CHAPTER XXV.

{GEORGE III. 1801–1806}

Commencement of the Union with Ireland..... Meeting of Parliament..... Resignation of Mr. Pitt, &c. The New Ministry..... Motion for an Inquiry into the State of the Nation..... Parliamentary Measures..... War with the Northern Powers..... Dissolution of the Northern Confederacy..... Expedition to Egypt..... Affairs on the Continent..... Naval Operations..... Treaty of Amiens..... Meeting of Parliament..... Parliamentary Measures..... Preparations for Hostility..... Meeting of the New Parliament..... Trial of Colonel Despard..... Parliamentary Proceedings..... Act to Relieve Catholics, &c. War Proclaimed with France..... The Causes for the renewal of War with France..... War with Holland..... Militia Bill, &c. Financial Measures..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Insurrection in Ireland..... Letter of the Prince of Wales..... Movements of the French..... Naval Conquests..... East India Affairs..... Meeting of Parliament.

COMMENCEMENT OF THE UNION WITH IRELAND.

{A.D. 1801}

On the 1st of January a royal proclamation was issued, concerning the style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of Great Britain and Ireland; and also to the ensigns, armorial flags, and banners thereof. The regal title was thus expressed:—“George the Third, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith.” The great seal was made in conformity with the alterations made in the titles and arms. In the new heraldic arrangement the _fleur de lis_ was omitted, and the title of the King of France wisely expunged. The arms or ensigns armorial were ordered to be quarterly:—first and fourth England, second Scotland, third Ireland. In honour of the union, many new titles were conferred on the Irish nobility, and several of them were created peers of the United Kingdom.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The first imperial parliament was opened by commission on the 22nd of January. The king did not meet his parliament till the 2nd of February, when, in his speech from the throne, after adverting to the happy accomplishment of the union, and to the adverse course of events on the continent, he announced a fresh storm in the north. The court of Petersburgh, he said, had proceeded to commit outrages against the ships, property, and persons of his subjects; and a convention had been concluded by that court with those of Copenhagen and Stockholm, by which they were engaged to re-establish a new code of maritime law, inconsistent with the rights and hostile to the best interests of the country. His majesty stated that he had taken the earliest measures to repel the aggressions of this confederacy, and he called upon both houses of parliament to afford him the aid required in the emergency. The debates which ensued were of an interesting character. In both houses opposition recommended conciliatory measures; and some even proposed the suspension of the right of search we claimed at sea, or a tacit assent to the principles of the armed neutrality, on the ground that terrible consequences would attend the closing of the corn-ports on the Baltic in this season of scarcity. In the upper house an amendment to the address was moved by Earl Fitzwilliam; but on a division the address was carried. Mr. Grey was the chief opposer of the address in the commons; he likewise moved an amendment; but the address was there carried by a majority of one hundred and eighty-two. Preparations were, therefore, now made for sending the British fleet into the Baltic; and this, it will be seen, together with the death of the Czar Paul, soon put an end to this coalition.

RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT, ETC.

In bringing about the union of England and Ireland, Pitt had given assurances to the Irish Catholics of a complete participation in political privileges, as soon as that union should take place. This proposition was submitted to the cabinet-council, some of the members of which expressed their dissent to the measure. But its chief opposer was the king, who alleged that the coronation oath precluded his compliance with a scheme which might endanger the ecclesiastical establishment. Under these circumstances Pitt felt bound to retire from the administration; for although his majesty promised not to use his influence in obstructing the progress of the measure through parliament, it was manifest, that as he was known to be adverse to it, there would be no chance of success. On the resignation of Mr. Pitt, his majesty entrusted the formation of a new cabinet to Mr. Addington, who resigned his post for that purpose. On account of financial arrangements, however, and the difficulty of settling the new appointments, Mr. Pitt consented to remain at his post a little longer. His majesty a few days after was taken ill; and it appears that his indisposition was a return of his former malady, brought on by the Catholic question and the resignation of the premier. This caused him to remain at his post still longer, and then further delay was occasioned. On the 18th of February the house resolved itself into a committee of supply. The sum required was £42,197,000 of which Ireland was to pay £4,324,000, and England the remainder. To raise this, recourse was had to the old system: £25,000,000 was borrowed, and the rest was raised by taxes, some of which were newly imposed. Besides the money borrowed for England, it was found necessary to borrow about £2,500,000 for Ireland. These resolutions being agreed to, with some slight alterations, Pitt, on the 14th of March, resigned office; and he was accompanied in his resignation by Dunclas, Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, and Windham; and other changes took place shortly after. In the lords, the reasons of their resignation were thuss given by Lord Grenville:—“We wished that the benefits of the union should be rendered as great and extensive as possible, by the removal of certain disabilities under which a great portion of the inhabitants of Ireland laboured. Imagining that this measure could only be effectual by coming from the executive government, we felt it our duty to propose it to those who direct his majesty’s councils: it was not deemed eligible, and we were unable to prevail. As our opinion of its policy remained unaltered, and we still think this measure alone capable of establishing the tranquillity and prosperity of the empire on a permanent basis, we consider ourselves bound to retire. Accordingly we have tendered to his majesty the resignation of our several employments, and he has been graciously pleased to dispense with our services.” By Pitt’s enemies it was said, that his delicacy about his pledged faith to the Irish, and his sense of the justice and expediency of granting Catholic emancipation were but pretexts; and that the real cause of his resignation was the tardy conviction that he had involved the country in a labyrinth from which he had not the power to extricate it—being too weak to carry on the war, and too proud to make peace with the French. These imaginings were not founded in justice. Pitt, up to the period of the union, had uniformly opposed Catholic emancipation; but he now thought conscientiously that it ought to be carried into effect, in order to make the union complete. As for being dismayed at the hostile array in the north or in any part of Europe, it does not appear at all probable. Almost the last words of Pitt before he resigned office were full of hope and confidence: “he was convinced,” he said, “that the British fleet would, with one blow, shatter the coalition of the north.” There is no reason, in truth, for doubting the word of Pitt that the question of Catholic emancipation was the real cause of his resignation. How far he was implicated in the question, and to what extent he stood pledged, is not fully known; but that was the rock on which Pitt’s ministry foundered their bark.

THE NEW MINISTRY.

