Part 10

That we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the _Laplanders_, of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently used is not so well known. _Paulus Jovius_ saies that among the _Laplanders_ he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furrs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain with their Chapmen, he saies was, because they were a rustic People, extreamly fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like; but because they had a language quite different from others, and so peculiar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be understood of their neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking. But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.

Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain that it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures: neither was it properly a buying and selling (for they did not of old use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that whereas _Zieglerus_ tells us they did _permutatione & pecunia commercia agere_, we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read _nec pecunia_, (unless happily he intend _pecunia_ in the primary sense, and hath more respect to the original of the word, then to the acception now in use.) And truly this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less then necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the _Laplanders_ were quite strangers to any current mony; and this we may understand from the _Swedes_, among whom there were in those daies either no coins at all; or else only such as had bin transported out of _England_ and _Scotland_, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country. And if at that time there was no mony in _Swedland_, it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in _Lapland_. But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurisdiction of the _Birkarli_, could the _Laplanders_ come to the use of mony; for they that were Lords over them, monopolizing the whole trade to themselves, did not give them mony for their commodities, but such other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this very day the _Laplanders_ know no other mony but the _Patacoon_ and half _Patacoon_; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the _Patacoon_ is but of later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the Vale of _Joachim_.

These _Patacoons_ they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this pass currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mass: and I beleive was not at all in use, untill they were forced to pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed that it was but of late instituted. But what _Damianus_ means by his _permutatione tantum annonam & pecuniam acquirunt_, we cannot so easily guess; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when mony is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek after getting mony, which was in use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read _nec pecuniam_, and then the sense runs, that they were not so sollicitous in getting mony, as in providing the more necessary things of life: altho neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from what follows.

But whatsoever _Damianus_ means, it is most certain that in all their commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the same custom remains among them, who are now concern’d for no more mony then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought with mony.

Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods, but either they use speech, (for there are many of them now that are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are plenty enough among them. They with whom they trafic are for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the _Swedes_ and _Norwegians_, on the other the _Finlanders_, _Russians_, and _Moscovites_. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unless when they were under the power of the _Birkarli_, who endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were nighest _Sweden_, that so they might exclude all but themselves from trafficking in any part of _Lapland_. The power that we read was given the _Birkarli_ over the _Laplanders_ by _Ladulaus_ the great King, I suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, _Gustavus_ the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.

And this we may also gather from the prohibition of _Charles_ the ninth, denying the _Birkarli_ the priviledge of trafficking in _Lapland_, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602 are to this purpose; _And we do utterly forbid the_ Birkarli _any more to trade for skins or other commodities, as they have formerly used_. Before this time therefore they were either the only, or chief Merchants in _Lapland_, whither when they had brought their merchandise, they went round the Country purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great sums of mony. And this they continually did till the time of _Gustavus_ the first, when that priviledge began to be denyed them; by which they were grown so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud and haughty.

But neither could _Gustavus_ provide against all their arts and evasions; for tho he took from them all power over the _Laplanders_, yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the People then others, did still, tho not so openly, keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of _Charles_ the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly of all skins was annext to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be sold. The words of the Edict are thus: “Whatsoever skins are found in _Lapland_, we do command and enjoyn our Governors to buy up for our use, according to the statute and rate in that case provided.” And this was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a clause inserted, that the skins of _Elkes_ should be brought into the Kings tresury _gratis_. The clause runs thus: “And we do command all _Laplanders_ in our name to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but the skins of _Elkes_ they shall seize upon for our use, not giving any consideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be lawfull for him to keep the flesh for his own private use, but the skin shall belong to Us and our Crown.” But their trading is now grown more general, and they have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide _Norway_ and _Swedland_, deal both with the _Norwegians_ and _Swedes_, and they that live more Northerly and Easterly with the _Russians_ and _Finlanders_.

But I come to the commodities themselves, which _Jovius_ saies are only white skins, or furrs, called _Ermines_. _Zieglerus_ reckons fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into _Northbothnia_ and _Russia alba_. But there are several other sorts of skins, which _Olaus Magnus_ comprehends under a more general term, and calls _pelles pretiosas_. _Sam. Rheen_ gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the _Laplanders_ are, Raindeers, skins of Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins of Otters, of _Gluttons_, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils, of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves, dried Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the _Laplanders_ traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth, Copper, Alchimy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said before they are great admirers.

Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain rate set by _Charles_ the ninth, according to which they were to be bought up for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so far yet observed, that to this very day, with whomsoever they deal, they have a certain estimate, whereby they prize both their own and others commodities: the proportion of which rates is according to the Patacoon, or which is the same thing with them, 2 ounces of silver. For example, an ordinary Rain-deer they value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer at one Patacoon and 1/2, or 3 ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male Rain-deer at one Patacoon, but if castrated, at 1/4 of a Patacoon, and if a female at 1/2. So likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 40 gray colored Squirril skins are valued at the same price, which number of those skins they call _timber_. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3 white Fox skins at the same price, a Bears skin is worth 2 Patacoons, and a Wolves skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they call _Mudd_, is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and 4 pair of shoes, 4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of them are valued at the same price.

Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called _Silesian_ or _Tangermyndense_, they esteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound of Copper at the same rate, and one tunn of Corn at 2 Patacoons and 1/2, or 5 ounces of silver, 2 pound of Salt at 1/2 of a Patacoon, 10 yards of course cloth, such as we call _home-spun_, and they call _Waldmar_, is worth a Patacoon, a Can of spirit of Wine half as much; but if they chance to light upon any commodities of a lower price, they value them by gray colored Squirril skins, proceeding from one to 10, which number of skins they call _Artog_, and value at 1/4 of a Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive the trade between the _Swede_ and _Laplander_. But to those of _Norway_ they carry all sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts themselves, their skins and cheeses, and the feathers of Birds; moreover those things for which they trade with the _Swedes_, are Copper and Alchimy vessels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors, these they change for Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the Summer, and on their flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep, out of whose skins they make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the skins of black Foxes, and Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fish, which they sell again to the _Swedes_, as Herrings, dried Codfish, Skails, and such like. _Johannes Tornæus_ comprehends them in a shorter catalogue, the _Laplanders_, saies he, traffic with those with _Norway_ and _Bothnia_, Subjects of the Crown of _Sweden_, for ordinary woollen cloth, linnen cloth of both sorts, as well the finest as coursest, for corn, bread, brass, iron, and all sorts of Country utensils. But above all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of _Norway_, which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols.

Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they did trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, tho _Olaus Magnus_, Lib. 4. Cap. 5. seems to affirm it, and saies, there were certain set places, some in open fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every year keep their Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had by their own industry gained, either at home or abroad. But for all this he proceeds not to tell us where those Fairs were kept, or where those places were. And _Charles_ the ninth forbidding the _Birkarli_ continually, and at all times to make their circuits round the Country, did nevertheless appoint certain times and places, in which, as at public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open as well to them as others. The words of the Edict published in the year 1602 I will give you, which run thus: “Wherefore seeing we have forbidden the _Birkarli_ to trade in _Lapland_, according to their old custom, and in manner aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two Fairs every year in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in the Summer, as it shall seem most convenient, and We do will and command our Governors to take care that certain fit places be looked out, in which these Fairs may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most conveniently as well all _Laplanders_, _Birkarlians_, _Moscovites_, as others, may resort unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair last for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawfull for every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit. And we do also command our Governors, that certain Boothes and Sheds be provided after the most convenient manner.” Now by all this it may appear that in former times there were no such things either observed or known, seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by him; neither indeed in the Edict it self doth he set down any certain time or place, but names them only as things intended, and which he leaves to the discretion of his Governors, which also _Andr. Buræus_ seems to intimate was performed, when he saies that when they were to pay their tribute, they were at a certain time and in certain places gathered together, as into a _Store-house_, where those Merchants, we before called _Birkarli_, exhibited their wares. But now he also leaves us in the dark as to a certainty either of time or place, so that it may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not find so good success as it was hoped they would, untill at length the Queen _Christina_ taking the business into consideration, brought it to greater perfection. There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which two Fairs are appointed, one at _Arfwisjerf_ in _January_, the other at _Arieplog_ to be kept in _February_. The words are to this purpose: “Furthermore We have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant 2 solemn Fairs, one at _Arfwisjerf_ on the Feast of the Conversion of S. _Paul_, being the 25 of _Jan._ the other at _Arieplog_ on the Feast of the Purification of the B. V. _Mary_, being the 2^d of _February_, each to be held for 3 daies, at which times it shall be lawfull for the _Pithenses_ and all _Laplanders_ to exercise all sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be holden the next year 1641.” From this time they began to be more diligently observed, and are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all Provinces there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept; the first in _Lapmarkia Umensis_ upon the Feast of the _Epiphany_, the 2^d in _Lapmarkia Luhlensis_ on the Conversion of S. _Paul_, the last in _Lapmarkia Pithensis_, _Tornensis_, and _Kimensis_ on the Feast of the _Purification_. These are the Fairs which _Christina_ instituted, only that in _Umensis_ I beleive was observed from the time of _Charles_ the ninth, and the rather because that _Lapmark_ is nighest _Swedland_. Into _Norway_ they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummer on the Feast of S. _John_, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of _Simon_ and _Jude_, or _All-Saints_ day. And so much for the times and places of their Fairs.

