Part 22

"July 31. Wallop advances to Bettune. Passing by Terouenne, he attempts to draw out the garrison of that place, but fails. The French defeated in a skirmish. Wallop says, that he sent a letter to the commandant of Terouenne, an old acquaintance, that if he had any gentlemen under his charge, who would break a staff for their ladies' sake, he would appoint six gentlemen to meet them. The challenge is accepted, and the conditions are fixed. Mr. Howard, Peter Carew, Markham, Shelly of Calais, with his own two men, Cawverly and Hall, are the English appellants. They all acquit themselves gallantly at the jousts. Hall, at his first course, did break his staff galliardly, in the midst of the Frenchman's cuirass. Markham stroke another on his head-piece, and had like to have overthrown him. Peter Carew stroke his very well, and had one broken on him. Cawverly was reported to have made the fairest course; but by the evil running of the Frenchman's horse, which fled out of the course, he was struck under the arm, and run through the body into the back, and taken into the town where he was well treated. I wish to God, said Wallop, the next kinsman I had, not being my brother, had excused him."

[109] Pinkerton's History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 85, &c.

[110] Drummond, 140, &c. Buchanan, xiii. 25.

"For the fair Queen of France Sent him a turquois ring and glove, And charged him, as her knight and love, For her to break a lance; And strike three strokes with Scottish brand, And march three miles on Southron land, And bid the banners of his band In English breezes dance. And thus, for France's Queen he drest His manly limbs in mailed vest." Marmion, canto v.

[111] He was afterwards Duke of Norfolk, and great grandfather of the Earl of Surrey, who was mentioned by me in p. 114. ante.

[112] It has been generally thought that James, forgetting both his own wife and the Queen of France, lost much time at Ford, in making love to a Lady Heron, while his natural son, the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, was the paramour of Miss Heron the daughter. Dr. Lingard (History of England, vol. vi. p. 31. n.) seems inclined to doubt this tale, because James had only six days to take three castles and a fair lady's heart. What time was absolutely necessary for these sieges and assaults, the learned Doctor has not stated. However, to speak seriously, the story has no foundation in truth; and it only arose from the beauty of Lady Heron, and the reputed gallantry of the Scottish King.

[113] Henry's History of Great Britain, book vi. ch. 1. part ii. s. 1.

[114] Pitscottie, p. 116, &c.

[115] Pinkerton, book xii.

[116] So reported in the conversation of Ben Jonson and Drummond of Hawthornden.

[117] Thomson's Seasons. Summer, l. 1511.

[118] The Arcadia was popular so late as the days of Charles I., as may be learned from a passage in the work of a snarling satirist, who wanted to make women mere square-elbowed family drudges. "Let them learn plain works of all kind, so they take heed of too open seaming. Instead of songs and musick, let them learn cookerie and laundrie; and instead of reading Sir Philip Sydney's Arcadia, let them read the Grounds of Good Huswifery. I like not a female poetess at any hand." Powell's Tom of all Trades, p. 47.

[119] This was the honourable distinction of the Sidney family in general, as we learn from Ben Jonson's lines on Penshurst.

"Whose liberal board doth flow With all that hospitality doth know! Where comes no guest but is allow'd to eat, Without his fear, and of thy Lord's own meat. Where the same beer and bread, and self-same wine, That is His Lordship's, shall be also mine." Gifford's Ben Jonson, vol. viii. p. 254.

The practice of making a distinction at the table by means of a salt-cellar was very proper in early times, when the servants as well as the master of a family with his wife and children dined at one long table. It became odious, however, when a baron made this mark of servility separate his gentle from his noble friends. This was feudal pride, whereas chivalric courtesy would rather have placed the guests in generous equality about a round table.

[120] Spenser, _Colin Clout's come Home again_.

[121] Nicholls's Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, vol. iii. p. 41, &c.

[122] Puttenham, Arte of English Poesie, book ii. c. 9. & 19.

[123] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 271. This passage brings to mind a corresponding one in Wilson's Arte of Rhetoricke, printed in 1553. "If there be any old tale or strange history, well and wittily applied to some man living, all men love to hear it. As if one were called Arthur, some good fellow that were well acquainted with King Arthur's book, and the knights of his Round Table, would want no matter to make good sport, and for a need would dub him knight of the Round Table, or else prove him to be one of his kin, or else (which were much) prove him to be Arthur himself."

