CHAPTER LXIX.

{VICTORIA. 1857–1858}

Foreign Affairs..... European Treaties in alliance with France..... Difference with the United States of America..... War with China, to the conclusion of Peace in 1858..... Treaty with Japan effected by Lord Elgin in 1858..... Colonial..... Chinese Insurrection at Sarawak..... India: the Mutiny..... Home: General State of the Country; Monetary Panic..... Debate on the Chinese War..... Defeat of the Ministry..... General Election..... Marriage of the Princess Royal..... Parliamentary Proceeding’s..... The Court..... Art-Treasures Exhibition, Manchester.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS: RELATIONS WITH FRANCE, AND WITH OTHER EUROPEAN POWERS THROUGH THE FRENCH ALLIANCE.

{A.D. 1857–1858}

The importance of the French alliance was acknowledged by all classes in England, but the maintenance of it was extremely difficult. The policy of the French emperor was considered capricious and dynastic, and not regulated by good faith and justice. His eagerness to create an alliance with Russia, at the expense of England, was obvious in every circumstance which brought the three powers into diplomatic connection. This was more especially the case as regarded the Danubian Principalities. On every question which arose in connection with those provinces of the Turkish empire, Russia fomented dispute between herself and Turkey, between the Porte and the Provinces, and between France and England. France fell in with the views of Russia, thwarted the Turkish government, bore herself affrontfully and dictatorially to the sultan, and peevishly and even menacingly towards England, by which nation the rights of Turkey were from the first consistently espoused. The boundary question was conducted so that it was difficult to believe that France and Russia had not conspired against the rights of Turkey and the policy of England, ostensibly to enforce which France made war upon the czar. Austria generally sympathized more with England than with France and Russia in these disputes, but no power could place confidence in the perfidious government of the kasir, any more than in that of the czar. Prussia showed neither justice nor magnanimity. Her policy was selfish and cowardly. Although the grandson of the King of Prussia was affianced to the Princess Royal of England, that circumstance made no difference in the pro-Russian sympathies of the king. He abetted Russia in all her designs. The Prussian people generally expressed disapprobation of the policy of the court, but did not show spirit or purpose to counteract it. On June the 19th, a treaty was signed at Paris, and ratified on the last day of the year, between Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and Sardinia, relative to the frontier of Bessarabia, to the Isle of Serpents, and to the delta of the Danube. The policy of England, on the whole, triumphed in this treaty. The Swiss Canton of Neufchâtel, which appertained to the government of Prussia, revolted against that government. In consequence of that event, much diplomatic difficulty and discussion arose in Europe. The moderate plan of arrangement recommended by England influenced the decision of the contest in a manner satisfactory to the Swiss Confederation and the people of Neufchâtel. The King of Prussia submitted to the arrangement ungraciously, and did much in sustaining a selfish policy, which was calculated to create a European war. At Paris, June 16, 1857, a treaty was signed, which settled these turbulent affairs. The parties to the treaty were Great Britain, France, Prussia, the Swiss Confederation, Austria, and Russia.

DIFFERENCE WITH THE UNITED STATES.

The “Clayton-Bulwer treaty” of 1850 was still the fruitful source of contention. It was hoped that the “Dallas Clarendon treaty” of 1856 would settle all disputes, but this hope was unsustained by events. The President of the United States recommended the abrogation of these treaties altogether, and the commencement _de novo_ by the diplomatists of the two nations of negotiations for a new settlement. The gist of the dispute lay within a small compass. Both governments had agreed to acquire no territory in Central America. England affirmed that such a stipulation fairly assumed that she was to retain possession of the territory and protectorate she already held and exercised. America denied the correctness of this interpretation; alleging that the idea entertained by the statesmen of the republic was, that neither power should hold any territory in Central America. The Americans declared that if England acquired or retained territory in Central America they also would acquire territory there, and the result must be a struggle between the two nations for dominion in Central America. Whereas if England renounced all territorial possession, the United States would concur in a mutual arrangement for the neutrality of the great transit way across the American continent between the Atlantic and Pacific. The proposal of the United States appeared to be the only practicable one to secure peace. The discussion, however, was maintained with much courtesy and resolution on both sides, and the dispute remained open.

CHINA—PROSECUTION OF THE WAR.

In the last chapter the British admiral was left awaiting reinforcements at the close of the year 1856.

On the 12th of January the British fired the western suburbs of Canton, which continued to burn for two days. So weak was the British force that it was obliged to drop down the river, and the squadron took up a position near Macao.

During the month of May, the English having been somewhat reinforced, Commodore Elliott conducted operations against Chinese war-junks up certain creeks of the Canton river with great success. In June Commodore Keppel directed similar operations with still greater success. The Chinese supposed the positions where their war-junks were sheltered were impregnable, and were astonished and terrified to find that the English stormed and silenced their batteries, and captured, sunk, or burned their war-junks with the utmost celerity. So difficult were the positions chosen by the enemy that the British, although securing a brilliant series of victories with extraordinary rapidity, suffered heavy loss.

While these events were proceeding, Lord Elgin was on his way as plenipotentiary to the Chinese emperor; he arrived at Hong-kong in July. On his way thither he touched at Singapore, where he received news of the Indian mutiny, and a request from the governor-general of India to detach a portion of his force to assist in suppressing the mutiny then raging there. From Hong-kong Lord Elgin proceeded to India with the remainder of the troops, as the peril there admitted of no delay, while the Chinese dispute would allow of postponement. In the latter part of the autumn Lord Elgin returned to Hong-kong. In October a French squadron arrived to co-operate with the English, accompanied by Baron Gros, as the plenipotentiary of the French emperor. Count Puteatin arrived in the same capacity for the Emperor of Russia; and Mr. Reed represented the North-American republic. Both Russia and the American States were jealous of the combined influence of England and France, and showed rather a disposition to coalesce, in order to thwart the allied powers of Western Europe, while yet the representative of each of the two jealous nations was solicitous to make a treaty in the separate and even selfish interests of his country. England and France were desirous for the co-operation of all civilized powers to obtain a treaty in the interests of all, but this did not suit the policy of America, still less of Russia. France moreover displayed an eagerness to force some exclusive convention in favour of the Roman Catholic religion, in which the other powers had no interest, and which they felt to be invidious and improper. The French also, in their co-operation with the British, were avaricious of glory, and by their self-assertion, vanity, ambition, and ostentatious depreciation of everything not performed by themselves, offended the self-respect of the English, who were in far superior force.