The new ministry when formed consisted of Mr. Addington, first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, the Duke of Portland, president of the council; Lord Eldon, chancellor; Earl St. Vincent, first lord of the admiralty; the Earl of Chatham, master general of the ordnance; Lord Pelham, secretary for the home department; Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for foreign affairs; Lord Hobart, secretary for the colonies; Viscount Lewisham, president of the board of control for the affairs of India; Mr. Yorke, secretary of war, &c. In this general change, indeed, the Duke of Portland and Lord Westmoreland alone retained their seats in the cabinet, the former as president of the council, the latter as lord privy seal. The sentiments which the new ministry maintained were made known by Lord Grenville in his explanation before mentioned. After commenting on the effect of past exertions, his lordship remarked:—“It is our consolation to reflect, that the same vigorous line of conduct will be still pursued; no change of measure will take place; but the system which has already proved so salutary will be maintained by our successors.” This proved true; although some supposed that they would seek peace, it was soon discovered that war was to be continued. Addington professed anti-warlike sentiments, but he found there was no alternative but to continue the contest.

MOTION FOR AN INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.

A motion was made both in the lords and the commons, soon after the reassembling of parliament, for instituting an inquiry into the state of the nation. In the upper house it was moved by Lord Darnley, who proposed such an inquiry as might point out remedies for the disorders of the state. He was supported by the Earl of Carlisle, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and Earl Fitzwilliam; but his motion was lost by a considerable majority. In the commons the necessity of inquiry was strongly urged by Mr. Grey, and ably supported by Sir William Young and Lord Temple, but his motion shared the fate of its counterpart in the upper house. The debate was chiefly remarkable in the commons for calling up Pitt to defend himself and the system which he had pursued, which he did with unanswerable argument. It was on this occasion that he made explicit declaration of the motives which induced him to resign.

PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.

During the sitting of this new parliament acts were passed for the suppression of rebellion, and for the suspension of the _Habeas Corpus_ Act in Ireland, that country still remaining in a turbulent state. The suspension of the _Habeas Corpus_ Act was continued also for England and Scotland, and an act for preventing seditious meetings was revived. Acts of indemnity were likewise passed in favour of all persons concerned in the securing, imprisoning, and detaining individuals under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, both in Great Britain and Ireland, from the period when that suspension took place in the respective countries. Various motions to the miscarriage of expeditions—to the conduct of Admiral Lord Keith in breaking the convention of El Arish, &c.—were made during the session, but were all negatived. Additional supplies were demanded by Mr. Addington, and sanctioned by the house. The session was prorogued by commission on the 3rd of July.

WAR WITH THE NORTHERN POWERS.

The late ministry had issued an order in council, dated the 14th of January, imposing an embargo on all Russian, Swedish, and Danish vessels in the ports of Great Britain; and preparations were also made to send a fleet into the Sound, and to hazard all the evils likely to result from a war, which threatened to exclude the British flag from the navigation of the Baltic, and her commerce from the shores of the Elbe, the Embs, the Vistula, and the Weser. On the other band, preparations were also made by the governments of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden for the coming strife. In the course of the spring the Danes took possession of Hamburgh, for the alleged purpose of stopping the British trade to that port. The King of Denmark was now likewise joined by the King of Prussia, who seized this occasion to invade Hanover, and to reduce it to his own dominion. As no hopes, therefore, could be entertained of the pacification of Europe on terms honourable to Great Britain, a British fleet, consisting of eighteen ships of the line, and four frigates, with a number of gun-boats and bomb-vessels, were dispatched against her enemies. This fleet proceeded from Yarmouth Roads for the Baltic, under the command of Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, assisted by Vice-admiral Lord Nelson and Rear-admiral Tolly. It sailed on the 12th of March, and as it was supposed that Denmark, whose prosperity had increased considerably during the war, might be prevailed upon to sue for forbearance; the first efforts of the armament were directed against her capital. On board was Mr. Vansittart, who, as minister plenipotentiary, was to seek to detach the court of Copenhagen from the northern alliance before proceeding to extremities. His mission, however, failed; he returned with a report that he had left the Danish government hostile in the highest degree to the court of Great Britain, and in a state of preparation far exceeding what our cabinet had considered possible. Nelson advised that no time should be lost in attacking the enemy; and Sir Hyde Parker, who was “nervous about dark nights and fields of ice,” having yielded to his persuasions, it was determined to force the passage of the Sound. This was done without great loss: on the 31st of March the fleet anchored between the isle of Huen and Copenhagen. Sir Hyde Parker, Lord Nelson, and other officers proceeded in a lugger to reconnoitre the enemy’s preparations, which they found to be of a very formidable nature. Undaunted, however, by any fear of danger, Nelson offered to lead the attack, requiring for the service ten ships of the line, with all the smaller craft. Sir Hyde acceeded to his proposal, adding two other ships of the line to the number demanded, and leaving the whole business to his management. It was on the 2nd of April that Nelson made the signal to weigh and engage the Danish line of defence. The difficulty of the navigation and the ignorance of the pilots were so great, that three of the ships grounded, and others were unable to take their proper station in the line. With those, however, that could approach the enemy, Nelson ventured an action. It commenced soon after ten o’clock; and at one, few, if any, of the enemy’s ships had ceased to fire, while some of the English ships had sustained much injury. Under these circumstances, therefore, Sir Hyde Parker made a signal for retreat. But Nelson had no idea of retreating. All the notice he took of the signal was to give strict orders that his own signal for close action should be kept flying, and, if necessary, nailed to the mast; and turning to Captain Foley, he jocosely remarked: “You know I have only one eye; I have a right sometimes to be blind:” and putting his glass to the blind eye, he added, “Really, I don’t see the signal for recall.” The action continued unabated for another hour; but at that time the greater part of the enemy’s ships ceased to fire; some of the lighter vessels were adrift, and the carnage on board their ships was dreadful the crews having been continually re-enforced. Soon after this, the Danish commodore’s ship took fire, and drifting in flames before the wind, spread terror and dismay throughout their line. The ships ahead, however, with the crown-batteries, as well as the prizes made by the British, still continued to lire, and Nelson, humane as he was brave, being shocked at the slaughter which their bold resistance caused him to make in their ranks, retired into the stern gallery to write a letter to the crown prince. This letter stated, “that he had been commanded to spare Denmark when she no longer resisted; that her line of defence had struck to the British flag; and that, if the fire were continued, he should be obliged to destroy all the floating batteries which he had taken, without having the power of saving their brave defenders, who were the brothers, and ought not to be the enemies, of Englishmen.” This letter, with a flag of truce, was sent by Captain Sir Frederic Thesiger; and in about half-an-hour he brought an inquiry from the prince: What was the object of Nelson’s note? Nelson’s reply was, that he sent the flag of truce out of humanity; and that he consented that hostilities should cease, and that the wounded Danes might be taken on shore. He added: “Lord Nelson, with humble duty to his royal highness the prince, will consider this the greatest victory he has ever gained, if it may be the cause of a happy reconciliation and union between his own most gracious sovereign and his majesty the King of Denmark.” Sir F. Thesiger was dispatched a second time with the reply, and the Danish adjutant-general was referred to the commander-in-chief for a conference upon this overture. Nelson availed himself of this critical moment to get his crippled ships under weigh, and the imminent danger from which he had extricated them soon became apparent. His own ship, the Elephant, and three others remained fixed upon the shoal for many hours. Nelson left the Elephant soon after she took the ground, observing as he left her: “I have fought contrary to my orders, and I shall perhaps be hanged. Never mind, let them.” It was soon agreed that there should be a suspension of hostilities for twenty-four hours; that all the prizes should be surrendered; and that the wounded Danes should be carried on shore. Nelson landed on the day after the battle, and had an interview with the crown prince for the purpose of arranging preliminaries. The négociation lasted some time, and on one occasion was on the point of breaking off; but Nelson’s firm conduct overawed the Danish negociators, and it was agreed that there should be an armistice of fourteen weeks. Nelson’s own account of the battle of Copenhagen was, that it was the most dreadful he had ever witnessed. Several British officers fell in the action, and among the rest “the gallan, good Rion.” For this victory Nelson was raised to the rank of Viscount; a reward which, his biographer, Southey, justly observes, was inadequate for services of such paramount importance to the interests of England.

