Chapter 59

{VICTORIA 1842—1843}

Meeting of Parliament..... Debate on the Corn-Laws: Proposition of Ministers on the subject of the Corn- Laws..... Financial Measures; Income-Tax Bill, &c.—New Tariff..... Mr. Villiers’s Motion on the Corn Laws..... The Great Chartist Petition..... Bill for Restraining the Employment of Women and Children in Mines and Collieries..... Bribery at Elections..... Law Reforms..... Bill for the Protection of the Royal Person..... Copyright Act..... Poor Law Amendment Bill..... Prorogation of Parliament..... East India Affairs, &c.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1842}

Parliament reassembled on the 3rd of February. The session was opened under circumstances of unusual splendour, occasioned by the presence of the King of Prussia, who had arrived in England, in order to stand sponsor at the christening of the infant Prince of Wales. Her majesty again addressed lier parliament in a speech of considerable length, and which embraced a variety of interesting and important topics. The chief of these were, the birth of an heir to the throne, the treaty which had been concluded with the other great powers of Europe for the suppression of the slave-trade: the pending negociations with China; the restoration of friendly intercourse with Persia; and a treaty which had been concluded with the Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the Kings of France and Prussia, having for its object the security of the Turkish empire, and the maintenance of the general tranquillity. In conclusion, her majesty recommended attention to the state of the finances and expenditure of the country; urged the consideration of the corn-laws; stated that measures would be submitted for the amendment of the law of bankruptcy; and expressed regret at the continued distress in the manufacturing districts.

In the house of commons, on the 4th of February, Sir Robert Peel gave notice that he would, on the 9th, move that the liouse resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into consideration the laws which affect the importation of corn. The address was agreed to _nem. con_.

DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS—PROPOSITION OF MINISTERS ON THE SUBJECT.

On the 9th of February, the day on which Sir Robert Peel had announced he would develop the ministerial plan for the alteration of the corn-laws, extraordinary interest was exhibited both in and out of the house of commons. Every avenue of the house was thronged at an early hour by persons eager to obtain admission; and when the doors were opened every seat in the strangers’ gallery was instantly occupied. A number of the anti-corn-law delegates attempted to station themselves in the lobby; but being prevented by the police they stationed themselves outside the house, where they saluted the members as they passed with the cries of “No sliding-scale!” “Total repeal!” “Fixed duty!” &c. Shortly after five o’clock Sir Robert Peel moved: “That this house resolve itself into a committee, to consider the trade in corn.” He then requested that the clerk of the house should read that portion of her majesty’s speech which related to that subject. This being done, he observed that it was difficult to discuss this subject without making statements or admissions which would be seized upon by his opponents: but that he trusted to the reason, moderation, and judgment of parliament. The right honourable baronet then proceeded to state that he would not excite a hope that his measure would tend immediately to mitigate the existing commercial distress, and to enumerate the causes which had given rise to that distress. He then adverted to the various opinions obtained in the country as to a change of the corn-laws. Some opposed, he said, all change; others demanded immediate and instant repeal; and others required some modification. His own opinion was, that a total repeal of the corn-laws would aggravate the manufacturing distress; the prosperity of the two classes being identical. There were advantages in a fixed duty which did not apply to a variable duty; but the objection to the principle of imposing any duty on corn was equally applicable to both. Nor could, he argued, a fixed duty be permanent: he did not think they could impose any amount of fixed duty sufficient for the protection of agriculture in years of average supply, which they could determinately and fixedly impose in times of distress and scarcity. Sir Robert Peel next entered into a variety of arguments to show that this country, in ordinary years, was able to supply its own population. From the arguments he used he came to the conclusion that it was not advisable for parliament to alter the principle of the existing law; and the alteration which he would therefore propose went on the principle of retaining a duty on corn, varying inversely with the price of corn in the home market. He continued by observing that the maintenance of that principle involved the maintenance of a system of averages; and after expressing doubts whether there had not been much exaggeration as to the frauds and combinations to influence the averages, he thus stated the proposals of government respecting them:—“We shall propose to take the averages in the present mode, from the factor, the miller, or the purchaser. We shall propose that the duty of collecting the returns shall devolve on the excise. The excise is perfectly competent to this duty; it has officers employed in each market-town fully competent for the discharge of this duty by having greater duties to perform, and who will be able at a comparatively small increase of expense to fulfil this employment; and by their intelligence, their business habits, and the responsibility which attaches to them as public officers, they will afford far greater security against fraud than can be obtained by intrusting this duty to private individuals.” After stating that the averages were to be taken in all the principal corn-markets, Sir Robert stated the amount of protection to be given to the produce of this country. Having shown how the duty varied under the existing laws, and that they induced fraud, and having made some remarks on the term “remunerating price,” he thus described his new scale:—“We propose that when corn is at 50s. and under 51s. in price, a duty of 20s. shall be taken; but that in no case shall that duty be exceeded. We propose that when the price is 51s. and under 52s., the duty shall be 19s.; and after this we propose that there shall be what I should term a rest in the scale. That at the next items of price the duty should be uniform. Thus it would be: When the price is 52s. and under 53s. and 54s., 18s.; and when 54s. and under 55s., still 18s. When the price is 55s. and under 56s., we propose that the duty be 17s.; when 56s. and under 57s., that it shall be 16s.; and when 57s. and under 58s., that it shall be 15s.; and when 58s. and under 59s.. that it shall be 14s.; and when 59s. and under 60s., that it shall be 13s.; when 60s. and under 61s., that it shall be 12s.; when 61s. and under 62s., that it shall be lis.; when 62s, and under 63s., that it shall be 10s.; when 63s. and under 64s., that it shall be 9s.; when 64s. and under 65s., that it shall be 8s.; and when 65s. and under 66s., that it shall be 7s. At the three next items of price I propose another rest in the scale similar to the former. I should propose on the next three a duty of 6s., that is to say, when the price is 66s. and under 67s., when it is 67s. and under 68s., and when it is 68s. and under 69s. In each of these cases the duty would be 6s. When the price is 69s. and under 70s., I propose a duty of 5s.; when 70s. and under 71s., a duty of 4s.; when 71s. and under 72s., a duty of 3s.; when 72s. and under 73s. a duty of 2s.; and when 73s. and under 74s., a duty of Is. the quarter. When that price is arrived at, I propose that the duty should altogether cease; the sum of the proposition, then, is this, that when corn in the British market is under the price of 51s. the quarter, a duty of 20s. shall be levied, which duty shall never be exceeded, for I am quite satisfied that it is useless to take any greater amount of duty.” With respect to other grain than wheat, Sir Robert Peel proposed to adopt the proportion of value and duty which he found in the present law. “Colonial wheat and flour,” he continued, “shall be imported at a duty of 5s. whenever the price of British wheat is below 67s.; that when the price of British wheat exceeds 67s. it shall then be admissible at a duty of 6d. I propose to give the same advantage to colonial wheat, respecting the reduction of prices at which it shall be admissible, as is given to other descriptions of wheat. But considering that the sudden drop in the prices from 5s. to 6d., on account of the difference of Is. in the price, is at variance with the principle of the law, which seeks to establish as equable and uniform a reduction of duty as possible, we propose to make this arrangement respecting colonial wheat—that when the price of British wheat is under 55s., the duty upon every quarter of British colonial wheat shall be 5s.; that when at 55s. and under 56s., it shall be 4s.; and when at 56s. and under 57s., it shall be 3s.; and when at 58s. and upwards it shall be Is., thus taking away that sudden fall in the amount of duty, levied upon colonial wheat, which takes place under the existing law; but giving the colonial wheat that advantage in the reduction of the price which is given to other descriptions of wheat.” Sir Robert Peel finally thus recapitulated the reduction which his new scale would effect:—“When corn is 59s. and under 60s., the duty I propose is 13s. When the price of corn is at 50s., the existing duty is 36s. 8d., increasing as the price falls; instead of which I propose, when corn is at 50s., that the duty shall be only 20s., and that the duty shall in no case be exceeded. At 56s., the existing duty is 30s. 8d.; the duty I propose at that price is 16s. At 60a., the existing duty is 26s. 8d., the duty I propose at that price is 12s. At 63s., the existing duty is 23s. 8d.; the duty I propose is 9s. At 64s., the existing duty is 22s. 8d.; the duty I propose is 8s. At 70s., the existing duty is 10s. 8d.; the duty I propose is 5s. Therefore it is impossible to deny, in comparing the duty which I propose with that which exists at present, that it will cause a very considerable decrease of the protection which the present duty affords to the home grower, a decrease, however, which, in my opinion, can be made consistently with justice to all the interests concerned.” In conclusion, Sir Robert Peel disclaimed the idea of legislating in favour of particular interests, and expressed his conviction that the present was a favourable time for the settlement of the question. After a few words from Lord John Russell, and a brief reply from Sir Robert Peel, the house adjourned. On the following day Lord John Russell gave notice that he should, on the ensuing Monday, move a resolution condemnatory of a sliding-scale. The resolution was couched in these terms:—“That this house, considering the evils which have been caused by the present corn-laws, and especially by the fluctuations of the graduated or sliding-scale, is not prepared to adopt the measure of her majesty’s government, which is founded on the same principle, and is likely to be attended by the same results.” Mr. Villiers next announced that, on going into committee, he should take the sense of the house on the policy of imposing any duty whatever on foreign corn or food imported into this country. A third notice was given by Mr. Christopher that he should move in committee a scale of wheat duties, instead of Sir Robert Peel’s, imposing a maximum duty of 25s. when the price is 50s., and a minimum duty of Is. when the price is 73s., the duty falling by Is., as the price rises by Is.; except that at the rise of price from 59s. to 60s., the duty falls by 2s. The debate commenced on the 14th, when Sir Robert Peel moved that the speaker do leave the chair, in order to a committee of the whole house on the corn-laws. Lord John Russell then brought forward his amendment, and stated his objections to the sliding-seale. He remarked:—“The first objection I have to a sliding-scale, is, that a high, I would say a prohibitory duty, always forms part of it. I could understand a scale not exceeding 10s. or 12s., and going down to 4s., to 3s., or to Is.; but I find that whenever gentlemen speak of a sliding-scale, it is of such a nature as to contain a prohibitory duty. The first duty, when the price is at 50s., and under 51s., is 20s.; and I shall now proceed to show that that is a prohibitory duty. I have looked over the papers containing the latest information. From the information obtained by Mr. Meek, who was sent to the north of Europe expressly to collect information on the subject, it appears that the original price of Dantzie wheat, when brought from the interior of the country, is 35s.; that the charges, which seem to satisfy that gentleman’s mind amount in all to 10s. 6d.; thus making the price at which it could be sold in England in ordinary years 45s. 6d. If you add to that the proposed duty of 20s., you make the entire price of Dantzie wheat, 65s. 6d., when the price at home, is 50s.; showing of course that 20s. amounts to a prohibitory duty. In the same way at Odessa, as stated in the consul’s returns, the price would be 26s.; adding to which 10s. for freight, and some further charges, which cannot be taken or less than 5s., as on the former occasions, and adding then the proposed duty of 20s., you would have the price up to 61s., without counting the profit of the merchant who had to deal with this corn; and therefore, though you may say that you have reduced the duty to 20s., to 19s., and to 18s., yet in all three instances it can be shown that the duty is prohibitory; and that when the price is at 55s. or 56s., the price at which the right honourable gentleman said it would please him to see it, nobody can tell why, there would then be a prohibitory duty upon foreign corn.” Lord John Russell concluded by moving his amendment. The amendment was opposed by Mr. E. Gladstone, who thought that some of Lord John Russell’s opinions ought to have led him to support the government. The debate which followed lasted three nights, and the principal speakers were, on the ministerial side, Lord Sandon, Sir J. Graham and E. Knatchbull, and Messrs. Childers, Ormsby Gore, and B. Ferrand; and in favour of the amendment, Lord Worsley, and Messrs. C Wood, Labouchere, Ward, E. Buller, and Roebuck. The greater part of the speeches delivered consisted of recapitulations and reproductions of the reasonings and statements used by the leaders of either party. On a division the amendment was rejected by a majority of three hundred and forty-nine against two hundred and twenty-six. The house having thus pronounced in favour of the principle of a sliding-scale of corn-duties, it might have seemed illogical and superfluous afterwards to discuss a proposition of which the affirmative had been involved in the preceding decision; namely, whether corn should be subjected to any duties at all. Nothing daunted, however, Mr. Villiers brought forward his intended motion to that effect; a motion which, after five nights’ debate, was rejected by a majority of three hundred and ninety-three against three hundred and three. Subsequently Mr. Christopher brought forward his scale of duties as a substitute for those of Sir Robert Peel; but the original proposition was carried by an equally overwhelming majority. In committee various amendments were proposed, but they were all rejected or withdrawn, and the bill was, on the 5th of April, read a third time, and passed.