It was December before active hostilities were renewed, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros having in vain pressed upon Governor Yeh their demands. On the 28th and 29th of December Canton was bombarded. The great city was on two sides enveloped in flame. The allies landed amidst the roar of the bombardment and the engirdling flames, escaladed certain defences, drove the Chinese into the city, and occupied with promptitude the strong positions from which the enemy was driven.

The appearance of matters in Canton was now very strange. The populace pursued their ordinary occupations; the Tartar army had abandoned the city and taken post in the country; while the authorities took no notice of the enemy, made no submission, sought no negotiation, and seemed to rely only on passive resistance. Thus the year 1857 ended, and the events of the Chinese war which transpired within it. It is however desirable, for the sake of consecutive narrative, to continue here the relation of this war to its close in 1858, notwithstanding the plan of the History gives a separate chapter to the incidents of each year.

On the 5th of January, 1858, detachments of troops penetrated into the city. The three most important persons in authority were captured—Yeh, the viceroy, or chief governor; Pehkwei, governor of the city; and Tseang Keun, the Tartar general. Yeh was sent a prisoner to Calcutta. The Tartar general was set at liberty, on condition of disbanding his troops; and the civic governor was ordered to continue his functions, subject to a military commission. This last arrangement did not work well, the Chinese governor continuing to elude the vigilance of the commission, and perform many hostile and even cruel acts. It is astonishing that with all their experience of the Chinese, the English should have expected any other result.

The Emperor of ‘China degraded Yeh, and appointed another governor of the province of Canton in his stead.

The allied plenipotentiaries opened communications with the emperor, and foolishly awaited a reply, which of course never came. The Russian ambassador encouraged the plan, and affected to participate,—he knew well that no answer would arrive, and probably used whatever influence he had to prevent its arrival. The wearied plenipotentiaries at last set sail for the Peiho, hoping, by the display of their power nearer the capital, to compel negotiations. The ambassadors arrived at the Peiho on the 14th April. They were received in a very flattering manner by the mandarins, who at the same time began to strengthen the defences of the river, so as to oppose the further progress of the fleet. According to the despatch of Admiral Seymour these defences “presented a formidable appearance.” The forts were ultimately attacked, silenced, and captured. The fleet proceeded up the river, and found junks, filled with combustibles, moored across with chains, but the enemy fled. The impediments were removed, and the fleet advanced to the city of Tien-sin, at the end of the grand canal. The city contained 300,000 inhabitants. The ambassadors landed under a flag of truce, and were courteously received, on the 29th May.

When the emperor learned the resistless progress of the forces of his enemies, he sent two commissioners, who alleged that they had full powers to treat for peace. They arrived on the 4th of June. They insisted on negotiating with the European plenipotentiaries separately, and first with the representative of England. On producing their credentials, and their commission, an insolent and haughty document was read delegating power to make peace with the barbarians, if the latter did not ask for anything contrary to Chinese custom, and Lord Elgin immediately retired from the conference. After various efforts to create delay, which were resisted by the plenipotentiaries, a treaty was signed to the following effect:—

Article 1. Confirmed the treaty of Nankin of 1842, and abrogated the supplementary treaty to that so named, and the general regulations of trade then agreed upon.

Art. 2. Agreed to the residence of ambassadors at the courts of the powers party to the treaty.

Art. 3. Guaranteed regulations for the residence of an English minister at Pekin.

Art. 4. Provided for the correspondence of the British minister at Pekin.

Art. 5. The ministers of the Emperor of China should transact business with the British minister at Pekin on terms of perfect equality.

Art. 6. Concedes to a minister of China in London the same privileges.

Art. 7. Permits consuls in the open ports of China.

Art. 8. The Christian religion, as professed by Roman Catholics and Protestants, to be protected by the Chinese government.

Art. 9. British subjects to travel, for pleasure or trade, into all parts of the empire with passports from their consuls, countersigned by the local authorities.

Art. 10. Regulations for trading ships.

Art. 11. Five more ports to be opened to foreign trade.

Art. 12. British subjects may purchase and hold landed property in China.

Art. 13. British subjects may employ Chinese subjects.

Art. 14. British subjects free to hire boats; the Chinese authorities free to punish smugglers.

Art. 15. British, authorities to decide upon all questions of rights and property between British subjects.

Art. 16. British offenders to be punished according to the laws of England; Chinese subjects to be punished according to the laws of China.

Art. 17. Settles the modes of procedure in case of offences.

Art. 18. Protection of the persons and goods of British subjects.

Thus apparently ended the war of 1856–7–8. Nothing remained but the ratification of the treaty, and the fulfilment of its stipulations, which the Chinese court never intended to perform.

JAPAN.

Lord Elgin resolved to proceed to Japan, and endeavour to open that jealously guarded country to foreign intercourse. He made for his excuse to enter the Japanese waters, that his queen authorized him to bear from her a present of a beautiful steam-yacht to the Emperor of Japan. It was on the 3rd of August, 1858, that Lord Elgin reached the capital of the Japanese empire; but the circumstance is related in this chapter to preserve a continuous account of his excellency’s important mission to the Eastern Seas. Lord Elgin’s mission was successful. A treaty substantially the same as that with China was formed, and the trade of that country opened to Europe. As in China, so in Japan, American and Russian jealousy played an unworthy and not altogether ineffectual part.

COLONIAL.

The general colonial interests of the United Kingdom were flourishing. Extensive reports were published this year by government, which showed that nearly all the colonies were making great and rapid strides on the road of material progress and prosperity.

SARAWAK.

