CHAPTER LVIII.

{VICTORIA. 1846}

Position of the Conservative Party on the Defection of Sir Robert Peel, and the Parliamentary Success of his Free- Trade Measures..... Formation of a Whig Cabinet..... The Sugar Duties..... Dreadful Condition of Ireland..... Decline of Mr. O’Connell..... The Young Ireland Leaders..... Colonial Affairs..... War with the Sikhs..... Foreign Affairs..... Coolness with France..... Spanish Marriages

POSITION OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY ON THE DEFECTION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL, AND THE PARLIAMENTARY SUCCESS OF HIS FREE-TRADE MEASURES.

{A.D. 1846}

The adoption of a free-trade policy by Sir Robert Peel disorganised the conservative party, then more frequently designated Protectionist. The chief difficulty arose from the scarcity of talent in its ranks, and, therefore, the apparent impossibility of procuring a leader. At last the commons and the country were startled by the announcement of a new conservative chief in the person of Lord George Bentinck. So unfavourable were the antecedents—at all events, the immediate antecedents—of this nobleman, that the announcement of his name as the leader of the Protectionists excited the mirth of parliament, which found a loud echo in the country. After the public press had lampooned him—the _Times_ scarcely condescending to launch its thunders, only allowing a distant rumble to be heard—after the _Examiner_ had exhausted its pungent and polished satire, and _Punch_ had caricatured the noble member for King’s Lynn, and while yet his own party scarcely ventured to hope anything from his leadership, Lord George proved himself an orator and a debater, a party tactician, and an energetic, vigilant, intelligent chief of opposition. Perhaps no public man ever burst so suddenly upon the house of commons as a leading party politician. He had been well known as a member of parliament, had conciliated general esteem, and won extensive respect, as a private gentleman, from both sides of the house; but as a politician he had scarcely been noticed, nor had he taken any pains to make himself felt in debate: his irruption, so to speak, upon the ranks of the ministerialists, was sudden and effective. Mr. Disraeli has written an elaborate memoir of the noble lord, which exaggerates his capabilities and achievements, and in a style less eloquent than showy, holds up his policy to the admiration of his country. Mr. Disraeli, however, pays in many respects a tribute that is no more than just to the memory of Lord George, and his book affords material for an impartial judgment. At that period the noble lord was a distinguished patron of the turf: all England knew him as a sporting gentleman, a first-rate judge of horses, and an extensive winner on the course. In allusion to his habits in these respects, it became a popular sneer that the Conservatives required “a stable mind,” after the versatile performances of Sir Robert Peel, and they had at last found such in Lord George. But although his whole mind had apparently been given up to the turf, it was not actually so. He had been a member of parliament for eighteen years, and was a shrewd observer of party, as he was of men and things in general life. Before entering parliament he had for three years served as private secretary to Mr. Canning, whose sagacity was seldom at fault in the selection of persons of indisputable ability. The great statesman was connected with Lord George, for he married the sister of the Duke of Portland. The young nobleman’s powers of observation were such, that he was not likely to be in constant and intimate communication with such a man as Canning, without gleaning some political intelligence and experience. After Lord George entered parliament he remained for some time in the army, but gradually abandoned his military tastes for those of the turf, and his speculations in that direction were carried out on a scale of unprecedented magnitude. Politically, his sympathies and opinions appear to have been what might be designated Conservative-Whig. When the partisans of Mr. Canning left the Duke of Wellington’s administration, Lord George Bentinck ranged himself in opposition. Under Earl Grey’s administration, he sat on the ministerial side of the house. The Mends of Mr. Canning, who were associated with Lord Grey, entertained high opinions of Lord George’s talents for official and administrative service, so that he was requested to accept office, but he declined. These offers were repeatedly renewed, under the same auspices, and as often rejected. He desired to be unfettered in his parliamentary position, and freely gave up the chances of Downing Street for those of the race-course. He voted for the reform bill, and afforded a cordial and constant support to that and nearly every measure of the whig administration, until Lord Stanley abandoned the party. To that noble lord he was personally and politically much attached, and of Mr. Spring Rice, afterwards Lord Monteagle, he also had a high opinion; but no friendship nor influence was sufficient to retard what may be called his retrograde course: like his friend, Lord Stanley, he became less and less a Whig, and finally stood in the foreground of Conservatism. He was a warm supporter of the Irish Roman Catholics, but did not appear ever to have understood their political tactics. His sympathy for what is termed Puseyism may have accounted for his leanings to the Irish Romanist party, although in this respect, according to Mr. Disraeli, “he was for the Established Church, and nothing more.” According to the same author he was a Whig of 1688. It is admitted that his personal prejudices were strong; but those who allow this maintain that he had no prejudice as to things, but examined all doctrines and theories with a strong common sense and a clear judgment. His painstaking to inquire after truth is much vaunted by his biographer; but his speeches as leader of the Protectionists do not reveal this quality,—for while no orator of the time, not even Sir Robert Peel, relied more upon statistics, or at least made a larger use of them, no advocate of any cause was ever more unfortunate in the data selected as groundwork for argument. Such was the man in whom the conservative opposition found a leader, when despairing of being again able to form an effective and organised opposition. It was on the 27th of February, 1846, that Lord George made his _début_ in his new capacity. His speech was excellent in everything but its logic. Modest yet courageous in manner, plain but not ungraceful in style, his address told upon the house. The tone, however, was too aristocratic for the place and the times, and his arguments proved that he had not mastered the controversy, into the midst of which he had so chivalrously launched. He brought forward numerous details; but his facts were, as they say in Ireland, “false facts.” He had not investigated the science of political economy, or the condition of the nation, but had only “crammed,” as they say in college phrase, for the occasion and the controversy. He had industriously read whatever was written, and listened to whatever was said on the side of protection, but had not followed the counsel of an ancient adviser—_audi alteram partem_; and the result was that even the most transparent fallacies of the Protectionists were uttered by him with an air of serious but honest importance, as if they were truths which he was raised up irrefragably to establish by new and original arguments. When a free trade in corn was at last sanctioned by the legislature, Lord George continued to offer an industrious, courageous, and ingenious opposition, and by the vigour of his mind and the incessant energy of his attacks, kept up the party life of the opposition, which he resuscitated and led. Lord George looked upon himself as the champion of a class; to save or serve the aristocracy, irrespective of the interests of the masses of the people, was, in his opinion, patriotism, and he was willing “to spend and be spent” in that service. Throughout the debates on the customs bill, and upon the measures of reduction of duties generally which Sir Robert Peel proposed, Lord George offered an animated and pertinacious, although unavailing opposition.

At this juncture the state of Ireland was melancholy in the extreme. Unlawful confederacies were formed among the peasantry and small farmers, and outrages of the most sanguinary character were perpetrated in the open day. Disaffection pervaded the masses of the Roman Catholic population, and language of daring menace was employed towards the government by the popular leaders of every rank, both in and out of parliament. Neither life nor property was safe, in any part of the country, except where the Protestants predominated. The loyal and peaceable petitioned for some measures of protection, and this class was indignant that the government did not propose laws which would afford security to the well-disposed. Sir Robert Peel listened to these demands, and prepared a bill, known as the “life-protection bill,” which was very stringent in its nature, and proposed utterly to disarm the whole population, except under restrictions which would not be felt by the peaceable inhabitants, but would reach effectually the disaffected masses. This bill was at first supported by both the Whigs and Tories, acting under a sense of the common danger to society in Ireland, which would exist so long as the refractory populace had easy access to arms. The efforts to procure both fire and side-arms, all over the country, were extraordinary; this fact alarmed the Whigs, and made them feel disposed to support Sir Robert: the Conservatives were always ready to entertain repressive measures for Ireland. Both parties at last perceived that the tendency of the bill was to strengthen Sir Robert’s government, and, therefore, although they supported the first reading, they determined to give it, in its future stages, a determined opposition. The ground taken by Lord John Russell, as the whig leader, was, that if Ireland was criminal she was also oppressed; that measures of coercion and redress should proceed _pari passu_. He would not support repression, unless accompanied by relief. Lord George Bentinck, as the conservative leader, took different ground. He admitted that the state of Ireland was such as to require extra constitutional remedies, but such ought not to be entrusted to any but constitutional ministers; that Sir Robert did not advise her majesty in the spirit of the constitution, and he (Lord George) would not therefore confide so large a responsibility to his administrative discretion. The union of the two parties ensured the minister’s defeat, although the first reading was carried after seven nights’ debate. Sir W. Somerville, then a popular and influential member of the whig party, proposed an amendment on the 9th of June, when the bill was brought up for a second reading; the amendment was its postponement for six months, and was carried by a large majority. This decided the fate of the Peel administration. During the debate Lord George Bentinck gave an unhappy proof of his inaccuracy of statement and party spirit. He accused Sir Robert Peel of having made up his mind in favour of Roman Catholic emancipation, before he turned Mr. Canning out of office on that very question. This allegation was made in terms of the bitterest reproach, and was placed in such a form and light before the house, as, if true, must have left the impression that Sir Robert was a man destitute of all principle and honour. The following Friday, the 12th of June, the honourable baronet exculpated himself in one of the happiest speeches which he ever delivered in parliament. On this occasion Mr. Roebuck defended Sir Robert, and assailed Lord George with much justice and more acrimony; but the speech was well received by the house, and by the country, and increased the honourable member’s reputation as a debater and a politician. Mr. Hume, then in the zenith of his influence, followed up the blows so heavily dealt by Sir Robert and Mr. Roebuck. The efforts of Lord George’s followers to cover his disastrous defeat were feeble and fruitless. It was not until the 20th that the amendment proposed by Sir William Somerville on the 9th was carried, and on the 29th the announcements were made in the lords and commons that ministers had resigned. The Duke of Wellington made it known to the lords, as the ministerial leader in that house, and never was a similar communication so laconically delivered. Sir Robert made a long speech, vindicating his policy and his personal consistency, and declaring his unabated confidence in the measures in favour of free-trade, which he had been enabled to carry, and which he averred would bring peace, contentment, and prosperity to the country. The farewell address of the minister was rendered still more remarkable than it otherwise would have been, by his announcing that the Oregon dispute with the United States had been amicably adjusted. This was well received by the house and by the country, although, perhaps, neither had given such attention to the nature of the differences between the two countries on that subject, or the character of the adjustment. The foreign policy of Sir Robert had neither been firm nor dignified, and the basis of the settlement of the Oregon dispute was simply concession on the part of England. There can be no great merit in a minister preserving peace by giving up everything, or nearly everything, for which he might have to go to war. On this principle our foreign politics would be easy enough to all administrations, and the only talent really necessary would be, the ability to persuade parliament that, in conceding what was justly ours, we saved the expense of defending it, and that such a course was wise, honourable, and statesman-like. The spirit infused into our foreign policy by Sir Robert, and which the Earl of Aberdeen too faithfully represented, proved, afterwards, costly alike to our resources and our honour.

On the resignation of Sir Robert, her majesty sent for Lord John Russell, and confided to him the task of forming an administration. His lordship succeeded in this object, and presented himself to parliament as first lord of the treasury and prime-minister, with Lord Cottenham as lord-chancellor, Lord Lansdowne as president of the council, Mr. Charles Wood as chancellor of the exchequer, and the three chief secretaries of state—home, foreign, and colonial—were Sir G. Grey, Lord Palmerston, and Earl Grey.

The public were not displeased with the formation of a whig ministry, although, had the parliament been dissolved upon the question simply of Sir Robert or Lord John, the former would have had an overwhelming majority. Some discontent was expressed with the prevalence of the Grey family in the cabinet—three members of that connexion in three of the principal offices gave too much patronage and influence to a single family, especially as their nepotism had brought discredit upon the late earl, even in the height of his popularity. The chancellorship of the exchequer, and the home and colonial secretaryships, being now in the hands of this aristocratic house, the departments, it was alleged, would be overwhelmed with scions and _proteges_ of the noble lord, the representative of the race. Some of the liberal journals sneered at the administration as “the Grey government” from the beginning, and prepared the minds of the more radical portion of the people for an administrative failure. The conservative press caught up the tone of the Radicals, and ridiculed the new whig government in similar terms, affecting to feel a constitutional alarm and jealousy at the prevailing influence of “the Grey sept.”

When Lord John appeared in the house as the head of the government, Mr. Duncombe, one of the members for Finsbury, a popular and patriotic commoner, challenged the premier to make a full and explicit statement of the principles upon which he intended to administer the affairs of the country. This appeal met with a noble response in a clear, manful enunciation of free-trade principles, justice to Ireland, peace as far as that could be maintained in justice and honour, and the “maintenance and extension of religious liberty, which, together with its civil liberty, had made England conspicuous as one of the greatest nations of the world.”

The first parliamentary measure introduced by the Whigs was a plan for the better regulation of the sugar duties. On the 20th of July Lord John introduced his plan, which he professed would meet the wishes and expectations of the producer, the consumer, and the treasury. His proposal was substantially a protective duty of twenty shillings the cwt. upon all foreign Muscovada sugar, to be diminished annually in a certain ratio, so that in 1851 it would be only fifteen shillings and sixpence, and after that year permanently fourteen shillings. This was a great advantage to the consumers as compared with the old prohibitory duty of sixty-three shillings, and the protective duty of twenty-three shillings and fourpence. Lord John met the objections of “the negroes’ friends,” as to the admission of slave-grown sugar, by showing that the exclusion of such sugar was impracticable, inasmuch as by treaty, states producing slave-grown sugar were entitled to demand its admission under “the most favoured nation clause.” To conciliate the West-India interest, his lordship announced that it was his intention to introduce a bill giving the queen power to assent to any act of the West-India legislatures, modifying or abolishing the differential duties established there in favour of British goods. As these differential duties were only five or seven per cent., the West-India interest considered that his lordship mocked them by a show of concession. The whole of that interest was “up in arms,” as their parliamentary and colonial opposition, moral and political, was described. This interest had not joined the Conservatives in resisting the repeal of the corn laws, but, nevertheless, it now supplicated conservative support in impeding the measures of the ministry. The English landed interest was anxious to strengthen itself by the aid of the West-India planters and merchants, and therefore affected to be generous, and to repay evil by good. Lord George Bentinck’s boastful words were paraded before all monopolists to induce their co-operation with his party—“If we are a proud aristocracy, we are proud of our honour, inasmuch as we have never been guilty, and never can be guilty, of double-dealing with the farmers of England, of swindling our opponents, deceiving our friends, or betraying our constituents.” The West-India party was happy to gain help from any quarter, and joined “the farmers’ friends” in adopting Lord George Bentinck as their leader. The premier had proceeded by “resolution,” as it is constitutional to do in all measures affecting the public revenue. When the resolution was reported, Lord George moved as an amendment, “That in the present state of the sugar cultivation in the East and West-India possessions, the proposed reduction of duty upon foreign slave-grown sugar is alike unjust and impolitic, as tending to check the advance of sugar produced by British free labour, and to give a great additional stimulus to slave labour.” In support of this amendment the noble mover paraded a vast array of “facts and figures,” which made a wonderful show of industry and knowledge; but his statistical statements were illusory as his logic was unsound. The awkward manner in which his amendment was expressed embarrassed his arguments and those of his party, justifying the description of him in the following passage of his memoir, written by Disraeli:—“He had not much sustained his literary culture, and of late years, at any rate, had not given his mind to political study.” Sir Robert Peel gave the government a qualified and hesitating support. He started so many objections to the government measure that the opposition might have fairly looked for his support, but he answered his speech by his vote. In the course of his oration he predicted evils which never came to pass, and after all that had occurred, even his own glorious triumph in repealing the corn laws, the speech proved that he was not only an unwilling reformer, but that he had not clear and fair convictions of the truth of the great principles of political economy, that he was still the man of mere political expediency, and almost as jealous as ever of all bold attempts at theoretical or practical reform. The support of Sir Robert, such as it was, saved the government, for on this question, at all events, he held the balance of power. The debate lasted through the nights of the 27th and 28th, the West-India interest affecting great horror of slavery, and depicting the encouragement the measure would give to that evil in terms of great and even pious alarm. Never did a party resort more scandalously to cant and hypocrisy to serve a purpose than this, on the memorable occasion of “the sugar debate.” The resolution was carried, and a bill embodying it rapidly passed the commons, but was resisted in the lords with much tenacity of purpose. This was in a considerable measure the result of a remarkable petition presented to that house by Mr. Clarkson, of whom Mr. Wilberforce had been a disciple. Mr. Clarkson was a philanthropist and a Christian, but neither a political economist nor a politician. The Bishop of Oxford proposed an amendment, on the second reading, which would have virtually destroyed the bill; but the original motion was carried, and the remaining stages were unobstructed.