The second reading of the corn-law bill was moved in the house of lords, on the 18th of April, by the Earl of Ripon. Lord Brougham rose and moved the total and absolute repeal of the duty on foreign corn; but his amendment was rejected by an overwhelming majority. On the following day, on the motion to go into committee, Viscount Melbourne moved, “That it is the opinion of this house that a fixed duty upon the importation of foreign corn and flour would be more advantageous to trade and more conducive to the general welfare of all classes of the people than a graduated duty, varying with the average of prices in the markets of this country.” This proposition gave rise to a lengthy discussion; but it was rejected by a majority of one hundred and seventeen against forty-nine. Subsequently Lord Brougham moved these resolutions:—“That no duty ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn, for the purpose of protecting the agriculturist, by taxing the introduction of food. That no duty ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn, for the purpose of regulating trade, by taxing the introduction of food. That no duty ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn, for the purpose of raising the revenue, by taxing the introduction of food.” These resolutions were rejected, as were others moved by Earl Stanhope, Lord Beaumont, and Lord Mountcashel, and the bill passed in its original state.

FINANCIAL MEASURES—INCOME-TAX BILL, ETC.

On the accession of Sir Robert Peel to office he was embarrassed with great financial difficulties. For the ensuing year he had to deal with a deficiency of £2,570,000; with contingencies in China and India of uncertain amount. The present juncture, indeed, demanded a remedial measure of a bold and comprehensive character, and Sir Robert did not fail to bring forward such a measure. On the 11th of March, in a committee of ways and means, the right honourable baronet said, that for the year ending April, 1843, the estimated revenue would be £43,350,000, and the estimated expenditure £50,819,000, leaving a deficiency of £2,469,000. With the contingencies in India and China, indeed, he calculated that the deficit, in the two years ending May next, would not be less than £4,700,000. How, he asked, were these deficiencies to be met? Should the system of loans and exchequer-bills be continued? Was there the prospect of any considerable reduction in expenditure? Was the present deficiency a casual one? Should he impose a tax on articles of consumption and the necessaries of life? Should he revive old taxes? Should he go back to the post-office? or revive the taxes upon salt, leather, or wool? Finally, should he resort to locomotion for the purposes of taxation? All these expedients Sir Robert repudiated; and he fixed upon one which, while it justly gave offence to a large body of the people, has proved to fully answer the end for which it was designed. This was an imposition of an income-tax of sevenpence in the pound upon all incomes from £150 and upwards, and in which was included not only landed but funded property, whether in the hands of British subjects or of foreigners. He estimated the assessable yearly value of the land at £39,400,000; of houses, at £25,000,000; and of tithes, shares in railways and mines, and other similar property, at £8,400,000: total, £72,800,000. From this he would deduct one-fourth for the exemption which he proposed to give to all incomes under £150, and then the tax thus far would give him £160,000. The occupiers of land, assessed at half their rent, would yield £120,000. Next came funded property. The dividend paid in 1841 was £29,400,000, from which he would deduct £1,000,000 in respect of savings’ banks; but he added upon bank, foreign, and other stocks £1,500,000, making a total of almost £30,000,000, from which, deducting one-fourth for incomes under £150 a year, he would derive £646,000. Sir Robert Peel next proceeded to incomes of trades and professions, from which he expected to obtain £1,253,000; and he then stated that from the incomes of public officers he calculated upon £150,000. The total would be £3,771,000. With respect to the duration of this impost, he said, that government might probably require it for five years; but he would in the first instance propose its continuance for three years. In case of war he should deem it reasonable that Ireland should bear her proportion of this tax; but during peace, and for a limited period, he should prefer to raise the quota of that country by other means. He proposed, therefore, a duty of one shilling per gallon upon spirits; the equalization of the stamp-duty with that of England; and a tax of four shillings upon coal exported in British vessels from this country. The aggregate revenue from these sources and the income-tax in England would be about £4,380,000; constituting a considerable surplus, after covering the deficiency on the votes of annual expenditure. This surplus Sir Robert Peel proposed to apply in relaxing the commercial tariff. The duties on raw materials were in no case to exceed five per cent.; the duties upon articles partially manufactured were to be diminished, the highest being twelve per cent.; and upon complete manufactures no duty was to be imposed higher than twenty per cent. He laid upon the table this amended scale of duties, which had been distributed under twenty different heads; in which, he said, would be found an abatement in about seven hundred and fifty articles, and that on about four hundred and fifty the duty had been left untouched. The total diminution of revenues occasioned by the reductions was estimated by the right honourable baronet at about £270,000. He regretted to say that upon sugar, ministers could not offer any reduction; but with respect to coffee he proposed a reduction of fourpence upon British, and eightpence upon foreign, which he calculated would cause a loss of £171,000 to the revenue. On the subject of timber, he said that his measure would be the reverse of that which was brought forward by his predecessors in office; he would advise a great reduction of duty, which would benefit all classes, from the agriculturist to the shipbuilder. His propositions were to lower the duty on foreign timber to twenty-five shillings a load, and to let in the timber of Canada at a duty of one shilling a load; causing a probable loss to the revenue of £600,000. There were yet two other reductions he had to propose: one upon the export of certain British manufactures, and another upon stage-coach duties. These two heads of reduction would produce a loss of £70,000. On the whole these reductions, in addition to the excess of expenditure, would increase the deficit to about £3,700,000; but the estimated produce of the income-tax would not only cover this, but leave more than £500,000 applicable to the contingencies of war in India and China. Sir Robert Peel concluded with an earnest appeal to the house to support the name which the English had inherited from their forefathers, untarnished: and he then moved his first resolution, which was to grant a duty on Irish spirits. No discussion followed Sir Robert Peel’s speech: the motion was agreed to, and the house resumed.