The independent British settlement of Sarawak, in the island of Borneo, was exposed to imminent peril of utter destruction. Sir James Brooke, anxious to restore British influence in the Eastern Archipelago, which the policy of former governments of Great Britain had ignorantly and recklessly sacrificed to the Dutch, established at Sarawak an English settlement, upon which chivalrous attempt he expended a large private fortune, risked life in almost every form, and by undaunted courage, perseverance, energy, and talent, succeeded in his undertaking. The British government, after recognising his position and fostering it, refused to accept its sovereignty for her majesty, or to adopt the means necessary either for forming Sarawak into a colony, or establishing there an ostensible and real protectorate. Sir James Brooke did great things for his country, and met with injustice, and as far as the government was concerned, ingratitude, in return. A concession of Sarawak having been made to him by the prince who had power to make it, the English government recognised him as rajah of the territory, but left him to his own resources, except as an occasional ship of war arrived, and joined with him in some gallant exploit to put down piracy in the neighbouring seas. In the industrial enterprises of the rajah, Chinese immigrants were encouraged to work the mines, and toil in other industrial pursuits. These persons rose in insurrection against the rajah, and brought on a terrible catastrophe of bloodshed and destruction. In waging the war of 1856–7, the Chinese government sent orders to its subjects, emigrants in British settlements, to hold themselves in readiness to obey the commands of their mandarins, and attack the British in those countries whenever summoned to do so. These commands were received with ready obedience, and consequently at Hong-kong, Australia, Singapore, and Sarawak, mischief was effected in proportion to the number and relative power of the Chinese. In Australia they could effect nothing except a few trivial but treacherous outrages, which incurred a barbarous retaliation. At Hong-kong the agitation, inconvenience, and danger of the English were very great. At Singapore a terrible outbreak was threatened and expected, but the energy and steadfastness of the English, their success in China, and the bloody defeat of the insurgents at Sarawak, deterred the Singapore Chinese from any combined and vigorous attempt. It would appear that batches of fresh immigrants arrived from Penang and Malacca, and brought orders from their mandarins to rise and attack the English. The Chinese population of Sarawak exceeded 5,000, about one-tenth being children, and perhaps a twentieth women. These settlers lived in communities, were very industrious and very prosperous; they were favoured by the English because of their plodding perseverance, and hard-working habits. They made no complaints, were treated kindly, and were apparently as happy as in their industrial pursuits they were successful. On the night of the 18th of February, marching in a body, the whole Chinese force of the settlement attacked the little capital, set fire to the houses, murdered several English and their servants, endeavoured to seize the person of the rajah, and succeeded in making the bishop captive, burning his valuable library, and committing every sort of depredation. They preserved the bishop unmolested, in the hope of using him, in case of defeat, to make better terms for themselves, or, in case of success, to induce him to act as their negotiator with foreign barbarians! The rajah, and most of the English settlers, escaped to the opposite side of the river, where they concealed themselves in various places adapted to their purpose, until a body of Dyaks (natives of the country) were gathered for their defence. A small British steamer opportunely entered the river, which, with the English residents and the Dyaks, attacked the Chinese, defeated them, slew three-fourths of the men, drove the rest into the interior, burned down their villages, and executed upon them a terrible vengeance. Sir James Brooke, with his usual energy and dexterity, repaired the disaster, and subjected future Chinese settlers to regulations which rendered rebellion too desperate for attempt.

INDIA.

The year 1857 will be ever memorable in the history of India. A mutiny, chiefly of the Bengal army, and a rebellion, chiefly in the Bengal provinces, disturbed the whole country from Cape Comorin to the Himalayehs, agitated deeply the British empire, and excited the attention and astonishment of the world. The progress of commerce, revenue, and prosperity in every form was of course interrupted. Nevertheless, during a portion of the year, and over a large area, the usual operations of trade were continued. While a brilliant career of material improvement and commercial advancement was developed by our Indian empire, the event burst forth which deluged the Bengal provinces, and Central India, with blood, and appalled the world. It is now our duty to give a brief record of that terrible event.

THE MUTINY.

In a previous chapter it was related, that at the close of the year 1856 symptoms of mutiny were exhibited in the Bengal army. At the beginning of 1857 these symptoms became demonstrative and terrible. It is difficult to say how far an acute and foreseeing government might have prevented the evil, but the last persons to observe the signs of the times, and provide against the rising calamity, were those in high authority. “There were,” wrote the editor of an Indian paper, “deep tokens of disaffection everywhere, suspicious looks and expressions daily heard in the bazaar, and a belief that all was not sound in the minds of Englishmen unconnected with the services. Every class, except the members of the governing body, was impressed with a foreboding of evil. No one, however, without the pale of authority dreamt of the magnitude of the dangers by which we were about to be assailed; and inside that potent circle not a soul had gained an inkling of the coming horrors. The ship of the state was struck by a white squall, with every sail set, and not a man at his post to warn the crew of their peril. On the 22nd of January, 1857, Captain Wright, of the 70th native infantry, brought to the notice of Major Bontein, commanding the depot of musketry at Dum-Dum, the fact that there was a mutinous spirit among the troops in connection with the greased cartridges.” From that date the conspiracy developed itself rapidly, but at no stage of its incipient progress did the government show sagacity in detecting the causes of the outbreak, or efficient means for its repression.

At Barrackpore and Berhampore indications of mutiny of a decisive nature were made. General Hearsey, who commanded at Barrackpore, gave the government explicit information, and foretold results. The government would not be warned.

A mutiny of the 19th regiment led to the disbanding of that corps. This regiment was by no means among the more disloyal sepoys; it had been seduced into acts of insubordination, and regretted it. There was, however, little discrimination on the part of the Calcutta authorities. Some corps attempted to murder their officers, and were treated with surprising leniency. General Anson, who commanded the forces in India, was at Simlah, where the military records also were, and much loss of time and great confusion resulted from the necessity of the government at Calcutta carrying on a correspondence, with so remote a station, on subjects of such vital moment. When at last the commander-in-chief became convinced of the danger that existed, he hurried down to Umballah, and issued a conciliatory proclamation to the army, which had the effect of increasing the pride and self-importance of the sepoys.