This was a most important measure to the comfort of the people and the commerce of the country. The government was logically and politically right; and the Whigs left the impression upon the country, by the bill itself, and the arguments by which they conducted it through the house, that they had been of late successful students in the important department of economics. A considerable stir among the wealthy and influential body of English citizens, the Society of Friends, was created, by the support which Mr. Bright, Mr. Crewdson, and others of the Quakers of the north of England, gave to the sugar bill. The body at large considered that support inconsistent with their professed principles. Mr. Bright, and those who took his views, eloquently defended themselves against the criticisms of the Friends, and Mr. George Thompson, the celebrated anti-slavery lecturer, espoused their cause with great ardour. Mr. Bright and his fellow-labourers of the Quaker persuasion were in a minority. The great body of the Friends disapproved of his conduct, and the old anti-slavery party throughout the country joined in the disapprobation. Mr. Bright was not a man to be deterred by friends or foes from pursuing a course which he thought right, and he persisted in giving to the government a very hearty and efficient support. The Manchester school accepted the bill with great favour, and upheld the ministry in carrying it. Large assemblages were convened in Manchester and the manufacturing districts, but especially in South Lancashire, Cheshire and Staffordshire, on behalf of the measure, and the various chambers of commerce and commercial associations passed resolutions or sent petitions in its favour. It was a good beginning for Lord John as premier, and conduced to the tenure of office which he was enabled to maintain.

THE CONDITION OF IRELAND.—DISTURBED STATE OF THE COUNTRY.—DISAFFECTION OF THE POPULACE.—FAILURE OF THE POTATOE CROP.—DISTRESS.—AGITATION BY THE YOUNG IRELANDERS.—DECLINE OF O’CONNELL.

Some notice has been taken of the condition of Ireland as leading to the dissolution of the Peel ministry. It is appropriate to resume here the thread of Irish history. The affairs of that country, politically and socially, became rapidly worse. From day to day the people of England were startled with tidings of fierce conflicts which faction waged, the disloyalty of the great majority of the people, the relentless cruelty with which the Ribbon Society exacted its victims, and the continued pressure of famine and sickness upon the physical life of the people. Ireland, so long conversant with misery, was still to taste the cup in all its bitterness. Everything meant for her good by the legislature brought with it some new form of evil, or aggravated some that existed. She had sought and obtained emancipation, but while her arms wore no longer a manacle, she still clanked her broken chain, and with it smote her benefactors or wounded herself. The removal of restrictions from commerce, effected by Sir Robert Peel, she regarded as an injury; the majority of Irishmen believed that the repeal of the corn laws was designed to enrich England at the expense of Ireland, and that it was the most fatal blow ever given to her agricultural and commercial prosperity. There were many enlightened Irishmen who advocated the repeal of the laws which made the food of the people dear;—of seven men who met in Manchester to form the anti-corn-law association, out of which sprang “the League,” at least two were Irishmen. Perhaps the man to whom that cause was originally indebted, more than to any other, was Archibald Prentice of the city just named, a native of Scotland; but among his earliest and most earnest coadjutors were Irishmen. The merchants of the three principal cities in Ireland—Dublin, Cork, and Belfast—favoured Sir Robert Peel’s law, especially those of the enlightened and enterprising town last named; but the Irish agriculturists, and the inhabitants of the country generally, resented it as a new Irish grievance! Lord George Bentinck did not misrepresent the feeling of the Irish people towards the free-trade movement, when he claimed the country, with some exceptions only, as on his side. Even the educational boon, so recently accorded by parliament, was regarded as a religious affront. “The Queen’s colleges” were denounced by Mr. O’Connell and the priests as “godless colleges.” In parliament he opposed, in Ireland he vituperated it.

A new phase of mischief gradually ripened during the year 1846. O’Connell had taught the people habits of political organisation, and while he had so wielded the masses thus organised as to prevent insurrection, he kept the government in continual alarm, lest some sudden outbreak should rend society and deluge the country with blood. The “agitator” professed to hold the doctrine of moral force in opposition to physical force; but while he proclaimed that the liberties of Ireland were “not worth the shedding of one drop of blood,” and in long letters and speeches declared that whoever committed crime was his enemy, and the enemy of Irish freedom, he palliated those crimes, when committed, defended the criminals, shifted the blame to the Protestants, the local authorities, the government, the law, or the Saxon; and so wrote and spoke as was calculated to lead the perpetrators of outrage to regard themselves as having an excuse for their crimes, in their own condition or that of their country. The general feeling of the disaffected in reference to Mr. O’Connell’s exhortations of peace was, that he was only sincere so far as expediency dictated; that he had no other objection to physical force than his conviction that the prospects of success did not warrant recourse to it. Accordingly, whilst a great display was made of carrying out his “moral force” policy, and his “pacificators” were the ostensible preservers of the peace,—taking the credit themselves, or claiming it for their chief, of preventing an open insurrection,—murder, incendiarism, assault, and religious persecution were carried out in detail. When any were arraigned, no scruples were entertained as to the means by which conviction might be prevented; perjury, intimidation, and assassination were among these instrumentalities. When convicted, the criminal was regarded as suffering for his religion and country, although the crime for which he was condemned was some cruel and cowardly assassination, or attempt to commit such. “The liberal press,” as the newspapers devoted to the agitation were designated, was filled with extenuations or denials of the culprit’s guilt, and the most vengeful attacks were made upon all who sought to enforce the laws, and preserve peace and life from the ruffian hands of the Ribbonmen, and “the moral force agitators.” Lord John Russell has often resorted to _finesse_ in his parliamentary tactics which has not always done him honour, but he never erred in this respect more egregiously than when, withdrawing the Irish arms bill, he reported that the law had its unimpeded course, that juries did their duty, and that crime was effectually restrained. So far from juries doing their duty, it was difficult in the provinces to obtain convictions, where a portion of the jury were O’Connellites, if the person before them was arraigned for an agrarian offence, or an outrage against the persons of those who were loyal. Neither Whigs, nor Protestants who were politicians of a school yet more free, nor liberal Roman Catholics who respected the law, or enforced their rights as landlords, were spared by the secret societies, any more than the most rabid Tories or the most flaming Orangemen. A reign of terror prevailed through the country; the perpetrators of outrage were everywhere, and the popular masses sympathised with them. An illustration of the state of things then prevailing was afforded in the following paragraph from the _Illustrated London News_ of the 21st of February, 1846:—

“On Friday (last week) Bryan Seery was executed at Mullingar. The conviction took place under the following circumstances:—Some time since Sir Francis Hopkins was shot at by a man in Westmeath; Sir Francis tried to seize the assassin, but he escaped; and afterwards Seery was captured. The sole witness to the prisoner’s identity with the assassin was the prosecutor: the defence was the common Irish defence—_alibi_, which was of course sworn to stoutly, as it always is in Ireland. One jury could not agree to the verdict, two Roman Catholics standing out against conviction: a second jury condemned the man: efforts to procure commutation of his sentence failed, and he was left for execution. Seery, at the place of execution, solemnly denied his guilt. A circumstance highly characteristic of the feeling of the public occurred. The morning was calm—the sounding of bugles and peeling of drums were heard in all directions: there was a perfect cessation of business in the town. About ten o’clock all the shops were closed, and not a single human being was to be seen in the streets—not one individual came in from the country. Thus the people determined to mark their opinion of this awful tragedy, for all regard Seery as a martyr. At eleven o’clock the military were paraded before the gaol, and not one human being appeared before the scaffold but themselves and the police. Even the magistrates of the county stayed away—not one of them appeared, except Mr. Uniacke, who walked up and down with Captain Despard. Under the imposing head of the ‘Mullingar Tragedy,’ the reporter of the _Dublin Freeman_ furnishes that journal with a long and highly-coloured account of the interment of Bryan Seery. The melancholy spectacle took place on Sunday, in the presence of vast multitudes of the country people, whose numbers were estimated by the writer to amount to fifty thousand or sixty thousand souls.”

On other occasions the populace attended the execution of criminals in large numbers, and exhibited their sympathy by demonstrations of respect and of regret for their fate, speaking of them as “the blessed martyrs” for their religion, or their country, or both. An execution took place at Nenagh, in the county of Tipperary, early in June, which was thus noticed in a paper, neither unfavourable to the rights of the people, nor the exercise of the utmost clemency on the part of the government towards the misguided:—“Three men were executed at Nenagh on Friday (last week), pursuant to their sentences; two—namely, Patrick Hayes and Patrick Rice—for conspiring to murder the late Mr. Patrick Clarke; and one, named William Fogarty—for shooting at Mr. M’Donald, a steward in the slate quarries. An immense multitude collected to witness the scene. The three men were accompanied to the drop by Roman Catholic clergymen. They died after a brief struggle, having made no public confession of their crimes. A large police force of one hundred and fifty men, and a company of the 72nd depot, comprised the guard in attendance. All was quiet and peaceable, says a local paper, and nothing heard but the moanings of the friends of the culprits. After the usual time of hanging, the bodies were lowered into coffins, and given to the relations. The long respite obtained by these men whilst various points of law were urged in their favour, gave much additional interest to their cases.”

Executions did not, however, extinguish the prevalence of crime, nor were the precautions of the executive sufficient to wrest the weapon from the murderous hand. A Galway paper, in “the liberal interest,” recorded a murder near the junction of that county with the county of Clare, immediately after the execution at Nenagh, and various others of a similar character throughout the country. This atrocity was very much in character with those which disgraced the whole south and west of Ireland, and which, to a less extent, took place in the north and north-eastern portions of the land:—“We regret to state that, on the night of Thursday (last week), a barbarous murder was committed at a village near Woodford, in this county. The unfortunate object of the assassin’s vengeance was a man named Pat Hill. Two persons came into his house, and brought him out of his bed to a place about forty yards distant, and there inflicted no less than forty-two bayonet wounds on his person, besides a fracture of the skull. His wife, hearing his screams, went to his assistance, and, having begged for mercy, she was told by the heartless ruffians that if she did not go away, she would herself be treated in a like manner. Having completed their purpose, the miscreants, who are unknown, walked off, and their victim almost immediately expired. An inquest was held at Portumna, when a verdict of ‘Wilful murder’ was returned against persons unknown. Deceased was in rather comfortable circumstances, and bore a most excellent character.”

While disaffection, secret societies, fanatical intolerance, and wide-spread personal outrage cursed unhappy Ireland, the failure of the potato crop intensified every other form of evil to which the country was subjected. Very early in the year it was obvious to intelligent observers that the failure of 1845 would be exceeded in 1846. The distress developed itself very early. In February the Rev. W. B. Townend, rector of Aghadda, in the diocess of Cloyne, county of Cork, published a letter, in which he thus described the sufferings and the prospects of the people:—“In this part of Ireland we are in a frightful state—the humbler classes are all living on the contaminated potato; the sides of fields and gardens literally covered with rotten ones, thrown away. The detail of destruction is endless. That employment should be wanted for the people, while one-third of Ireland is as much waste as the woods in Canada, and the rest badly cultivated, not affording half labour, is a strange anomaly.”

Later in the year the Rev. J. B. Tyrwhitt, an English clergyman of the Established Church, settled in Keny, published an account of the sufferings and prospects of the people of the south and west of Munster, truly appalling. The reverend gentleman wrote in the celebrated Vale of Iverah, where the O’Connells held property, and exercised an almost absolute sway:—“The prospects of the people of this very poor barony, and all along from the River Kenmare, Sneem, Darrynane, to Cahirciveen, and thence towards Killorglin, is harrowing and startling. The whole potato crop is literally destroyed, while over a very wide surface the oat crop presents an unnatural lilac tinge to the eye; at the same time, in too many instances, the head is found flaccid to the touch, and possessing no substance. The barley crop, too, in many places, exhibits the effect of a powerful blight. In some places, also, where turnips have been grown, they present—as, indeed, has been the case in other parts of the county—a healthier exterior in top and skin, but, on being opened, are found deeply impregnated with a taint similar to that which has smitten the potato, to such an extent, that one cannot stand in the blackened fields without being overpowered by the offensive effluvia.”

From the county of Clare statements arrived in London, if possible, more appalling. Early in April pestilence manifested itself in various places, and the county of Tipperary was disturbed by famine riots, independent of the normal disturbances which subjected that county to such misery, and earned for it so terrible a reputation. At Clonmel food riots assumed a formidable appearance, and the military had to guard the flour mills. The Roman Catholic clergy exerted themselves successfully to soothe the minds of the peasantry, and prevent that increase of their sufferings, which would result from the plunder of private property. The peasantry of Ireland were not addicted to robbery, and whatever outrages fanaticism, political and religious, might goad them to commit, the necessities of their famishing wives and children alone could cause them to resort to plunder. Thus, at a large and peaceable meeting of the peasantry in the county of Galway, at the end of April, they made this declaration:—“If employment be not immediately given, we can no longer stand the distress under which we are suffering.” Of course it was necessary to put down tumult and protect property, and very painful were the duties which in consequence devolved upon the civil and military power. _Ex uno disce omnes_. At Kilsheelan, between the counties of Tipperary and Waterford, an occurrence took place, which was described in the language of one of the leading journals of the south of Ireland in the following terms:—“On Thursday morning, in consequence of information received by the magistrates, they very prudently had cars stationed in the barracks for the prompt conveyance of the troops in case of necessity; and subsequent proceedings will show how very judicious and prudent their arrangements were. In a short time an express arrived in town stating that an immense mob was plundering the boats at Kilsheelan, within four miles of Clonmel, and forthwith a party of the 33rd got on the cars and proceeded to the scene of outrage, together with a party of the 1st Royal Dragoons, under the command of Major Galloway. Mr. J. Bagwell, Mr. W. Riall, Major Shaw, and Sub-inspector Fosberry accompanied them, and when within a short distance of the scene of plunder, word reached them that the robbery going on was most extensive. Mr. Fosberry and a mounted policeman immediately galloped on, and when they reached the spot, the scene which met their view is more easily imagined than described. An immense multitude were plundering the boats; a vast quantity of Indian corn, the property of Mr. Going, of Caher, was destroyed or made off with, and a quantity of wheat, the property of Mr. T. Hughes, was also stolen and destroyed. The military quickly came up, and a regular engagement took place. Stones were firing in all directions—several soldiers were struck; Mr. Fosberry received a blow of a stone in the leg, and it was not until some time had elapsed that this lawless rabble were subdued, and thirteen of them taken prisoners and brought into our gaol. Nothing could exceed the coolness of our magistrates, officers, and soldiers during this rencontre, and we are happy to say that a portion of the wheat was retaken.”

Such was the state of Ireland up to the harvest time of 1846, when, unhappily, all the fears of men, such as have been quoted, and the predictions of Sir Robert Peel, were fulfilled. There was another failure of the harvest; the crops of potatoes and oats suffered to such an extent as to increase, many fold, all the miseries previously experienced, and the dangers previously apprehended. Five millions, five hundred thousand tons of potatoes, and five millions two hundred thousand quarters of oats, below the average, was produced that harvest. The estimated loss in money, from the deficient produce of the year, was sixteen millions pounds sterling!

