself deemed it to have completely white washed them from their former foulness, or not, we are unable to say. But if she did really condescend to bestow upon it any thought at all, she could hardly avoid considering it as an extraordinary production: and the reader will probably view it in much the same light. {883}

In the self-same year, and soon after the date of the said addresses to the throne, there was here no small stir made about the corn water-mills, which were situated close by the present Lancastrian school. From those mills the fleet from thence to the harbour was called mill-fleet, and the lane adjoining had the name of mill-lane. Those corn water-mills appear to have been here long noted, and of great use to the town. But about the time of which we are now speaking they were falling into decay, and so continued till they were at length entirely laid aside, and every vestige of them has long ago disappeared. The wind-mills now supply their place and do their work, at least so much of it as is wanted to be done here; for the chief of the meal and flour consumed in the town is brought from other parts. When Lynn depended for its bread entirely, or almost so, on its water-mills, they must have been of great consequence, and the laying of them by must have been much felt by the inhabitants. At present our situation is very different, and we perceive and feel no need of water-mills. {885}

In the spring of the very next year (1707) another flaming address to the throne went from Lynn; and as it is not inferior to the former in point of eloquence and sublimity, it may be desirable to have it preserved, for the entertainment of the rising generation.—It was dated April 25.—The following is a correct copy of it, as it stands in our volume of extracts—

“May it please your Majestie, Nothing could ever equal your Victories in the field but your Councells in the cabinet: thus happily in spite of all the Jesuiticall contrivances of your and our Ennemys to vanquish nationall and hereditary prejudices, to reconcile so many jarring and different pretensions, and to unite England and Scotland into one kingdome and interest, hitherto by all in vain attempted, will together with the Blenheim and Ramilies remain everlasting monuments of your Majesties glory.—Our Protestant succession is hereby extended thro’ the British Isle, Our Legislature, Trade, and Interest one, and all Jealousies and differences being removed, that strength which has often been a weakening to us, to the mutual endangering our constitution and safety, is now become a real security to both, and formidable to our enemies. Thus the hopes of our divisions, fomented by a popish Pretender and his heedless abettors, will be now extinguished, and wee shall always think it our dutie, as what is most agreeable to your Majestie and beneficiall to ourselves, to be unanimous with one another, and to pay a friendly regard to our united Neibours, as becomes fellow protestants and fellow subjects.—May your Majestie, seated on the throne of your united Britannia, long hold the ballance and arbitrate the peace and safely of Europe, and be as great and happy here, as your memory will be immortall and glorious hereafter.” {887}

We now take our leave of the Lynn Addresses. This and the two former are probably to be classed among the prime productions of our augustan age. Our volume of Extracts contains no more copies of addresses to the throne; which seems to indicate that a great tailing off took place afterwards in their style and composition, so that the succeeding ones were not worth preserving. However that was, these samples have been here inserted upon the supposition that they were some of the best written and most eloquent that any of our sovereigns ever received from this borough: and it is in that view chiefly they are now recommended to the perusal and consideration of the reader.

In 1708, according to one of our MS. accounts of that time, two children were hanged here for felony, one _eleven_, and the other but _seven_ years of age; which if true, must indicate very early and shocking depravity in the sufferers, as well as unusual and excessive vigour on the part of the magistrates in the infliction of capital punishment. {888a}—In that also and the succeeding year, the wretched state of the _harbour_ appears to have occasioned considerable disquietude and alarm in the town; and the most effectual means that could be thought of were adopted to remedy the growing evil, and tranquillize the minds of the inhabitants. {888b}

At the time now under review, two of the most prominent characters in this town were the elder _Pyle_ and _Dr. Hepburne_. Of the former some account may be expected hereafter. The latter was a North-Briton, and of the medical profession. At what time he settled here does not very distinctly appear; but it is supposed to have been about the latter part of king William’s reign. Be that as it might, he soon became eminent as a physician, so as to stand at the head of the profession, in all this part of the kingdom, for near half a century. Walpole, with our principal nobility and gentry, held him in high estimation, and his practice became in time so very extensive that he was seldom to be found at home, so that the town was obliged then to have recourse for medical advice solely to _Browne_ and _Lidderdale_ the two other physicians.