A few nights subsequently, Sir Robert Peel entered into an explanation of the details of the measures he had announced; especially with respect to the machinery by which the income-tax was to be collected. On the motion to go into a committee of ways and means, Mr. T. Baring found fault with Sir Robert Peel’s calculations; and he was followed by Lord Howick, who strongly censured the income-tax, and Lord John Russell, who condemned the construction of tire tariff for not working out its own principle, but sparing certain articles, as sugar, merely from fear of the influential interests connected with them. After three several motions by Messrs. Cobden, H. Berkeley, and Bernai, “That the chairman do report progress,” which were all negatived by large majorities, Sir Robert Peel was compelled to defer the measure till the 4th of April. The income-tax was resumed immediately after the Easter recess. The first resolution, to impose a tax of sevenpence on every pound upon all incomes, except the incomes of occupiers of land, was put and carried without discussion. On the second resolution, however, imposing a tax on the occupation of laud, calculated at the rate of threepence-halfpenny in the pound on the yearly value being read, Lord John Russell pointed out the operation’ the tax might have in inducing landlords to split their farms, so as to make the rental of each below the amount liable to taxation; and gave notice that, on the report of the resolutions, he should move this amendment:—“That it has been stated to this house, on official authority, that the deficiency of income to meet the expenditure of the country, may be estimated for the years ending the 5th day of April, 1842, at £2,350,000, and on the 5th day of April, 1843, at £2,569,000. That this house is fully sensible of the evil of a continued inadequacy of the public income to meet the expenditure, and will take measures for averting the same in future years. That, by a judicious alteration of the duties on corn, by a reduction of the prohibitory duty on foreign sugar, and an adjustment of the duties on timber and coffee, the advantage of a moderate price to the community may be combined with an increased revenue to the state. That, in addition to those main articles of general consumption, the interests of trade will be promoted by the repeal or reduction of various prohibitory and differential duties, and that extended commerce will improve the revenue, whilst it gives employment to industry. That the amount of taxes taken off, or reduced, from the termination of the last war to the end of the year 1836, exclusive of the tax on income, may be stated in round numbers at £23,873,000. That the income-tax, having been first imposed in a period of extreme emergency and during a most perilous war, was repealed on the re-establishment of peace; and having been again imposed on the renewal of war, was again repealed in 1816, on the termination of hostilities. That considering the various means of supplying the deficiency without enhancing the price of the necessaries of life, or embarrassing trade, it is the opinion of this house that the renewal of a tax, inquisitorial in its character, unequal in its pressure, and which has hitherto been considered as the financial reserve of the nation in time of war, is not called for by public necessity, and is therefore not advisable.” The second resolution was then put and agreed to; as was also the third, equalizing certain stamp-duties in Ireland with those of England; and the report was ordered to be brought up. Lord John Russell’s amendment came on for discussion on the 8th of April, when his lordship, in a speech of great length, charged the government with taking too gloomy a view of affairs, comparing the present aspect of the finances with that when an income-tax was formerly proposed. If new taxes must be resorted to, his lordship recommended a tax on the succession to real property, or the revival of some of the repealed assessed taxes. Mr. Goulburn defended the ministerial policy; and Sir Robert Peel vindicated himself from the charge of over-rating difficulties, and contrasted the state of finances which the Melbourne government found on entering office in 1835, with that which they left on their departure, in the British and Indian empire. The debate on Lord John Russell’s amendment lasted four nights, most of the principal speakers on both sides taking part in it. On the fourth night the house divided; when it was lost by a majority of three hundred and eight against two hundred and two. The report was then brought up and read, and leave given to bring in a bill founded on Sir Robert Peel’s resolutions. On the motion for the first reading of the bill, on the 18th of April, Lord John Russell moved that it be read a first time that day six months. A debate of considerable length ensued, in which arguments urged for or against the measure were repeated; after which the amendment was rejected by a majority of two hundred and eighty-five to one hundred and eighty-eight. The bill was then read a second time, and a few days afterwards the house went into committee. In committee the first question discussed was the period when the tax should commence; and the time finally decided was the 5th of April, 1842. The original proposition respecting schedule A was then affirmed, as was also schedule B. On schedule C Mr. Ricardo moved an amendment to exempt terminable annuities, and to subject them to special scales according to their market value; but, on a division, the motion was rejected by a large majority. In considering schedule D, which rendered incomes derived from professions, trades, and employments liable to the tax of sevenpence in the pound, Mr. Roebuck moved that it be fixed at half that sum. This motion was warmly supported by several speakers; but it was rejected, as was also another amendment to defeat this clause, moved by Mr. Sharman Crawford. Sir Charles Napier made a proposition on schedule E, to exempt officers in the army and navy from taxation; but this was also rejected: and after this the progress of the bill went on rapidly, more than eighty clauses being disposed of in one night’s debate. A second sufficed to get through the bill; amendments moved by Messrs. Baring, Hume, and Benjamin Wood, being all rejected by large majorities. On the third reading, Mr. Sharman Crawford moved an amendment, to the effect that the present house of commons could not be considered a fair representation of the people; and that therefore it was unfit that any system of increased taxation should be imposed by parliament until all just causes of complaint, with regard to the mode of electing members, should be redressed. Lord John Russell himself opposed this motion, and it was at once rejected; and after some further discussion on the bill, it was read a third time by a majority of one hundred and ninety-nine against sixty-nine. The bill then passed.

NEW TARIFF.

The question of the income-tax being thus settled, government proceeded to carry into effect the other great branch in their financial scheme—the alterations in the tariff or customs duties. A complete copy of the tariff was placed in the hands of each member of parliament previously to the 5th of May, on which day it was announced that it would be moved to go into committee on this important subject. On that day the proceedings in the house of commons, were commenced by an elaborate preliminary statement on the part of the prime-minister, in which he showed that the general object of the present government was to simplify the existing law. Sir Robert Peel then went over in detail some of the chief alterations proposed in duties on what is called raw material. Among the articles under this denomination were clover-seed, woods, ores, oils, extracts, and timbers, on all of which he proposed to reduce the duties. On articles of foreign manufacture, Sir Robert continued to explain that he proposed to levy an amount of duty, generally speaking, not to exceed twenty per cent. He next proceeded to combat the argument of his opponents, that he had begun at the wrong end, that he should have reduced the duties on articles of provision, and have dealt more largely with the corn-laws. Taking the whole tariff, he contended that it would be seen that the cost of sustenance was greatly reduced. At that moment, he said, under the old law the duty on foreign wheat would have been 27s. a quarter; under the new law it was 13s. Then again, beef, fresh or slightly salted, was absolutely prohibited; but he proposed to admit it at 8s. a hundred-weight. He further proposed to lower the duties on lard, hams, salmon, herrings, hops, &c. Sir Robert then explained that in the amended tariff, on the representation of straw-plait makers, the duty had been increased from 5s. to 7s 6d. in the pound; at the same time he showed that it would be no protection to them, inasmuch as the article was of such a nature that it could be easily smuggled into this country without detection. He then endeavoured to convince those who feared the reduction of duties on live cattle, that their alarm was groundless, arguing that the English grower had substantial security in the quality of the article, and that England from this circumstance might become an exporting country. Mr. Labouchere said that he had heard the speech of the right honourable baronet with great pleasure. At the same time he asserted that the late government had announced a tariff reform; and that it was only the want of success which attended its plans with respect to corn, timber, and sugar, which had prevented it from submitting to the house measures of a similar character to those now brought forward. After a protracted discussion, the house divided on the question, that the speaker do now leave the chair, which was carried by a majority of two hundred and nineteen against one hundred and fifty-two. On the 13th of May, on the motion of going into committee on the customs’ duties bill, Lord Howick proposed this resolution:—“That in making a new arrangement of the customs’ duties, it is not expedient to impose different rates of duty upon the same articles when imported from foreign countries or from British possessions, in any case where no such difference now exists; and that in those cases in which such a difference already exists, it is not expedient that it should be increased.” He argued that such differences would injure the revenue without benefiting the consumer; while they would force colonial traders into precarious existence. This view of the case was ably combated by Mr. Gladstone; and on a division the motion was negatived by a majority of two hundred and eighty-one against one hundred and eight. The house considered the tariff in detail after the Whitsuntide recess; when the duties on cattle and provisions excited keen discussion, the agricultural members being alarmed at the prospect of foreign competition, which they anticipated from the reduced duties. On the house going into committee on the 23rd of May, the motion being made, “That in lieu of the present rates of duty now payable on the articles enumerated in the annexed schedules, there shall be raised, levied, and paid upon the importation of the said articles into the United Kingdom, the rates of duty proposed in the annexed schedules;” Mr. Miles moved, by way of amendment, the following words:—“All live stock imported from foreign countries being charged by weight.” In support of his amendment Mr. Miles went into a variety of calculations to show the injury that would result to the farmer from the proposed arrangement of duties, contending that the United States, Denmark, Holland. Prussia, and the various states of Germany, would fatten cattle for the English market, and thus render it impossible for the farmers at home to compete with the foreign breeder. He was supported by the Earl of March, and Messrs. H. Palmer and G. Heathcote, and opposed by Lords Alford and Norreys, Colonel Wyndham, and Messrs. Gaily Knight and Gladstone. The latter said that a material omission in Mr. Miles’s argument, was the want of proof that a large quantity of cattle could be imported so as to injure the English farmer. Lord John Russell, in continuation, said that he rejoiced to hear the principles laid down by Sir Robert Peel; but he argued that they should have been extended to the corn-laws. Other members spoke on both sides of the question; and after a reply from Mr. Miles, the amendment was rejected by a majority of three hundred and eighty against two hundred and sixty-seven. When the committee resumed on the following day, Mr. Miles moved an amendment, imposing a duty of 5s. 6d. per cwt. on live cattle, and 9s. 4d. per cwt. on the dead meat. This amendment, however, was withdrawn; and one moved by Mr. Villiers, that the duty of one shilling per head on oxen and bulls be substituted for the government proposition, was rejected. The items in the tariff were then taken _seriatim_. Discussions took place, and amendments were proposed on the duties affecting swine and hogs, foreign fish, apples, butter, potatoes, timber, cotton manufactures, foreign silk, &c.; but in each case the duties affixed by government were affirmed by large majorities. The third reading of the customs’ act was at length moved on the 28th of June, on which occasion Mr. John Jervis moved a clause to grant a drawback on coals proved to be exported for the consumption of British steam-vessels. This motion was rejected; and on the question that the bill do pass, Lord John Russell made some few remarks on its general provisions, and Sir Robert Peel acknowledged the support which he had generally received from both sides of the house. The question being then put from the chair, the bill was read a third time, and passed in the midst of loud cheers.