The efforts to mitigate these evils were manifold. Subscriptions were raised in every part of the British Isles, and, indeed, in every part of the British empire. From various places on the continent, especially France, donations were transmitted in either money or food. The Sultan of Turkey sent a generous contribution to the common stock of relief. From the United States of America supplies also came. The world might be represented as laid under contribution to relieve the miseries of Ireland. The government also made great exertions. Sir Robert Peel’s administration made secret and extensive purchases of Indian corn, which were sold, or distributed gratuitously, according to circumstances. By donations for public works, and “general presentments,” Sir Robert Peel also prepared for the coming disaster. He had expended in this way more than eight hundred thousand pounds, a little more than the half of which had been repaid by rates levied in Ireland under the powers intrusted to the grand juries. Lord John Russell, soon after he passed his sugar duties bill, made proposals to parliament calculated to meet the distress as it then existed, and in some measure to anticipate the relief which he foresaw would be required. He proposed to empower the lord-lieutenant to summon sessions of counties and of baronies, to consider the propriety of making public works for the relief of the poor, and to give to those sessions, under certain circumstances, authority to determine upon what works were desirable or necessary, which the board ot works would upon such decision execute. The imperial treasury was to make advances for carrying on these works, to be repaid in ten years at three and a half per cent, interest. Grants of £50,000 each would be made to certain poor districts which would be unable to repay advances. His lordship moved resolutions embodying these proposals, which were carried, and a bill founded upon them passed through both houses with the utmost rapidity. The introduction of these measures seemed to produce a good effect on Ireland, for crime and outrage abated. The ministers took advantage of this circumstance to claim great merit for their administration, and, on the 28th of August, when parliament was prorogued by commission, the speech delivered ascribed to her majesty great satisfaction in the relief so cordially provided by parliament for the Irish poor, and the beneficial effects produced. These tokens of returning peace were as the morning dew, which soon passes away, and the measures of parliament, notwithstanding their magnitude, were soon proved to be inadequate. The government acted, however, with generosity and courage, although their wisdom and administrative aptitude were not equally conspicuous. During a portion of the interval of the reassembling of parliament, in January, 1847, the government, unauthorised by parliament, expended a million sterling per month. The cabinet felt assured that parliament would indemnify and England approve. Immense supplies of Indian corn and other articles of food were carried by government steamers to such points of the coast as were convenient for their prompt dispersion to the interior. The labourers on the public works were paid from one shilling to one shilling and sixpence per day. In the county of Mayo, where the distress was peculiarly aggravated, nearly half a million sterling was expended in public works, in districts the Ordnance valuation of which was little more than half that amount. These works were unproductive, and baronies were pledged to their whole value, some for a year, and others for several years, in repayment of the grants, although the plan of repayment to the government was, that only half the amount advanced should be refunded. Many private individuals, both in Ireland and in Great Britain, exhibited a noble generosity; and the heroic self-sacrifice of clergymen, medical men, and others, in the midst of the famine and plague-stricken people, cannot be too much commended. The liberality and exertions of the Irish residents in England and Scotland was much to their own honour and to the reputation of their country. Notwithstanding all these exertions, the aid of the government and of private individuals was abused, and the annals of the world do not contain any narrative of ingratitude and selfishness more base than those which record the transactions of certain classes of the Irish people during that terrible crisis. Many of the landed gentry took occasion to have their own fences and private roads repaired at the public expense, and there were few parts of the country where “public works” did not mean improvements of the domains, and the creation of roads to the mansions of the gentry. The Roman Catholic chapels, and the ways of access to them, were also treated as “public works.” The conduct of “the Board of Works” was far from unimpeachable, and men distinguished in her majesty’s service cut a poor figure in connection with the inquiries and discussions to which the modes of managing the public relief ultimately led. The moral effect of the charity was most injurious to the country, whatever its material advantage in the urgency of the occasion. This was exemplified in many ways. The peasantry were unwilling to bestow a fair amount of labour upon works of acknowledged utility, although paid nearly double the ordinary rates of wages; they lazily preferred public works, so that there was a scarcity of hands to gather in the imperfect harvest until the government partially withdrew its competition from the labour market. Considerable numbers of farmers, some of whom held as many as sixty acres of land, applied for tickets from the relief committees, and were placed upon the public works, thus drawing off the money from the legitimate objects of aid. Small farmers in numbers received gratuities of Indian corn and other food, whose means were such as ought in common decency and common honesty to have prevented such an application. The local committees acted with partiality and injustice, and numbers of the peasantry perished of starvation, while the greedy, who were not necessitous, preyed upon the public charity. In the county Clare, five thousand persons were struck off the lists of those who were employed by the labour rate, and who, it is scarcely necessary to add, rendered no return for the money they had received, for the ostensible labour was in these cases a sham. The most scandalous of all the exhibitions of want of probity which the crisis developed was the revival of efforts to procure arms. The peasantry, farmers, town-population—all of every rank—sought to possess themselves of weapons of war, especially fire-arms. The demand for powder and percussion-caps was as eager as for weapons. Birmingham was kept busy; every hand in the gun-making trades there was employed; Sheffield was also labouring at sword cutlery, and in the manufacture of daggers and bayonets; while the smithies of Ireland were extensively engaged in the manufacture of pike heads. The money expended by benevolent persons and by the government on the vast scale which the emergency and a noble compassion dictated, was employed to procure arms which those who purchased them intended to turn upon the hands that fed them as soon as opportunity allowed. Whatever thanks might be felt by the peasantry towards those who on the spot gave of their private store to mitigate the pangs of the sufferers, no gratitude was entertained to the British public or to the government. Starving Ireland armed to strike down her benefactors with weapons procured by the misuse of the boon which these benefactors had extended. However painful it may be to relate the story of such turpitude, truth constrains it: the Irish peasant begged, that he might arm against the charitable hand that succoured him. Persons actually perished leaving some, money, with which surviving relatives, in the depths of their misery, purchased arms. It was thought that no other opportunity so favourable would arise to turn the gold of the Saxon into steel, which might be pointed against his own breast. The object most at heart with the famishing crowds was the ascendancy of their religion, to be accomplished by the subjugation of British authority; for this they famished and bought muskets and horse-pistols, powder and percussion caps, old swords and bayonets. To such an extent was this carried that in Clonmel, a town of about 18,000 inhabitants, and where the people rioted for food, as already recorded, nearly twelve hundred stand of arms were sold in a few days. These were purchased by the silver which the government Board of Works had paid in the charitable employment of the people on non-productive labour.

Much difficulty arose, in the distribution of gratuitous supplies of food, from the routine of the public offices. So complex were the details which the under-officials were obliged to observe, that men actually perished while a useless routine correspondence was being conducted. It was satirically said by an English observer, “the delivery of a few quarters of English corn to those who want it requires as much correspondence and documentary forms as a chancery suit.”

The refusal of grand juries to “present” was another obstacle to the prompt relief of the people. They were unwilling to carry into force the presentment act, because the money advanced should be one-half repaid, and, while held as a loan, be chargeable with interest. These bodies, which refused presentments on grounds that it was not desirable or necessary to make them, were amongst the most clamorous in the kingdom for their share of patronage in dispensing the money and food for which no repayment was to be made.

POLITICAL AGITATION.—YOUNG IRELAND.

During the progress of all this misery and turbulence, and while the government required to put forth all its energies to mitigate the one and suppress the other, Ireland was torn by political factions, and the voice of party was never for a moment silent. On previous pages the reader will find the state of Irish parties depicted as they stood in 1845. Throughout the year 1846 some new phases of the political spirit of the people were presented. O’Connell still declared that the only remedy for Ireland was the repeal of the union; and that while he gave a modified support to a whig government, so long as it sincerely attempted the melioration of Irish circumstances, he merely did so to prove that he was not a partisan, and in the hope of eventually bringing all men to believe that no effectual redress for the wrongs of Ireland was to be expected from the imperial legislature—that Ireland’s only hope lay in “a native parliament.” This the great agitator declared he would obtain by moral force only, if the people of Ireland abstained from rebellion, and preserved the moral attitude of a united demand for the repeal of the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland. Gradually there arose in “the Repeal Association” a more spirited section, which went by the designation of “Young Ireland.” These men laughed at O’Connell’s moral force doctrines, or denounced them with disdain. At first they professed unbounded respect for himself, and an approval of his aims, but an irreconcileable antipathy to his measures. They maintained the right of all men to use arms in defence or in the assertion of liberty; proclaimed that Ireland was too noble a country, and the Irish too fine a race, to be subjected to a provincial _status_. “Ireland a nation—not a province,” so often proclaimed by O’Connell, became in earnest the watchword of this new and vigorous party. They derided the time-serving and place-hunting of O’Connell’s partisans, and declared that, by asking places from the English government for his followers, O’Connell had corrupted and dishonoured his country. They also opposed “the rent,” which O’Connell received as a tribute from the people, and a means of enabling him to employ various agencies for the prosecution of his labours. He had given up the practice of his profession, to him most lucrative, in order to devote himself wholly to what he believed to be the good of his country, and, accordingly, the people contributed liberally to enable him, as the leader of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, to hold his place without indignity in the face of the parliament and people of England. In theory this contribution was at all events creditable to the generosity and zeal of the Irish people, and no discredit to O’Connell himself. Nor can it be alleged with truth that he accepted it from mercenary motives, or used it selfishly. His fortune was small; his position required large expenditure; and it is notorious that the money he received was not hoarded, nor used to enrich his family, but employed for political and often charitable purposes which had the entire approbation of the donors. The Young Irelanders, however, at first furtively and anonymously, afterwards more or less openly, and, finally, in the columns of the newspaper press, and in the Repeal Association itself, stigmatised the rent as mercenary. This new party divided influence with “the Liberator” upon the boards of the Corn Exchange, and in public meetings generally, and was the cause of great distraction in the councils and operations of the Repeal Association. At first they treated O’Connell as conscientiously wrong-headed on the subjects of moral and physical force; but they gradually widened their ground of attack, and suggested that he was actuated by corrupt motives, not for his own advantage, but in order to obtain places for a host of needy adventurers who constituted what was termed his “tail.” Finally, they denounced him as a coward, and the abettor therefore of a cowardly policy: that being afraid to place himself at the head of his armed countrymen, he affected to abhor bloodshed, and held out a hope which he knew to be delusive—that Ireland could conquer the restoration of her legislature by moral, in contradistinction to physical force.

Before noticing further the effect of these differences upon O’Connell and the Irish repeal party, it is desirable to glance at the character and talents of the leading Young Irelanders, as these men will occupy much prominence in the history of succeeding years. Thomas Davis was generally alleged to be the founder of this section of the repeal party. He was only a student in Trinity College, Dublin, when he first entered upon political life. He imbibed early in youth a passionate love of country, and retained it until his death, which, to the general regret, occurred in a few years after he had entered upon political life. Mr. Davis was a poet, although not of a high order; several specimens of good ballad composition are amongst his remains. He cultivated classic literature with success; as an antiquary and an historian acquired reputation; wrote energetically and fluently; spoke in public with earnestness and force, but had none of the graces of the finished orator, and he despised all “rhetorical artifices.” In conversation he was persuasive, but in public debate deficient in this quality; and while he possessed courage to confront mobs, or dictators, as he did also to meet an armed host in his country’s service, he was not characterised by that presence of mind in public discussion, so necessary for effective repartee and popular power. He was in religion a Protestant, and a member of the Established Church; but it is obvious, from his various papers in connection with Irish affairs, that he was not a very earnest Protestant, and was entirely unacquainted with theological studies. His letters and speeches also show that he was not conversant with political economy, and that his social views were unsound. He was a man of many excellences, a true friend, an amiable companion, an honest and brave patriot, a gentleman, a scholar, and a _litterateur_.

The next most notable person among the leaders of the Young Irelanders was William Smith O’Brien. Like Thomas Davis, his integrity was indisputable. A member, and the representative of probably the oldest family in Europe, descended from the celebrated Brien Boroighome, who was monarch of Ireland in the twelfth century, he was proudly jealous of the honour of his lineage and of his name, and never did man bear a proud name with more unsullied honour than O’Brien. He mourned over the sufferings of his country with a tender and compassionate heart, and he ascribed these sufferings to bad government. It was his desire to remove all grievances by constitutional means, but his experience as a member of the imperial parliament led him to believe that Ireland never could receive proper legislative consideration until the union was repealed. Perceiving that O’Connell’s agitation was never likely to effect that object, despising the mean and corrupt practices by which that agitation was attended, and being filled with horror at the occurrence of so much agrarian crime, he came to the conclusion that an armed attempt to sever Ireland from Great Britain was the duty of Irishmen, and the only hope left for her political or social redemption. Mr. O’Brien was a member of the Church of England, and his sympathies were with the evangelical section. He was well acquainted with the great fundamental differences between the church of Rome and Protestant communions, and was conscientiously and firmly a Protestant, while his mental habits and religious principles alike made him the consistent friend of religious liberty. It was generally supposed that his views of government were monarchical; and as he was the undoubted representative of the Irish monarchy, it was also believed that he had sufficient ambition to look forward to the time when independent Ireland would restore to him his family honours. The personal and moral influence of Mr. O’Brien were such as to qualify him to be a leader. He was much loved, and deserved to be so. As a man he was amiable, as a gentleman courteous, as a friend true. Intellectually, he was not fit to conduct a powerful party through great dangers. Scholarly and accomplished, he was yet not profoundly read, nor did he possess any great power as a writer or speaker. He could not shake the senate like Grattan, Flood, or Curran, nor could he move the popular will by his pen, like Moore or Davis. Whatever he undertook for Ireland was in the spirit of a patriot, and his courage was as unquestionable as his truth. He had studied too little the character of his countrymen, and the political influence of their religious predilections, or he probably would never have embarked upon the stormy sea of the repeal agitation. Had he pondered deeply the philosophy of Irish character, and of the Protestant and Roman Catholic religions, by which the people were so extensively and sincerely influenced, he must have foreseen that the Irish Roman Catholic population would never enter upon any political enterprise to which their priests were opposed; that the priests would never favour any political scheme that did not comprise the ascendancy of Rome; and that the Irish Protestants, deeply and thoroughly convinced of that fact, would not extensively join any confederacy for political purposes where the priesthood could possibly exercise any authority. All these things William Smith O’Brien, from his position as an Irish Protestant gentleman, ought to have known; knowing these things, he never could have plunged into the raging surge of an Irish popular insurrection. He meant honestly, failed signally, and suffered himself to be involved in a hapless enterprise, because he had not sufficiently studied the people among whom he lived, nor the religious influences to which they were subjected.

A third leader of this party was Thomas Meagher, who afterwards called himself O’Meagher, son of a wealthy and respectable Roman Catholic citizen at Waterford. Mr. Meagher was the youngest of all the Young Ireland leaders.

He had been educated at the Jesuit College, Stonyhurst, Lancashire, where it would appear that one principle undermined another in his education; for while he came forth a Roman Catholic politician and a patriot, he found that the consistent profession of the one came into such frequent collision with the other, that his honest and manly mind could not reconcile them, and, as some regarded it, he sacrificed his creed to his country. Sir Jonah Barrington represents the Roman Catholic leaders of his day as sacrificing their country to their church. Thomas Meagher certainly appeared to perform the converse of this. His enunciations of religious opinion were boldly liberal, and utterly incompatible with the ascendancy of his own or any other church. In this respect, as, indeed, in every other, he preserved throughout his course a most laudable consistency. He probably comprehended the principles of civil and religious liberty better than any other member of the Young Ireland confederacy. Young Meagher was full of ardour for the cause of repeal. Like Davis and Smith O’Brien (to both of whom he was attached by the tenderest friendship), he believed it to be the salvation of his country. His soul was inflamed with love of her, and he consecrated his genius and his life to her resuscitation by the modes which alone appeared to him calculated to restore her from political death. Intellectually, Mr. Meagher was superior to any other leader of the party. Davis had neither the compass nor versatility of Meagher, who was the only finished orator of the remarkable group of men whom he intellectually outshone. Some of his orations are as chaste and fervent as Emmet’s, as rich and varied as Curran’s, as intellectual as Grattan’s, as logical as Flood’s, and as graceful and eloquent as Shiel’s. There are few specimens of political oratory in the English language which rival some of the speeches of this young tribune. He was almost as gifted with his pen as with his tongue. His letters abound with pathos, and poetry of thought and feeling; his descriptions are graphic and lifeful; his analysis of character accurate and discriminating; his aspirations noble and pure. There was a pleasing fascination in his oratory and writing which never passed away. One can hardly think of his sad story without remembering also the simile of his national poet:—

“You may break, you may ruin the vase if you will, But the scent of the roses will hang round it still.”

John Mitchell was another remarkable member of this fraternity. He was a solicitor, a Protestant, and a Dissenter. He was the most fiery of all “the rebels,” as these agitators ultimately became. Mitchell was a native of Ulster, and possessed much of the spirit of the old Presbyterian United Irishmen of 1798; indeed, some of their leaders were his relations. He possessed a vigorous intellect, great energy of thought and action, overbearing-purpose, and unflinching courage. His information was not extensive, nor his judgment profound, and yet he was a well-educated, well-read, and very thoughtful, reflective man. He was adapted to be the sole leader of an insurrection where the object might be clear, the undertaking desperate, and the work short. His nature was not adapted either to lay an extensive plan, or co-operate with other men of mental power in the execution of such. He was crotchetty and impracticable, a man of rash judgment and hasty action-as brave and as tenacious as a bulldog. In private life he was gentle and loving; it was easy, as a friend or companion, to argue with John Mitchell, but impossible to co-operate with him as a compatriot. He had not the mind of a statesman, nor had he the prudence and policy requisite for a popular leader anywhere, much less in Ireland, at a crisis of her history so peculiar. This gentleman did much to precipitate the insurrection which drew down upon Ireland, so soon after the period of which we write, disgrace and ridicule. Like Smith O’Brien, he did not thoroughly understand the people he was to lead, nor those of his countrymen to whom he and they were so certain to be opposed, nor did he compute the religious prepossessions by which those distinct parties were respectively influenced. Mr. Mitchell was nominally a Unitarian in his religious creed, but he held very lax notions of this theology, and verged to Deism.