Matters proceeded in this way until May, when the first grand effort of mutiny burst forth at Meerut. The sepoys suddenly arose there, attacked their officers, murdered some, and, having set fire to the cantonments, marched to Delhi. Major-general Hewett, who commanded the garrison, showed extraordinary weakness and vacillation, and took no prompt or vigorous measures to intercept the flight of the fugitives, or to pursue them. The mutiny occurred on Sunday evening, the 10th of May. The rabble of the neighbourhood joined the mutineers. Both the revolted sepoys and the insurgents showed a sanguinary delight in murdering women and children. As soon as the fugitive mutineers arrived at Delhi the whole city rose in insurrection; its garrison revolted, women and children were butchered, the ex-king of Delhi, a pensioner of the British government, was placed at the head of the revolution, and his sons were leaders in every act of barbarity and cowardice. The magazine was defended by a few officers and soldiers. Among them was Lieutenant Willoughby, who, when defence was no longer possible, blew up a large portion of the magazine, causing the death of a considerable number of the assailants, estimated, according to different testimonies, at from one to two thousand.

On the 18th of May the general at Meerut sent a despatch to say that he could not move his troops against Delhi, or for any operations in the field, _for want of carriage_. Such was the management of military affairs in India.

General Anson slowly collected a force at Umballah, and Sir John Lawrence sent Sikh troops from the Punjaub. General Anson died, and the command devolved upon General Barnard, who marched upon Delhi. It must not be supposed that Sir Henry Barnard, in his advance to Delhi, was unopposed. Whatever the sepoys may have been in British pay, in revolt they were energetic and persevering, and, as long as they entertained any hope of success, fought with keenness; as a loyal native in Delhi described them, “they were willing to take life, and willing to give their lives away.” It had been arranged, before General Anson’s death, that a brigade should advance from Umballah, under General Barnard, and that General Hewett, at Meerut, should order another brigade to advance from that station, the two forces to form a junction, and storm or lay siege to Delhi. In pursuance of this plan General Hewett placed a small body of troops under the command of Colonel Archdale Wilson, consisting of five hundred men of the 60th Royal Rifle regiment, two hundred of the carbineers, and one battery of artillery, to which a troop of horse-artillery was subsequently added. They marched on the 27th of May, and encamped on the 30th at Ghazeeoodeen Nuggur, a large Hindoo village on the left bank of the river Hindoun, eighteen miles east of Delhi. At that place there was a suspension bridge, the possession of which commanded the passage of the Hindoun from Meerut. Brigadier Wilson was attacked there by a force from Delhi, who hoped, by defeating the colonel, to prevent the junction of his forces with troops from Kurnoul. A battle ensued, the first of the war, as the previous struggles between mutineers and loyalists did not assume the form of a regular engagement. The rebels not only disputed the passage of the river, but opened a heavy cannonade with five guns from a well-chosen position. Wilson brought all his troops into action. The rifles were very efficient, fighting in a mode similar to that afterwards attributed to the Turcos of the French army in the war in Italy. They rushed forward with great rapidity for short spaces, then falling flat on their faces, timing their intervals of movement by the play of the enemy’s guns, which they watched skilfully. In this way they suffered exceedingly little in their advance, until at last springing upon the guns they captured them instantaneously, piercing the gunners with their sword bayonets. The sepoy infantry made a stand, but the rifles, in a hand to hand combat, were easy victors. The battle was decided in favour of the British; the sepoys fled, pursued by the carbineers, who continued the pursuit until night closed around conquerors and fugitives. The loss on the part of the English was eleven killed, and twenty-one wounded and missing. Of the killed five met their death by the explosion of a powder-waggon, fired by a desperate sepoy. Captain Andrews, of the Rifles, was one of those blown up.

On the 31st Colonel Courtance, of the carbineers, was actively employed watching strong reconnoitering parties of the enemy’s horse, so that the brigade could not advance far on the left side of the river without another action. At one o’clock five thousand mutineers and irregulars took up a position on an elevated sweep of land. A battle of artillery ensued; the mutineers of the 3rd Bengal cavalry charged the English guns repeatedly, but were repulsed. After more than two hours, spent in a contest of this kind, Colonel Wilson ordered his line to advance, and the mutineers were routed. The English were too much exhausted by the heat to pursue: several men in all branches of the service dropped dead from sun-stroke. The rebels bore away their guns. The English lost twenty-four men; about half from sun-stroke. Lieutenant Perkins was among the slain; Captain Johnson, and Ensign Napier, among the wounded. The stubbornness of the mutineers led Colonel Wilson to maintain his position and await orders and reinforcements. On the 3rd of June he was joined by another company of the Royal York Rifle regiment, and by a battalion of Goorkhas. These troops remained faithful, for, although attached to the Brahminical religion, they are more superstitious than fanatical, and hold the sepoys, and even Sikhs, in contempt, while the British are objects of military admiration to them. On the 6th the brigade reached the rendezvous at Rhagput.

The force from Umballah left that place on the 24th of May, and readied Kurnaul on the 25th. Anson died on the 27th. In his last illness he confided the capture of’ Delhi to General Barnard, and telegraphed to Lord Canning that he had done so, who confirmed the general in the command of the forces acting against Delhi. Before the command delegated to Barnard by Anson could be confirmed at Calcutta, General Reid, in virtue of seniority, became chief of the army, but he carried out the wish of General Anson in confiding the attack on Delhi to Sir. H. Barnard.

After various misunderstandings and serious delays on the part of Colonel Wilson, caused by the obstruction offered by the sepoys, and by taking a circuitous and difficult route, the two brigades met on the 6th of June, and on the 7th the whole force was re-organized near Delhi.