The customs’ act was read a first time in the house of lords two days after it had passed the commons, and the Earl of Ripon moved the second reading on the 5th of July. Two days afterwards the house went into committee on the bill, and every amendment proposed by opposition lords was negatived without division, and the bill passed through committee, and was reported.

The subject of the duties on sugar was brought forward in a committee of ways and means, on the 3rd of June, by the chancellor of the exchequer, who explained the reasons why government could not consent to the admission of foreign sugar at a lower rate of duty, and moved a resolution that the present duties should be continued one year; which proposition, after a lengthened discussion, was confirmed.

MR. VILLIERS’S MOTION ON THE CORN-LAWS.

On the 11th of July, it having been moved to go into committee of supply, the opposition party brought forward the subject of the state of the nation. Mr. Villiers having moved as an amendment for the appointment of a select committee on the laws regulating the importation of corn, with a view to their total repeal, prefaced his motion with a speech, in which he said that he brought the subject forward in compliance with the request of the anti-corn-law delegates; and because, in the late discussion on the state of the nation, a taunt had been thrown out on the ministerial side, that, if the opposition thought that a repeal of the corn daws would remedy the evil, they ought to submit that proposition to the house. The motion was seconded by Mr. Fielden, and supported by Mr. Aglionby, who declared the new sliding-scale was a delusion. Sir Charles Napier and Mr. Gaily Knight conceived that these debates ought not to be protracted: it was an unfair way of conducting any opposition to a government. Sir Robert Peel bitterly complained of the continual interruption to public business, and of the impediments opposed to a fair trial of the new corn-law. Lord J. Russell, Viscount Howick, Sir John Hanmer, and Mr. Cobden supported the motion; but, on a division, it was rejected by two hundred and thirty-one against one hundred and seventeen.

While these discussions were taking place in the house of commons, the same class of topics were brought forward in the house of lords by Lord Brougham, who moved that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the distress of the country. This motion was supported by Lord Kinnaird and the Marquis of Clanricarde; and opposed by the Earl of Ripon, Viscount Melbourne, and Earl Stanhope. On a division it was rejected by a majority of sixty-one against fourteen.

THE GREAT CHARTIST PETITION.

The most striking shape in which the grievances of the working classes presented themselves to the notice of the legislature during this session, was the presentation of a petition, which, for bulk and signatures, was unparalleled in the annals of parliament. The signatures attached to it exceeded 3,000,000; and in conveying it to the house of commons, it required sixteen men to support it. It was, in fact, too large to be admitted into the door of the house of commons; and, in order to effect its enhance, it was divided into sections. It was presented by Mr. T. Duncombe, who, in calling the attention of the house to its contents, thanked them for the kind and respectful manner in which it had been received. The petition, he remarked, had nearly 3,500,000 signatures; and, making allowance for the signatures of youths and females, he was prepared to prove that there were above 1,500,000 of families of the industrious classes subscribers to that petition. The prayer of the petition was for the enactment of the great constitutional changes which form the “six points” in the Chartist creed, to which was added a demand for the abolition of all kinds of monopolies. Mr. Duncombe concluded by moving, “that the petitioners of the national petition be heard at the bar of this house, by themselves, their counsel, or agents, in support of the allegations of then-petitions.” The motion was seconded by Mr. Leader. The spirit of this petition was bitter, and its language offensive. It was pervaded by a desire for class legislation, and propounded doctrines subversive of the rights of property, and of the national faith and credit. On a division, the motion was negatived by two hundred and eighty-seven against forty-nine.

BILL FOR RESTRAINING THE EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN MINES AND COLLIERIES.

In a previous session, after having been the means of carrying a humane law to prevent the cruelties inflicted on children employed in factories, Lord Ashley procured the appointment of commissioners for inquiry into the employment of children. These commissioners examined into the state of young persons in mines and collieries; and the course of their inquiries brought to light more than the sufferings of children alone; for they found the cases of the women in many places equally pitiable. This subject was brought forward by Lord Ashley in the house of commons on the 7th of June, when his lordship moved for leave to bring in a bill for restraining the employment of women and children in mines and collieries. The speech of Lord Ashley disclosed a state of things in the mining districts the most appalling. Cruel oppressions were perpetrated by the mine owners and overseers, especially upon women and children; and frequently parents showed an utter callousness to the sufferings of their offspring. The work assigned to girls and young women was destructive of health, and was conducted under circumstances so indecent that it was difficult for the noble speaker to state the details to the house. The commons received the intelligence with amazement and indignation; they had no conception that such outrages upon female decency, and upon humanity, existed in England. Lord Ashley proceeded to state the means, which he should call upon the legislature to adopt for an immediate removal of the most hideous and appalling features of the system he had described. The means explained by his lordship were fourfold: the total exclusion of female labour from all mines and collieries in the country; the exclusion of all boys under thirteen years of age; the prevention of the employment of males under twenty-one years of age as engineers; and the abolition of apprenticeship. Lord Ashley concluded his able and humane speech in this appropriate and emphatic language of scripture:—“Let us break off our sins by righteousness, and our iniquities by showing mercy to the poor.” A hearty concurrence was manifested on all sides of the house in the proposition; and the bill having been brought in, was passed rapidly through all its stages, and finally read a third time amidst loud cheers. Before the measure came into the upper house, it was announced by Lord Wharncliffe that ministers would be passive respecting it, each individual member taking what part they deemed prudent. The second reading was moved by the Earl of Devon, who, after vindicating the measure, contended that without any evidence the house would be justified in preventing the employment of women in the places described. Subsequently, the earl explained the alterations which it had been thought advisable to make in the bill; namely, the postponement of the time at which the employment of females should cease until the 1st of March next; the abandonment of a clause for regulating the hours during which children should be employed; the restricting the term of apprenticeship in any mine or colliery to eight years instead of entire prohibition; and the enacting that no boy be apprenticed under ten years of age. Several noble lords spoke for and against the measure; but the motion for going into committee was carried by forty-nine against three. In committee several amendments were successively proposed by Lords Beaumont, Littleton, Skelmersdale, Dunmore, and Mount Cashel; but they were all rejected, and the several clauses were agreed to, with some verbal amendments, and the bill reported. The third reading was opposed by Lord Londonderry, but without success; and the bill passed. The amendments were subsequently agreed to in the commons.

BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.

On the 6th of May, Mr. Roebuck, having given notice previously of his intention, moved for a committee of inquiry into the election of the members for Reading, Nottingham, Lewes, Penryn, and Harwich. In making this motion Mr. Roebuck entered into particulars concerning these elections, in all of which he contended bribery had been practised. He wished to inquire into these transactions in order to expose them to the people of this country. He had not, he said, confined his accusations to one side of the house or the other. He had made no party question of it: he stood up for the purity of the house; and, God willing, it should be made pure. The motion was seconded by Mr. Fitzroy, member for Lewes, who warmly challenged inquiry into his conduct. Captain Plumridge, also, member for Penryn, declared that he had never given one penny towards the expenses of his election. On the other hand, Mr. Elphinstone, another of the accused members, declared frankly that, in his election, both parties had been guilty of bribery, and that if the inquiry had proceeded, none of the four candidates for his seat would now have been members of parliament. After a lengthened discussion a committee was appointed, and at the latter part of July the report of this committee was presented to the house, shortly after which Mr. Roebuck gave notice of his intention to move the following resolutions:—“That the compromises of election petitions, as brought to the knowledge of this house by the Report of the Select Committee on Election Proceedings, must, if for the future they be allowed to pass without punishment or censure, tend to bring this house into contempt with the people, and thereby seriously to diminish its power and authority. That all such practices are hereby declared to be a violation of the liberties of the people, and a breach of the privileges of this house; which it will in all future cases inquire into, and severely punish. That whereas in the late elections for Harwich, Nottingham. Lewes, Reading, Falmouth, and Penryn, and Bridport, the present laws have been found insufficient to protect the voters from the mischievous temptations of bribery, it be ordered that Mr. Speaker do issue no writ for any election of members for the said towns, till further legislative enactments have been adopted to protect the purity of elections.” In moving these resolutions Mr. Roebuck said that they mentioned no names, but simply provided for future mischiefs. He had proved all his assertions, and much more: and would the reflecting and honest people of England believe, that in buying up poor voters, in debauching, poor constituencies, and afterwards shielding themselves by a contemptible quibble, and buying off the consequences, the conduct of members was either honourable to themselves, or beneficial to their constituents? He believed the people would say the chief criminal was the briber; the rich man who went down with money in his pocket to a large constituency.—some of them oppressed by poverty—and offered them bribes to sell their consciences. A lengthened and stormy debate took place; but the resolutions were all negatived. But, notwithstanding the house of commons refused to affirm these resolutions, the investigation that had taken place had some practical result. One of the terms on which the petition against the return of one of the members for Reading was compromised, was the acceptance of the Chiltern hundreds within a limited time. When that time arrived, however, for carrying this stipulation into effect, an unexpected difficulty occurred. The chancellor of the exchequer now made aware, by the publication of the report, for what the application was preferred, declined to grant it; and the individual who had bound himself to resign his seat, found it beyond his power to do so. The course of proceeding adopted by the chancellor of the exchequer became the subject of discussion in the house of commons on the 6th of August, when Lord Palmerston moved for “copies of any correspondence which had taken place since the 1st day of July last, between the chancellor of the exchequer and any member of this house, upon the subject of the stewardship of the Chiltern hundreds;” the result of which motion was that the copies were ordered. Subsequently, the writs for filling up vacancies created by the unseating or collusive resignation of members at Ipswich, Southampton, Nottingham, and Newcastle-under-Lyne were all ordered to be issued. The disclosures before the committee concerning Sudbury, induced Mr. Redington, the chairman, to bring in a bill for the disfranchisement of that borough; but though this bill was supported by government, and passed through the commons, owing to the late period at which it was sent up to the lords, it only reached a second reading in that house. The writ, however, was suspended _sine die_. In connection with this subject, it may be mentioned that Lord John Russell brought in a bill for the prevention of bribery, and remedying some of the abuses to which election proceedings were liable; which bill, with some modifications in committee, passed both houses, and received the royal assent.