His views of political economy were erroneous and impracticable; yet he seemed to pride himself upon his absurd economical theories. He seemed to have no fixed views of government; he was neither monarchist, aristocrat, nor republican: his opinions seemed to be incompatible with all organised government, except a popular despotism, such as the French empire exemplified. Hatred to England, her name, race, and institutions, seems to have amounted to a monomania with him; yet he was not himself of Celtic lineage. His intolerance of opinion and rashness of action would have been utterly unendurable, were it not for the directness of his aims, the sincerity of his motives, the disinterestedness of his spirit, and the suavity of his disposition. The only other member of the Young Ireland party deserving notice as a chief was Charles Gavin Duffy, the editor and proprietor of the _Nation_ newspaper. Mr. Duffy was a Roman Catholic, and professed unbounded respect for the priests. He was generally suspected of coquetting with them to secure their patronage of the Young Ireland cause, and that at heart he despised the popular subserviency to them. There was much in his speeches and literary articles to confirm this view, but there was also a great deal to lead to the belief that he was at heart “a priest’s man.” Certainly their reverences did not think, or, at all events, appear to think him, a very particular friend to their order, for they frequently opposed the circulation of his paper, and denounced himself. He bravely,-’-but respectfully battled with them, and lost the game-the circulation of his paper fell as the Roman Catholic tone of it was lowered. Whether this circumstance had any influence, as was alleged, it is beyond doubt that, while he continued to maintain his young Ireland theories, he became more chary of combat with the clergy, and no paper put forth a more wild and daring ultra-montanism than the Dublin _Nation_, at the very time that its columns were filled with passionate poetry dedicated to the rights of country and of kind. Articles asserting that all Irishmen should be held equal before God and the law, and that Orange ascendancy and all party ascendancy was destructive to Ireland, were strangely in contiguity with others asserting the most despotic claims for the church of Rome that ever were put forth in her name. On the whole, the inference might be fairly drawn from the writings and speeches of Mr. Duffy that he hated England with an indiscriminating and malignant rancour; that her peculiar virtues were as hateful to him as her vices, her glorious deeds as her errors; and that he hated her for the power with which she supported a certain degree of civil and religious liberty, as much as from any grievances of which his country had to complain, or any distaste he entertained to her race, her habits, or the idiosyncracies of thought by which her people were characterised. He was anxious to see his country independent and prosperous, and in order to be so, wished to see a severance from England, and a full and unmitigated ascendancy of the Roman Catholic religion. Personally, Mr. Duffy was too generous, kind-hearted, and manly to persecute, and would have been among the first to endanger himself by interposing to protect another from the chain or brand of the persecutor; but the tone of his writings, and the writings of those who found readiest access to the columns of his journal, was relentlessly bigoted. If mobs fell upon zealous, or, it may be, over-zealous clergymen or Scripture-readers, the Nation always extenuated the ruffianism, and abused the objects of popular violence. Some reason for this course, applicable only to the particular case, or to a class of cases under which it was ranged, was always relied upon in justification of these bitter outbreaks of intolerance, but the paragraphs in which the vituperation found vent always disclosed some bigoted principle which constituted the core of the article. O’Connell obtained an unhappy celebrity for his violence in religious disputation, but there was always a waggery in his most virulent sectarian harangues which relieved them, and left the impression that his bigotry was professional or forensic rather than heartfelt, but the _Nation_ newspaper allowed no humour to shed a ray of relief upon the dark sentences of its intolerance. If indomitable fortitude, endurance, and perseverance could win a cause, Charles Gavin Duffy would have secured all for which he afterwards struggled and suffered. The political economy of Mr. Duffy, judging from the columns of the _Nation_, was not much more enlightened than that of his coadjutors.

Such were the men who constituted the leaders of the Young Ireland section of the Repeal Association. There were others who possessed eloquence, courage, and patriotism, but they did not occupy the front rank. With this fresh, youthful, earnest, intellectual, and uncompromising body of young men O’Connell had to compete almost single-handed; for although he was well supported by the priests, and by the old hacks of the association, he alone could confront intellectually so gifted an array of antagonists, or maintain, with any chance of victory, his side in the logomachy which was perpetually proceeding within the circle of the Repeal Association. Moore, in one of his melodies, represents the demon of discord as annually appearing in the Boyne, and casting forth the burning arrows which were ignited by his breath; but the scene of the fiery fiend’s operations might be well supposed as changed to “Conciliation Hall,” and his arrows thence flung over the inflammable isle. However indifferent the loyalists might be to the conflicts between Old Ireland and Young Ireland, the government could not be so, for “O’Connell’s tail” was, if no ornament, of some use on the ministerial benches. O’Connell denounced the Whigs, but intrigued to keep them in power, or help them to obtain it. The old Ireland party had votes in parliament, and gave them with more or less fidelity on the side of Lord John’s administration; whereas the Young Irelanders had yet to gain the heart, if not the ear of their country, and were not recognised as a power, except so far as they constituted an _imperium in imperio_ within the circle of the Repeal Association. The bolder doctrines of this young party tended also to inspire a spirit of determined and organised revolt, which the government could not observe without concern, and the temper of the people was so embittered by the feuds of their leaders, as to be at least an unfavourable set-off against the probability that these contests would impair the moral influences of those who waged them. As a specimen of the state of feeling between these two parties, the proceedings of the Repeal Association for June 22nd may be adduced. At that time Sir Robert Peel was still in office, if not in power; but every one in Ireland believed that the Whigs would soon resume place, and that O’Connell would pass from the sphere of unqualified opposition to that of qualified support. The Young Irelanders took advantage of these impressions to weaken O’Connell’s influence as a leader. This cut him to the heart: he received the tidings in London, and chafed under the vigilant restraint which this opposition in his own parliament placed him as to the policy he might adopt at St. Stephen’s. He wrote to the association a letter, which showed his annoyance and apprehension; the following is an extract, the most pertinent to the purpose for which the reference is made:—“It is with the bitterest regret and deepest sorrow that I witness the efforts which are made by some of our juvenile members to create dissension and circulate distractions amongst the repealers. It is manifest that the great majority of the Repeal Association must exert themselves strenuously to support the association, or the persons to whom I allude will divide its ranks, and finally destroy the association itself. For my poor part, I will not be an idle spectator of such a struggle. ’Tis true that the people may be induced to desert me, but I never will desert the people. I perceive that it is—I will not use the proper term—but I will say, most unhandsomely suggested that, in the event of the Whigs coming into power, the repeal cause is to be abandoned, or postponed, or compromised. I utterly deny the assertion. While I live the repeal cause shall never be abandoned, postponed, or compromised, to advance any persons to power, to support any party or faction. I have long since; nailed the colours of repeal to the mast, and they shall, during my life, never be taken down, unless to cover the entry of the Irish members into the Irish parliament in College Green.”

The contests between the two sections of repealers ended in the secession of the Young Irelanders from the Repeal Association. O’Connell was at heart glad of this, for his physical and intellectual energies were flagging, and the constant tantalising to which he was subjected in the association by these young men irritated his nervous system, and impaired his health. He made a show of conciliation, and sent a Roman Catholic clergyman of considerable importance, the Rev. Dr. Miley, to open negotiations with Smith O’Brien, whom he did not hesitate publicly to declare was the only man of weight among them. O’Brien was not to be won by the voice of the charmer, and O’Connell became furious, attacking the literary men, who principally led the Young Irelanders, in terms which gave offence to the whole press, and strengthened the ranks of his opponents. The Whigs treated the Young Irelanders contemptuously, but endeavoured by every means in their power to conciliate the old repeal party. Not only was the arms bill dismissed from parliament, but place and patronage was at the beck of O’Connell; and many of his followers, notwithstanding their anti-English feeling, and the need of their services which they supposed their country had, accepted situations in England and the colonies. The magistrates who had been dismissed by Sir Robert Peel’s government for attending repeal meetings, or joining the association, were all restored to the commission of the peace. Dublin Castle unbarred its venerable portals to those who had ceased to be welcome there, because of their connection with the repeal agitation. O’Connell’s reiterated declaration, that the Young Ireland leaders did not possess the intelligence, experience, tact, or discretion to conduct any great movement, much less one of such magnitude and peril as they proposed, made a deep impression on the minds of the people, and checked the insurgent progress of these eloquent declaimers.

A circumstance occurred in the English house of commons, in the early part of the year, which damaged the _prestige_ of Smith O’Brien, and although O’Connell exerted himself in parliament on his behalf, the event gave the arch-agitator satisfaction. He had many a private joke at the expense of O’Brien, and few men could wound with a brighter point than O’Connell in his best moods of satire. Mr. O’Brien was nominated on a committee, and refused to serve, alleging that the affairs of his country were so neglected that he would not attend to any other business than such as related to it. This was untrue, the affairs of Ireland had for some years occupied much of the attention of the house, and, moreover, if Mr. O’Brien did not choose to be amenable to the rules of the assembly, he ought to have resigned his seat. Persisting in his refusal to serve on the committee, he was, by order of the speaker, taken into custody by the serjeant-at-arms, and confined to a chamber within the precincts. After some time he was released, upon the motion of Mr. Shaw, an Irish Conservative member. The obstinate conduct of Mr. O’Brien, on this occasion, vindicated no principle and asserted no right; it caused his own pure patriotism to be suspected, and brought his country and himself into ridicule.

Such was the political condition of Ireland when 1846 closed in cold and gloom over its sickening, starving population. The year expired in the midst of the most frightful social condition to which any European people had ever been reduced. O’Connell too truly described it, in one of his strange and varied harangues in the Repeal Association, in the following manner:—He commenced by saying, that he deeply regretted to be obliged to announce that the state of the country was tenfold worse than it was that day week. The frost had set in, and cold and hunger were doing their work—in fact, starvation was stalking through the land. In Connaught there were no less than forty-seven deaths from starvation within the week—not merely reports of deaths, but forty-seven cases in which coroners’ juries returned verdicts of death from starvation. This was a horrible state of things, and he hoped that they would soon be put an end to. The landlords had come forward to give relief—at least, to some extent; but the merchant classes, he regretted to say, were holding back. He had seen no meeting of these men; however, he soon hoped to hear of one; and, in the name of the forty-seven starved and murdered victims, he would implore of them, and the men of all classes, to come forward and render every assistance in their power to relieve the distress.

The orator on that occasion was less than just to the merchants, and somewhat more than just to the landlords. It was brought to light by certain correspondents of the London press, that on Mr. O’Connell’s own land the state of the people was most deplorable; that this was so even before the failure of the crops; that the ordinary condition of his tenantry bordered upon famine. Mr. O’Connell was, in fact, “a middle man;” he rented extensive lands, and sub-let at a very large profit. The persons who were his tenants were ground down with an oppressive rent, and vainly endeavoured, without capital, profitably to cultivate their “takings.” On the land over which he had himself full control, the people had little ground of complaint, and much cause for gratitude. Although he did not come out unscathed from the controversy, which was raised about the state of the people on his own lands, he was as much sinned against as sinning—there was an unfair effort to fasten upon him an imputation of selfishness, which, at all events, he confuted.

Such was Ireland in 1846. Much was done for her; but she suffered not only in spite of these benevolent efforts, but even by them. She sorrowfully exemplified the song of her bard—

“Thy suns, with doubtful gleam. Weep while they rise.”

The effect of the opposition of the Young Irelanders upon O’Connell was signal; he evidently began to droop; his physical power no longer endured. The attacks made upon him by the London press, in connection with his conduct as a landlord, deeply depressed him; for although he positively denied the imputations, and furiously assailed his critics, he felt to the core the exposure of whatever was wrong in his conduct on that matter. The failure of the potato crop, and the starvation of the people, were all that seemed necessary to complete the physical decline of this remarkable man. It was remarked in Dublin, at the close of the year, that his voice had so far failed that he could scarcely be heard in the Repeal Association; indeed, similar complaints had been made in parliament months before. He walked as if weary; his head drooped, and he wore a prodigious mass of clothing, especially about his throat and chest. He might be sometimes seen walking between his sons, leaning on their arms, his head bowed down, as if to escape the winter’s blast, and his body bent as if unable any longer to walk upright. Sometimes he might be seen passing to or from the association on a “jaunting car,” so muffled up that only those conversant with his habits could have identified him. The public power of O’Connell was evidently drawing to a close.

AFFAIRS OF INDIA.—BATTLE OF ALIWAL.—TOTAL EXPULSION OF THE SIKHS FROM THE WEST BANK OF THE SUTLEJ.—SUBMISSION OF THE LAHORE GOVERNMENT.—INSURRECTION OF THE CASHMERE PEOPLE.

The year 1846 was an eventful one for India and for British interests there; it opened in the midst of one of the most formidable warlike straggles ever witnessed since the English first began their conquering progress under Clive. Although the Sikhs had experienced such defeat at Moodkee and Ferozashooshah, they were not yet disheartened, but were determined to maintain the war. By the close of 1845 they had been driven from all their posts of importance on the left bank of the Sutlej, except their strong works at the bridge of Sobraon. Early in January, 1846, they began operations by crossing the river, so as to draw supplies from the fertile resources of the territory from which they had been so recently, and after such hard fighting, expelled. The Sirdar Runjoor Singh Majeethea crossed over to the bank opposite Philoor, and occupied Baran Hara. This place was situated between the old and new courses of the Sutlej, and was favourably situated for the purpose of cutting off the communications of the British, and of alarming the garrison of Loodiana, then one of the most important places in that part of the country. Brigadier-general Godby held command of the garrison at Loodiana, which consisted of only three regiments of native infantry; but other troops were rapidly moving up to reinforce it. Some of those troops had to march from Umballah. While Runjoor Singh was crossing the Sutlej and taking up a position at Baran Hara, the British were also engaged in active operations. Lord Gough had sent a detachment from the division of Sir Hairy Smith against Dhurrumkote. The town was defended by a fort, and it was reported that the garrison would make a desperate resistance. Sir Harry Smith in person commanded the troops sent against the place, and proceeded with such celerity, that the town and fort became an easy conquest. The garrison proved to be entirely composed of irregular auxiliaries to the Khalsa, and they made no show of determination. The movements of the sirdar, already described, became so threatening to Loodiana, that Sir Harry Smith was ordered, upon the reduction of that place and the security of the stores of grain which it contained, to manouvre for the defence of the menaced British garrison; and Brigadier-general Wheeler was ordered, with the second brigade of Sir Harry’s division, to follow in support. General Smith marched rapidly from Dhurrumkote to Jugroon, and then, to use the language of General Gough, “breaking down” from Jugroon, he marched towards Loodiana. This movement was extremely hazardous, for the sirdar’s forces were by far the more numerous, and his infantry, active and well disciplined, burned to avenge the previous disasters. Runjoor marched his forces parallel to those of the British general, opening upon him, as occasion allowed, a heavy cannonade; for the Sikh forces were well supplied with cannon, and their gunners were capable of maintaining, with coolness and skill, a well-directed fire. Both parties showed great skill in manoeuvring, and the major-general required all the ability which he displayed to extricate himself from the superior force, which pursued his march and harassed all his movements. On several occasions, the whole force of Major-general Smith was in imminent peril, but its gallant commander never quailed, was never thrown off his guard, and was not in a single instance out-generalled. On one occasion the enemy obtained, by his superior numbers, a most advantageous position, which placed the small British force in great peril, for, bending round one wing of his army, the sirdar enveloped the flank of the British. The English general with admirable coolness, extricated his brigade, retiring by _échelons_ of battalions, suffering heavily, but maintaining the order and steadiness of his troops until the imminency of the peril was over, when he opened his communications with Loodiana, at once securing his own force, and affording safety to the garrison. Brigadier-general Wheeler was unable at once to follow up these movements; the skilful and complicated manoeuvres which Sir Hairy made to evade the enemy threw the brigadier off the communication. The Sikhs were, on the whole, encouraged by these proceedings; they had interrupted the communication of Generals Smith and Wheeler, captured considerable baggage, acted for some time on the aggressive, and inflicted loss upon the British. It was, therefore, with some confidence, that they took up an intrenched position at Budhawal, resting for support on the fort connected with that place. The position was not, however, a safe one. Smith and Godby were on one Hank, and Wheeler, cautiously feeling his way, hung dangerously upon the other. The sirdar became alarmed lest Wheeler should be reinforced, and the British generals should then fall on both his flanks; he accordingly fell back upon the Sutlej, a movement bad in strategy, but which was forced upon him by the movements of the English generals—unless, indeed, he had suddenly, with great rapidity and boldness, attacked them in detail. Wheeler and Smith formed a junction, and moved clown upon the abandoned post of Budhawal. Here General Smith was further reinforced, and he found himself at the head of a body of men, European and native, sufficiently formidable to justify him in acting at once upon the offensive. Before General Smith could attack the new position of the sirdar, the latter was reinforced by a brigade of cavalry, twelve guns, and a small division of infantry, probably numbering about four thousand men. Finding himself at the head of a force numerically so superior to the British, the enterprising sirdar once more took the offensive; but instead of attacking the army of Sir Harry Smith, he attempted to intercept his communications with the main army, by the occupation of Jugroon. To prevent the accomplishment of this object, the English general determined to bring on a general engagement. Accordingly, on the morning of the 28th of January, the British force made directly for the enemy, with whom they came up after a march of six miles. The Sikhs were in position along a ridge of elevated ground, close to the village of Ullewall, or, as it is called in the British despatches, Aliwal. The right of the enemy rested upon a somewhat precipitous ridge, while the left was defended by intrenchments. As the British cavalry came near the enemy, they deployed, and advanced boldly, presenting an imposing array, especially the European lancers. The ground was favourable for cavalry; it was like a fine English sward. The troopers then took ground to the right and left by brigades, the infantry advancing in column. From the Sikh camp the scene was more brilliant; as the cavalry broke away the columns of the advancing infantry appeared full in view, the sheen of their bayonets brightly gleaming in the eastern morning sun. Still more brilliant was the scene as the advancing columns deployed into line, for what sight so impressive, where masses of men constitute the objects of interest, as lines of British infantry drawn up in the array of battle ‘? The cavalry now assumed direct échelon to the rear of both flanks of the infantry. The artillery were placed on either flank and in the centre. A review day in Hyde Park, Aldershot, or in the undulated and picturesque Phoenix Park, at Dublin, could not present a more orderly and trim appearance than this magnificent line of British soldiers, drawn up before the acclivities of Aliwal. There was no wind, no dust. The sun was bright, but not so hot as might be expected in that climate, and the troops moved with noiseless foot, hoof, and wheel over the hard grass, as if it were a fairy scene, and the baton of the British chief were the wand of an enchanter, every movement of which called into gay and brilliant reality some new feature of the “glorious pomp and circumstance of war.” Viewed from the British lines, the Khalsa host was also imposing, as its dark masses of infantry were ranged along the position, from whence they looked sullenly down upon their skilful and gallant foe. The Sikh cavalry, in constant and unnecessary motion, gave some life to the stillness which brooded over the long lines of the compact and motionless infantry of the Khalsa army. It was a moment of extreme suspense, for upon the fortune of this battle much depended. If the sirdar repulsed the British, he would undoubtedly cutoff their communications, oblige them to fall back upon Loodiana, and paralyse the advance of Lord Gough upon Sobraon. If the British conquered the enemy’s lines, the sirdar’s army had no retreat; the river was in his rear, and it was in no place easily fordable, nor had he other means of crossing, adequate to the safe retreat of such an army—defeat and destruction were to him the same. It was a day for valour to aid men; life, hope, honour to both armies depended upon the deeds to be that day enacted upon the grassy slopes of Aliwal.