On the 3rd. of February 1709, the Hall voted Dr. Hepburne the freedom of the town _gratis_; and he took up that freedom on the 12th. of the next ensuing August. _Browne_ is supposed to have had the same compliment paid him: so had _Lidderdale_ on the 29th. of August 1737. so also had _Tayler_ on the same day of the same month, ten years after. The last of our physicians, if we are not mistaken, who have been thought worthy of the honour of being made free of this ancient and renowned borough, was the late Dr. _Hamilton_. He was not, like Paul, _free-born_, nor did he, like most of his predecessors, become free _gratis_; but might say with the Roman chief captain, “With a great sum obtained I this freedom,” for it cost him at least 30_l._ which was a great deal more than it was worth to a mere medical man, fifty years ago. His being obliged to purchase it, and so dearly too, seems a pretty plain indication that a change of disposition towards the physicians had then taken place in the Hall, and that they were actually sinking in the estimation of that worshipful body. That same body is supposed to have been no less determined ever since, even from the commencement of this jubilee reign, against making any more of the physicians _free_, than his majesty is said to be against making any more of his subjects _Dukes_, except those of his own family. So remarkable a coincidence between the humour of our corporation and that of their beloved sovereign must, no doubt, be very curious to contemplate. As to the two physicians that are now, and have long been resident here, the present writer positively disavows any knowledge or suspicion of either of them being in the least uneasy in their state of villanage, or at all desirous of obtaining their freedom. On the contrary, he supposes them to be perfectly indifferent about that matter; even as much so as he is himself, who has not the least idea that the freedom of Lynn, or of any other town, would be worth to him a single _groat_, or what would afford the smallest gratification.

Not only the _medical_ profession, but even the _clerical_ also seems to be in lower estimation here now than what it was a hundred years ago. The heads of both professions were then, and long after, we presume, invariably admitted to their freedom, which is not the case now. The very _Lecturer_, if we are rightly informed, is at present _unfree_, as well as the physicians. The Vicar also, as was before noted, had here then a parsonage-house, which he has not now. Nor is his present stipend, or income, any way equal to what it was at that period. Yet for all this seemingly declining credit of these two learned professions among us, it is more than probable, that both physic and divinity are as well understood, and as rightly and judiciously administered here now, as ever they were in the days of Thomas Pyle and George Hepburne.

In 1713 our corporation, in conjunction with some others, engaged in a law-suit about Sir Thomas White’s benefaction, {891} but it does not appear how it terminated.—About the same time, and somewhat earlier, Lynn must have been much agitated by the affair of Walpole, who was one of its parliamentary representatives. Because he would not join with the new ministry, they resolved to be revenged, by accusing him of a breach of trust and corruption. They finally succeeded, though by small majorities, and had him committed to the Tower and expelled the House. Lynn re-elected him, but it was declared null and void: so he was kept out of parliament till after its dissolution, which took place on the 8th. of August 1713. Lynn then again re-elected him, and he sat in the new parliament which met on the 16th. of February 1714. The queen died a few months after, and was succeeded by George I. which opened the way and was the prelude to Walpole’s future elevation and prosperity.

SECTION V.

_State of Lynn under George I.—sketch of his character—attachment and wishes of the people divided between him and the son of James II commonly called the Pretender—our accounts of this town_, _during this reign_, _very barren of interesting or memorable incidents—enumeration of some of the most remarkable—the king dies and his son succeeds_.

No prince, says Coxe, ever ascended a throne under more critical circumstances, and with less appearances of a quiet reign, than George the First; whether we consider the state of the European powers, the situation of parties in Great Britain, or his own character. As to the latter, he was ill calculated by nature, disposition, and habit to reconcile the then jarring parties, and remove the unfavourable impressions which it was natural for all people to entertain of a foreigner, destined to rule over them. He was already fifty-four years of age, and had been long habituated to a court of a very different description from that of England, and to manners and customs wholly repugnant to those of his new subjects. He was easy and familiar only in his hours of relaxation, and to those alone who formed his usual society; not fond of attracting notice, phlegmatic and grave in his public deportment, hating the splendour of majesty, shunning crowds, and fatigued even with the first acclamations of the multitude. This natural reserve was heightened by his ignorance of the language, of the first principles of the English constitution, and of the spirit and temper of the people.