DISSOLUTION OF THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY.

After the battle of Copenhagen it was intended to act against the Russians before the breaking up of the frost should enable them, to leave Revel. Sir Hyde Parker, however, having heard that the Swedes had put to sea to effect a junction with their allies, altered his course, hoping to intercept that part of the force of the confederacy. The Swedish fleet was discovered on the 19th of April; but on perceiving the English, it took shelter behind the batteries of Carlscrona. Sir Hyde Parker lost no time in acquainting the governor with the armistice that had been concluded between Great Britain and Denmark; and he called on the Swedish government to renounce the northern confederacy. At this critical juncture news was received of the assassination of the Czar Paul, and the accession of his son, Alexander, who commenced his reign by the abolition of the innovations of his predecessor, and by ordering all British sailors in confinement to be conveyed to the ports where their ships were stationed. Hostilities now ceased; Lord St. Helens was sent to Petersburgh, as minister plenipotentiary, and a convention was concluded between Russia and Great Britain, which subsequently comprehended Sweden and Denmark, recognising the principle contended for by England, and imposing such restrictions on the right of search as might prevent any unwarrantable exercise of it on neutral vessels. Thus the northern confederacy was dissolved.

EXPEDITION TO EGYPT.

The fate of the French army in Egypt was sealed about a fortnight before the battle of Copenhagen. The British troops destined against Egypt in the preceding year were sent to Marmorica, on the coast of Caramania, under an expectation of receiving assistance from the Turks. This expectation was not realized; but Sir Ralph Abercrombie resolved at all hazards to attempt the dislodgement of the French from Egypt. He landed in Aboutir Bay on the 8th of March, in the very face of the French, and under a heavy fire of grape-shot from artillery, as well as from the cannon of Aboukir castle. The French, however, were dispersed at the point of the bayonet; and on the 12th the British army moved forward, and came within sight of the enemy, advantageously posted on a ridge between the canal of Alexandria and the sea. In point of numbers the British were far inferior to the French, but Sir Ralph Abercrombie proceeded to the attack next day. This failed; but on the 21st of March a general battle took place, which resulted in the complete success of the British arms. The triumph of our troops was dearly purchased by the death of Abercrombie, who received his mortal wound by a musket-ball in the thigh during the heat of the battle, but who sustained himself till the victory was gained, when he died, universally lamented for his great and good qualities, both of head and heart. The loss of the English in killed, wounded, and missing was computed at two thousand, and that of the French at double that number. The command of the British army devolved on General Hutchinson, who perfected the work which his predecessor had commenced; for although the French were defeated, they were still powerful both at Alexandria and Cairo. Menou, the French commander, had retired into Alexandria; and this was almost insulated by General Hutchinson, by cutting through the embankments which served to retain the waters of the Aboukir lake, and by inundating a dry bed of the ancient lake Mareotis. Leaving General Coote with 6500 men to maintain the lines before Alexandria, General Hutchinson proceeded to Ramani Eh, and having driven the French from this post, he advanced still further up the Nile, towards Cairo. He was joined near Cairo by some Mamelukes, Turks, Arabs, Syrians, and Copts, who now all offered their aid to expel the French from Egypt. Cairo was invested, and on the 27th of June, the French General, Belliarde, capitulated, on condition that his troops should be embarked and conveyed to the French ports of the Mediterranean at the expense of the allied powers. At this moment Major General Baird was ascending the Red Sea with an army of British and Sepoys, and some of the East India Company’s artillery. But before he could unite his forces at Cairo, Menou capitulated on the same conditions as Belliarde, and Egypt was now cleared of the French. The expedition which had been commenced with a series of victories, ended in defeat and disgrace. With an inferior force, the British army wrested an important country from the enemy, and restored it to their allies.

{GEORGE III. 1801–1806}

AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT.

In the month of March, the court of Madrid, hoping to stop a French invasion of Spain by submission to the will of the first consul, declared war against Portugal. A Spanish army invaded the Portuguese provinces in April; and in the month of June Lisbon purchased peace by yielding some territory to Spain, and by engaging to shut their ports against the English. In this treaty, however, Napoleon refused to concur; and he sent a French army through Spain to attack Portugal. Almeida was invested, and Lisbon and Oporto menaced, when the court of Lisbon consented to a treaty, by which Buonaparte agreed to withdraw his troops, and respect the integrity and independence of Portugal, on condition that they, on their part, should confirm to Spain all the territory which had recently been ceded; should make one-half of Portuguese Guiana over to the French; should shut all the ports and roads of Portugal in Europe against all English vessels, until peace was concluded with England; should nullify all preceding treaties and conventions with England; should treat France in all matters of commerce as the most favoured nation; and should admit all French commodities and merchandise whatsoever. The Portuguese court likewise paid twenty millions of francs to the French republic. In their distress, the Portuguese court had solicited the aid of England; but our government could do nothing more than to send an expedition to take possession of the island of Madeira, in order to secure it for Portugal.

NAVAL OPERATIONS.

The naval war this year was very languid. The French and Spanish fleets did not venture out of port, and their detached squadrons put to sea only in the absence of the English. On the 6th of July a French squadron was attacked by Sir James Saumerez in the road of Algeiras; but after a hard struggle he was induced to retire. This disappointment, however, only served to stimulate the British to another action. The ships which had been damaged in the late contest were repaired with all possible expedition, and when the French, joined by a Spanish squadron, were sailing towards Cadiz, he attacked them, and one line-of-battle ship, of seventy-four guns, was captured, and two others blew up with the loss of about two thousand men. On the 1st of August Admiral Lord Nelson, with a flotilla of gun-boats and other vessels, stood over to the coast of France to reconnoitre the preparations said to be making for the invasion of England. On the 4th of the same month he sunk two floating batteries and destroyed some gun-boats; but a subsequent attack on the flotilla in the harbour failed. During this year the islands of St. Martin and St. Eustatius were reduced; while in the east, the Batavian settlement of Ternate, the principal of the Molucca islands, surrendered to the British, under Captain Haynes.