The superiority of the enemy in numbers enabled him, by his left, to outflank the British; Sir Harry Smith, accordingly, ordered the troops to break into open columns and take ground to the right. The British line had advanced one hundred and fifty yards; it was now ten o’clock, and suddenly from the whole of the Khalsa position a fierce cannonade was opened. At first the balls fell short, but as the British advanced, the enemy’s shot told fearfully upon their ranks. Still, under this heavy fire, the line was halted, that the general might execute a manoeuvre which appeared to open a prospect of more speedy victory. The village of Aliwal was discovered to be the key of the position, and the British general, by moving his right successfully upon it, could with great advantage operate against the left and centre of the enemy’s line. This the English commander executed in the most brilliant manner: the first brigade of his own division, under Brigadier Hicks, immediately supported by Brigadier Godby’s brigade, which had constituted the garrison of Loodiana, gallantly stormed the village of Aliwal, and from this new vantage-ground opened a deadly fire upon the right of the enemy’s left, and his left centre. Sir Harry then ordered his whole line to advance, which was gallantly achieved, the 31st (or Young Buffs) European regiment distinguishing itself, although the native regiments showed a noble emulation to be first in front. The cavalry on the enemy’s left were now in a position to act effectively against the British, but the brigade of cavalry on our right flank, commanded by the skilful and clashing Brigadier Cureton, charged them, sabring numbers, and driving the rest pell-mell upon their infantry, whom they threw into confusion. Another body of British cavalry, consisting of the light-horse and the body-guard, made a second charge equally brilliant. The intrenchments of the enemy, filled with infantry, were now brought into view; but General Smith ordered Godby’s brigade to change front and take them _en revers_; this manouvre increased the confusion of the enemy, whose infantry gave way, leaving several guns in the hands of the victorious brigade. These movements on the enemy’s left were decisive of the action, but the British behaved equally well on other portions of the field. Brigadiers Wheeler and Wilson assailed their right, storming their lines and capturing their guns. The Khalsa army reeled back, broken and despairing, and sought the river, in the vain hope that they might manage to cross by fording or by boats. The rapid movements of the British turned the retreat of the enemy into a disorderly and desperate flight. The sirdar had, however, made some provision for defeat; he had occupied strongly the village of Bhoardec, so as to cover the retreat to the river, and if possible to cover also the passage. Here the 16th Lancers behaved splendidly. The enemy had a strong force of infantry drawn up on one flank of the village; the 16th charged them; the foe stood the charge heroically; the 16th penetrated their square; the Sikh square, notwithstanding the efficiency of the lance in such warfare, closing behind the cavalry as they charged through. The lancers wheeled, and this time used the sword more than the lance, disconcerting the arrangement of the enemy, and breaking their square. The 3rd Light Cavalry completed the work of destruction, bursting through the formation of the infantry, and putting great numbers to the sword. The fighting might be said, to be in some sense more desperate after the battle was lost and won than during the operations upon which stragetically its issue depended. While these brilliant, cavalry charges were occurring on the right of the village, her majesty’s 53rd carried the village itself by storm, and the 30th native infantry, wheeling round by the left of the houses, took the fugitives in rear. The same masterly skill and heroic valour which was shown in taking Aliwal conquered Bhoardee, the last hope of the defeated; for although about 1000 Khalsa infantry rallied under a high bank to check the destructive advance of the English, there was no longer any hope of covering a retreat across the river. Even this rally only added to the slaughter and the ultimate confusion: a heavy fire of musketry from 1000 men, closely directed, was galling to our soldiers, but the 30th native infantry took them, at the point of the bayonet, and as they retreated, twelve guns which were previously moved up to within three hundred yards, opened a deadly fire of canister, mowing down the fugitives in a manner which even those engaged in deadly strife thought it awful to witness. To complete the horror of this flight, her majesty’s 63rd, who moved up to the support of the 30th native infantry, pursued the fugitives, pouring in a close, deadly, unremitting stream of musketry. With wild cries of despair, casting away their arms, and lifting up their hands as if beseechingly to their victors, the whole of the Khalsa troops cast themselves into the river, except such of the earliest fugitives as secured the boats and made good their passage. The river was swollen; at the shallowest place the infantry were up to their necks, and were under the fire of the artillery and musketry of their pursuers. Those who succeeded in crossing drew up with a few guns, but the fire of the artillery caused their speedy departure, leaving their cannon behind. Lieutenant Holmes, of the irregular cavalry, and gunner Scott, of the 2nd brigade horse-artillery, here performed a gallant exploit; they swam their horses across the stream, and spiked the guns, exposed to the fire of the enemy’s skirmishers, but covered by the British fire from the left bank. The conflict of Aliwal was over, and one of the most skilfully fought and completely won battles of modern times reflected its glory upon the name of Sir Harry Smith, and the valour of the British army of India.

The scene after the battle was horrible; the whole field of combat was covered with the slain; the river’s banks were thickly strewn with the dying and the dead; the Sutlej itself bore to the Sikhs at Sobraon the tidings of the battle, for not only “redly ran its blushing waters down,” but the corpses of the slain Khalsa soldiery were borne along in such numbers by the current as to reveal the horrible nature of the slaughter, and to fill with dismay the Khalsa host.

The slain of the enemy was computed variously, from eight to ten thousand men; the trophies of war were, nearly all the Khalsa standards, fifty-one pieces of cannon, and a vast quantity of ammunition, small arms, and camp equipage.

Every arm of the British force behaved with admirable gallantry and skill; the infantry carried every point under the most galling fire, preserving their formation in a manner beyond all praise; the cavalry swept the horsemen of the enemy from the field, as the tide rolls the wreck upon the shore; the artillery could not be surpassed by that of any army in Europe: towards the close of the action, the manner in which two 8–inch howitzers, ordered up by Sir Harry Smith himself, were worked, excited the admiration of the troops.

This battle, however, did not determine the war. The Sikhs occupied such strong positions on both sides of the river at Sobraon, that they were willing to believe their post impregnable, that an attempt to storm it would be fruitless, and that in fact there a barrier existed, against which the surging wave of British power would be broken. This was the only point of occupation then held by the Khalsa army on the left bank of the Sutlej. All fears for Loodiana having now subsided, the mission of Sir Harry Smith at the head of a separate _corps d’armée_ was over, and he marched to join the grand army under the command of the intrepid veteran Sir Hugh Gough, one of the noblest soldiers that ever served in the British army. General Sir Charles Napier, in his own eccentric way, said of him that he was “as brave as ten lions, each with two tails and two sets of teeth.” Sir Charles rivalled Mr. Roebuck, the radical English commoner, in the scantiness of his commendations; his droll eulogy of Sir Hugh Gough will therefore be appreciated. On the 8th of February, Sir Harry Smith made his junction with the army of his chief, and was received in terms not more flattering than just from a general who never refused to merit its just meed.

The first duty of the English commander-in-chief was now to capture the stronghold of the enemy, which was extensively fortified, mounted more than seventy heavy pieces of cannon, and was garrisoned by 30,000 men, the select troops of the grand Khalsa army. Even with the addition of Sir Harry Smith’s division, the brave old chief was hardly strong enough for the task imposed upon him; but happily his artillery, which very much needed it, was reinforced from Delhi by several howitzers and mortars.

On the morning of the 10th, General Gough considered himself in a condition to proceed against the works of Sobraon; these had been well reconnoitred previously, and never was an army more confident in its chief, its resources, and its own will than the British army of the Sutlej. The enemy had been ceaselessly employed since the battle of Aliwal in throwing up field-works on the right bank of the river, so as to command the flanks of the works on the left bank. Easy communications between the two camps were preserved by an excellently constructed bridge. As this is a general History of England, and not a History of India, or of the War in India, the space allotted to our task will not allow of more minute particularisation of the defences.

Sir Hugh Gough made his dispositions of battle on the evening of the 9th, according to which, at daybreak on the 10th, the cannonade was to open. A dense mist, however, covered the sphere of intended operations, rendering it impossible to open fire until the sun had penetrated the obscure atmosphere. On the extreme right of the works, close by the river, Major-general Sir K. Dick, with two brigades of infantry, awaited the signal to begin. On this point the attack was to be led by Brigadier-general Stacey, at the head of her majesty’s 10th and 53rd foot, brigaded with two native regiments: the 10th now, for the first time, came under fire during this war. Brigadier Wilkinson, at the head of the sixth brigade, was posted within 200 yards in support of Brigadier Stacey. The reserve was commanded by Brigadier Ashburnham. The right of the attack was occupied by the division of Major-general Sir Hany Smith, its extreme right approaching the river. The centre was commanded by Major-general Gilbert, whose division was posted with its right resting on the Little Sobraon. Brigadier-general Cureton threatened the ford at Hurrakee, and remained in observation of the enemy’s horse, posted on the other side. The force under Cureton was to make a feint of attempting the ford.

The supports were commanded by Brigadier-general Campbell and Major-general Sir Joseph Thackwell; the former in support of Smith’s left and Gilbert’s right, the latter in support of Gilbert’s left and the right of General Dick.

As soon as the mists were dispersed by the morning sun, the Sikhs appeared behind well-constructed redoubts and breast-works of planks and fascines. The British field-batteries opened fire, and received a terrible response.

At nine o’clock, Brigadier Stacey advanced, supported on either flank by artillery. The movement was orderly and beautiful, the infantry preserving its line in double quick time, the artillery galloping up to take possession of every advantage of the ground, until the infantry again occupied the advanced position; thus mutually supporting, the artillery and infantry arrived within three hundred yards of the ponderous batteries of the works. Here a terrible fire opened upon the advancing force, before which many fell, and few believed, who could see what was passing, that Stacey and his brigade would ever reach the intrenchments of the enemy. The troops of Brigadier Wilkinson were well up in support, and under cover of the fire of our field-pieces and horse-artillery. Stacey’s brigade charged’ the intrenchments, entered them, drove the enemy in at the point of the bayonet, fighting desperately as they receded. This took place within view of a large portion of the army, and the exultation and assurance of victory which was consequently excited, materially affected the fortunes of the day. The whole of this brigade, European and native, behaved with the greatest intrepidity, “the brave Irish of the 10th,” as Major Edwardes on another occasion described them, were especially distinguished. They never fired a shot until within the intrenchments; they discharged their pieces into the breasts of such of their enemies as withstood them, or in pursuing volleys upon those who retreated within the inner area of the works. The 53rd regiment also, as in the battle of Aliwal, behaved with great courage, and showed the highest discipline.

As soon as General Gough perceived the success of Stacey, supported by Wilkinson, he directed brigadier the Hon. T. Ashburnham to follow the supports, and Generals Gilbert and Smith’s divisions to throw out their light troops against the enemy’s centre and left, and to open a heavy fire of artillery. The cannonade against the enemy’s centre, and more especially against his left, was delivered with amazing rapidity, at a close range, and with deadly aim. The Sikhs, at the same time, worked their very heavy pieces with skill, so that while a fierce bayonet encounter went on within the trenches on the enemy’s extreme right, one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon sent their messengers of death across the opposing lines, and rolled their thunders over the valley and the waters of the Sutlej. The Sikhs began to expect that the British centre and right would confine the attack to an artillery battle, and therefore detached their infantry in masses from those points against Stacey’s brigade, which had then fought their way well within the works. General Gough, thereupon, ordered the centre and left trenches to be attacked, so that the whole semi-circle of the works was stormed. At the first onset the Sikhs gave way on every point, but they returned with desperation to the conflict, especially where there was a chance of precipitating themselves upon the native regiments. Three British divisions of infantry fought hand to hand with the enemy; but the battle seemed doubtful, from the numbers and desperation of the enemy. A manoeuvre was now executed which was generally regarded as novel, but which, on a small scale, British cavalry accomplished also in America. The sappers and miners of the left attack broke passages through the intrenchments, through which the cavalry of Sir Joseph Thackwell rode, in single file, forming as they passed through, and then charging within the area of the defences, cut down the Sikh gunners and infantry mercilessly. The 3rd Dragoons, with less assistance from the sappers, and making many “break-neck leaps,” sprang within, the defences, and used their swords with the skill for which that gallant corp had obtained so high and so well-deserved a reputation. The conduct of that intrepid regiment surpassed, if that were possible, its own glory at Moodkee and Ferozashooshah. Light field-pieces were brought in through every opening, and were worked in murderous proximity to the enemy. Infantry, cavalry, and artillery were now within the works, which were no longer tenable, and the Khalsa soldiery fled precipitately to the bridge, pursued with a carnage similar to that at Aliwal. Here, however, the bridge befriended the fugitives, but an artillery and musketry fire was directed upon it, making havoc in the confused and dense masses—men whose hurried flight impeded their progress, and increased the slaughter. As they gained the bridge their pursuers were at hand, precipitating them over it into the Sutlej. Another column of fugitives attempted to ford the river, but the waters were high, and swept them from their feet. The horse artillery galloped into the river, and discharged showers of grape upon the unresisting masses who struggled through its dark waters. Little quarter was given, for, true to Eastern usage, those who now were fugitives and cried for mercy, murdered the prisoners whom in the early part of the action they had captured. Their conduct resembled that of another Asiatic nation which calls itself European, years afterwards, on the slopes of Alma, and on the plateau of Sebastopol. To the circumstance of the Khalsa soldiery refusing to give quarter the unsparing vengeance of our troops was to be attributed; and it must also be admitted that when the Sepoy soldiery are thoroughly excited, they display a ferocity which none who are only acquainted with their ordinary conduct and character would ever suppose possible. The battle was over by eleven o’clock. History furnishes few instances of such a signal victory so soon won. On no occasion, not even excepting Aliwal, did the Company’s troops fight better: the testimony of Sir Hugh Gough was very much to their honour in this respect. He especially selected for encomium the Ghoorkhas, as bravest where all were brave. “I must,” wrote the general in his despatch, “pause in this narrative to notice the determined hardihood and bravery with which our two battalions of Ghoorkhas met the Sikhs wherever they were opposed to them. Soldiers of small stature, but indomitable spirit, they vied in ardent courage in the charge with the grenadiers of our own nation, and, armed with the short weapon of their mountains, were a terror to the Sikhs throughout this great combat.”

The battle of Sobraon destroyed the Khalsa army, and humbled the military power of the nation. The spoils of war were sixty-seven pieces of cannon, more than two hundred camel swivels, numerous standards, ammunition, small-arms, side-arms, accoutrements, tools, and every appendage of a fortified place. The loss of the British army was very serious in effecting such important achievements.

Major-general Dick, one of the heroes of Waterloo, was killed; also Brigadier-general Taylor; and Major-general McLaren was mortally wounded. In all, thirteen European, and three native officers, were killed; one hundred and one European, and thirty-nine native officers, were wounded. The total of men killed was only three hundred and twenty, but more than two thousand were wounded, many of them mortally. The loss on the part of the Khalsa army was enormous; notwithstanding that they fought behind works, a larger number were slain than at Aliwal.

Sir Hugh Gough lost no time in utilising his victory, for the same day he passed a division of native infantry over a bridge of boats across the Sutlej, the bridge of Sobraon having been broken and burnt at the close of the action, and the ford at Hurrakee being impassable, the river having risen some seven inches in a short time. The destruction of the bridge of Sobraon does not appear to have been a politic measure; it was not necessary as a precaution, because the enemy was so totally defeated as not to be able to make use of it any longer.