The brigades under both generals had been considerably augmented on the march. The officials took no steps for preventing disaster, but acted in the same way as in England and elsewhere, that occasioned so much loss of life and reputation before Sebastopol. Sir H. Barnard found himself and all about him, upon whom in the first instance the duty devolved, bewildered, and incapable of combining, arranging, or devising expedients to supply governmental and commissary defects. The army before Delhi, on a small scale, for a time repeated the faults and follies of the army before Sebastopol. Those upon whom the army depended for intelligence, succour, and directions, gave no real aid, but created additional embarrassments. The time consumed in deciding anything was extraordinary, although in the early part of the siege the telegraphic wire lent all its aid between Agra and Calcutta. General Barnard found that he could not take Delhi by storm; a regular siege was therefore resorted to. Throughout the month of June a fierce conflict raged around the once proud capital of Hindostan. During July these conflicts were continued, and rendered fiercer by the arrival of large forces-of mutineers from Rohilcund. Mutiny was discovered in the camp of the besiegers. Sickness also smote the British, so that by the end of July there were 1,200 invalids in the little army. Battle and disease must have utterly wasted it had not Sir John Lawrence sent troops’ and supplies, and with them the skilful and intrepid young General Nicholson. The sickness and ultimate decease of Sir Henry Barnard caused the demand to devolve on the senior general, Reid. His health also giving way, General Wilson, an excellent artillery officer, assumed the command.

Early in August the English made an effort to destroy the bridge of boats, by floating detonating machines, which was unsuccessful, and the mutineers continued to make it available for purposes hostile to the besiegers, and advantageous to themselves. On the 1st of August 5000 men made a sortie, if such, in the peculiar circumstances of the siege, it could be called. The Metcalf picket-house and the flag-staff tower became the objects of incessant attack. The sepoys, however, fought in vain. During August reinforcements for the rebels poured into the city of Delhi, from the various districts, far and near, where revolt had raged.

In the beginning of September the siege-train arrived, and strong reinforcements of troops; the sick and wounded then reached the number of 3000. A terrible bombardment was opened against the city on the 11th, which continued until the 14th, when the assault was ordered, and after desperate fighting it proved successful. It was not, however, destined to triumph on the first day. On all points but one the British were victorious. The attack on the western suburbs failed from the inefficiency of the Cashmere contingent, the bravery and number of the sepoys, and their contempt for the native force under Captain Dwyer’s command. After a fearful conflict for possession of the Redghat, the whole attack on the western side was abandoned. The English held the posts won within the gates: the enemy showed unflinching resolution, and even threatened the English flanks and rear. Night closed over the sanguinary scene, the English having lost 8 officers killed, and 52 wounded; 162 English and 103 native soldiers killed; 512 English, and 310 natives wounded. The first and second columns held all the towers, bastions, and ramparts from the vicinity of the Cashmeregate to the Cabulgate; the third column and the reserve held the Cashmeregate, the English church, Skinner’s house, the Water bastion, Ahmed Ali Khan’s house, the college gardens, and many buildings and open spots in that part of Delhi; while the fourth column, defeated in the western suburbs, had retreated to the camp or the ridge. It was not until the end of that the long and bloody succession of assaults ended in the total subjugation of the place, after deeds of slaughter seldom paralleled. The king and several members of his family escaped, but were pursued by Major Hodson, and captured under circumstances of extraordinary daring and presence of mind on the part of that officer.

The taking of Delhi was a deadly blow to the hopes of the rebels all over India.

The progress of the mutiny and its suppression in other directions must now be related. It was alleged that the King of Delhi was treated with extraordinary indulgence, reinstated in his palace, and was treated by the company’s civil officers with even marks of homage. These reports were set at rest by a letter written to the brother of his captor, by Mrs. Hodson, the major’s wife. The letter was deeply interesting, and depicted the ex-royal family as in a condition of abject ignorance and moral degradation.

The narrative of the siege of Delhi having been conducted to its close, it is necessary to show the occurrence of events taking place in other directions, which were contemporaneous with those which happened around and in the capital of the Mogul.

While the incidents just related passed in and around Meerut and Delhi, Scinde and the Punjaub were greatly agitated. Conspiracy to revolt and murder, similar to what had taken place elsewhere, were discovered in these two provinces. In both they were promptly and effectually suppressed. Scinde remained tranquil, after a few arrests and executions had been effected. In the Sikh districts Sir John Lawrence acted with extraordinary sagacity, management, vigour, and courage, putting down at once, and with a high hand, all attempts at mutiny or insurrection, so as to direct the great resources of the Punjaub to the assistance of the other provinces, and especially during the siege of Delhi. The services of that great man have never been sufficiently acknowledged by the British government.

In the presidencies of Bombay and Madras the army and people, with few exceptions, remained quiet, and to a considerable extent were loyal. In Central India the disturbance was universal, and the contingents of native princes burst into open hostility. The presidencies of Madras and Bombay were much endangered by this state of things, but “field forces” were organized in the presidencies, by which the rebel districts of Central India were penetrated from the south and west, until the revolt was crushed. The troops of Madras displayed more loyalty than those of Bombay. Some of the Bombay regiments mutinied, bringing upon themselves a swift and terrible punishment.

In the eastern districts of Bengal there were only the perturbations caused by the great earthquake of revolution, which had its centre far north and west. The disposition to insurrection in Assam and Chittagong was kept down by astonishingly weak forces. Along the Assam frontier a few troops sufficed to preserve tolerable quietude. A small detachment of British sailors, acting as infantry of the line, awed a vast region of eastern Bengal.

The native troops of the Bengal army, stationed on the eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal, showed the same disposition to revolt as upon the eastern land confines of that presidency; but the people of Pegu, Martaban, and the other provinces on the sea-coast, were loyal. The troops there were mostly European, and were moved up the bay to Calcutta, as occasion demanded and opportunity served.

In Lower Bengal the people were too unwarlike to aid the troops who mutinied.

Upper Bengal and the dominions which had been recently wrenched from the King of Oude, were the grand foci of mutiny and rebellion; although Jhansi, Delhi, and Meerut, were also centres of active revolt.

Agra, the queen of the upper provinces, suffered much. Mr. Colville acted with prudence, temper, and energy; but committed the general fault of the officials, civil and military, of placing too much confidence in the native troops.

Benares, the ecclesiastical capital of heathen India, was more loyal than any city in the disturbed regions. The protection afforded to the religious rites of the Brahmins in that city, and the security of pilgrims travelling to its far famed shrines, through the order enforced by British power, caused a respect for the English name and authority not only in the city of Benares, but throughout the province, which acted favourably to the preservation of order. The vigour of Brig.-gen. Neill, and the fear he inspired, had also much to do with these results.