LAW REFORMS.

In the early part of this session the lord-chancellor gave notice of bills respecting bankruptcy, lunacy, and county courts. Adverting first to the subject of bankruptcies, he commenced by paying a compliment to Lord Brougham, upon the improvements in that department of the law which he had introduced. His lordship continued:—“That system, however, excellent as it was, comprised within its jurisdiction only a circuit of forty miles round London. He proposed to extend the metropolitan district to a hundred miles round London; which would add a fifth to the business of the commissioners, without inconvenience to them. For the country, it was proposed to appoint commissioners at five central points, in five great towns, beyond the London district, invested with the same power which was at present reposed in the London commissioners. They would perform the same quantity of duty now performed by the London commissioners, having a similar range and a similar jurisdiction.” The course respecting the law of lunacy was somewhat similar. His lordship remarked:—“The law of lunacy was administered like that of bankruptcy, the London commissioners having jurisdiction for twenty miles round the metropolis; and the country commissions being like those of bankruptcy, directed to persons of little or no experience, though the inquiries were of the nicest and most delicate character. He proposed that two commissioners should be appointed, for the purpose of executing all those commissions, not only in the metropolitan districts, but throughout the country. From an examination of details he was satisfied that those two commissioners would be amply sufficient for discharging those and other important duties connected with lunacy. The payment of commissioners by fees would be abolished, and they would be added to the visitors at present appointed to inspect the condition of lunatics. They would be taken from among the highest members of the bar.” Concerning the county courts, his lordship said that he was averse to any sweeping change: his measure went merely to extend their jurisdiction. They were presided over by the county clerk, whose jurisdiction extended to forty shillings. “If,” said his lordship, “I appoint a particular place, and give them a jurisdiction to the extent of five pounds, and appoint persons of respectability and learning, I think I do not innovate upon ancient institutions.” His lordship proposed further, that for the recovery of debts to the amount of twenty pounds, persons should be appointed judges of these courts, who should not reside in the provinces where they administered the law, but that they should make circuits, like the judges of the land, into the provinces with which they were not acquainted, and where they had no local connections or prejudices. His lordship proposed that there should be six or eight circuits in the year, to be made by barristers of a certain standing, to be appointed by the crown; who should return to the metropolis after the circuits, where they could mix with their colleagues in the profession, and thus give a security for the uniformity of the law which they administered. The bills were generally approved of, and they passed the upper house unopposed. In the commons an attempt was made to induce government to postpone the consideration of them; and that relating to the county courts was postponed till the following year, but those respecting bankruptcy and lunacy were passed. Another bill, introduced by Sir James Graham, for the amendment of the law relating to the registration of votes in England, was delayed; and three bills proposed by Lord Campbell, to alter the administration of the house of lords as a court of appeal, to alter the system of appeal to the judicial committee of the privy council, and to amend the administration of the court of chancery, were rejected. A question of general interest respecting the marriage law was also raised this session in the commons, by Lord Francis Egerton, who moved for leave to bring in a bill to alter the laws relating to marriage within certain degrees of affinity. The chief feature of this bill was, that it would enable a widower to marry a deceased wife’s sister; but, on a division, the motion for leave to bring in the bill was lost by one hundred and twenty-three against one hundred.

BILL FOR THE PROTECTION OF THE ROYAL PERSON.

During this session, in consequence of an attempt upon the queen’s life, by an insane person of the name of Bean, Sir Robert Peel brought in a bill on the subject, which met with the unanimous approbation of the house. In introducing this bill, after adverting to the act passed in the reign of George III., for the protection of that monarch, Sir Robert said that he proposed to extend the change of procedure involved in that act, namely, the abolition of the forms usually attendant on trials of high treason, &c., to cases where the offence was that of compassing the wounding of the sovereign. Concerning the class of offences against which his measure was to provide, Sir Robert remarked:—“I propose that, after the passing of this act, if any person or persons shall wilfully discharge, or attempt to discharge, or point, aim, or present at or near the person of the queen, any gun, pistol, or other description of fire-arms whatsoever, although the same shall not contain explosive or destructive substance or material; or if any person shall strike, or attempt to strike the person of the queen with any offensive weapons, or in any manner whatever; or if any person shall wilfully throw or attempt to throw any substance whatever at or on the person of the queen, with intent, in any of the cases aforesaid, to break the public peace, or with intent, in any of the cases-aforesaid, to excite the alarm of the queen; I propose that any party so offending—that is, intending to hurt the queen, or to alarm the queen, shall be subject to the same penalties which apply to cases of larceny; that is, he be subject to transportation not exceeding seven years. I propose, also, another punishment, more suitable to the offence, and more calculated to repress it, that there be a discretionary power of imprisonment for a certain period, with authority to inflict personal chastisement.” In continuance, Sir Robert Peel expressed an opinion that such a punishment would awe miscreants capable of harbouring such designs, and that the provisions of the bill would be amply sufficient for the purpose of protecting her majesty. “For,” he added, “observe what we have to guard against—it is not any traitorous attempt against the peace of the nation by conspiring to take away the life of the sovereign, but it is the folly or malignity of wretches who are guilty of acts prompted by motives which are scarcely assignable. The law, in its charity to human nature, has omitted to provide for the case of any being formed like a man who could find a satisfaction in firing a pistol at a young lady, that lady a mother, and that mother the queen of these realms. It never entered into the conception of former law-makers that anything so monstrous should arise, as that the queen of these realms should not enjoy a degree of liberty granted to the meanest of her subjects. I am sure the house will respond to the proposition to give the security of this law for the protection of her majesty.” The bill was passed with unanimity.

POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL.

During this session government proposed and carried a bill re-enacting the poor-law commission for five years, abolishing the Gilbert unions, and forming districts for the purposes of education and various minor matters. This bill, however, was not carried without much opposition.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 12th of August by the queen in person. Having given the royal assent to several bills, her majesty expressed her grateful sense of the assiduity and zeal with which both houses had applied themselves to the discharge of their public duties. In her speech her majesty also alluded to the measures which had been taken into consideration; thanked her parliament for the loyalty and affectionate attachment shown to her person by the act passed for her protection; and made some allusions to reverses which had befallen a division of the army westward of the Indus, and to a victory gained at Jellalabad.

EAST INDIA AFFAIRS, ETC.