On the 14th of February, the whole of the British army of the Sutlej bivouaced at Kussoor, within thirty-two miles of Lahore, the Sikh capital. The governor-general there issued a proclamation, announcing his determination to prosecute the war until the complete submission of the Lahore government was obtained; at the same time, his excellency declared that he had no wish to subvert the Sikh government, but only desired to obtain security for the future good faith of the maharajah’s ministers, and the peace of the bordering possessions of British India. The Lahore government was terror-struck at the rapid approach of the British army, and at the moral effect which the proclamations of the governor-general were likely to have upon the Sikh population. Gholab Singh, the wuzeer, represented to the ranee, or queen-mother, that the Khalsa army had lost twenty thousand men in the last two battles, and that unless terms were made with the governor-general, the dominions of her son would be soon forfeited. The ranee called a council, and it was then agreed that Gholab should repair to the British camp and sue for peace. The wuzeer undertook the task, on the condition that the ranee, the durbar, and the chief officers of the army, as well as the members of the punchayete, should sign a solemn declaration that they would abide by the terms he might accept, and do all in their power to enforce their observance by the Sikh soldiery and population. This was acceded to; and on the 15th the wuzeer, accompanied by Dewan Deena Nath, and Fakeer Kboroodeen, proceeded to the British camp. These three persons were conjointly empowered to negotiate, and they were attended by many influential Sikhs, anxious for peace; among them was the Banuhzie chief, Sultan Mohammed Khan, and several sirdars of great eminence. Thus a strong moral guarantee was given to the British that the negotiations were sincerely opened by the Lahore government. Sir Henry Hardinge admitted the deputation coldly, refusing to receive the muzzars offered and accepted on all occasions of important negotiations in the East. The terms demanded by Sir Henry were the surrender of the territories east of the Beas, in addition to the province which had in December been declared confiscated; the surrender of every gun which had been pointed at the British; the disbanding of the Khalsa army, and its reorganisation on the principles observed by the Maharajah Bunjeet Singh; the entire regulation and control of both banks of the Sutlej; a reorganisation of the Lahore administration, and the payment of one million and a half sterling as indemnification for the expenses of the war. It was also demanded that the young Maharajah Dhuleep Singh should meet the governor-general eleven miles from Lahore. Sir Henry refused to discuss these points in person with the Rajah Gholab Singh, but referred him to his secretary, Mr. Currie, and to Major Lawrence. The rajah remained until midnight discussing the terms with these officers, and finally accepted them. On the 17th Gholab again renewed his interview with Mr. Currie and Major Lawrence, when various details were settled. On the 18th the young maharajah, attended by a magnificent suite, presented himself, at Lulleeanee, to Sir Henry, who received him without a royal salute, or any other mark of royal distinction. The maharajah, an amiable and gentle prince, submitted to the governor, expressing his contrition for the outrage which had been inflicted upon British territory. Of course this was a mere formal ceremony, as the prince was too young to take any share in the responsibility of these occurrences. When submission was made in due form, a royal salute thundered from the British camp, and all the etiquette due to an eastern prince was observed towards the young maharajah.

The relics of the Sikh army were at this time drawn up about eighteen miles from Lahore, at a place called Raebaun, under the command of the two notorious leaders, Sirdar Fej Singh, and Rajah Sail Singh. The soldiery of this force had the hardihood to request that they should be led against the British, and their murmurs and threats of revenge did not cease during the proceedings which were taking place, and which ended in the establishment of peace. Indications were already given that neither the Khalsa army nor its chiefs felt even yet vanquished. Immediately after the maharajah made submission, the governor-general put forth the following proclamation:—“The chiefs, merchants, traders, ryots, and other inhabitants of Lahore and Umritsir, are hereby informed that his highness Maharajah Dhuleep Singh has this day waited upon the right honourable the governor-general, and expressed the contrition of himself and the Sikh government for their late hostile proceedings.

“The maharajah and durbar having acquiesced in all the terms and conditions imposed by the British government, the governor-general has every hope that the relations of friendship will speedily be re-established between the two governments. The inhabitants of Lahore and Umritsir have nothing to fear from the British army. The governor-general and the British troops, if the conditions above adverted to are fulfilled, and no further hostile opposition is offered by the Khalsa army, will use their endeavours for the re-establishment of the government of the descendant of Maharajah Runjeet Singh, and for the protection of its subjects. The inhabitants of the cities in the Punjaub will, in that case, be perfectly safe in person and property from any molestation by the British troops, and they are hereby called upon to dismiss apprehension, and to follow their respective callings with all confidence.”

On the morning of the 20th the British army were under the walls of Lahore, where not a cannon appeared in the embrasures. The governor-general thought it politic to send Dhuleep Singh, the young king, with some ceremonial to his palace, he accordingly issued the following general order, which made a favourable impression on the inhabitants of Lahore, as well as on the chiefs of the Sikh nation:—

“The right honourable the governor-general requests that the commander-in-chief will cause the following arrangements to be made for escorting his highness the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh to his palace, in the citadel of Lahore, this afternoon. The escort will consist of two regiments of European cavalry, two regiments of native cavalry—the body-guard to be one—one regiment of irregular horse, two troops of horse artillery, one European and one native. The secretary to the government of India, F. Currie, Esq., will take charge of his highness and his suite, and will be accompanied by the political agent, Major Lawrence; the governor-general’s private secretary, Charles Hardinge, Esq.; the aides-de-camp of the governor-general; two aides-de-camp of the commander-in-chief, one aide-de-camp from each general officer of division, in uniform. The escort will be formed at the nearest convenient spot to the governor-general’s camp at two o’clock, and proceed to his highness’s camp, and thence to his palace. On alighting from his elephant a salute of twenty-one guns will be fired by the horse artillery.

“His highness the maharajah of the Sikh nation, selected by the chiefs as their sovereign, having on the 18th instant intimated his intention to proceed to the governor-general’s camp at Lulleeanee, attended by his highness’s wuzeer, the Rajah Gholab Singh, and other chiefs, was received in durbar on the afternoon of that day by the governor-general, the commander-in-chief and the staff being present. His highness’s ministers and chiefs there tendered his submission, and solicited the clemency of the British government.

“The governor-general extended the clemency of the British government to a prince the descendant of the maharajah, the late Runjeet Singh, for so many years the faithful ally and friend of the British government, as the representative of the Sikh nation, selected by the chiefs and the people to be their ruler, on the condition that all the terms imposed by the British government and previously explained to his highness’s ministers and chiefs should be faithfully executed.

“On withdrawing from the durbar, the maharajah received the usual salutes due to his highness’s exalted rank. His highness has since remained near the governor-general’s camp; and, as it will be conducive to his highness’s comfort that he should rejoin his family, the governor-general desires that he may, with all honour and in safety, be conducted by the British troops to the gates of his palace this day.

“A proclamation was issued on the 18th instant by the governor-general, promising protection to all persons at Lahore and elsewhere who peaceably continue in their usual employments of trade and industry.

“The governor-general is satisfied, after the experience of this campaign, that he can rely on the discipline of this invincible army, as fully and securely as he has always been confident that the clay of battle, under their distinguished commander, would be one of victory.

“He trusts, at present, that no officers or soldiers will pass the advanced sentries of their encampment to enter the town of Lahore, and he requests his excellency the commander-in-chief to give the necessary instruction to carry this order strictly into effect, as well as to protect all persons bringing provisions into the camp.”

The report of the secretary concerning the installation of the young maharajah in his palace, under the British auspices, is very striking, and exemplifies the grandeur and customs of oriental courts and conquerors:—

“I have the honour to state, for the information of your excellency, that, in accordance with the instructions contained in the order of the governor-general of yesterday’s date, I proceeded in the afternoon with the escort ordered, and accompanied by the officers mentioned below, on elephants, to conduct the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh to his palace in the citadel of Lahore:—Major Lawrence, the govern or-general’s political agent; W. Edwards, under-secretary of the foreign department; R. Oust, Esq., assistant-secretary to the foreign department; C. Hardinge, Esq., private secretary to the governor-general; Lieutenant-colonel Wood, military secretary to the governor-general; Captain Cunningham; Captain Hardinge, aide-de-camp to the governor-general; Captain Grant, ditto; Lord Arthur Hay, ditto; Captain Mills, ditto; Captain Bagot, aide-decamp to the commander-in-chief; Captain Edwardes, ditto; Captain Gilbert, aide-de-camp to General Gilbert; Captain Tottenham, aide-de-camp to General Smith; Lieutenant-colonel Smith, ditto; Captain Napier, ditto; Captain Smith, ditto.

“The procession was arranged in the following order:—9th irregular cavalry, 3rd light cavalry, her majesty’s 16th Lancers; troop horse artillery, Europeans; troop horse artillery, natives; her majesty’s 9th Lancers, the secretary, with the maharajah and suite, the governor-general’s body-guard.

“The escort was formed in open column of troops left in front, commanded by Brigadier Cureton, C.B. We proceeded in this order to the encampment of the maharajah, about one mile and a half from our pickets, and nearly the same distance from the citadel gate of the city. At about three-quarters of a mile from the maharajah’s camp I was met by the minister, Rajah Gholab Singh, and some of the chiefs. Intimation of our approach was then sent on to the maharajah, that he might be ready upon his elephant upon our arrival.

“On reaching the maharajah’s camp, the troops of our escort drew up, and the maharajah, with Bhaee Kam Singh on the same elephant, came forward from his tent, accompanied by several chiefs. After the usual salutation and complimentary questions and replies, I placed the maharajah’s elephant next to mine, and the troops having fallen in, as at first, proceeded round the walls of the city to the gate of the citadel. On arriving, Brigadier Cureton drew up the escort in line in front of the gateway, and I took the maharajah, accompanied by the officers enumerated in the former part of this letter, with Rajah Gholab Singh and the other chiefs, into the interior of the citadel, and to the inner door of his palace. I then observed to the maharajah and chiefs, that by the order of the right hon. the governor-general, I had thus brought the maharajah, conducted by the British army, to his palace, which his highness had left for the purpose of tendering submission to the British government, and for placing himself, his capital, and his country at the mercy of the governor-general, and requesting pardon for the insult that had been offered; and that the governor-general had thus restored him to his palace as a mark of the favour which he desired to show to the descendant of the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh.

“A salute of twenty-one guns was then fired by the horse artillery. We then took leave of the maharajah at the gate of his palace, and returning to the outside of the city, we, continuing our progress round Lahore, thus returned to our camp. As our camp is situated opposite the south-east end of the city face, and the citadel is immediately within the city walls, at the north-west angle, we made the entire circuit of Lahore. I considered this preferable to going through the city, the streets of which are very narrow, and would have much impeded the progress of our large escort. We did not see one gun on any part of the walls, all their embrasures were empty.”

On the 22nd of February the governor-general occupied the citadel and the palace, and issued a general order, proclaiming the termination of the Sikh war. The army which had been engaged, and all regiments ordered up to its support, received a year’s _batta_ (pay). Fej Singh, who was twice wounded at Sobraon, was at the head of a very considerable force in the neighbourhood of Umritsir; but, notwithstanding the devotion of his troops, he did not dare to offer resistance; his cannons were surrendered, the soldiery uttering loud cries of rage, and the officers, in tears, uttering suppressed groans of remorse and shame. The disbanded troops disturbed and plundered various districts in the country.

On the 25th of February, the men of the 16th Lancers and of the 31st foot (Young Buffs) were ordered to Bombay to embark for England, permission being given to such of the men as thought proper to volunteer into regiments still serving in India. The bulk of the British army remained in the Punjaub for some months, various circumstances affording grounds for suspicion as to the good faith of the ranee and her durbar. The treaty of Lahore was however completed, and was sufficiently stringent. It has already been shown upon what terms negotiations were opened: when the stipulations were reduced to regular form, they assumed a more binding character, the following items having been introduced:—The hill country between the Beas and the Indus to be ceded instead of one lac of rupees, part of the indemnity. Fifty lacs of rupees to be paid by the maharajah on the ratification of the treaty. The Lahore army to be limited to twenty-five battalions of regular (Aeen) infantry, and twelve thousand cavalry. The entire control of the rivers Beas and Sutlej, to the confluence of the Indus at Mikenkote, and the control of the Indus from the point of the confluence to the borders of Beloo-chistan. The maharajah never to take into his service any British subject, nor the subject of any European or American state without permission of the British government. Rajah Gholab Singh to be recognised as an independent sovereign over such territories as the British should make over to him. All disputes arising between him and the Lahore government to be referred to the British. All change in the frontiers of the Lahore state prohibited without British sanction.

In pursuance of the stipulations concerning Gholab Singh, a treaty between him and the British government was concluded at Neuritzen on the 16th of March. The following articles of it will sufficiently disclose its character:—In the first article, the British made over to the rajah all the hilly country just conceded by the Lahore government. This territory was situated to the eastward of the river Indus, and westward of the river Ravee, including Ohumba, and excluding Lahool. In consideration of this transfer, the rajah should pay to the British government fifty lacs of rupees on the ratification of the treaty, and twenty-five lacs on the 1st of October. The British government to give the rajah assistance against all external enemies. Maharajah Gholab Singh to acknowledge the supremacy of the British government; and in token thereof to present annually one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats, and three pairs of Cashmere shawls. The symptoms of discontent, on the part of the disbanded troops and the defeated chiefs, rendered necessary an extra article to the treaty of Lahore, for the purpose of garrisoning that city for the defence of the young maharajah during the reorganisation of his army on a different footing. It was agreed to occupy the citadel and town of Lahore to the end of 1846.

While all these events were passing, Sir Charles Napier, the governor of Scinde, made great exertions to render such service as he could to the policy of the governor-general of India. Sir Charles hastened forward from the seat of his government, but on passing up the Sutlej was fired upon; he landed at Ooch, and proceeded to Bhawulpore, where he arrived on the 20th of February. He there made a political visit to the rajah, and proceeded on to Ferozepore, which he reached on the 22nd of February; but the governor-general was then in the neighbourhood of Lahore. Before Sir Charles could arrive, all that has been related transpired. By the same date, Lord Elphinstone had arrived as far as Delhi, _en route_ to the governor-general’s camp.

Matters did not long remain quiet in the Punjaub. The ranee was an unprincipled woman; her paramour, Lall Singh, was an unprincipled man; and this pair began to plot further commotions before those which had so nearly overwhelmed them were entirely composed. Lall Singh hated Gholab; the installation of the latter as maharajah of Cashmere excited his jealousy, especially as Gholab, having been wuzeer, continued to tender his advice to the ranee. It was in fact determined at Lahore, that Gholab should never enter upon his independent sovereignty. Mohee-ood-Een had been governor of the district under the Lahore supremacy. A son of this person, entitled the Sheik Enam-ood-Een, was made Sail Singh’s instrument for carrying out his scheme. Acting as the new wuzeer of the ranee, who was regent during the minority of her son, Dhuleep Singh, Lall Singh directed the sheik to summon a meeting of the chieftains of the mountain country subjected by treaty to the new Maharajah Gholab Singh, and to organise among them an armed resistance to his power. Gholab was more of a diplomatist than a soldier; he marched against the bold mountaineers, was defeated, and obliged to call for the aid of the English. Brigadier-general Wheeler, an experienced, gallant, and spirited officer, was ordered to march upon Cashmere and occupy the capital. The sheik, panic-struck, came in and made submission, revealing the treachery of the ranee’s paramour and adviser. Lieutenant-colonel Lawrence got possession of such documents as proved the treacherous complicity of the Lahore government; a formal demand was therefore made upon that government for the expulsion of Lall Singh from the Lahore territory, and for a renewed promise that the treaty of the 9th of March between Gholab Singh and the British should be respected. The Lahore government was once again all submission, and Lall Singh was seized and carried across the Sutlej into the British territory. In consequence of these transactions, the governor-general demanded that a British resident should be received at Lahore, to whom all political questions should be referred before obtaining a practical application. Also that English troops should be at liberty to occupy any fort or territory, if necessary to preserve the public peace and enforce the due observance of the treaty. The Lahore state to pay twenty-two lacs of new Nameck-shee rupees, of full tale and weight, per annum, in order to reimburse the expenses which the British government should incur, in preserving by an armed force the authority of the maharajah, and the observance of the treaty against the refractory chiefs or disbanded soldiery. On the attainment of his sixteenth year, the maharajah to be recognised as of age, and the regency of the ranee and the council of regency to cease, or sooner, if the governor-general and the Lahore durbar so agreed. Thirteen of the principal sirdars of the Punjaub signed these agreements in the presence of Lieutenant-colonel Lawrence and Mr. Currie, not one of whom, in all probability, contemplated the observance of the stipulations a moment longer than suited their own views.

Little further of importance occurred in the Punjaub during 1846. British India generally was quiet, but disturbances of all sorts prevailed in the surrounding territories. The new conquest of Scinde was consolidated by the genius of the eccentric and gallant man who conquered it, and his name was, by a strange perversion of compliment, used as a synonyme for “_Shatan_” all over Beloo-chistan, Affghanistan, Delhi, and the Punjaub. Lieutenant-general Sir G. Arthur was incapacitated by ill-health from that active administration of the Bombay presidency which had characterised his government. He had done much to consolidate British authority there by his firmness and humanity, his goodness and justice, and not only by those high moral qualities, but also by his intellectual aptitudes for sustaining the responsibility imposed upon him.

One of the causes of disquietude in various places, and more especially in the Punjaub, was an increasing desire of the whole native population to expel the British. This partly arose from fanaticism, and partly from hostility of race. The Sikh ranks had been mainly recruited from our disbanded Sepoy soldiery and deserters. Sir Charles Napier made vigorous efforts to correct the evils which he found to exist in the army within his own government, and made representations to Sir Henry Hardinge full of prophetic foresight as to the disposition of the Sepoys, whom the gallant conqueror of Scinde believed to be disloyal almost to a man. According to statements made long afterwards by Major-general Tucker (the adjutant-general), and by Major-general Lord Melville, Sir Henry Hardinge, while he actually eulogised the Sepoy army especially for their loyalty, privately expressed his alarm at the unsafe foundation upon which British power in India rested, in consequence of the secret unfaithfulness of the Sepoy troops! This very much resembled Sir Henry’s procedure afterwards, when Lord Plardinge and commander-in-chief of the British army. Possessing administrative capacity, military talents of a high order, and as dauntless a heart as ever beat in a British soldier’s breast, he had the soul of a “red-tapist” and a “snob,” and was ready to sacrifice his own opinions and the welfare of the service, to official, aristocratic, or court influence. He fought and governed well, but not so much for the good of the country as the objects of his caste. His conduct in reference to the Sikh war was much reprehended for unpreparedness, want of promptitude, and for a tampering and concessive policy unsuitable to oriental nations. His extreme gallantry in the field, and the successful issue of the war, blotted out these reprehensions both from his own name and from the public mind. His instructions from home accounted for his time-serving hesitation, unpreparedness for the war, and forbearance with an enemy upon whom such indulgence was lost. All this vacillation harmonised with the foreign and domestic policy of Sir Robert Peel, under whose instructions he acted. It met with the disapprobation _ab initio_ of all men competent to form an opinion on Indian affairs. The chivalry of the soldier covered the faults of the governor-general, and the impolicy of the government under whose instructions he acted.