TREATY OF AMIENS.

Many circumstances rendered the first consul at this time really desirous for some short suspension of hostilities with England. Preliminaries were agreed to on the 1st of October, and in the month of November the Marquis Cornwallis went over to France as ambassador plenipotentiary. He was received with great joy by many of the Parisians, who were equally desirous of peace, as were many of the English nation. From Paris, his lordship repaired to Amiens, the place appointed for holding the conferences; and, after much angry discussion, on the 2nd of March, 1802, a definitive treaty of peace was signed. By this treaty, England agreed to restore all the acquisitions made during the war, except the island of Trinidad, and the Dutch possessions in Ceylon: the Cape of Good Hope was to be given back to the Dutch as a free port: the Porte was to be preserved in its integrity; France was to recognise the republic of the seven islands; apart of Portuguese Guiana was given up to France by a new adjustment of boundaries; and the Prince of Orange was to receive compensation for the loss of property and power. “Thus,” it has been remarked, “ended the first act of the revolutionary war, though most persons thought the whole concluded, fancying that the chief ruler of France would find his real interest in the preservation of peace; and relying on his repeated declaration of regret, that the two first nations of the world should waste their resources and the blood of their people in enmity. Some persons, however, took a different view of the subject, seeing neither indemnity for the past, nor security for the future in the restitution of all our colonial conquest, and in the recognition of that gigantic plan of continental sovereignty which had been conceived by the first founders of the French republic, and pursued with unremitting diligence by its successive rulers.”

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1802}

Parliament met in the autumn of 1801; but the chief business done before the Christmas recess was to debate on the preliminaries of the peace of Amiens; some defending—and among them Pitt himself—what the Addington administration were doing, and others condemning their line of policy. Conspicuous among those who condemned their measures was Windham, who said that the preliminaries were disgraceful, and that war was to be preferred to a peace bought on such conditions. This debate continued after the Christmas recess, up to the 13th of May, when the last struggle took place on the subject. In the upper house the opponents of the treaty were headed by Lord Grenville, who made the cession of Malta the principal point of his attack. It was absurd, he said, to place that island under the guarantee of six powers, who could not be expected to agree on any one point relating to it; and it was still more absurd to restore it to the Knights of St. John, whose funds had been confiscated, and whose existence thereby might be said to be ended. In adverting to other parts of the treaty he observed, that our rights in India had not been recognised, and that the Cape of Good Hope, a most important station to the maintenance of British sovereignty, was given up. Lord Grenville concluded his strictures with proposing an address to the throne, recommending every practicable economy, but such as would still leave the country in a state of proper defence for the suppression of any danger; acknowledging that the national faith was pledged to the observance of the treaty, but pointing out the danger to which this country was exposed on account of the great sacrifices she had made without any adequate compensation on the part of France; and finally praying his majesty to endeavour to arrange speedily, by amicable adjustment, those various points which were left unsettled by the definitive treaty of Amiens. His lordship was ably supported by some who entertained Pitt’s general views and others of his own party; but a counter address, moved by Lord Pelham, was carried without a division. A counterpart to Lord Grenville’s motion was made in the lower house on the same day, by Windham, who, in a speech of three hours, bitterly condemned the treaty. In the course of his speech he remarked:—“It is impossible to have seen, without the utmost anxiety and alarm, the unexampled circumstances that have attended the final conclusion of the present peace; the extensive and important sacrifices which, without any corresponding-concession, this treaty had added to those already made by the preliminary articles; the unlooked-for and immense accession of territory, influence, and power which it has tacitly confirmed to France; the numerous subjects of clashing interests and unavoidable dispute which it has left entirely unadjusted; and, above all, those continued and systematic projects of aggrandizement of which, in the very moment of peace, we have seen such undeniable and convincing evidence.” Mr. Windham was supported by Lord Folkstone, Sheridan, Grey, and Whitbread; but a counter address, moved by Lord Hawkesbury, similar to that which had been moved in the upper house by Lord Pelham, was carried by a majority of two hundred and seventy-six against twenty. But these long discussions forbade the hope that peace would be durable.

PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.

Early in this session Mr. Canning moved the house on the subject of the slave-trade. He made two motions: the first being a preliminary relating to the cultivation of the land in the island of Trinidad, lately ceded to England, which, some contended, should be performed by negro slaves; and the second a distinct motion on this subject. In his second speech he remarked, “In considering the acquisition of Trinidad, it seems as if Providence had determined to submit to the trial our boast of speculative benevolence and intended humanity, by placing in our power a colony where, if we pursue our old course, it must be purely for its own sake, without the old inducements or the usual apologies. This is a day of tests; I trust we shall abide the trial.” During this session an important act was passed for consolidating the existing militia laws, and for augmenting that force: it was agreed that the militia should remain permanently 60,000 strong, and that 40,000 should be called out in the first instance, and the remainder when the king deemed necessary. In announcing his budget, on the 5th of April, Mr. Addington stated the intention of government to abolish the income-tax, and fund the £56,000,000 with the payments of which it was charged. This announcement gave great satisfaction, and the resolutions upon the budget were agreed to without a division. Provision was made during this session for their royal highnesses the Dukes of Sussex and Cambridge, and the Prince of Wales’s embarrassments were taken into consideration; the magnificent sum of £60,000 annually was granted him for three years and a half, commencing from the 5th of January, 1803, and ending the 5th of July, 1806. Sums of money were voted to Dr. Jenner for the promulgation of his valuable discovery of vaccine inoculation; to Mr. Greathead for his invention of the life-boat; and to Dr. Carmichael Smith for a discovery of nitrous fumigation, for preventing the progress of infectious disorders. Parliament was prorogued on the 28th of June by the king in person, who congratulated the country on the peace and prosperity it was enjoying; and on the next day it was dissolved by proclamation.

PREPARATIONS FOR HOSTILITY.