Allahabad was the centre of many intrigues hostile to British power: the heroic little garrison of that place suffered much, and endured nobly and successfully until help arrived, and Brig.-gen. Neill quelled the power, if not the spirit, of rebellion all around.

Throughout Oude, comprising in the designation the provinces, whether of older or more recent date, which fell within the circle of that kingdom, the mutiny and rebellion were fiercest. Cawnpore was one of the great capitals of revolt. Situated near Bithoor, the residence of the infamous Nana Sahib, the principal chief of the insurrection, it suffered much, possibly more than any other place. “The Nana” collected all the force which his retainers and the people of his district could contribute, and with the mutineers of Cawnpore, and neighbouring garrisons, he attacked the British quartered in that city, who were under the command of the veteran hero, General Wheeler. In vain the little band of English were assailed; they remained unconquered by the multitudes of their enemies, and by famine and fatigue, until treachery secured their destruction. They were induced to capitulate, under promise of protection and safe escort. They were brutally and barbarously murdered by the bodyguards of Nana Sahib; women and children, as well as soldiers and civilians, were unpityingly consigned to a common slaughter, and their bodies cast into the well of Cawnpore. Since the mutiny, a memorandum upon the events connected with the Cawnpore mutiny and massacre has been prepared by Lieutenant-colonel Williams, military secretary to government in the north-western provinces:—“Forty-two depositions from persons of all classes and creeds—Christians, Mahomedans, and Hindoos—have been recorded, and valuable evidence obtained from respectable and influential residents in the city. These depositions, together with the native journal of a city resident, have been translated, and relate the first attempts made by the Nana to tamper with the troops, his ready success, the earliest meeting held by the conspirators, and their proceedings on and subsequent to their mutiny, from the 1st of June to the advance of the British force in July. The evidence shows the Nana’s brother, Bala Sahib, to have taken as (if not more) active and prominent a part as even the Nana himself. There are no traces of any conspiracy prior to the arrival of the Nana at Cawnpore, on the 22nd of May, 1857, with the two guns, and 300 horse and foot, for the avowed purpose of aiding in the maintenance of order. But about that time it would seem that two sowars, the one named Rahem Khan, of Bishenpore, near Bithoor, the other Muddut Alee, of Bancla, and in the service of the Nana, were employed by Bala Sahib to corrupt the fidelity of the troops. The 2nd Cavalry, already ripe for mutiny, needed but little persuasion.” Among those who perished were the heroic General Wheeler and his heroine daughter.

In Lucknow, the capital of Oude, Sir Henry Lawrence (brother to Sir John) maintained a resolute defence, but was wounded in a sortie, and died of his wound. Colonel Inglis afterwards maintained the defence with true British obstinacy and intrepidity.

The time at last arrived when the tide of tumult and blood should be rolled back upon the mutinous garrisons and rebel cities in the southern parts of Upper Bengal, in Oude, and in Central India. Brig.-gen. Neill, of the Madras Fusiliers, having with detachments of his regiment been sent on to Allahabad, restored order and even tranquillity to that place, as related on a previous page. On the return to India of the portion of the expeditionary army of Persia, under General Havelock, that officer was sent on to Allahabad, and superseding Brig.-gen. Neill in the command, he marched at the head of what forces he could muster, about 2,000 men, to the relief of Cawnpore. He had to fight his way thither, displaying extraordinary valour and military genius. With his small force he conquered Cawnpore, and drove the rebel Nana to Bithoor; but, alas! the noble garrison of Wheeler was not relieved on the advance of Havelock: the Nana, driven to despair, perpetrated the wholesale murder which blackens the page of Indian history with the name of Cawnpore. Havelock resolved on tracking the murderer to his den: Bithoor was attacked, and the Nana beaten. Havelock ordered Neill to bring on all his forces from Allahabad that could possibly be spared, and that officer took the command of Cawnpore, where, as at Allahabad, he soon created order, and subjected to his stern and resolute rule all disaffection. He took terrible vengeance upon the captured mutineers and rebels. Havelock pressed onward to relieve the garrison at Lucknow. Battle after battle was fought, Havelock, with a handful of men, dispersing hosts. Never, in the history of English military glory, were such achievements performed by so few. Even the mighty deeds of Clive and Wellington in their Indian warfare were surpassed by Havelock in his extraordinary marches upon Lucknow. At last, his troops were so reduced by battle and sickness that he retired upon Cawnpore and awaited reinforcements. These arrived, and with them a superior officer, General Outram. That hero refused to deprive Havelock of his command, and acted as volunteer in Havelock’s army. The garrison at Lucknow was relieved; provisions, medicine, money, and men were conveyed to the city and the Alumbagh a strong place on the Cawnpore road, within four miles of Lucknow. So numerous was the enemy, that the relieving army, like that which it relieved, was hemmed in by a host of mutineers and rebel zemindars, with their retainers. It became necessary that another army should relieve Outram, Havelock, and Inglis. Sir Colin Campbell had been sent from England to bring the insurrection to a speedy termination, the supreme military authority having been committed to him.

The arrival of Sir Colin Campbell to take the command of the army was not hailed with so much satisfaction in India, as the event was regarded with confidence in England. Sir Colin, however, knew how things were managed by governors-general in India, and by officials at head-quarters. He therefore expected to find much confusion, embarrassment, and neglect. The chief military authority in India was supposed to be at Calcutta, but the records were at Simla, the sanitary station to which the commander-in-chief was wont to repair, and where in fact commanders-in-chief spent most of their time, having generally been very old and feeble men. Sir Colin set to work with indefatigable industry to gather up an intelligible and connected account of the military condition and resources of India, especially of the Bengal provinces. This was essential to any consecutive plan of operations, and in this work, and in other important preparations, his time was consumed, when every day’s delay, every hour’s hesitation, every act of procrastination or tardiness, was perilous beyond estimate.