[124] "The Two angry Women of Abingdon." The sword and buckler fighting was the degeneracy of the ancient chivalry; and Smithfield, which had shone as the chief tilting ground of London, was in the sixteenth century, according to Stow, "called Ruffians' Hall," by reason it was the usual place of frays and common fighting, during the time that sword and bucklers were in use. "When every _serving-man_, from the base to the best, carried a _buckler_ at his back, which hung by the hilt or pommel of his sword." Alas, for the honor of chivalry!

[125] Wilson's Life of James, p. 52.

[126] Ben Jonson, Masque of Prince Henry's Barriers.

[127] G. Wither. Prince Henry's Obsequies. El. 31.

[128] Life of Edward Lord Herbert, written by himself, p. 16.

[129] Life, p. 46.

[130] Life, &c. p. 63. Sir Edward was very much annoyed at Paris by a Monsieur Balagny, who enjoyed more attention of the ladies than he did. They used one after another to invite him to sit near them, and when one lady had his company awhile, another would say, "You have enjoyed him long enough, I must have him now." The reason of all this favour was, that he had killed eight or nine men in single fight, p. 70. This was the degeneracy of chivalry with a vengeance.

[131] Life, p. 60.

[132] Act i. scene 1. of the play whose title I shall transcribe: "The New Inn: or, the Light Heart; a Comedy. As it was never acted, but most negligently played by some, the KING'S SERVANTS; and more squeamishly beheld and censured by others, the KING'S SUBJECTS, 1629. Now at last set at liberty to the Readers, His MAJESTY'S Servants and Subjects, to be judg'd of, 1631."

[133] Dugdale, Origines Juridiciales. c. 39. Serjeants at law were not knighted till the reign of Henry VIII. c. 51.

[134] Ferne's Blazon of Gentry, p. 100. See too Camden's Britannia "on the degrees in England," p. 234.

[135] Thus Lord Bacon says, "There be now for martial encouragement some degrees and orders of chivalry, which nevertheless are conferred promiscuously on soldiers, and no soldiers," &c. Essays on the true Greatness of Kingdoms.

[136] Fletcher, Fair Maid of the Inn, act i. scene 1.

[137] Rymer's Foedera, vol. xv. p. 497.

[138] British Museum, Cottonian MSS. Nero. c. ix. folio 168. The assumption of dignity by the squire-governors, in order to get greater largesses, is amusing enough: but no knights of other lands were present to chastise them for their insolence.

[139] Du Cange, Gloss. ad Script. Med. Oevi. in verb. Milites Regis.

[140] Du Chesne. Hist. Franc. Script. vol. ii. p. 148. The assertion, however, is not strictly correct; for so early as the fourth century Armorica had been colonised from Wales. Argentré, Hist. de la Bretagne, p. 2. A connection ever since subsisted between Armorica and this island; and when the Britons were oppressed, they repaired to the Continent for refuge.

[141] Velly, Hist. de la France, vol. v. p. 132-136.

[142] Velly, Hist. de la France, vol. v. p. 313, &c.

[143] D'Argentré, Histoire de Bretagne, livre vii. c. 15. Paris, 1618.

[144] Froissart, c. 230.

[145] Mémoires de Du Guesclin, vol. iv. c. 16. The mode by which the Queen came by her death was never certainly known. One common story was, that she had been murdered by a party of Jews employed by the King, and hence he was considered a patron of Judaism itself.

[146] This is Froissart's story, c. 231., and far more natural than the account in the Mémoires de Du Guesclin (which Mr. Turner has placed in the text of his History of England). The memoir-writer gives a long melo-dramatic story of Peter's application to the Prince--of his tears and sobs, and other expressions of grief. The tale goes on to relate, that when the Prince was won to espouse his cause, his Princess, who was at her toilette, was much displeased, that he should have been imposed upon by a man so criminal as the Spanish King. Edward, fancying his martial prerogative infringed, exclaimed, "I see that she wants me to be always at her side. But a Prince who wishes to immortalize his name must _seek_ occasions to signalise himself in war, and must by his victories obtain reward among posterity. By St. George, I _will_ restore Spain to its right inheritor." Mr. Turner says, "That although this account is given by an enemy, yet as the circumstances correspond with the known character of Edward, they seem entitled to our belief." History of England, vol. ii. p. 178. Now, for my part, I do not believe one word of the pretty stories of the tears and the toilette. The Mémoires of Du Guesclin are a good authority for the life of their hero; but Froissart is the historian of the other side of the question, and the hero of his tale (if sometimes he loses historic dignity in the partiality of biography) is Edward. Froissart was acquainted with every circumstance that happened in the English army, and his account of the matter is far more rational than that of Du Guesclin's historian. It is expressive of the character of Edward and his times. Here we see the gentle knight yielding the place of honour to his friend, and the lady of the knight treating the guests sweetly and graciously. The toilette-scene is altogether omitted; and even if it had been inserted in the Chronicle I should, reject it as false, for it was not characteristic of Edward's noble mindedness to speak to his Princess with petulance and ill humour.