During the preceding year the British power in India came into hostile collision with the Ghilzies. This collision was thus brought about. The Khoord Cabul Pass is a long and dangerous defile through which the road between Cabul and Jellalabad runs, and which, therefore, it was necessary to keep open for the purpose of safe intercourse between Cabul and British India. This part of Affghanistan was occupied by the eastern Ghilzies: and it was thought advisable to purchase from them the right of traversing the pass without molestation. An agreement was, in fact, entered into with the Ghilzee chiefs, whereby it was stipulated that a certain sum of money should be paid them yearly out of the Cabul treasury, if they would keep the pass open, and offer no molestation to our troops on their passage between Cabul and Jellalabad. Owing, however, to the financial difficulties of the Cabul treasury, or to some mismanagement on the part of the officer who was appointed to disburse the money, the whole amount of the stipulated sum was not paid, and the Ghilzies immediately rose in arms and closed the passes. It was necessary to open it by force; and Major-general Sir Robert Sale was sent by General Elphinstone from Cabul for that purpose. The brigade which Sir Robert commanded entered the pass on the 12th of October. The Ghilzies were posted behind a breastwork near the middle of the pass; and as the assailing body approached, the enemy withdrew from this position, and occupied the steep and precipitous ridges of the mountains on either side, from whence they opened a well-directed fire. General Sale was wounded in the ankle and obliged to leave the field; and Lieutenant-colonel Dennie then took the command. Under his direction one section of the brigade got possession of the heights, and their guns were established in a deserted fort on the southern gorge of the pass; but the other division marched back through the defile to the camp at Boothak. But, although the Khoord Cabul Pass was thus cleared, the force under General Sale was compelled to fight with the enemy during eighteen days in their route to Gundamuek, which was reached on the 30th of October. After this the British troops commanded the route to Sookhab; and on the 12th of November they reached Jellalabad. In the meantime a fearful tragedy, which ended in the total destruction of our Cifeul force, had commenced in that city. The British troops were placed in a cantonment on the north side of the city, which cantonment consisted only of a low rampart and narrow ditch, in the form of a parallelogram, thrown up along the line of the Kohistan road, one thousand yards long and six hundred broad, with round flanking bastions at each corner, every one of which was commanded by some fort or hill. The “Mission Compound,” where Sir William M’Naghten, the envoy, and his suite resided, was attached to the cantonment on the north side, and surrounded by a single wall. On the eastern side, about a quarter of a mile off, the Cabul river flowed in a direction parallel with the Kohistan road; and between the river and cantonments there was a wide canal. In itself this cantonment was most insecure; but General Elphinstone threw a bridge over the river so as to render the communication between the Seeah Sung camp and the cantonment still more easy. The most extraordinary oversight, however, was the allowing the commissariat stores to be placed in an old fort detached from the cantonment, and in such a state as to be wholly indefensible. The troops were thus placed when a rebellion took place under Ameenoollah and Abdoolhah Khan. It commenced by an attack on the dwellings of Sir Alexander Barnes and Captain Johnson, who resided in the city of Cabal; Sir Alexander, his brother, Lieutenant Burnes, and Lieutenant Broadfoot were murdered. On discovering this, General Elphinstone sent an order to Brigadier Shelton to march forthwith with a body of troops to the Bala Hissar, or royal citadel, situated at the eastern extremity of the city; the rest of the troops in that camp were withdrawn into the cantonment, and the whole of the camp followers when collected amounted to twelve thousand, exclusive of women and children. A long and miserable siege now took place. The Affghans surrounded the cantonments, and poured in a constant fire from every quarter; and, at length, on the 11th of December, the commissariat fort being captured by the enemy, Sir William M’Naghten was compelled to sign this humiliating agreement with the rebel chief:—“That the British should evacuate the whole of Affghanistan, including Candahar, Ghuznee, and Jellalabad: that they should be permitted to return unmolested to India; and that supplies should be granted to them on their road thither—certain men of consequence accompanying them as hostages; that means of transport should be furnished to the troops; that Dost Mahomed Khan, his family, and every Affghan then detained within our territory should be allowed to return to their own country; that Shah Soojah and his family should have the option of remaining at Cabul or proceeding with the British troops to Loodianah, in either case receiving from the Affghan government one lac of rupees per annum; that an amnesty should be granted to all who had taken the part of Shah Soojah; that all prisoners should be released; that no British force should ever be sent into Affghanistan, unless invited by the Affghan government.” The chiefs, in retiring from the conference, took with them Captain Trevor as a hostage. Much delay took place in carrying any of these terms into effect; and in the meantime a trap was laid for Sir William M’Naghten, into which he fell. On the 22nd of December two Affghans came into the cantonment, and had a private conference with him, in which they made a proposal on the part of Akbar Khan, that Ameenoolah Khan should be seized the next day, and delivered up to the British as a prisoner; that the Bala Hissar should be occupied by one of our regiments: that Shah Soojah should continue king, and Mahomed Akbar become his Wuzeer, or prime-minister; and that our troops should remain in the cantonment until the following spring. To these specious terms the envoy unwarily assented; and on the 23rd of December, accompanied by three officers, he left the Mission-House to attend a conference with Mahomed Akbar Khan in the plain toward Seeah Sung. While in the act of conference, however, Sir William M’Naghten and the officers were seized from behind by armed men; and he and Captain Trevor were murdered; the other officers escaped with difficulty. The situation of the British troops was now evidently desperate, and Major-general Elphinstone deemed it necessary to provide for their safety by again attempting to negociate with the enemy. A convention was entered into, in pursuance of which the troops commenced their march on the 6th of January. In the whole there were 4,500 fighting men about 12,000 camp followers, and a large number of women and children. Their retreat was most disastrous. The snow lay deep upon the ground, and the rear-guard had scarcely quitted the camp before it was attacked by the enemy. As far as Bareekhur the whole way was strewed with the dead and dying, who were immediately stripped and left naked by the Affghans; while the merciless Ghuzees hacked the dead corpses to pieces with their long knives. While at Bareekhur a communication was opened with Akbar Khan, who now offered to restrain the Affghans from further outrages, provided hostages were delivered to him as a security that the British would not march beyond Tezeen, until General Sale had evacuated Jellalabad. The proposal was accepted, and Major Pottinger and Captains Lawrence and Mackenzie became hostages. The troops now proceeded to the Khoord Cabul Pass; but Akbar Khan’s promise was futile: they had to force the difficult pass with considerable loss. The next morning the treacherous chief sent to the encampment, professing his concern at his inability to restrain the Ghilzies, who had been most active in the attacks of the preceding day; but he offered to protect the ladies, provided they would put themselves under his care. Eight ladies, including Lady Sale and Lady M’Naghten, placed themselves under his protection; those who had husbands being solaced by their company. In resuming the march the contest recommenced, and it did not cease until they reached Jugdulluck. Few, however, reached that place. Of the whole force which had left Cabul, amounting to more than 16,000 persons, not more than three hundred are said to have escaped. At Jugdulluck, Akbar Khan effectually interfered, and the unfortunate British were allowed to occupy, without molestation, a ruined enclosure, where they lay down, worn out by fatigue, and helpless, in the snow. Out of this number only one man, Dr. Brydon, lived to reach Jellalabad; the rest, subsequent to the protection afforded them by Akbar Khan at Jugdulluck, were all slain, either by the Affghan troops, or by the inhabitants of the villages through which they passed in their flight. As for General Elphinstone, he was detained prisoner by Akbar Khan, who sent for him under pretence of treating personally with him.

The enemy now approached Jellalabad, which was occupied by Sir Robert Sale, who had maintained his position there since the day on which he reached it. This gallant general had been engaged in several encounters with the enemy, in which he had uniformly punished them. When the enemy approached Jellalabad, Lady Sale, then a prisoner in the hands of the Affghans, wrote a letter, exhorting lier husband to defend his position; saying that she preferred death to dishonour. Sir Robert Sale refused, when summoned, to abandon his post, and he was consequently besieged by the enemy. Vigorous efforts were soon made to relieve the besieged garrison. Lord Auckland was about to retire from the government of India, and a new governor-general, Lord Ellenborough, had arrived at Calcutta on the 18th of February. In the meantime Sir Jasper Nicholls, who was commander-in-chief of the British forces in India, was urged by Lord Auckland to push on to Peshawar as many troops as he could spare. A body of 3500 men arrived at Peshawar on the 27th, but he having failed to force the Khyber Pass, was compelled to remain passive until joined by Major-general Pollock, who, when he arrived, took command of the forces destined for the relief of Jellalabad. A portion of the forces under his command consisted of Sikhs, the troop of the Maha Rajah Shere Sing, ruler of the Punjaub, under General Abitabile. On the arrival of Major-general Pollock at Peshawar, accounts were received from Jellalabad, representing General Sale as in want of immediate succour. Two brigades, consisting of 4,000 men, under the command of Colonel Bolton, had not yet joined his forces; but General Pollock nevertheless resolved to advance forthwith, having under his command about 8,000 men. The task he had to perform was one of the most difficult nature. From Jamrood, on the eastern side, the Khyber Pass extends for twenty-eight miles towards Jellalabad; and the defiles had hitherto been considered as impassable to an army if opposed by an enemy. The pass was defended by the Khyberries; but, despite their opposition, his whole force cleared it by the 14th of April; the first instance in history of an army forcing its way through these dreaded defiles in face of an enemy. The Sikh troops were left in possession of the pass, and on the morning of the 16th of April the troops, under the command of General Pollock, came in sight of Jellalabad, and were loudly greeted by the beleaguered garrison.