Peace had scarcely been proclaimed when the note of war was again heard in the distance; when a little cloud in the horizon betokened the rising of another furious storm. In the month of December the French government had sent a naval force, under General Le Clerc, for the purpose of recovering St. Domingo and Guadaloupe from the revolted negroes; and the English government sent Admiral Mitchell with seven sail of the line to watch his motions. But England had more cogent reasons for displeasure in the following year. At that time the interference and intrigues of the first consul were manifested in various parts of Europe. Thus, in the month of March, he presided over a meeting at which a treaty was signed with the Cisalpine republic, preparatory to his assuming the iron crown, in imitation of Charlemagne; and he not only procured the cession of Louisiana, but the duchy of Parma, from Spain. Disputes likewise having arisen respecting the formation of a new constitution in Switzerland, and the mediation of the first consul being solicited, the diet was dissolved by his troops, the Swiss patriots were arrested, and the independence of the country annihilated by the power on which it relied for protection. In the course of the year, moreover, Piedmont was turned into a provincial appendage to France; and in October the Spanish king, at the suggestion of the French government, annexed all the property of the Maltese knights in his dominion to his royal domains, by which act the treaty of Amiens was to a certain degree violated. All these events were indications of a future rupture; and another grand provocative to the rupture was the fierce and systematic hostility displayed by Napoleon against the commerce of Great Britain. Instead of being allowed, through the return of peace, to flow into its old channels, it was still more impeded in France and in the countries where the French held sway than it had been during the war. Every month, or week, indeed, the first consul made some new encroachment or advanced some new claim; while on the other hand he pretended to bind England to the strict observance of every article in the treaty of Amiens which was against her, and insisted on the immediate evacuation of Malta, the Cape of Good Hope, and of every place she had agreed to restore. It was, in truth, fully manifested, before the close of the year, that the treaty of Amiens was an experiment that had signally failed, and that recourse, at no distant day, would be again had to the sword to decide the contest for superiority between the two countries of France and England.

Nor was the conduct of Napoleon in Paris less indicative of war; ambition being conspicuous in every movement. Some of his measures were prudent and salutary, but many of them were unprincipled, unjust, and even criminal. His aim was to be the despot and sole ruler of France; not to be the venerated head of a great and free people. His first act exhibited the despot in lively characters. This was to put the press in chains: Fouche, with an army of “Arguses and police servants, mastered the domain of thought itself;” and when conspiracies arose from this arbitrary measure, then the executioner was called in to do his fearful work. At the same time Napoleon established special tribunals throughout the kingdom, composed of judges of his own appointment. His despotism extended itself to the civil code, and even to religion and the church. By his fiat, there was to be but one liturgy and one catechism in all France! During this year, indeed, Napoleon was approaching his object at a rapid pace. He already ventured to attack the idol of the revolutionary French, the fundamental principle of the revolution, that of equality, by proposing and carrying a law for the creation of a legion of honour—that is, for establishing a new nobility in the place of that which the revolutionists had destroyed, from the one end of France to the other. Public opinion declared loudly against this institution, but Napoleon was sufficiently strong to defy public opinion. Nay, about the same time, soon after the peace of Amiens, Chabot proposed that a signal national acknowledgment should be made to him, and he was created consul for life. The throne was, therefore, visibly rising over the grave of the republic—one step more, and Napoleon would be sitting thereon in all the pride and pomp of Imperial majesty. That step, as will be hereafter seen, was taken boldly and successfully. France again submitted to the rule of one man, a man whose little finger proved to be thicker than the loins of the monarchs of the house of Bourbon.

MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

The newly returned parliament met on the 16th of November. The speech from the throne seemed to intimate that the renewal of war was probable, by his majesty saying, “that notwithstanding his desire for peace, it was impossible for him to lose sight of that system of policy by which the interests of other states were connected with our own welfare; and by which he was obliged not to be indifferent to any material change in the relative condition and strength of the European powers.” His majesty also recommended the adoption of all those means of security which were best calculated to preserve the blessings of peace. The responsive addresses, both in the lords and commons, were carried without a division; Fox at the same time expressing a hope, that ministers would not be influenced by those politicians who would rush into a war without necessity.

Augmentations both of the navy and of the army were proposed by ministers a few days after the commencement of the session: 50,000 seamen were voted, and 128,000 men for the army. On this occasion, Sheridan, who was fast falling away from the Foxite party, made a notable patriotic speech, declaring that the time had arrived when it was necessary for England to adopt vigorous measures of defence. He concluded his speech in the following language: “I wish Buonaparte not to mistake the cause of the people’s joy; he should know, that if he commits any act of aggression against them, they are ready to enter singly into the contest, rather than suffer any attack on their honour and independence, I shall proceed no further; I perfectly agree with my honourable friend, that war ought to be avoided, though he does not agree with me on the means best calculated to produce that effect. From any opinion which he may express, I never differ but with the greatest reluctance; for him my affection, my esteem, and my attachment are unbounded; and they will only end with death; but I think an important lesson is to be learned from the arrogance of Buonaparte. He says, he is an instrument in the hands of Providence, an envoy of God; he says, he is an instrument in the hands of Providence, to restore Switzerland to happiness, and to elevate Italy to splendour and importance. Sir, I think he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to make the English love their constitution better, to cling to it with more fondness, to hang round it with truer tenderness. Every man feels, when he returns from France, that he is coming from a dungeon, to enjoy the light and life of British independence. Whatever abuses exist we shall look with pride and pleasure on the substantial blessings we still enjoy. I believe, also, that he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to make us more liberal in our political differences, and to render us determined, with one hand and heart, to oppose any aggression there may be made on us. If that aggression be made, my honourable friend will, I am sure, agree with me, that we ought to meet it with a spirit worthy of these islands; that we ought to meet it with a conviction of the truth of this assertion—that the country which has achieved such greatness, has no retreat in littleness; that, if we should be content to abandon everything, we should find no safety in poverty, no security in abject submission; finally, that we ought to meet it with a firm determination to perish in the same grave with the honour and independence of our country.”

On the 21st of December, a bill was passed for appointing commissioners to inquire into frauds and abuses in the several naval departments, and for the better conducting the business of those departments. No other business of importance was transacted before the Christmas recess.

TRIAL OF COLONEL DESPARD.

{A.D. 1803}

During the month of November in the preceding year, a conspiracy against the king and government was discovered. This originated with Colonel Despard, an officer of courage and ability, who, having been reduced in circumstances, on account of the abolition of an office held by him on the coast of Honduras, organized a society in London for the subversion of that tyranny which he attributed to the ministers of his sovereign. In the scheme proposed by him, his objects were the constitutional independence of Great Britain and Ireland; an equalization and extension of rights; a liberal reward to all who would exert themselves in the cause of the people; and an ample provision for the families of those who might fall in the cause. Despard, however, with twenty-nine of his followers were arrested in the act of deliberating on the execution of their designs; and in the month of February of this year were tried by a special commission. The colonel himself was found guilty, and executed, as were also six of his associates; the rest were either acquitted by the jury, or were pardoned on their recommendation.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

Parliament reassembled on the 23rd of February, but no debate of importance occurred until the 8th of March. On that day a message from the king to both houses represented the preparations made in the French and Dutch ports as grounds for defensive arrangements. The message stated that discussions of great importance were carrying on between his majesty and the French government, the result of which was uncertain. His majesty said that he relied with confidence on parliament to enable him to take such measures as circumstances might require, for supporting the honour of his crown, and the essential interests of his people. Lord Hobart moved the responsive address in the lords, and it was carried _nem. con_.; but in the commons, many members wished for further information before the ministerial recommendations received attention. Fox, in particular, wished to know the precise reasons for putting the country into a warlike attitude; he still thought peace might be preserved. But in the commons, likewise, the address was voted unanimously; and, in compliance with the ministerial demands, on the 11th of March, 10,000 seamen were added to the existing number. A motion to that effect was agreed to without a division.