[147] Froissart, liv. i. c. 231, 232.

[148] Froissart, c. 232.

[149] The Memoirs of Du Guesclin and Froissart, and a few passages in Mariana, have furnished this account of the Spanish war. In the general outline I have been anticipated by the popular historians of England; but I have introduced a great many circumstances essential to my subject, and, which did not come within the scope of their design.

[150] Froissart, book i. c. 233.

[151] Memoires de Du Guesclin, p. 255, &c.

[152] D'Argentré, Histoire de Bretagne, liv. vii. c. 15.

[153] Labineau, Hist. de Bretagne, vol. ii. p. 538. The treaty itself is so curious, that a life of Du Guesclin would be imperfect without it. "A tous ceux que ces lettres verront, Bertrand du Guesclin, Duc de Mouline, Connestable de France, et Olivier, Seigneur de Clisson, salut. Sçavoir faisons que pour nourrir bonne paix et amour perpetuellement entre nous et nos hoirs, nous avons promises, jurées et accordées entre nous les choses qui s'ensuivint. C'est à savoir que nous Bertrand du Guesclin voulons estre alliez, et nous allions à toujours à vous Messire Olivier, Seigneur de Clisson contre tous ceulx qui pevent vivre et mourir, exceptez le Roy de France, ses freres, le Vicomte de Rohan, et nos autres seigneurs de qui nous tenons terre: et vous promettons aidier et conforter de tout nostre pouvoir toutesfois que mestier en aurez, et vous nous en requerrez. Item, que ou cas que nul autre seigneur de quelque estat ou condition qu'il soit, à qui vous seriez tenu de foy et hommage, excepte le Roy de France, vous voudroit desheriter par puissance, et vous faire guerre en corps, en honneur, et en biens, nous vous promettons aidier, defendre, et secourir de tout nostre pooir, se vous nous en requerrez. Item, voulons et consentons que de tous et quelconques proufitz et droitz, qui nous pourront venir, et echoir dorenavant, tant de prisonniers pris de guerre par nous ou nos gens, dont le proufitz nous pourroit appartenir, comme de pais raençonné vous aiez la moitié entierement. Item, au cas que nous sçaurions aucune chose qui vous peust porter aucune dommage ou blasme, nous vous le ferons sçavoir et vous en accointerons le plutost que nous pourrons. Item, garderons vostre corps à nostre pooir, comme nostre frere. Et nous Olivier, Seigneur de Clisson, voulons estre alliez, et nous allions à toujours à vous Messire Bertrand du Guesclin dessus nommé, contre tous ceulx qui pevent vivre et mourir exceptez le Roy de France, ses freres, le Vicomte de Rohan, et nos autres seigneurs de qui nous tenons terre, et vous promettons aidier et conforter de tout nostre pooir toutefois que mestier en aurez et vous nous en requerrez. Item, que au cas que nul autre seigneur de quel que estat ou condition qu'il soit, à qui vous seriez tenu de foi, ou hommage, excepté le Roy de France, vous voudroit desheriter par puissance, et vous faire guerre en corps, en honneur ou en biens, nous vous promettons aidier, defendre, et secourir de tout nostre pooir, si vous nous en requerrez. Item, voulons et consentons que de tous ou quelconques proufitz et droitz qui nous pourront venir et echoir dorenavant, tant de prisonniers pris de guerre par nous, ou nos gens, dont le proufit nous pourroit appartenir, comme de pais raençonne, vous aiez la moitié entierement. Item, au cas que nous sçaurions aucune chose qui vous peust porter dommage aucun ou blasme, nous vous la ferons sçavoir, et vous en accointerons le plutost que nous pourrons. Item, garderons vostre corps à nostre pooir comme nostre frere. Toutes lesquelles choses dessusdites, et chacune d'icelles, nous Bertrand et Olivier dessus nommée avons promises, accordées et jurées, promettons accordons et jurons sur les saintz evangiles de Dieu corporellement touchiez par nous, et chascun de nous, et par les foys et sermens de nos corps bailliez l'un à l'autre tenir, garder, enteriner et accomplir l'un à l'autre, sans faire, ne venir en contre par nous, ne les nostres, ou de l'un de nous, et les tenir fermes et agreables à tous jours. En temoing desquelles choses nous avons fait mettre nos seaulz à ces presentes lettres, lesquelles nous avons fait doubler. Donné à Pontoison, le 24 jour d'Octobre l'an de grace mille trois cens soixante et dix."