At Calcutta, in their conveyance to the different spheres of action, or in the provision made for their comfort, our gallant army was not thought of, either by the officials at Calcutta, or by the government at home, with that wisdom, consideration, or generosity which befitted their merits, the occasion, or a great country. Sir Colin organized a system for the general suppression of the mutiny, and he himself advanced with a very inadequate force, for the second time, to effect the relief of the British garrison of Lucknow. This was achieved after battle and victory highly honourable to the British name. Sir Colin brought off the women and children, sick and wounded, leaving the cantonments and the neighbouring Alumbagh well garrisoned. General Wyndham had been left in command at Cawnpore. During the operations of the commander-in-chief at Lucknow, Wyndham was attacked by vast numbers of the enemy, and beaten. Sir Colin hastened to the rescue, and Cawnpore, after a sanguinary action, was saved. Reinforced, and with a plan of combined action by different forces from various directions, Sir Colin advanced upon Lucknow for its relief the third time. After regular approaches and bombardment, Lucknow was taken by storm; but to the discredit of the commander-in-chief and some of his superior officers, the rebels escaped, to make war and havoc elsewhere. General Havelock died of fatigue and exhaustion, regretted by all men, and leaving behind him an immortal fame.

Among the losses of British officers, caused by the efforts to relieve Lucknow, was the death of Brig.-gen. Neill, whose services had been so eminently valuable. A statue, by the sculptor Behnes, is to be erected to the memory of General Havelock, in Trafalgar Square. Brig.-gen. Neill has had this honour conferred upon his memory in a most conspicuous manner. A magnificent colossal statue of the general has been ordered to be placed in the city of Madras. It has been executed by a sculptor, Matthew Noble, whose genius is as much an honour to his country as the heroic deeds of him whom that genius thus commemorates. The same great sculptor executed another statue of Neill, which has been erected in Ayr, the hero’s native place.

Sir Colin committed the following up of the enemy to Grant. He was as unsuccessful in this as he had been in preventing the escape of the rebels from Lucknow, and returned to head-quarters utterly baffled.

Rohilcund continued in arms; the great cities and towns, such as Bareilly, Shajehanpoor, and Moorshedabad, were in the hands of the rebels. Khan Bahadoor Khan ruled at Bareilly, and his force was not to be despised. It now became apparent to everybody how serious were the consequences of the bad generalship which allowed the rebels and mutineers to escape from Lucknow.

The plan of the commander-in-chief was now to scour the borders of the province with two columns, which, setting out in opposite directions, should meet at Bareilly, the capital where two of the Delhi princes had taken shelter with Bahadoor Khan. Brigadier Jones was ordered to advance from Roorkee, with what was designated the Roorkee field force, and to take a direction south-east. The other column was to leave Lucknow under Brigadier Walpole, and both columns were to form a junction at an appointed rendezvous. Walpole had experienced a severe reverse, but at last the different forces met before Bareilly. Again the commander-in-chief was victorious, and again permitted his beaten enemy to escape. After long and harassing operations, continued through the year 1858, Oude and Rohilcund were restored to order.

In Central India long-sustained and fierce conflicts followed brutal and cowardly massacres. General Rose crowned his name with many honours, having defeated Tantia Topie, the Rhani of Jhansi, and the rebel leaders, and sweeping with his avenging sword the revolted provinces of Central India. Nana Sahib, the Begum of Oude, and other leaders retreated through the jungles into Nepaul, where most of them perished of jungle fever, and many by the arms of Jung Bahadhoor, the Regent of Nepaul. It was not until 1859 that the traces of the great rebellion and mutiny were completely cleared away, and Lord Canning could pronounce India once more subject to the sceptre of England.

HOME.

The year 1857 began its course under circumstances favourable to the domestic peace and prosperity of the country. The mind of the public was directed towards the remission of taxes, and legal and social reform. The London clubs were more than usually active with political and party gossip at the opening of the year. Mr. Gladstone, and the Peel party of which he was the leader, kept the quidnuncs constantly busy as to probable parliamentary coalitions and party movements. The versatile gentleman, whom the Peelites delighted to honour, and who was also much in favour with the Manchester party, was supposed to be favourable to a coalition between his followers and the Tories. An arrangement between Lord Derby and the Peelite financier was much talked of, and scandalized the country. Most persons in political circles outside the houses of parliament believed that such a combination would be too unpopular for either the Conservatives or the Gladstone section to accept. In and out of parliament it was asserted that should such an alliance be formed it would break up any conservative ministry, and throw Lord Derby out of power before he could consolidate, even if he should be able _pro tempore_ to obtain, a parliamentary majority. Such was the condition of feeling in England when the session of 1857 began. The close of the year was marked by commercial and monetary panic, wide-spread, and entailing disastrous results.

PARLIAMENT.

The first session was opened on the 3rd of February. Earl Grey in the lords, and Mr. Disraeli in the commons, opened the party campaign by assailing the foreign policy of the government; and Disraeli was alike caustic and unjust upon Lord Palmerston, scarcely avoiding personality, while inveighing against the public conduct of the veteran statesman.

One of the first subjects of a practical nature introduced to parliament was law reform, which the lord-chancellor brought forward. His lordship seldom gained the approbation of the house for his measures, and when he was successful it was always under circumstances which betrayed the weakness of his personal influence. Lord Cranworth was neither popular in the lords nor in the country, and was less so in his ostensible legal reforms than on any other subject. Politically he was the incubus of the ministry, although as a chancery judge, or at all events a chancery lawyer, he possessed reputation. Some improvements were effected during the session, but on the whole the country was disappointed, and this disappointment was chiefly occasioned by the incapacity, intellectual and administrative, of Lord Cranworth to deal with any comprehensive public measure.

Mr. Locke King introduced his motion for the extension of the county franchise to £10 householders. Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham advocated the measure, which they had previously so strenuously opposed. As this was obviously for the purpose of defeating the government, and gaining popularity for party purposes, the public gave them no credit for sincerity, and even expressed disapprobation. This measure was lost by the small majority of thirteen.

A committee of inquiry into the operation of the Bank Charter Act was, early in the session, nominated in the commons.

On the 13th of February the chancellor of the exchequer made his financial statement. Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone offered an unworthy party opposition to almost every item of the budget, but they were defeated by very large majorities. Lord John Russell appeared to advantage in these discussions, as he seconded the just and reasonable views of government, although it was well known that he was desirous of a coalition with the Peelites and the Manchester school to turn them out.