ACT TO RELIEVE CATHOLICS, ETC.

Before the Easter recess, an act was passed to relieve Roman Catholics from certain penalties and disabilities, on subscribing the declaration and oaths contained in the act of the 31st of George III. A bill was also introduced into the upper house by Lord Ellenborough, which made the maliciously maiming, wounding, and disfiguring of any of his majesty’s subjects, a capital felony; attempts also to discharge loaded fire-arms, with intent to kill or wound, were made subject to the penalty of death. The attention of both houses was also occupied by a clergy residence bill, the coroner’s bill, debates on the Paneras workhouse, &c. After the Easter holidays, a bill was unanimously carried which was intended to put down the rioting which had occurred among the electors of Nottingham, by allowing the magistrates of the county a concurrent jurisdiction in the town of Nottingham with the magistrates residing in that town. A bill was likewise passed for continuing the militia in Ireland, as well as in England and Scotland, but which substituted in that country the giving of bounties for the system of ballot.

WAR PROCLAIMED WITH FRANCE.

On the 6th of May Lord Pelham communicated to the lords, and Mr. Addington to the commons, another message from his majesty, stating that orders had been given to Lord Whitworth, our ambassador, to quit Paris immediately, unless he found a certainty of bringing the pending négociations to a close against a certain period; and that the French ambassador had applied for a passport to be ready to leave London so soon as he should be informed of Lord Whitworth having quitted Paris. Both houses adjourned till the Monday following; and after they again met, on the 16th of May, they were informed by another royal message, that Lord Whitworth was recalled, and that the French ambassador had departed. On the next day after the message was delivered, an Order of Council was published, directing that reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the French republic; and a proclamation was issued for an embargo belonging either to the French and Batavian republics, or to any countries occupied by French arms. Papers relating to the correspondence between France and Great Britain, were laid before both houses on the 18th of May and on the 23rd the subject was taken into consideration. In each house an address was moved, reechoing the sentiments of the king’s message and declaration; and though stern opposition was made by some members and peers, they were carried by large majorities. Recently Pitt had absented himself from the commons, but on this occasion he was present to defend the approaching contest. His speech produced a great impression on the house, and was greatly admired; Fox himself said, that if Demosthenes himself had been present, he must have admired, and might have envied. Notwithstanding, Fox placed himself at the head of those few who opposed the address; and ventured to palliate the conduct of Napoleon’s haughtiness and insolent language to Lord Whitworth. Buonaparte, he said, had as much right to complain of our aggrandizement in India, as we had to complain of his encroachments in Europe; that his expressed determination to take possession of Egypt on some future day, was not a sufficient cause for war; and that we were going to war on a sordid principle, which would deprive us of the possibility of obtaining any allies. The tendency of Fox’s speech was severely reprehended by several members, but he nevertheless continued his opposition. On the 27th he even moved an address, to advise his majesty to accept the proffered mediation of the Emperor of Russia; but this he was induced to withdraw, on a declaration from Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for foreign affairs, that the government, though it could not suspend the preparations for pursuing the war, would be ready to accept the mediation of Russia, if the first counsul would accept it, and accede to reasonable terms. In both houses censures were moved on the conduct of the Addington administration, but they were negatived by large majorities.

THE CAUSES FOR THE RENEWAL OF WAR WITH FRANCE.

The causes of the renewal of hostilities between France and England were manifold. Some of the remote causes have before been noticed; and it has been remarked in a previous page, that while the first consul required England to fulfil every stipulation in the treaty of Amiens, he denied our right of interference in his own political arrangements. This naturally gave rise to disputes between the two governments; disputes which soon became warm and acrimonious, and which finally ended in an open rupture. The first remonstrance of the British cabinet against the unjustifiable encroachments of the first consul related to his conduct with reference to Switzerland. This remonstrance was vain; and expostulation, as regards usurpations in Holland and Italy, were equally fruitless. The British government also complained that numerous persons were sent to reside in our maritime towns on pretence of trade, but in reality to procure such intelligence as might be useful in the event of war; and that while this scheme was put in practice, restrictions on British commerce were enforced in France with extraordinary vigour. Moreover, the British cabinet complained of insults: such as, that Great Britain could not contend alone with France; an insult which should have been treated only with contempt. On the other hand, Napoleon complained of the freedom with which the British press handled his character, and of the protection given to discontented emigrants. But the chief object of his complaint was the retention of Malta. He remarked:—“My pretended encroachments are mere trifles; and even if they were highly important, you have no concern with them: but in refusing to surrender Malta, you are openly violating the treaty of Amiens, which I will not tamely suffer to be infringed.” Dissension increased. Napoleon demanded that the Bourbons and their partisans should be expelled from England, which met with a firm and generous denial. Thus baffled, the first consul directed his political agents to circulate outrageous libels against the highest characters in the kingdom; they plotted, he averred, conspiracies against his life. At length Napoleon demanded, why the British government had not evacuated Malta, according to stipulation? The reply was, “because he had increased his European territories and threatened Egypt.” To demand Malta of the first consul was in reality to declare war; he declared that harmony could not be restored, unless that island was restored to the knights, or put into the possession of some continental power; and that he would as soon see Paris in the hands of the English as Malta. The Russian emperor now offered his mediation, but as he proposed no scheme of accommodation, his offer was politely refused. Finally, Lord Whitworth suggested the following terms of an amicable arrangement:—If the cession of Lampedosa could be procured from the King of Naples, it should serve as a naval station for the English in lieu of Malta, which should then be left to the natives on the basis of independence. At the same time Holland was to be evacuated by the French troops, while Switzerland was to be freed from all encumbrance. His Britannic majesty promised to recognize the Spanish prince who had been made King of Etruria, as well as the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics; in return for which France was required to cede some valuable territory to the King of Sardinia. By a secret article, Malta was to remain ten years under British government before the exchange took place. On the acceptation or refusal of these terms, peace or war was to be determined. A week only was allowed for a reply; and at the lapse of that time, no reply being given—Napoleon wishing still to prolong the discussion—the British ambassador, in compliance with his instructions, declined all further négociations, and prepared to quit Paris, which he did on the 12th of May. Orders were immediately issued for seizing the ships of France, and of the states subject to her power, in British ports; and Napoleon detained all British subjects who remained in the French territories after Lord Whitworth, our ambassador, had taken his departure. Thus recommenced the struggle betwixt the two rival nations of England and France: a struggle which, for the inveteracy of its spirit and the variety of its fortunes, stands unrivalled in the history of the world. Vast were the treasures spent, and still more vast was the blood shed, before the sword thus drawn was again sheathed.