[154] Argentré, viii. 3, 4.

[155] Voltaire says, that Bertrand du Guesclin was the first person over whom a funeral oration was delivered, and who was interred in the church destined for the tombs of the kings of France. He adds, "Son corps fut porté avec les mêmes cérémonies que ceux des souverains; quatre princes du sang le suivaient; ses chevaux selon la coutume du temps, furent présentées dans l'église à l'évèque que officiait, et qui les bénit en leur imposant les mains. Les détails sont peu importants; ils font connoitre l'esprit de chevalerie. L'attention que s'attiraient les grands chevaliers célèbres par leurs faits d'armes s'étendait sur les chevaux qui avoient combattre sans eux." Essai sur les Moeurs, c. 78.

[156] Anselme in his Palais de l'Honneur, gives an amusing account of the chivalric rules for sepulchral monuments. They were better observed in France than in any other country, and even there they were not very scrupulously attended to. "They are," however, as Gough remarks, (Sepulchral Antiquities, vol. i. p. cxvii.) "a curious specimen of monumental punctilio. Knights and gentlemen might not be represented by their coats of arms, unless they had lost their lives in some battle, single combat, or rencontre with the prince himself, or in his service, unless they died and were buried within their own manors or lordships; and then to show that they died a natural death in their beds, they were represented with their coat of armour ungirded, without a helmet, bareheaded, their eyes closed, their feet resting against the back of a greyhound, and without any sword. Those who died on the day of battle, or in any mortal rencontre, on the victorious side, were to be represented with a drawn sword in their right hand, and a shield in their left, their helmet on, which some think ought to be closed, and the visor let down, in token that they fell fighting against their enemies, having their coat of arms girded over their arms, and at their feet a lion. Those who died in prison, or before they had paid their ransom, were represented on their tombs without spurs or helmet, without coat of arms or swords, only the scabbard girded to, and hanging at their sides. Those who fell in battle or rencontre on the side of the conquered were to be represented without coats of arms, the sword at the side and in the scabbard, the visor raised and open, their hands joined on their breasts, and their feet resting against the back of a dead and overthrown lion. The child of a governor, or commander in chief, if born in a besieged city, or in the army, however young he died, was represented on his tomb, armed at all points, his head on his helmet, and clad in a coat of mail of his size at the time of his death. The military man, who at the close of his life took on him a religious habit and died in it, was represented completely armed, his sword by his side on the lower part; and on the upper the habit of the order he had assumed, and under his feet the shield of his arms. The gentleman who has been conquered and slain in the lists, in a combat of honour, ought to be placed on his tomb, armed at all points, his battle-axe lying by him, his left arm crossed over the right. The gentleman victorious in the lists was exhibited on his tomb, armed at all points, his battle-axe in his arms, his right arm crossed over the left."

[157] Argentré, Hist. de Bretagne, liv. viii. Velly in an. and Memoires de Du Guesclin, ad fin.

[158]

"Jamais, _disoit il_, je ne serai aimé ne conveis (bienvenu) Ainçois serai des dames très toujours éconduits, Car biensçais que je suis bien laid et malfettis, Mais puis que je suis laid, être veux bien hardis." Vie du Connetable du Guesclin.

[159] Chastelet, Hist. de Du Guesclin, p. 33. There were no children of either of these marriages. Du Guesclin, however, left a son, _par amours_. The last male heir of this family died in the year 1783, an officer in the French army. In the time of Napoleon, a Madame de Gîvres asserted and proved her descent from the Constable, and Bonaparte granted her a pension of 6000 franks a year.