When the tidings of these events in India reached England, the rejoicing was very great. Never had the arms of England been more signally crowned with success; and never had such suspense attended the first tidings of the dangers to our Indian empire, menaced by the invasion of the far-famed and highly-disciplined Khalsa army. The country felt relieved of a great pressure of care, as when, after a long and gloomy night—

“Man wakes again to joy, and peace, and hope, Day dreams, and bright reality.”

Parliament was prompt to express the general admiration for the brave.

On Monday, the 4th of May, the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee on a message from her majesty, respecting a provision for the governor-general and the commander-in-chief. Both these gallant men had been raised to the peerage. Sir Robert Peel (the minister) proposed a grant of £3000 a year to Lord Hardinge and his two next male heirs, and £2000 a year to Lord Gough and his two next male heirs. These propositions received the assent of the house. Mr. Hogg, on the part of the East India Company, announced that the company had made grants of £5000 per year to Lord Hardinge for life, and £2000 per year to Lord Gough. Lord Francis Egerton drew attention to the claims of Sir Harry Smith, which both Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell treated as an interference with the prerogative of the crown.

On the following night, in the Lords, the Earl of Ripon moved an address to her majesty in answer to her message. On that occasion the Earl of Clanricarde eloquently eulogised both the gallant generals whose exploits in the Punjaub had added fresh wreaths to the chaplets of their fame.

The civil affairs of India were occasionally the subject of discussion in the British press throughout this year: the Indian railway projects, the high price of money at Calcutta and Bombay, and the fluctuations of commerce in our Eastern territories, demanded the attention of economists and politicians.

On the 9th of November, an extensive list of brevet promotions in the Indian army was announced in the _Gazette_, which comprised thirty-four major-generals, twenty lieutenant-colonels, and two bunded and forty-one captains. This gave great satisfaction to the profession and the public.

An interesting occurrence in connection with India took place in the earlier part of the year. Lieutenant Waghorn, whose enterprising genius led him to prosecute the problem of an overland route to India, saw his labours at last crowned with success. The government resolved, with certain modifications, to adopt the basis of his scheme.

STATE OF AFFAIRS AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—SUCCESSES OF THE CAFFRES.—VICTORY OVER THE TRIBES OF STOCK AND PATO BY COLONEL SOMERSET.

Among the many eventful matters of 1846 was a Caffre war. The tribes bordering the British territory were brave, restless, and predatory. Almost the only property which they valued was cattle, and they were tempted by the large flocks of the colonists to make border raids. The force at the disposal of the settlers was not sufficient to preserve their property, nor check these incursions, much less to punish them. The various tribes could precipitate nearly thirty thousand, and, on occasions, forty thousand men at once upon the colony; resolute, robust, wild men, physically superior to the Fingoes and Hottentots within the territory of her majesty, and equal in that respect to the Boers or British. The marauders were also mentally superior to the black races within the colony, and altogether more interesting savages, braver in battle, and capable of a higher civilisation. One of these tribes, numbering about ten thousand, was in alliance with the British, but the whole population of the Cape able to bear arms, and the troops, taken together, did not reach twenty thousand men. The nature of the country favoured the action of savage assailants, especially such as were intellectually so well capable of taking advantage of it as the Caffres. For disciplined troops it was unfavourable, where there was such an enemy to encounter. During the early part of the year the Caffres moved simultaneously on various points, capturing cattle, and slaying or driving the settlers into every post upon which they might fall back for safety. It was not war, for the Caffres literally hunted the borders, striking terror into the hearts of the colonists, and carrying off their property. As the year advanced the settlers assumed a well-organised attitude; the Fingoes and Hottentots were armed, and showed some courage in defence of the colony and the harassed troops; by dint of courage and exertion they appeared in various directions intime to keep the enemy at bay, and preserve the lives and habitations of the Dutch and English settlers. This was the state of matters when, on the 26th of April, the Caffres came down in great numbers and swept away the cattle of the colonists, driving them through the Fish River. In carrying away this booty they passed, with great hardihood, close to the fortified post called “Trompetter’s Drift.” The guns of the position opened with grape and canister, at point-blank range, and accomplished a dreadful slaughter, but none of the booty was recaptured; the enemy even earned away all his wounded and slain.

On May the 5th a formidable force came upon the neighbourhood of Fort Beaufort. The colonists stood to their defence, and a sharp action ensued, in which three of the settlers were killed and many wounded. A much larger number of the marauders were put _hors de combat_, but the victory, on the whole, was with the Caffres, who brought away seven horses, three hundred and thirty head of cattle, and seventeen thousand sheep. At this juncture Colonel Somerset, of the 7th Dragoon Guards (then quartered at the Cape, and mounted as light cavalry), displayed an enterprise and courage which entitled him to much honour. He was wise in council, energetic in business, indomitable in resolution, and heroic in battle. To these qualities of a man’s sterner nature, he added those of a humane and amiable heart. The colonel was on the watch for an opportunity to strike a severe blow against these freebooters, and on the 8th of June opportunity was afforded. On the previous evening a party of burghers and Fingoes scoured the Fish River bush, and performed this duty efficiently, the Fingoes showing spirit, and generosity to the enemy. Colonel Somerset formed a junction with this force on the morning of the 8th. The colonel had under his command the Cape Mounted Rifles, a detachment of the 7th Dragoon Guards, and two heavy guns. Early in the day the united detachments encountered a very large force, under the command of the notorious marauding chief, Stock. The Caffres, confident in their numbers and in their recent successes, challenged the British to come on, and, in fact, commenced the action, throwing out skirmishers with something of the practice of regular troops; they afterwards made some furious charges with the assigai. The measures taken by Colonel Somerset were marked by his usual ability and promptitude, and the enemy suffered a most sanguinary defeat. When Stock perceived that the day was going against him, notwithstanding a protracted combat, he sent off several mounted men express for Pato, another chief. The latter sent a chief named Umhala, who advanced at the head of his tribe, but having no conception that his friends had experienced defeat, and supposing that he was only about to aid in taking a spoil, he was astonished to find himself suddenly in front of the fine force of Colonel Somerset. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-colonel Lindsay, who commanded in Fort Peddie, perceiving that the firing of cannon and musketry was heavy and protracted, sent out Captain Hogg, with a troop of the 7th Dragoon Guards and a gun, who came upon the rear of Umhala’s party just as Colonel Somerset met them. The Caffres, placed between two fires, their retreat cut off, numerous although they were, lost confidence and broke. They were charged fiercely, and cut to pieces. Estimates were given of their loss, varying from three hundred to twice that number. The British loss was slight; about seven troopers fell, and several officers were very severely wounded, in close combat, by the assigai, a formidable weapon in the hands of a South African. Among the officers hurt were Sir Harry Darell, who was wounded in the thigh and arm severely; Cornet Bunbury also received several wounds. Captain Walpole, of the Engineers, was shot in the thigh, and a blow from an assigai upon the neck laid bare the windpipe. Those officers, Lieutenant O’Reilly, and others, displayed much personal prowess, cutting down the Caffres with their swords in close, desperate, and successful conflict.

The following letter gives a good description of the scene presented to the reinforcement sent out by Lieutenant-colonel Lindsay:—

“Colonel Somerset has been out to-day in the direction of Stock’s Kraal. About an hour after he left we heard heavy firing, which lasted for two or three hours. It appears that they were challenged by a lot of Caffres in the bush; they went in after them and gave them a regular mauling, shot a great number of them, and coming out on the flat when they had polished these gentlemen off, they fell in with a body of about five hundred to six hundred, whom they also charged, and shot like so many dogs. I believe, at the lowest computation, three hundred and fifty were left dead on the field. This last body that they fell in with were Pato’s Caffres, who heard the firing at Stock’s Kraal, and were hastening to his assistance, when, luckily for us, they were caught upon the open flat, and the 7th Dragoons and Cape Corps charged them, and literally rode over them. I trust that this affair, coupled with the attack on Peddie, will cool their courage considerably. One corporal of the Cape Mounted Rifles was shot dead, and Sir Harry Darell, Captain Walpole, Royal Engineers, and Bunbury, together with some men of the 7th, are slightly wounded: I think four of them slightly, and one very dangerously. Colonel Somerset seems the only man that can bring them to their senses. They were all going down to attack supply waggons that were to come up from Trompetter’s to-morrow morning, but I fancy, after to-day, they will not attempt it. I must now give you an account of the slaughter that took place shortly after. We were all very tired, having been on our legs from nine o’clock last night to midday to-day, with hardly any refreshment; we therefore hastened to the camp; however, we were disappointed in having refreshment. We saw the colonel’s division a mile or two ahead, marching quietly on. Presently we saw a party ride ahead, and soon after a race. Then firing commenced. I rode up as fast as I could to the ridge; a spectacle was then presented to my view which I shall not forget. A large party of Caffres had collected near the Kieskamma, intending to move to-day towards the Fish River to intercept the waggons, and stop the communication. This party heard the firing and thought that the waggons were attacked. They hastened to help, but what was their astonishment when they found a large force in front of them. Fortunately, there was no bush to shelter them; they fired one volley and dismounted from their horses—about three hundred mounted and seven hundred foot. The Dragoons then charged them, and killed many; a panic seized them—they ran off, and were shot like sheep—dragoons, Cape Corps, Boers, all firing at them, following them up full six miles. They became completely exhausted—they could not run. The slaughter was awful! They were followed up to near the Kieskamma. The slaughter was on the Gwanga, near Mr. Tainton’s late place. The lowest estimate is, I believe, three hundred killed; very few were seen to get away. We took three prisoners—one at Hmpa-kati, belonging to Creili. He said the intention of the Caffres was to drive the Umlunguinto the sea. We asked how it was to-day. He said it was all finished to-day. Pato has crossed the Kieskamma. Umhala and Seyolo were with this command. How they fared we cannot tell. It is supposed that Stock was this day killed.”

After this Colonel Somerset followed up his success. Many skirmishes, much plunder, and considerable loss of life occurred, but, in the end, the British forces remained victors. The Caffres, however, were not prevented from reorganising themselves for fresh forays.

STATE OF NEW ZEALAND.—SUPPRESSION OF THE NATIVE REVOLT.

It was not at the Cape only that our troops had to contend with savages of a superior race: the year began with a conflict in New Zealand. Captain Grey, the governor, having in vain endeavoured to conciliate the disaffected chiefs, proceeded, at the head of eleven hundred men—sailors, marines, and soldiers—to attack the principal pal, which was defended by stockades, so skilfully constructed, that it was necessary to erect works, and mount cannon and mortars, to dislodge their occupants. The subjugation of the place was effected after severe loss on the part of the enemy, and, unhappily, considerable loss on the part of her majesty’s force. The capture of the pal led to the surrender of the chiefs, and before the month of January expired, peace was restored to the colony.

BORNEO.

The proceedings of the Borneo pirates having led the British Rajah Brooke to demand assistance, Captain Mundy, under the direction of Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, operated during the month of July in command of an effective maritime force. The squadron sailed up the river to Brune, the capital of the country, which was defended by several strong forts, and a heavy battery, _à fleur d’eau_, of eight brass and two iron guns, sixty-eight pounders. All; these defences were carried by the British sailors and marines, and terrible destruction inflicted upon the pirates. After effecting what appeared to be a complete subjugation of these hordes of sea robbers infesting these coasts, the squadron retired.

OUR NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.

_Canada._—The relations between Great Britain and the United States were so unsatisfactory at the beginning of this year that considerable uneasiness existed in Canada lest war should break out, and that colony become the chief theatre of contest. A militia bill passed the Canadian legislature, which was calculated to give confidence to the imperial government, and which placed the colony in an armed attitude towards her great neighbour.

The free-trade measures proposed to the British parliament caused even more disquietude than the differences with the United States. The Canadian producers were very jealous of these states as a competitor in supplying the English market, the legislature passed strong resolutions expressive of their alarm, and addressed the crown, representing that free trade in corn between the neighbouring states and the mother country would be productive of the heaviest injuries to the colony. This address was one of the most sturdy pronouncements of protectionist opinion which the discussions of the day brought forth. The Canadians were happily disappointed. The imperial legislature was not checked in the enactment of its free-trade measures by this memorial; good was done to Canada in spite of herself; the legislators of the parent country understood the interests of Canada better than her own provincial parliament did, and the great prosperity of that country may be said to have begun with free trade. The year was one of alarm and discontent in both the upper and lower provinces. A dreadful fire in Quebec, which nearly destroyed the city, added to the other causes of disquietude.

_Nova Scotia._—This colony also suffered some commercial depression, and endured apprehension of a war upon the North American continent. The fisheries were comparatively unproductive, and the potato crop failed. Happily the corn crops prospered, relieving considerably the pressure upon the resources of the people. A militia bill, occasioned by the apparently hostile policy of the United States government, provided for the defence of the province. Certain differences arose between the legislature and the crown, in connection with the crown revenues and the civil list, but the year closed upon the colony in peace, and with a fair measure of prosperity.

_Newfoundland._—The affairs of this colony were characterised by nothing remarkable during the year, in a political point of view, but a great social calamity attracted the attention of the American colonies and of the mother-country. A conflagration broke out at St. John’s, which laid nearly the whole city in ashes. The fire happened on the 9th of June, and as the houses of the town were mostly built of wood, it soon spread beyond the power of any efforts which the population could command to restrain it. The Custom-house, Roman Catholic Church, Protestant Episcopal Cathedral, Court-house, jail, ordnance store, all the newspaper and printing-offices, the banks, the Hall of Legislature, post-office, and police-office, were all burnt clown, together with two whole streets, each more than a mile long, leaving 12,000 persons without a habitation. The shipping, near the wharves also caught fire, and some of the vessels were destroyed. The loss of property exceeded a million sterling.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

_The United States._—On another page sufficient reference has been made to the circumstances attending the chief subject of dispute between Great Britain and the North American Union. The Oregon boundary was adjusted, and all fear of war between the two countries removed. The propositions made by the Earl of Aberdeen, the English foreign minister, were so unfavourable to his own country, and so completely a concession to America, that the president and senate at once accepted them. Had the navy of the United States driven our fleets from the Pacific, President Polk could hardly have expected terms more favourable to his nation. Indeed, the only energy which the noble earl displayed in his management of foreign affairs was in conceding what his queen and country had a good right to claim.

SOUTH AMERICA.

_Brazil and La Plata._—On the southern part of the American continent events also occurred of some interest to England. During the previous year a united British and French force operated successfully against the dictator Rosas, who, in spite of the remonstrances of England, France, and Brazil, persisted in hostile operations against the republic of Monte Video. Notwithstanding the chastisement inflicted by the European navies, Rosas continued his hostility to Monte Video during the year. The measures taken against the tyrant by the governments of England and France were half measures. The Earl of Aberdeen and M. Guizot seemed to be associated in wondrous harmony of action, or rather inaction, when the joint interests of the two powers were concerned.

Differences arose between Great Britain and the Brazils in connexion with the slave-trade. A convention had existed between the two countries for its suppression on the coasts of Brazil; the period for which the convention existed expired early in the year, and the government of the Brazilian emperor notified to that of her Britannic majesty that it should not be renewed. This gave great umbrage to the latter government, which saw that the design of the Brazilians was to continue the infamous traffic. The British parliament consequently passed an act for subjecting Brazilian vessels, suspected of being engaged in the trade, to the jurisdiction of the English tribunals. Against this the Brazilian government protested, and sent a circular note conveying a copy of the protest to all other powers. On the 3rd of May the emperor delivered an address to the representatives of the nation, stating that he would support the dignity of his crown against the interference of Great Britain, and calling upon the assembly to support him. He at the same time, however, declared that he would be faithful to his engagements in putting an end to the trade in Africans. This was so vaguely expressed, and the desire of the Brazilian government was so evidently to foster that illicit commerce, and, if possible, involve England in a quarrel with some of the other maritime powers, that the English government was much incensed, and resolved upon stringent measures. In this they were opposed by the Manchester party, even by some among them who had taken a most active part in anti-slavery movements. The persons thus inconsistent were chiefly among the Society of Friends, who, while on the one hand they hated oppression, on the other hated war, even when waged to succour the oppressed. The chief movers in the Manchester agitation against the government policy towards Brazil, were, however, neither anti-slavery men, nor members of the Peace Society, but certain merchants engaged largely in the Brazilian trade, and whose political principles were very accommodating, always, somehow, being on the side of their interests, or supposed interests, in commercial matters. No war ensued, but the firm attitude taken by the English government prevented the renewal of the slave-trade by Brazilian merchants.

RELATIONS WITH CONTINENTAL EUROPE.