{GEORGE III. 1801–1806}

WAR WITH HOLLAND.

As the proposal that French troops should be withdrawn from Holland was refused, war was accordingly denounced against that unfortunate State. On the 17th of June, the king announced by message, that he had communicated to the Batavian republic his disposition to respect its neutrality, provided only the French government would respect it, and withdraw its forces from that country; but that, this proposition not having been acceded to by France, his majesty judged it necessary to recall his minister from the Hague, and to give order for the issuing of letters of marque and reprisals against the Batavian republic. Subsequently, the sum of £80,000, and a pension of £16,000 per annum was granted to the ex-stadtholder of Holland, our late ally, the Prince of Orange, who had by this event been despoiled, and left without a home, and without any reliance, except on the generosity of this country.

MILITIA BILL, ETC.

A bill for rendering the militia as effective as possible was passed on the 20th of May; but in consequence of a message from his majesty on the 18th of June, recommending more extensive measures, a proposition was carried for embodying a new species of Militia, to be denominated “the army of reserve.” This body was to consist of 50,000 men for England, and 10,000 for Ireland, and they were to be raised by ballot, but allowed to volunteer into the regular army. This bill, however, was only the precursor of one of greater magnitude—a bill which comprehended the arming and training of the whole effective male population, and which passed into a law on the 27th of July. This measure was proposed in case of an invasion; and as the opposite coasts of France and Belgium were lined with troops, and the French and Brussels papers were calculating how many days it would take Napoleon to reach London, it met with very general support. Fox himself offered his hearty concurrence to it, because it was for the defence of the country, rather than for any project of offensive war. It passed in the commons _nem. con_.; and the lords adopted it unanimously, one or two peers only censuring ministers, as Pitt had done in, the lower house, for not producing it sooner. This scheme, however, was not generally acceptable to the nation at large, nor was the danger so great as to justify its adoption. Nevertheless a large body of volunteers started up in every part of the realm, and a force of 400,000 men wore soon collected on the coasts to defend their beloved country. The whole population of England, under the impression that their altars and firesides were endangered by the menace of the first consul of France, rose

“Like one man, to combat in the sight Of a just God, for liberty and right.”

FINANCIAL MEASURES.

In discussing the military estimates during this session, an addition of 30,000 men was proposed and agreed to. Supplies were demanded in June to the amount of £33,730,000, but the whole granted during the year exceeded £41,000,000. In order to raise this sum, the custom and excise duties were increased, and the income-tax was renewed, though not to its former extent; a duty of one shilling in the pound was imposed on land, to be paid by the landlord, and nine-pence by the tenant. The war taxes were estimated at £12,700,000 annually, but they were to cease at the end of six months after the return of peace, Some of the new taxes imposed were extended to Ireland, and the lord-lieutenant of that country was authorised to raise £1,000,000, by loan.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

This session closed on the 12th of August, by a speech from the throne. In his speech, his majesty expressed his reliance that, under the continuance of the Divine protection, the exertions of his brave and loyal subjects would prove to the enemy and to the world, that an attempt to subvert the independence of the United Kingdom would terminate in the ruin of that people by whom it was sought. He assured his parliament that economy in the public expenditure should be carried as far as was consistent with the necessary exertions to frustrate the designs of the enemy.

INSURRECTION IN IRELAND.

During this summer an insurrection, headed by one Robert Emmett, a brother to the barrister of that name who took part in the recent rebellion, broke out in Ireland. Emmett had been expelled from the university of Dublin, and had resided abroad so long as the _Habeas Corpus_ act was suspended, but on the removal of that obstacle, he returned to Ireland. On his return, as rebellious spirits still abounded in every part of that unhappy country, he formed a party for the purpose of endeavouring to overturn the existing system of government. The stoppage of the coaches was to be the signal for revolt in the country, while the grand object of the insurgents in the metropolis was to secure the seat and ministers of government, and to proclaim a new constitution. There were scarcely above one hundred immediately connected with the plot; but these were so sanguine of success, that they supposed the spirit of rebellion would, at their bidding, pervade the whole kingdom. It was on the 23rd of July that the spirit of revolt began to manifest itself. On the evening of that day, a mob assembled in St. James’s-street and its vicinity, and about nine o’clock the concerted signal was given by a number of men riding furiously through various parts of the city. Outrage followed; the chief justice of Ireland, Lord Kilwarden, was stabbed to death with pikes, Colonel Brown was shot, and others were wounded. But this conspiracy was soon quelled; about half-past ten, a small body of regular troops approached the insurgents, and they fled in every direction; nothing more was heard of Emmett or his associates till they were brought to justice. A special commission was issued for the trial of those rebels who were captured, and Emmett and several others were executed. On this occasion, the Roman Catholics, with Lord Fingal at their head, came forward and rendered government important services in quelling the rebellion.

LETTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.

While parliament was sitting, and when the country was preparing for war, the Prince of Wales repeated a claim, which he had often made before, for military promotion, requiring to be placed in a situation where his example might contribute to excite the loyalty of the people. This was a natural request; for the Duke of York had for some years been captain-general and commander-in-chief of the forces, and the Dukes of Kent, Cumberland, and Cambridge were lieutenant-generals, but the prince himself was simply a colonel of dragoons. No notice, however, was taken of this letter, and it was only by repeated applications that a reply was elicited. That reply was, that should the enemy succeed in landing, he, the prince, would have an opportunity of manifesting his zeal at the head of his regiment. Thus disappointed in his views, six days before the prorogation of parliament, he addressed a letter on the subject to the king himself; and from him likewise received a similar reply. The prince now exhibited a very unfriendly spirit both towards his majesty and Mr. Addington. In a letter to the Duke of York, he called “the opportunity of displaying his zeal at the head of his regiment,” which was intended to be consolatory to his feelings, “a degrading mockery.” The whole correspondence, in truth, brought great discredit, both on the heir-apparent and his advisers. It ended, however, in the prince joining his regiment at Brighton, in opposition to the expressed wish of Addington; he being bound to do so, he remarked, “by the king’s precise order, and by that honest zeal which was not allowed any fitter sphere for its action.”