[160] Monstrelet, vol. ii. c. 3. The battle between the Burgundians and Dauphinois, in August, 1421, was fought with similar cruelty. Vol. v. c. 62.

[161] All these curious particulars of ancient manners are contained in the Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, of M. Le Brun des Charmettes.

[162] Daniel, Histoire de la Milice Francaise, liv. iv. c. 1. Monstrelet, vol. viii. c. 46. Velly, tome v. p. 394.

[163] Boutillier, La Somme rurale, compillée par lui, p. 671. Abbeville, 1486.

[164] Memoires d'Olivier de la Marche, vol. ix. c. 2. of the Collection des Memoires relatifs à l'Histoire de la France.

[165] Perceval's History of Italy, vol. ii. c. 8.

[166] The old French, in which this dialogue was held, is exceedingly interesting and expressive. "Monseigneur de Bayard, mon amy, voicy la premiere maison ou avez esté nourry, ce vous seroit grand honte si ne vous y faisiez congnoistre, aussi bien qu'avez fait ailleurs. _Le bon chevalier respondit_, Madame, vous savez, bien que des ma jeunesse vous ay aymée, prisée et honorée, et si vous tiens à si saige et bien enseigné, que ne voulez mal à personne, et encores a moy moings que à un autre. Dites moy, s'il vous plaist que voulez vous que je face pour donner plaiser à Madame ma bonne maistresse, à vous sur toutes, et au reste de la bonne et belle compaignée qui est ceans. _La dame de Fleuxas lui dit alors._ Il me semble, Monseigneur de Bayard, mais que je ne vous ennuye point, que ferez foit bien de faire quelque tournoy en ceste ville, pour l'honneur de Madame qui vous en scaura très bon gré. Vous avez ici alentour force de vos compaignons gentils-hommes François et autres gentils-hommes de ces pays, lesquels s'y trouveront de bon coeur, et j'en suis asseurée. Vrayment, _dit le bon chevalier_, puis que le voulez il sera faist. Vous estes la dame en ce monde qui a premierement acquis mon coeur à son service, par le moyen de vostre bonne grace. Je suis asseuré que je n'en auray jamais que la bouche et les mains, car de vous requirir d'autre chose je perdrois ma peine, aussi sur mon ame j'aymerois mieulx mourir que vous presser de deshonneur. Bien vous prie que me veuillez donner un de vos manchons. Car j'en ay à besongner. La dame qui ne savoit qu'il en vouloit faire le lui bailla, et il le meit en la manche de son pourpoint, sans faire autre bruit." Memoires, vol. xiv. p. 397.

[167] The Memoires of Bayard, by one of his secretaries, have furnished me with the chief facts in this account of Bayard. A very excellent English translation of them has been lately published in two vols. post 8vo. The Memoires Du Bellay (Paris, 1573,) have supplied some deficiencies in the narration of the loyal serviteur.

[168] Memoires de Bayard, in the great collection of French Memoires, vol. xv. p. 458. "Et puis après par maniere de jeu, cria haultement l'espée en la main dextre: tu es bien heureuse d'avoir aujourdhui à un si vertueux et puissant roy donné l'ordre de chevalerie. Certes ma bonne espée, vous serez moult bien reliques gardée et sur toutes autres honorée. Et ne vous porteray jamais, si ce n'est contre Turcs, Sarrasins, ou Maures, et puis feit deux faults, et après remeit au fourreau son espée." This sword has been lost.

[169] This mode of receiving knighthood had, however, been stealing into a custom for some time. The earliest instance I have ever met with was in the case of an infant son of Charles VI. (A. D. 1371,) who was knighted by Du Guesclin, a cavalier who, one would think, was sufficiently jealous of the honour of chivalry. After the ceremonies of baptism, Du Guesclin drew his sword, and putting it naked into the hand of the naked child, (nudo tradidit ensem nudum,) said to him, "Sire, I give you this sword, and put it into your hand; and pray God that he will give you such a noble heart that you may prove as true a knight as any of your illustrious ancestors." So, too, Monstrelet, in his account of the events in the year 1433, says, that the Duchess of Burgundy was delivered of a son at Dijon, who was knighted at the font. Vol. vii. p. 147.