As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains very faithfull and just, tho _Damianus à Goes_ seems to note some craftiness in them, and saies they were very cunning in all their tradings. And _Sam. Rheen_ in plain terms call them cheats, and saies they were so deceitful, that one that did not know all their tricks, could hardly escape being over-reached by them. So that we may suppose that as long as others dealt fairly with them, so long they were trusty and faithfull, but in after times coming to learn how others had served them, by understanding how they had been cheated formerly, they themselves learned to deceive others. But of this we have spoken before: and these thing may serve to give us some light into their customs in trafficking.

CHAP. XV.

_Of the Language of the_ Laplanders.

In the former Chapter we told you that the Language of the _Laplanders_ was such as did very much differ from that of their neighbours, our next business shall be, as well as we can, to discover what it is. Now whatsoever is received, used, commonly, and publikly spoken in any Country, is certainly a Language, but of this of the _Laplanders_, _Zieglerus_ in general observes only that it was peculiar to themselves, and not understood by their neighbours. _Damianus_ speaks more plain, and accuses them of barbarism and roughness of speech. Our modern Writers say their speech is a confused miscellany of the Language of their neighbours, and that it was called _Lingua Lapponica_, quasi _corrasa_, _eet Lappatspraock_, and that it is made up of many other Tongues, as of that of _Finlanders_ and _Swedes_, as for instance; the _Laplanders_ say _stour_, the _Swedes_, _stoor_; the one _Salug_, the other _saligh_. And that there are also some Latine words, as _Porcus_, _Oriens_, &c. But tho these Writers suppose that they have borrowed many words from their neighbours, yet they confess that much of their Language is their own, and neither used, or known by any other Naitons, but that as well the original of the words, as propriety of the Phrases, is peculiar to themselves. Others suppose it took its rise and was derived from _Finland_: and indeed it is confessed on all hands that there are many words in both Languages that seem no great strangers. So that there is little doubt but there are many words in both Languages which very much agree, which any one that is a little skilled in them must needs confess: and to make this more clear, I shall here insert some words of both Languages not much unlike.

God Jubmar _or_ Immel Jumala Fire Tolle Tuli Day Paiwe Paiwa Night Ii Yœ A River Jocki _the same_ A Lake Jaur Jarwi Ice Jenga Iææ a Hill Warra Wuori Wood Medz Medza the Eye Silmæ _the same_ the Nose Niuna Nenæ the Arm Ketawerth Kasiwersi the Hand Kiætt Kæsi the Foot Ialk Ialka Cheese Iost Iuusto Bootes _The Sappad _The Saapas a Show Laplanders Kamath Finlanders Kamgett a Shed call_ Kaote say_ Koto an Arrow Niaola Nuoli Warr Tziaod Sotæ King Konnagas Cuningas Father Atkia Ajæ Mother Am Ama Brother Wellje Weli Wife Morswi Morsian Dog Piednax Peinika a Ferret Natæ Nætæ a Squirrill Orre Orawa a Bird Lodo Lindu a Fish Qwælie Cala a Salmon Losa Lobi a wild Pine tree. Quaosa Cuusi.

These words I suppose may serve to declare the affinity that we said was between the Language of the _Laplanders_ and _Finlanders_: and because the words that I have set down, do not signify any forreign commodities, but things natural, and such as are in use among all People alike, I am given to beleive that the _Laplanders_ had not any peculiar Language, which did wholy differ from that of _Finland_, but that it took its original thence. For if, as some would have it, they had any Language, they might properly call their own, why did they not out of it, upon things of so common occurrence and ordinary use, rather impose their own words, then such as no man could doubt were taken from the _Finlanders_. No People certainly were ever guilty of so much folly as to impose forreign names upon so common things, if they had any Language of their own to express them in: as might be at large demonstrated from the Languages of the _Germans_, ancient _Gaules_, _Spaniards_, _Italians_, _Greeks_, &c. neither have we any reason to count it a hard inference if we should from hence gather, that the _Laplanders_ themselves sprung from the _Finlanders_. For otherwise why should they have used any other Language then what they received from their fore-Fathers. And this seems to be the argument _Wexonius_ uses to prove the Language of the _Laplanders_ to have taken its rise from the _Finlanders_, when from the original of the People he infers the same of the Speech; for in this he intimates that to spring from any Country, and to use the same Language, are very convertible propositions. All which indeed seems to be no more then the truth. But now some one may object that the opinion of those men that affirm the Language of this Country to be primarily its own, could not be destitute of all reason, and that they must necessarily have had some probabilities whereon they grounded their opinion; and truly it cannot be denied but that there are many words which do not any waies agree with the Language of the _Finlanders_, as may appear from what follows,