DEBATES ON THE CHINESE WAR-DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY.

The grand party struggle in parliament took place upon the subject of the Chinese war. The opposition had previously made attempts, led by Lord Grey and Mr. Disraeli, to overturn the cabinet on the subject of the Persian war, but signally failed. Lord Derby proposed a vote of censure, in the lords, against Dr. Bowring, for his conduct at Canton, and the policy of the cabinet by which he was supported. The lords, by a considerable majority, upheld the government. Mr. Cobden made a motion in the commons similar to that made by Lord Derby in the House of Peers. The Peelites and the Manchester school coalesced, Lord John Russell, Mr. Roebuck, and other independent “members,” fell in with the coalition, and the government was beaten by a majority of sixteen. The ministry did not resign, but adopted the alternative of dissolving parliament.

PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION.

On the 21st of March parliament was prorogued to the 30th of April. On the same day the dissolution took place, which was to test the opinion of the country for or against the ministry.

GENERAL ELECTION.

The election was attended with great excitement, and resulted in a great increase of members supporting the ministry. Many of the Manchester school were thrown out; not because of their economical philosophy, but because of their supposed readiness to sacrifice national honour and justice for the temporary and passing advantage of the manufacturing interest. Mr. Cobden lost the representation of the West Riding of York, Mr. Bright and Mr. Gibson lost that of Manchester, and the followers of these gentlemen fared no better than their chiefs.

REASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.

On May 7th the houses resumed business. It was announced by the ministry that the Princess Royal was betrothed to Prince Frederick William of Prussia. The house made provision for the princess.

The abolition of “ministers’ money” in Ireland was accomplished, after a determined opposition by Mr. Disraeli in the commons, and the Earl of Derby in the lords. The tax so called was a source of heart-burning and contention in Ireland, a country afflicted by so many causes of social, political, and religious disputes, that it might be supposed parliament would have eagerly adopted any course to remove some of those occasions of discontent. The Derby-Disraeli opposition was overborne by large majorities, although the final struggle in the lords was ended by only a majority of seventeen.

Long and violent debates ensued on an attempt by Lord Palmerston to remove the ineligibility of Jews to sit in parliament. In the commons his lordship triumphed, but in the lords was defeated. Sir F. Thesiger in the commons and the Earls of Derby and Shaftesbury in the lords, were the leading opponents of the measure. The Jews were much excited by this defeat, and were, it was alleged, resolved to put forth their great wealth to agitate the question on an extended scale: the temper of the country would have been favourable to such an attempt.

Lord John Russell made another effort to obtain the admission of Jews, but failed. The exasperation felt by the Jewish community now reached a degree of great intensity, and the public sympathized with what was considered their wrongs. Much indignation was felt against certain Irish Roman Catholic members of parliament, who, in the supposed interests of their own church, opposed the emancipation of their Jewish brethren.

The remainder of the session was chiefly occupied by party squabbles, to the exclusion of useful and practical business. The opposition raised numerous debates on the Persian war, and the Indian mutiny, which were defeated. Mr. Disraeli signalized himself by much bitterness of invective, and the avowal of principles which when in office, previously and subsequently, he neither advocated nor acted upon. Some useful discussions upon military and legal questions took place, and a bill for facilitating divorce, in cases where that would be just and moral, was carried. On the 28th of August parliament was prorogued.

SUDDEN CONVENTION OF PARLIAMENT IN DECEMBER.

The assembling of parliament in December was rendered necessary by the terrible monetary panic which, originating in New York, extended to the continent of Europe, and the British Isles. The rate of discount was raised by the Bank of England to 10 per cent. That corporation applied to the government to relax the restrictions of the Bank Act of 1844. This was adopted by the government, and the convention of parliament on the 3rd of December was mainly to pass an act of indemnity.

Commercial law reform, Jewish disabilities, church questions, and the Indian mutiny, occupied the attention of the house until the close of 1857.

THE COURT.

On the 14th of April her majesty was safely delivered of a princess, her fifth daughter, and ninth child. The infant was baptized on the 16th of June. She was called Beatrice Mary Victoria Feodore. The sponsors were the Princess Royal, the Duchess of Kent, and Prince Frederick William of Prussia.

On the 5th of May, his Royal Highness Prince Albert opened the great exhibition of Art Treasures in Manchester.

On the 26th of June Prince Albert received the title of Prince Consort.

The 6th of August was signalized by a visit to the queen on the part of the Emperor and Empress of the French. The visit was paid at Osborne, and was generally believed to have been a political one, having for its object some agreement between the governments of England and France in reference to their general policy, which had for some time been so divergent.

Two ambassadors from Siam arrived in November, and attracted great notice.

The great event of the years 1857–8 to her majesty and the court was the marriage of the Princess Royal of England with the heir-presumptive to the Prussian throne. “A treaty” for this purpose was concluded between her majesty and the King of Prussia, which was signed at London on the 18th of January, 1857. The ratifications were exchanged in London on 18th of January, 1858. The solemnization of the marriage subsequently took place in the chapel of St. James’ Palace, exciting deep and universal interest among the people.

ART EXHIBITION IN MANCHESTER.

The exhibition in the Hyde Park Crystal Palace in 1851 suggested various other enterprises of a similar kind. Those of Paris and Dublin were especially brilliant. In Manchester, however, a plan was devised by which the glories of all those exhibitions were surpassed. The scheme was to gather the art treasures of the United Kingdom, and present them together before the public. A building suitable to the purpose was erected. It was not only not beautiful itself, but was exceedingly unsightly. It was, however, spacious, convenient, and so lighted as conduced to effect in an artistic display. The collection of productions was estimated, in money value, at six millions sterling. Amidst this glorious arrangement of works of genius, none probably attracted so much attention as those of MacDowell, the Irish sculptor. His _chef-d’ouvre_, the “Death of Virginia,” occupied the centre of the exhibition, and in this advantageous position commanded extraordinary admiration. On the day of opening the Prince Consort inaugurated the auspicious occasion. Her majesty and many foreign princes afterwards visited it. All these rich trophies of genius were restored without injury to their owners, except a very valuable China vase, which was knocked down and broken.