MOVEMENTS OF THE FRENCH

A few days after the king’s message had been sent to parliament, the French admiral, Linois, was despatched with a strong squadron for the East Indies. The armies of the republic were increased to 480,000 men; that of Holland being destined to occupy Hanover; and that of Lombardy to invade Naples, garrison Tarentum, and other parts of the Adriatic. The first consul was resolved to occupy Hanover, as a pledge for the restitution of Malta. The electorate was summoned by Mortier on the 25th of May, and the Hanoverians being unable to resist, soon capitulated possession was taken of the country, and Mortier was enabled to control the navigation of the Elbe, and the Weser, as well as to levy contributions on the rich towns of Hamburg and Bremen. A British squadron, however, blockaded the mouths of those rivers, which measure caused such distress to Hamburg and Bremen, that they appealed to the King of Prussia for protection, as one of those sovereigns who guarded the neutrality of the empire. The King of Prussia, however, declined to interfere, and the French were left to continue their exactions with impunity. Napoleon, also, made severe exactions on the Batavian and Italian republics; drew pecuniary assistance from Spain and Portugal; and augmented the supplies of the French treasury, by the sale of Louisiana to the United States, for three millions of dollars. His grand objects, however, at this time, were the army and flotilla for the invasion of England. His army was swelled by contingents of allied states, and the command of it was given to Soult, Davoust, and Ney; the familiarity of his old generals having by this time offended his pride. It was for this invasion chiefly that he drew his contributions from the neighbouring countries. Rome and Naples were plundered on base pretexts, and the latter was obliged to let the French occupy a part of its territories and ports.

NAVAL CONQUESTS.

The naval campaign of this year in Europe, was of a comparatively trifling character. The port and town of Granville were attacked by Sir James Saumarez, on which occasion the pier was demolished, and a number of vessels destroyed; the town and fort of Dieppe were bombarded by Captain Owen; and the Dutch ports, from the Zandvoort, in the vicinity of Haarlem, to Scheveningen, were also severally bombarded, and many vessels destroyed.

In June, an expedition under General Grinfield and Commodore Hood, captured the islands of St. Lucie and Tobago; and in September, the Dutch colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice surrendered to the British arms. The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, likewise, were captured, and the French were compelled to abandon the colony of St. Domingo.

EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.

In the East Indies, war was carried on by land on a large scale, and with great success. Since the death of Tippoo, and the capture of Seringapatam, a new enemy had appeared in the Mahratta confederacy, and Perron, a clever Frenchman, was lending his aid in the strife. M. Perron had first appeared in India, when the government of Louis XVI. were struggling with the genius and resources of Warren Hastings for the supremacy in Hindustan. In the course of events he was raised to the rank of a general, and to the command in chief of the forces of Scindiah, in whose ranks he had entered against the British. His honours, wealth, and authority, all given him by his grateful master, excited the envy and malice of the Mahratta chiefs, for they were eclipsed by this foreigner. In 1802, when the Scindiah made war upon the Mahratta sovereign of Poonah, and expelled him from his territories, Perron, who had recently had a large portion of the Jumna region assigned him, lent his valuable assistance. This event led to a war with the British. The dispossessed chief applied for assistance to the English, and a subsidiary treaty was concluded with him at Bassein. Lord Wellesley, the governor-general, had two great objects in view—to restore the Peishwa, and to crush the forces which Perron had raised, and which had long given him uneasiness. He was joined by the Nizam of the Deccan, while the Rajah of Berar united his forces to those of Scindiah. Lord Wellesley calculated that he might detach Perron from his old Indian master by bribery; for when General Lake took the field with an army of 10,000 men, he instructed him to make every possible effort to destroy, scatter, or win over Perron and his officers. Proclamations were made to this end, but without effect; Perron took the field with about 17,000 infantry, disciplined in the usual European manner, besides a large body of irregular infantry, about 20,000 Mahratta horse, and a numerous and well-appointed train of artillery. In the mean time a younger brother of the governor-general had rescued Poonah from the Mahratta troops of Holkar, and had re-established the Peishwa in his capital. Holkar joined Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar; and this confederacy was the more dangerous, as Scindiah possessed several sea-ports from whence he could receive assistance from the French. This confederacy, however, was soon dissolved. General Lake defeated, routed, and annihilated that army of Perron which caused the governor-general such great and reasonable alarm; and, between him and General Wellesley, all the perilous portion of the Mahratta confederacy was shaken, and the power of Scindiah broken. Both the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah were compelled to sue for peace, which was granted; the Rajah agreeing to add the important province of Cuttack, with the district of Balasore, to the company; and Scindiah to yield to them all the country between the Jumna and the Ganges, besides numerous forts, territories, rights, and interests. Both the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah likewise agreed to dismiss all the French or other European officers in their service, and the latter was never to take them into his service again, without consent of the British government. In the course of the same year, two other armies were sent into the Mahratta dominions, which resulted in the conquest of much Indian territory. The varied successes of this year, indeed, gave to the British empire, not only the Mahratta dominions between the Jumna and the Ganges, but other and still more important advantages. By them the British secured the possession of Delhi, Agra, and Calpee, which gave them the mastery and free navigation of the Jumna, with an important tract of country along the right bank of the river. They secured, likewise, the greater part of the rich province of Bundelcund, the whole of Cuttack in Orissa, and the most valuable territory in Guzerat, with ports which were before accessible to our mortal enemy, France. Finally, they gave to the company a stronger frontier in the Deccan, and to our allies, the Nizan and the Peishwa, an important accession of strength. Subsequently a war ensued with Holkar; but his forces were rapidly dispersed by General Wellesley, and peace again prevailed in India; and in 1805 the victorious general returned to Europe.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament reassembled on the 22nd of November. In his speech, the king enlarged upon the successes in the West Indies, and upon the early suppression of the Irish insurrection. He alluded, also, to the conclusion of a friendly convention with Sweden, for the purpose of adjusting certain differences about maritime rights, arising out of an article in an old treaty concluded by Charles II. Mention was made of the measures adopted for a vigorous prosecution of the war; and his majesty declared, in reference to the menaces of an invasion, that as he and his people were embarked in a common cause, it was his determination, should occasion arise, to share their exertions and dangers in defence of the constitution. The usual addresses were agreed to without a division, and without opposition; and the houses occupied themselves up to the Christmas holidays with passing acts to continue the Habeas Corpus Act, and the prolongation of martial law in Ireland, and to grant certain exemptions in favour of the volunteers of Great Britain. The regular force proposed for the public service amounted to 167,000 men the embodied militia of Great Britain and Ireland, were 110,000, and the volunteer corps about 400,000. According to the statement of Lord Castlereagh, indeed, the effective force of this country, in rank and file, amounted to 615,000 men, or reckoning the non-commissioned officers, 700,000. The number of ships of war, amounted to four hundred and sixty-nine.