_France_.—The year 1846 was one of much discussion between England and France. Louis Philippe proved himself as insincere and selfish as the Bourbons always were, to whatever branch of that faithless family belonging. M. Guizot, the chief minister of the king, was as little candid as his master. The same treachery which sullied the reminiscences of Ghent, characterised the procedure of the minister towards England in 1846. There were various subjects of difference between the two countries; but that which most occupied the attention of Europe was the Spanish marriages. Louis Philippe had a numerous family, was avaricious to the last degree, and allowed avarice and nepotism to govern his policy, rather than the honour and interests of the great kingdom over which he presided. He was desirous that one of his sons should marry the Queen of Spain, and that another should be united to her sister. The queen-mother favoured this idea, as did also the chief minister, Narvaez. On the other hand, it was alleged that the English government was intriguing for a prince of the house of Cobourg. This was not the case—at all events, when the Whigs came into power. Lord Palmerston, on behalf of his court and government, disclaimed it, and demanded that the royal family of Spain should be left free to follow their own inclinations, excepting only as regarded members of the royal family of France, against a union with which the English whig foreign minister protested, as a breach of the treaty of Utrecht. Mr. Disraeli, and others of the conservative party, were of opinion with M. Guizot, that such marriages as the French ministry contemplated would not infringe that treaty, which guaranteed that the throne of France and Spain should not be filled by the same person, but made no provision against marriages upon which such an event might appear to be contingent. The British government was firm in regarding the proceedings of Louis Philippe as directed by an unprincipled ambition, in defiance of treaties, and of the alliance between Great Britain and France then subsisting. The English government did not encourage a member of the house of Cobourg, but advocated the pretensions to her majesty’s hand of a Spanish prince, Don Enrique, the Queen of Spain’s own cousin. To this the French government was opposed, because Don Enrique was of liberal political opinions, and it was the policy of Louis Philippe and his _alter ego_, M. Guizot, to keep down liberal aspirations in Spain. The reaction policy of the French king and his minister was now in full operation, and this was, unfortunately, more felt at Madrid than at Paris. The King of the French wished, he alleged, to see the choice of the Spanish princess fall within the Bourbon circle; but a ban was laid on Don Enrique, because of his constitutionalism, or, as Guizot was pleased to designate it, his revolutionary opinions. The intrigue of the French government was successful, so far that the Queen of Spain was married to a Spanish Bourbon, brother to Don Enrique, a man whom the queen personally hated, a bigoted devotee and reactionary, whose fanaticism against liberty was morbid, and who was an avowed Carlist, openly denying the right of the Queen of Spain to the throne. Whatever could be supposed as likely to influence the fortunes of the young queen and of the Spanish nation, unfavourably, in connection with a royal marriage, was associated with this; but Louis Philippe and M. Guizot cared for none of these things, so as their own project was accomplished. At the same time the sister of the queen was married to the Duc de Montpensier, a son of Louis Philippe. The two marriages were celebrated together with great pomp and ceremony. The Spanish government did not much care whether the royal lady married an Orleans or a Cobourg, so as France or England were engaged on its side against the apprehension of a republican or Carlist revolt; and, on the whole, France was supposed more likely to interfere for such a purpose than Great Britain.

The singular dishonesty of M. Guizot and his master startled the politicians of Europe. The French government had pledged itself to the English not to take any step to secure the hand of either of the royal ladies of Spain for a French prince. M. Guizot afterwards justified his conduct by alleging that the English government was secretly abetting the interests of a Cobourg. He admitted that he could not prove this, but justified his acting upon such a strong suspicion as he entertained. When, in 1847, M. Thiers brought on certain stormy discussions in the French chambers on this subject, the admission was wrung from the French foreign minister that the conduct of England had been loyal and honourable—that no efforts had been made to press a Cobourg upon the attention of the Spanish court; this too celebrated person thus convicting himself of premeditated bad faith, and of resorting to accusations and falsehood to vindicate a policy which he had falsely and wilfully initiated, or, at all events, pursued, when initiated by his royal master.

One feature of the infidelity of the French court and minister to their engagements excited the indignation of all honourable minds acquainted with it. When the English government detected the intention of Louis Philippe to break his engagements and to prosecute the Montpensier marriage, that government urged that, at all events, it was desirable, if the treaty of Utrecht was to be observed, that the Queen of Spain should have an heir to the throne before the marriage of her sister took place. The French minister promised that the marriages should not take place _at the same time_. When the English government remonstrated upon the disregard of this engagement, shown in the actual fact that the two marriages had their celebration together, M. Guizot justified himself by alleging that, inasmuch as the queen was married first, although her sister was married immediately after, the ceremonial was not celebrated at the same time! This audacious departure from every decent observance of truth and honesty was perpetrated by a man who is lauded by the _savons_ of France to this day as one of their illustrious number. His Memoir of Sir Robert Peel is popular in England, and he has since been received with favour in London! The whole administration of M. Guizot, foreign and domestic, was a dishonour and a curse to France, and supplies one of the dark pages of her history.

It was on the 10th of October that Louis Philippe and M. Guizot consummated their treachery to England, and their selfish policy towards Spain, and laid the foundation for an alienation between the French and English governments, which continued until the hypocrite king was hurled from the throne of France.

_Spain_.—The policy of the King of the French to Spain was not regarded with any interest by the mass of the Spanish people. The English government and citizens supposed that the Spanish marriages would bring about a revolution, but the people looked coldly on. The French king understood the Spanish nation better than it was understood in England. There was, however, a large party in Spain which regarded the designs of the French king with an enlightened and politic alarm. Thus, when the Spanish government selected him as mediator with the pope, to effect a reconciliation between the courts of Rome and Madrid, the language of suspicion uttered by Senor Leijas Lozano expressed the real views of most men of cultivated minds in Spain:—“For my part, I admit that I had much suspicion, mingled with fear, when it was determined to select France as our mediator with Rome, and these fears I have not yet got rid of. The question is, are the offers of service made by France to the Spanish government sufficiently frank?—are they sincere? I fear they are not. _Her interests are not identified with ours_. I may be mistaken, but my firm belief is that it is the interests of France that we shall remain as isolated as possible until the great events she desires be effected.”

A strong conviction was entertained by many eminent men in Spain, that Sir Robert Peel and the Earl of Aberdeen had complicated the question of the Spanish marriages; that, although the Whigs repudiated with sincerity all interference, these two statesmen had coquetted with the question of a Cobourg alliance for the Spanish queen, and that in doing so they were only carrying out the wishes of the English court; that the knowledge obtained of these facts by the secret agents of the French king, and of the queen-mother of Spain, made both less scrupulous, and hastened the perfection of a plot which, but for such discoveries, the royal intriguants would not have had the boldness to prosecute.

Ministerial changes were frequent in Spain throughout the year. The Narvaez ministry was broken up, and that of Senor Isturitz followed; that too was destroyed. Narvaez was successful in his intrigues, supported by the queen-mother and the King of the French. England looked on with jealousy; and it was supposed in Spain that, but for the disasters and conflicts which occurred within the bounds of her own empire, she would have interfered in a more tangible manner. French gold was freely spent in Spain to facilitate French policy; and so corrupt were the public men of that country, that, as Louis Philippe well knew, money, applied skilfully, could change ministers and effect revolutions with a facility unknown to any other country in the world.

_Portugal_.—The Portuguese government gave satisfactory assurances, in answer to the demands of England, that the anti-slavery stipulations between the two countries should be carried into effect more efficaciously than heretofore; the intercourse between the two nations was therefore peaceful and satisfactory. The intrigues of the French court were, however, extended to that part of the Iberian peninsula also. The court of Portugal was invited to reactionary measures by the French minister, and French political agents were busy in Lisbon, Oporto, Coimbra, and elsewhere. The Cabrai government became unpopular; Castro Cabrai was supposed to exercise an undue influence; and José Cabrai, his brother, the minister of justice, was unpopular everywhere, but especially at Oporto, from which city he had to flee for his life. The Cabrai government was ultimately driven from office and from the capital: these events occurred in May. The queen now committed affairs to the Marquis de Palmella, and issued proclamations restoring liberty of the press, and remitting the exorbitant burial fees demanded by the priests, which had been enforced by the government: these measures restored peace. The French court incessantly intrigued against this government also, and in four months after its formation it was abruptly dismissed; the result was civil war. Two distinct insurrections went on together—a republican or radical one in the south, and a Miguellite revolt in the north. It was generally supposed by the Portuguese that the faction of the court was in favour with the court of England, as Colonel Wylde, equerry to Prince Albert, attended the camp of the royal commander-inchief. The colonel, however, acted as commissioner of the British government, which felt a deep interest in the distresses of Portugal—peculiar treaties binding the two countries. The year 1846 closed over the Iberian peninsula in discord, turbulence, and woe.

_The Papal States_.—According to the constitution, England held no diplomatic connection with the court of Rome. The proceedings of that court, however, had an important influence upon the British empire, as four-fifths of the Irish population were Roman Catholics, and in Eastern Canada, Newfoundland, and other British colonies or dependencies, many of the people were of the same religion. The events of the year at Rome were the death of Pope Gregory XVI., and the election of Cardinal Mastei to the pontifical chair, who assumed the title of Pius IX. One of his first acts was to publish an amnesty for political offenders, which gave great satisfaction to the inhabitants of the Roman States. This was speedily followed by a tariff reform, based upon sound views of the interests of the Roman people. Throughout the year, his civil and sacerdotal administration were alike popular within the states, throughout Italy, and all over Europe. The French, Austrian, Neapolitan, Spanish, and Portuguese governments were all, however, incensed at the liberal tendencies of the new pope. The Roman Catholic subjects of the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland received the announcements of the pontifical liberality with favour; it was thought that by these means the objections of Protestants would be softened, and a way opened for the reconciliation of many, especially liberal churchmen, to Rome.

_Poland_.—The sympathies of England were aroused by events in Poland, which extinguished the last spark of Polish liberty. Throughout all the provinces, a desire existed to make one effort more for freedom. The hope of disenthralling their native land animated every heart. An ill-concerted insurrection, was the inevitable consequence of this strong feeling; and as Cracow was a free city, under the guarantee of the treaty of Vienna, the insurgents believed that they could use it as a _point d’appui_. In the month of February, the circle of Tarnow rose in arms. The peasantry of Silesia, armed with scythes, attacked the Austrian troops under General Collin, and drove them out of Cracow. A provisional government was instituted there; Poland was called upon to rise at once; and all nations, especially France and England, were appealed to in passionate terms for aid. After various successes by the revolters, they were at last encountered by superior forces, and repeatedly defeated: Cracow was taken by the Austrians, and its independence extinguished. The English and French ministers protested against this as a violation of the treaty of Vienna. Russia and Prussia supported the policy of Austria, who replied to the Western diplomatists that the proceedings of the Poles was a violation of the treaty of Vienna, and that it was necessary to the integrity and peace of the Austrian empire that Cracow should be no longer a focus of rebellion. The Western governments satisfied themselves with protests, and the last green spot of Polish independence had its life stamped out by the foot of Austrian despotism.

Such were the general relations of England during the year 1846. Colonial revolt was suppressed; a powerful invader was driven back from her oriental territory; and she maintained with honour her European policy, and peace with neighbouring nations, under circumstances of great provocation; her star shone with more lustre in the eyes of foreign nations when the year terminated than when it opened.

HOME.

The parliamentary events of the year have already been narrated. There were many home incidents which were not comprised in the records of parliament. In the month of January, Wales was visited with disastrous inundations, which destroyed a vast amount of property, and caused much distress. More liberal arrangements were made about this time for the reward and promotion of deserving privates and non-commissioned officers of the army. In the month of February, Captain Rous, the member for Westminster, having accepted office under Sir Robert Peel’s administration, a new election became necessary. The captain was opposed by Lieutenant-general Sir de Lacy Evans, one of the most chivalrous and accomplished soldiers in the British army. The result was in favour of the gallant general by nearly one thousand. Sir de Lacy, being returned as a thoroughly liberal politician, this event was “a heavy blow, and great discouragement” to the administration of Sir Robert Peel. In South Nottinghamshire an election also occurred, in which Lord Lincoln, a political _protégé_ of Sir Robert’s, was defeated by Mr. Hildyard, a protectionist, by a very large majority. These events were supposed to foreshadow the speedy demise of the Peel administration. In the following month, Lord Lincoln was defeated at North Nottingham, polling only two hundred and seventeen votes against one thousand seven hundred and forty-two, polled by Lord H. Bentinck. During the early part of the year, a serious revulsion took place in railway speculation; the rate of money became high; a panic seized the speculators and adventurers in such undertakings: in this way many incurred serious loss. The public were startled in various parts of Great Britain by shocking railway accidents, generally the result of carelessness on the part of the officials, or deficient inspection and control on the part of directors.

On the 25th of May, her: majesty was safely delivered of a daughter.

Much interest was excited in June by a visit from Ibrahim Pasha, the celebrated Egyptian prince and soldier. His highness inspected the dock-yards and public places, paid his respects to the court, and was feted and entertained by public men, especially of the navy and army.

A public dinner was given to the postage reformer, Mr. Rowland Hill, on the 17th of June, and a testimonial presented to him on the part of the merchants of London, which (including a first instalment handed to him in 1845) amounted to £13,360 19s. 5d.

On the 25th, the infant princess was baptised: the name given to her was Helena Augusta Victoria. The sponsors were her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, proxy for the Duchess of Orleans; his Royal Highness the Hereditary Grand-duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz; her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge.

Prince Albert visited the town and port of Liverpool, on the 30th, for the purpose of opening the Albert Dock, and of laying the first stone of the Sailors’ Home. The reception of his royal highness was worthy of the great commercial community by which he was invited.

August was ushered in by one of the most terrible hailstorms ever witnessed in London. It lasted for more than three hours, and created great devastation. Inundations spread, and the windows of the public buildings were extensively shattered. The glass in the roof of the picture-gallery at Buckingham Palace was totally destroyed; the damage was estimated at £2000. In the Houses of Parliament and Westminster Hall, seven thousand panes of glass were broken; in the head office of police, Scotland Yard, three hundred; in Burford’s panorama, ten thousand. A Citizen steamer on the river was struck by lightning off Battersea. The suburbs of London suffered from floods, hail, and lightning, and the royal parks were much damaged, especially that at Windsor.

Much interest was excited by the marine excursions taken by her majesty during that summer to the Channel Islands, and various places on the southern coast of England.

On the 29th of September, an event occurred in London which attracted much attention. The equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington, by Wyatt, was removed from the artist’s studio, in the Harrow Road, to the Triumphal Arch, at Hyde Park Corner, where it was set upon the pedestal prepared for it. The illustrious spectators in Apsley House were almost as much objects of interest to the multitude below, as the colossal statue erected to the honour of the hero of Waterloo.

The failure of the harvest throughout the British Isles caused in England a profound sensation. Prayers set apart to be used in a time of scarcity were offered up, and subscriptions for the poor were most generously bestowed by those whose means were ample, and by many from limited resources: British benevolence had been seldom seen to such advantage. During the month of November tempestuous weather prevailed along the coasts, causing many wrecks and much loss of life. Early in December, the severity of winter fell upon the British Isles. On the 10th, the mercury was fourteen degrees below the freezing-point in London. This severe weather added to the sufferings of the people, already pressed by scarcity of food. In the Highlands of Scotland, and in Ireland, stern destitution was experienced by the whole peasantry.

During the year many eminent persons died whose names shed a lustre on British history. In January, the Eight Honourable John Hookham Frère, M.A., expired, who had been ambassador to Spain at the beginning of the century. His representations had much influence in inducing the English government to set on foot the expedition to the peninsula, which shed so much glory on the arms of Britain. Earl Granville, whose name is so closely associated with English political and diplomatic history, also died within the month. During the following month, the antiquary, Gaily Knight, and General Sir Henry Clinton, G.C.B., were among the celebrities who passed away. In the month of March, the decease of Mr. Liston, the comedian, attracted public notice. In June, Haydon, the celebrated painter, died by his own hand, impelled by want. He had frequently been indebted to the generous-hearted liberality of Sir Robert and Lady Peel for aid, and the last assistance he ever received was from these compassionate benefactors, the friends of so many artists and literary men, as well as of poor Haydon. The genius of this artist, as well as the record of his misfortunes, will go down to posterity. Soon after Haydon’s melancholy death, in the month of July, “Charlotte Elizabeth,” the writer of so many beautiful religious books, was called to her happy home. The same month, the Eight Honourable Sir George Murray, the friend and companion of Wellington, in both his military and political career, died in London. August witnessed the decease of the veteran anti-reformer, Sir Charles Wetherell. In September Lord Metcalfe died, regretted much by the political world; and Thomas Clarkson, the philanthropist, to whose exertions in the first instance humanity was indebted for the abolition of the slave-trade, also passed into rest. In the last month of the year the Eight Honourable Thomas Grenville died in his ninety-first year, after a political and diplomatic life very eventful.

The year 1846 was replete with transactions of great historical importance; at its close England stood with a crown of many victories upon her brow, but with many cares and anxieties; the chief of these was the distress in England, and wide-spread starvation in the Highlands of Scotland and in Ireland. Another chapter will reveal how evils of such magnitude were encountered.