It was currently reported, before his arrival, that measures were preparing to evade the laws which excluded foreigners from honours and employments. He had several mistresses, of whom two the most favoured were expected to accompany him to England, with a numerous train of Hanoverian followers, eager to share the spoils of the _promised land_; to set up a court within a court, and an interest opposite to the true interest of England. It was also maliciously circulated that he was indifferent to his own succession, and scarcely willing to stretch out a hand to grasp the crown within his reach. “But, adds the same writer, he had excellent qualities for a sovereign, plainness of manners, simplicity of character, and benignity of temper; great application to business, extreme exactness in distributing his time, the strictest economy in regulating his revenue; and, notwithstanding his military skill and tried valour, _a love of peace_; virtues, however, which required time before they were appreciated, and not of that specious cast to captivate the multitude, or raise the tide of popularity.”—Such was our first sovereign of the present family. {894}

A great part of the nation was hostile to the Hanover succession; but it was a divided party, and could never be brought to act in concert, or with whiggish energy. The _Tories_ were then a very powerful body, and mostly in favour of the Pretender, but not so decidedly as the _Jacobites_, who were to a man violent for his restoration. These two parties were then more numerous and powerful than the _Whigs_, or adherents of the House of Hanover and the protestant succession. But they wanted the talents, the unanimity, and the decision of the latter, and therefore proved unable to gain their point, or introduce the pretender and place him on the throne. An attempt, however, was made, chiefly in Scotland, to bring him in, in 1715, and again in 1745; but they both miscarried, so that the present family in the end got firm and undisputed possession of the sovereignty of these realms; and the pretending or rival family is now extinct. Considering the many adverse appearances, at and before the queen’s death, George’s quiet accession was not a little remarkable and surprising. His success, it has been thought, “was principally owing to the abilities, prudence, activity, and foresight of the great Whigs, and to the precautions which they had always taken, and now took to promote the succession in the protestant line, with whom the Hanoverian agents in London concerted their mode of conduct, and to whom George, from the first news he received of the queen’s death, wholly resigned himself and his cause.” In nothing did he discover so much discretion and wisdom, as in acting under the guidance of such able and trusty adherents.

The history of Lynn during this reign, seems remarkably barren of interesting, or very memorable incidents. Scarce any thing that we know of, relating to this town, occurred within that time that is worth recording. The town no doubt, or at least the members of the corporation, derived many good things from the high station then occupied by Walpole, their great patron and representative; and this circumstance would hardly fail to render Lynn the envy of most other corporations, who would naturally be desirous of obtaining so powerful a patronage. But upon this subject we will not here enlarge.

Among the principal objects that engaged the attention of our corporation during this reign, was an inquiry into the extent and limits of the estates in Dunham and East Lexham, belonging to the Gaywood Hospital, of which they were the trustees or guardians. This inquiry commenced as early as 1710–11. as appears from the following note or hint in our volume of Extracts—“March 23. 1710–11; St. Mary Magdalen estate to be surveyed and new buttal’d.”—Afterwards, under the year 1715, we read as follows; “July 27. upon reading the report of the Comittee, ordered to inspect the Estate in East Lexham and Dunham, belonging to Gaywood Hospital, It is ordered that a Letter be sent to Edmd. Wodehouse, Esq. to request and demand a new particular and abuttals of the lands there late in his possession, and that the Town Clerk attend the persons employed to new abuttal the same, as occasion shall require.”

This work appears to have been attended with considerable difficulty, and therefore to have made for a great while but very slow progress; but our gentlemen still persevered, and seemed fully determined to effect their purpose, in spite of all obstacles. Accordingly the affair is thus further noticed under 1718: “April 7th. Ordered a Letter be wrott to Edmd. Wodehouse, Esq. to desire new abuttals of the lands in Dunham and East Lexham, belonging to St. Mary Magdalen’s Hospitall, which he and his predecessors have holden 99 years by lease lately expired.”—A month after (i.e. May 7. 1718.) it was further “ordered that _Mr. Mayor_, (Ja: Boardman Esq.) Mr. Turner, Mr. Berney, Mr. Bagge, Mr. Rolfe, _Aldermen_; Mr. Robotham, Wm. Allen, Tho. Allen, Town Clerk, and Chamberlains, be a Comittee to inspect the Hospitall lands belonging to St. Mary Magdalen, at Dunham and East Lexham, and settle the schedules, and treat for a new Lease thereof; likewise to consider of the regaining the foldcourse at Dunham.”