Before the arrival of General Pollock at Jellalabad, General Sale had, however, gained some important victories over his adversaries. The most important victory was obtained on the 7th of April, and Sir Robert Sale thus describes the contest:—“The troops issued from the Cabul and Peshawar gates at daylight this morning. So far from the Sirdhar (i.e. Akbar Kahn) having made any dispositions to avoid the encounter, his whole force (not falling short of 6,000 men) was formed in order of battle, for the defence of his camp, its right resting on a fort, and its left on the Cabul river; and even the ruined works, within eight hundred yards of the place, recently repaired, were filled with Ghilzie marksmen, evidently prepared for a stout resistance. The attack was led by the skirmishers, and a column, under Captain Havelock, which drove the enemy in the most satisfactory manner from the extreme left of his advanced line of works, which it pierced, and proceeded to advance into the plain; whilst the central column directed its efforts against a square fort upon the same base, the defence of which was obstinately maintained. With the deepest regret I have to record that, whilst nobly leading his regiment to the assault, Colonel Dennie, C.B., of her majesty’s thirteenth light infantry, received a shot through his body, which shortly after proved fatal. The rear of the work having been finally gained by passing to its left, I gave orders for a combined attack upon the enemy’s camp. It was in every way brilliant and successful. The artillery advanced at the gallop, and directed a heavy fire upon the Affghan centre, whilst two of the columns of infantry penetrated his line near the same point; and the third forced back his left from its support on the river, into the stream of which some of his horse and foot were driven. The Affghans made repeated attempts to check our advance by a smart fire of musketry, by throwing forward heavy bodies of horse, which twice threatened in force the detachments of foot under Captain Havelock, and by opening on us three guns screened by a garden wall, and said to have been served under the personal superintendance of the Sirdhar; but in a short time they were dislodged from every point of their positions, their cannon taken, and their camp involved in a general conflagration. The battle was over, and the enemy in full retreat in the direction of Lugliman by about seven a.m. We have made ourselves masters of two cavalry standards; recaptured four guns lost by the Cabul army and Gundamuck forces; and seized and destroyed a great quantity of _materiel_ and ordnance stores, and burned the whole of the enemy’s tents. In short, the defeat of Mahomet Akbar in open field, by the troops whom he had boasted of blockading, has been complete and signal.” After his defeat Akbar Khan retired in the direction of Cabul, but his troops deserted from him to a man. Such was the state of affairs when the junction between the forces of General Sale and General Pollock took place at Jellalabad. The garrison was suffering severely from want of provisions, but plentiful supplies soon began to pour in from Peshawar, and the two generals subsequently resolved upon offensive operations. At this time the monarch whom the British power had placed on the throne at Cabul was dead: he had ordered a general levy of troops to be made in his capital, to march upon Jellalabad; and, while he was on his way to join these troops at Seeah Sung, he was fired upon by fifty Juzdilchees, who were placed in ambush, and was killed. General Pollock remained at Jellalabad upwards of four months, during which time his troops suffered severely from sickness, and their ranks were greatly thinned by death; and it was not until the 20th of August that he commenced his march towards Cabul. The prisoners, male and female, which were captured by Akbar Khan were in separate forts within the valley of Tezeen, where General Elphinstone died; and during the period of General Pollock’s stay at Jellalabad, Akbar Khan sent two of the British officers in captivity to treat for the liberation of the whole. He wished, however, to make our evacuation of Affghanistan the condition of restoring the prisoners; but as this proposal could not be entertained, all negotiations ceased, and the prisoners were subsequently removed from Tezeen to forts between Cabul and Bameean. Previous to his departure from Jellalabad, General Pollock had issued a manifesto to the chiefs at Cabul, stating his intention of marching upon the city, and promising them that if they restored the prisoners, their property would be protected and their city spared; but that if they allowed Akbar Khan to remove them, they must all be held responsible for the consequences, and that every house in Cabul should be razed to the ground. At length, on the 20th of August, General Pollock advanced from Jellalabad. The first conflict with the enemy took place at Mammoo Khail, about two miles from Gundamuck, where about 12,000 troops under the command of the chiefs Hadji Ali and Kyrrollah Khan were defeated. The two chiefs retreated towards Cabul, and General Pollock advanced thither on the 7th of September. On the 8th he reached the Soorkah, a small river, from which he had to traverse the formidable pass in order to arrive at Jugdulluck, which is about twenty miles distant. An obstinate opposition was made to his progress from the heights by which this pass is surrounded; but it was overcome by the prowess of the British forces, and the enemy took refuge in flight. Their onward march still lay through a difficult country; but General Pollock did not again encounter the enemy until he arrived at the valley of Tezeen. Here the pass was occupied by Akbar Khan himself; and while the British troops were halting to allow the cattle to recover from the effects of the fatigue of their forced march, they were attacked by the Affghans, though without success. A general action took place on the 13th of September, which General Pollock has thus described:—“The valley of Tezeen, where we were encamped, is completely encircled by lofty hills; and on the morning of the 13th it was perceived that the Affghans had occupied in great force every height not already occupied by our troops. I commenced my march towards the mouth of the Tezeen Pass, where I had left two guns, two squadrons of her majesty’s third dragoons, a party of first light cavalry, and the third irregular cavalry. The enemy’s horse appeared in the valley, with the intention of falling upon the baggage; but the dragoons and native cavalry made a most brilliant charge, and with such effect that the whole body of the enemy’s force was completely routed, and a number of them cut up. The Pass of Tezeen affords great advantages to an enemy occupying the heights; and on the present occasion Mahomed Akbar neglected nothing to render its natural difficulties as formidable as numbers could make it. Our troops mounted the heights, and the Affghans, contrary to their general custom, advanced to meet them, and a desperate struggle ensued; indeed their defence was so obstinate that the British bayonet, in many instances, alone decided the contest. The light company of her majesty’s ninth foot, led by Captain Lushington, ascending the hills on the left of the pass under a heavy cross-fire, charged, and overthrew their opponents, leaving several horses and their riders, supposed to be chiefs, dead on the hill. The slaughter was considerable; and the fight continued during the greater part of the day, the enemy appearing resolved that we should not ascend the Huft Kothul. One spirit seemed to pervade all, and a determination to conquer overcame the obstinate resistance of the enemy, who were at length forced from their numerous and strong positions; and our troops mounted the Huft Kothul, giving three cheers when they reached the summit. Here Lieutenant-colonel Cunningham, with a party of sappers, pressed the enemy so hard, that they left in their precipitation a twenty-four pound howitzer and limber, carrying off the draft-bullocks. Having heard that another gun had been seen, and concluding that it could not have gone very far, I detached a squadron of dragoons, under Captain Tritton, and two horse-artillery guns, under Major Delafosse, in pursuit; the gun, a twelve-pound howitzer, with bullocks sufficient for two guns, were soon captured. The dragoons again got among the enemy, and succeeded in cutting up many of them. Captain Broadfoot with the sappers advanced, and, with the dragoons, happened to fall in with another part of the enemy, of whom upwards of twenty were killed. I have ascertained there were about 16,000 men in the field opposed to me, of whom a considerable portion was cavalry. Mahomed Akbar Khan, Mahomed Shah Khan, Ameen Oolla, and many other chiefs with their followers were present.” After this decisive battle Akbar Khan made no further resistance; and on the 15th of September they encamped on the race-ground at Cabul. During their march from Jellalabad, Prince Futteh Jung had arrived in the camp as a wanderer; and on the 16th, General Pollock, accompanied by him, marched to the Bala Hissar, and there planted the British colours. Several of the English prisoners had already joined the camp; and before the 21st of the month, the whole of them, with the exception of Captain Bygrave—who was subsequently liberated—were restored to British protection. By these successes the stain brought upon the British arms was effaced, and the prestige of our name regained its former influence in the East. It was, however, resolved that we should leave Cabul; and a proclamation to that effect was made by the governor-general. But, before leaving Cabul, General Pollock despatched General M’Caskill with a body of troops into Kohistan, where the Affghan chiefs were still assembled in considerable force. On the 29th of September, General M’Caskill made himself master of the strong town of Istalif, totally defeating the numerous bodies of Affghan troops collected for its defence, under Ameenoollah Khan and other chiefs of Cabul and Kohistan. This town was set on fire; and a work of plunder and savage slaughter commenced, which brought a great stain upon the British arms. For two days the place was given up to fire and sword; and all the bitterness of hatred was manifested by the soldiery, both European and native. “Not a man was spared; the Affghans were hunted down like vermin; and whenever the dead body of an Affghan was found, the Hindoo sepoys set fire to the clothes, that the curse of a ‘burnt father’ might attach to his children.” General Pollock also determined to destroy the Char Chouk, the principal bazaar in Cabul, where the remains of the unfortunate Sir William M’Naghten had been exposed to insult. This bazaar was destroyed by gunpowder; and indeed the whole city, with the exception of the Bala Hissar and the quarter of the Kuzzilbashes, was laid in ruins. About this time General Pollock was joined by General Nott from Candahar; and on the 12th of October the two armies left Cabul, the advanced column being under the command of General Pollock, and that in the rear under General Nott. No event of consequence occurred during their march, and on arriving at the fortress of Jellalabad it was levelled with the dust, and rendered unfit for human habitation. Along the whole line of march, indeed, every kind of devastation was committed by the troops, who were exasperated by the sight of the unburied skeletons of their unfortunate companions in arms, who fell during the fatal retreat early in this year. When the British forces at length emerged from the Bolan Pass, which they did on the 1st of October, thereby evacuating the whole of Affghanistan, they had left behind them a name which will long be execrated in that country. It is true they had suffered deep wrongs; but mercy to the vanquished is a nobler quality than unlimited revenge. The spirit of revenge appears to have pervaded the whole of the British community in India. Even the governor-general, Lord Ellenborough, exhibited it in a proclamation issued to all the princes, and chiefs, and people of India. He writes:—“My brothers and my friends,—Our victorious army bears the gates of the temple of Somnauth in triumph from Affghanistan, and the despoiled tomb of Sultan Mahmoud looks upon the ruins of Ghuznee. The insult of eight hundred years is at last avenged. The gates of the temple of Somnauth, so long the memorial of your humiliation, are become the proudest record of your national glory—the proof of your superiority in arms over the nations beyond the Indus. To your princes and chiefs of Sirhind, of Bajwarra, of Malwa, and Guzerat, I shall commit this glorious trophy of successful war. You will yourselves, with all honour, transmit the gates of sandalwood through your respective territories, to the restored temple of Somnauth. The chiefs of Sirhind shall be informed at what time our victorious army will first deliver the gates of the temple into their guardianship at the foot of the bridge of the Sutlej.” In another proclamation Lord Ellenborough announced that all the Affghans then in the power of the British government should be permitted to return to their own country, and that the Affghan chiefs who were thus released, were, before they passed the Sutlej, to present themselves at the durbar, or levee, of the governor-general in his camp at Ferozepore.

The insurrection at Cabul, which has been described, was not confined to that quarter of Affghanistan. At the time it broke out, General Nott was in command at Candahar, with a force of nearly 10,000 men. The hostility of the Affghans in this part of the country soon displayed itself; Candahar was invested by a large body of insurgents under the command of Mahomed Atta. This chief was joined by Sufter Jung, one of the sons of Shah Soojah; but Tiniour, the eldest brother of that family, remained nominal governor of Candahar. His fidelity, however, was afterwards suspected, and he was placed in confinement. On the 12 th of January the insurgent chiefs took up a strong position on the right bank of a river running through the Achuzye country, about five miles from Candahar. They mustered about 5,000 men; and General Nott attacked them with a force consisting of five regiments and a half of infantry, 1,000 horse, and sixteen pieces of artillery. The position of the army was formidable, being protected in front by canals and a marsh, and both flanks resting on strong gardens. The enemy, however, was routed, and compelled to flee in all directions. Tin’s success was followed by another victory over the insurgents, on the 10th of March; after which they disappeared from the neighbourhood of Candahar. The situation of the British troops, however, at Candahar, Khelat-i-Ghilzee, and Gliuznee, being thought precarious in the midst of a population universally hostile, Brigadier-general England, who commanded the forces in Scinde, determined to march to the relief of General Nott. In his route General England encountered a formidable opposition at the Rujjuk Pass, where Mahomed Seedez, with a large army, was posted to impede his progress. In an engagement, General England, indeed, lost nearly one hundred men, and he was compelled to return to Quetta: This attempt, therefore, for the relief of Candahar failed; and, not long before this, the British had another humiliation in the surrender of Ghuznee. Ghuznee was garrisoned by about 1,000 troops, under the command of Colonel Palmer, and when the general rising on the part of the Affghan population took place, that fortress and Khelat-i-Ghilzee, in which was a garrison of five hundred men, were invested by the insurgents. Colonel Palmer was obliged to capitulate; and on the 6th of March the garrison marched out from the citadel, and were quartered in a portion of the town immediately below. Scarcely, however, had the troops taken possession of the quarter assigned them by the terms of the capitulation, when they were suddenly attacked by the infuriated Ghuznees. Day after day the murderous attacks continued; and in the end the whole were either slain, or sent in camel-chairs to Cabul, to be kept in custody by Akbar Khan. It was these events that determined General Nott, on evacuating Candahar, in order to co-operate with General Pollock, in case the resistance offered by Akbar Khan should be of such a nature as to render a reinforcement of the British troops necessary. Candahar was evacuated on the 7th and 8th of August, and the troops marched onwards without molestation till they came to Gonine, about thirty miles south-west of Ghuznee. Here General Nott found that Shumsooden, the Affghan governor of that fortress, was awaiting his approach with about 12,000 men. This force, however, was quickly defeated, and their guns, tents, and ammunition captured; General Nott then moved on Ghuznee, which he found full of armed men, under the command of Sultan Jan. Ghuznee was stormed, and the enemy driven from thence in all directions; after which the city and the whole of its works were destroyed. General Nott now advanced upon Cabul, and at Mydan he again encountered the enemy; but the British troops dislodged them from their strong positions; and General Nott effected a junction with General Pollock without further molestation.

In China the British troops still pursued an inglorious war. In the month of August, last year, Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir W. Parker had sailed for Hong-Kong, which was the place of rendezvous for the ships destined for the expedition to the northward. On the 21st they sailed from that island, and anchored on the 25th in the harbour of Amoy. This city is said to have been inhabited by about 70,000 people; and the Chinese army garrisoning it was 10,000 strong. The number of guns possessed by the garrison was about five hundred; and the place was so strongly fortified by nature and art, that the Chinese fancied the place to be impregnable. Amoy, however, wanted a brave and skilful garrison; and lacking this, the place was soon captured. The mandarins and soldiers fled, leaving the city occupied by only a few coolies. This success was attained without the loss of a man on the part of the British; and the number of Chinese killed is supposed not to have exceeded one hundred and fifty. Sir Hugh Gough was mainly instrumental in effecting this conquest; but, on the 30th of August, the troops were withdrawn from the city, a garrison of five hundred men only being left on the island of Cohun-soo, which is distant about 1,200 yards from Amoy. In the proclamation addressed by Sir H. Pottinger on this occasion to “her Britannic majesty’s subjects in China,” he says:—“Her majesty’s plenipotentiary deems it quite superfluous to say one word as to the manner in which this important service has been performed. The facts require no eulogium. The Chinese government vainly imagined that they had rendered Amoy impregnable; but they were undeceived in presence of the viceroy of the provinces of Chekeang and Fokien (who, with a number of high officers, witnessed the attacks from the heights above the town), in the short space of four hours from the firing of the first gun; and had the opposition been a hundred times greater than it was, the spirit and bearing of all employed showed that the result must have been the same.” The state of the weather prevented the expedition from putting to sea and continuing its progress northward before the 5th of September. On the 21st it reached the Chusan group of islands, and afterwards reconoitered the Tinghae and Chusan harbour. The walls of Tinghae were escaladed, and the British colours soon waved over the fortifications. In this attack upon Tinghae the enemy suffered severely; several mandarins were killed, while, on the side of the British, two only were killed, and twenty-four wounded. The next place attacked was Chinghae, which was captured with the same ease, although it was enclosed by a wall thirty-seven feet in thickness, and twenty-two feet in height. Sir William Parker writes concerning this conquest:—“About eleven o’clock we had the gratification of seeing the British colours planted by the troops in one of the batteries on the opposite side of the shore: and in a few minutes the others on that side were all carried, and the Chinese observed flying in every direction before our gallant soldiers on the heights. At a quarter past eleven the wall of the citadel was breached by the fire from the ships; and the defences being reduced to a ruinous state, the Chinese abandoned their guns, which they had hitherto worked with considerable firmness, and a large portion of the garrison retreated precipitately towards the city. Not a moment was lost in making the signal for landing the battalion of seamen and marines, with the detachments of artillery and sappers. Before noon, the boats were all on shore; every impediment presented by the difficulty of landing on rugged rocks was overcome, and the force gallantly advanced to the assault, with a celerity that excited my warmest admiration. An explosion at this time took place in a battery near the citadel gate; and the remnant of the garrison fled without waiting to close it. The citadel was therefore rapidly entered, and the union-jack displayed on the walls. Our people had scarcely passed within them when another explosion occurred, happily without mischief, but whether by accident or design is uncertain.” Captain Herbert having secured this post, quickly reformed his men, and advanced towards the city; the Chinese still occupying in considerable force the walls of it, as well as the two batteries beneath the hill on the river side, against which our troops had already turned some of the guns taken on the right bank. A few volleys of musketry speedily dislodged them from both positions, and the battalions of seamen and marines pushed on in steady and excellent order to attack the city.

The wall was escaladed in two places, and in a short time complete possession was taken of Chinghae, the Chinese troops having made their escape through the western gate. Subsequently Sir Hugh Gough captured Ningpo with the same facility, after which no event of importance occurred during the past year. Early in the present year the district cities of Yuydo, Tsikee, and Ftmghwa were temporarily occupied by the British troops; and the Chinese made a bold but ineffectual attempt to recover Ningpo. After their unsuccessful attack upon Ningpo, the Chinese attempted to annoy the British garrison by obstructing the supply of provisions. A body of about 4,000 Chinese soldiers were encamped at the town of Tse-kee, about eleven miles westward of Ningpo; but they were quickly driven from thence by Sir Hugh Gough with great loss. Ningpo was evacuated by the British on the 7th of May, and on the 16th the fleet came to the city of Chapoo, which was captured. Sir H. Pottinger, who had recently been to Canton rejoined the squadron before it sailed from Chapoo: and its subsequent operations were detailed by him in a “circular,” dated on board the steam-frigate _Queen_, in the Yang-tze-Kiang river. Its operations were first chiefly confined to the destruction of batteries along the Woosung river; after which the fleet entered the great river Yang-tze. In this river operations were directed against the cities of Suyshan, Chin-Keang-foo, and Nankin. The two former were captured: but when preparations had been made for attacking the latter, Sir Hugh Gough and Sir William Parker received instructions from Sir Henry Pottinger to suspend hostilities, in consequence of negociations which he was carrying on with the Chinese high officers who had been appointed by the emperor to treat for peace. Full powers had been given to three commissioners, Keying, Elepoo, and Newkéén, to negociate a treaty of peace which was finally concluded on the 26th of August. The conditions of this treaty were:—That the Chinese should pay 21,000,000 dollars; that the ports of Canton, Amoy, Foo-chow-foo, Ningpo, and Shanghae, should be open to British merchants, with permission to consular officers to reside there; that the island of Hong-Kong should be ceded to the British in perpetuity; that correspondence should be conducted on terms of perfect equality between the officers of both governments; and that the islands of Chusan and Kolang-soo should be held by the British until the money payments were made and arrangements for opening the ports completed.