part 2. p. 105. Ste Croix, Sur la Législation de Crète, p. 373. has

confused the whole subject.

202 Similarly the Lacedæmonians, according to Cicero de Rep. III. 9. (cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 179, 201.) said proverbially, _suos omnes agros, quos spiculo possent attingere_.

203 Athen. VI. p. 263 E. Hesychius, Eustath. ad Il. XV. p. 1024 Rom. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 283. Concerning ἀφαμία or ἀφημία, see Schneider’s Lexicon in ἀφαμιῶται. Hoeck’s Kreta, vol. III. p. 36.

204 Strabo XV. p. 701. Etym. Magn. in πενέσται, Photius in κλαρῶται and πενέσται. Lex. seguer. I. p. 292. emended by Meineke Euphor. p. 142.

205 Polit. II. 7. 3. cf. II. 2. 13.

206 So also in Strab. XII. p. 542 C. it is said that the slaves of the Heracleotes served upon the same conditions as ἡ Μνῴα σύνοδος ἐθήτευεν. Comp. Hermon ap. Athen. VI. p. 267 B. where Eustathius ad II. XV. p. 1024. Rom. μνῷται οἱ ἐλλενεῖς οἰκέται (those born in the country as opposed to purchased slaves) appears to have preserved the right reading. cf. ad II. XIII. p. 954. Hesych. vol. II. p. 611. Pollux III. 8. 23. κλαρῶται καὶ μνωΐται. Steph. Byz. (from the same source as Pollux) οὗτοι δὲ πρῶτοι ἐχρήσαντο θεράπουσιν ὡς Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς εἵλωσι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι τοῖς γυμνησίοις καὶ Σικυώνιοι τοῖς κορυνηφόροις καὶ Ἰταλιῶται τοῖς Πελασγοῖς, καὶ Κρῆτες δμωΐταις. Write μνωΐταις in the more extensive signification of the word. In the same manner Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 533, who has been already corrected by Meineke ubi sup.

207 Aristot, Polit. II. 7. 3. ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν γιγνομένων καρπῶν τε καὶ βοσκημάτων ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων καὶ φόρων οὓς φέρουσιν οἱ περίοικοι, τέτακται μέρος, _i.e._ “_Of all the products of the soil and all the cattle_ which come _from the public lands, a part is appointed_.” The arrangement of the words is not more careless than in other passages.

208 Ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A.

209 See below, ch. 10. § 7.

210 At the Hermæa, however, the slaves feasted in public, and they were waited on by their masters, as at Trœzen in the month Geræstion; Carystius ap. Athen. XIV. p. 639 B. cf. VI. p. 263 F. In Sparta, during the Hyacinthia, the masters invited the slaves to be their guests, Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 B.

211 Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 1.

212 Polit. II. 8. 5.

213 Hesychius, Pollux and Stephanus as before.

214 VI. 83.

215 VII. 148. In this passage the battle, contrary to the calculation before given (book I. ch. 8. § 6.) upon the authority of Pausanias, is brought down to the time immediately preceding the Persian war, as is evident not only from the word νεωστὶ, but also from the circumstance that the Argives desired a thirty years’ peace, to enable the children of the persons who had been slain to arrive at manhood. From this, then, it follows that the Gymnesii, expelled from Argos, did not obtain possession of Tiryns till _after_ the Persian war (for that they were not there _during_ this war may be inferred from Herod. IX. 28.), and the final victory over them would then coincide with the conquest of Tiryns (book I. ch. 8. § 7). If the oracle in Herod. VI. 19. had been accurately (και ΤΟΤΕ) fulfilled, the battle must fall in Olymp. 70. 3. 498 B.C., but no calculation can be founded on this datum.

216 The same argument applies here as in the case of the slaves who made themselves masters of Volsinii. See Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. I. p. 101. sq. ed. 2. English Transl.

217 The liberation of Argive slaves is alluded to in a passage of Hesychius in ἐλεύθερον ὕδωρ: ἐν Ἄργει ἀπὸ τῆς Συναγείας (perhaps ΦΥΣΑΔΕΙΑΣ, cf. Callim. Lav. Pall. 47. Euphorion Fragm. 19. Meineke) πίνουσι κρήνης ἐλευθερούμενοι τῶν οἰκετῶν.

218 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 8.

219 Book I. ch. 7. § 16.

220 Not the Gymnesii. See vol. I. p. 191, note p.

221 Panathen. p. 270 A. B. cf. 286 A. I am also of opinion that Pausanias was in error when (II. 19.) he states that the Argives had from an early period been distinguished for their love of equality and freedom.

222 See Thuc. V. 67, 72. Diod. XII. 80. Plutarch, Alcib. 15. Pausan. II. 20. 1. where the leader of the 1000 λογάδες is called Bryas, and particularly Aristot. Pol. V. 4. Comp. Manso, vol. II. p. 432. with the remarks of Tittmann, p. 602.

223 The Elean Περιοικὶς may serve for a comparison. This was the name of all the territory which the Eleans had conquered in addition to their original land, the Κοίλη Ἦλις. (Thuc. II. 25. Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23.) It was, however, divided into tribes, which increased or diminished with the loss or accession of territory. The number of the Hellanodicæ was arranged according to that of the tribes. The ancient territory of the Eleans, Κοίλη Ἦλις, included four tribes; Pisatis was divided into an equal number; and if the whole of Triphylia obeyed the Eleans, four more were added. (See Paus. V. 9. 5.) Compare Aristodemus of Elis in Harpocration in v. Ἑλλανοδίκης, Etym. Mag. p. 331, 20. For further details see a paper by the author in Welcker’s and Naeke’s Rheinisches Museum, vol. II. p. 167.

224 Plutarch, Quæst. Græc. I. Hesychius.

225 Below, ch. 5. § 2.

226 Πάντα ὀκτὼ, Photius in v. Suidas (in Schott’s Prov. XI. 64.) Apostol. XV. 67.

227 Hesychius. According to Isaac Vossius Κυνόφυλοι. The Corinthian κυνῆ, Herod. IV. 180. was perhaps at an early period the peculiar dress of this class. See above, ch. 3. § 3.

228 Thus the harbour Lechæum was a place of refuge for maltreated slaves as well as Munychia, Hesych. in Λέχαιον.

229 Steph. Byz. in Χίος, Pollux ubi sup. Etym. Gud. p. 165. 53. where θῆτες, γυμνῆτες (for γυμνήσιοι), πενέσται, πελάται (erroneously for κλαρῶται), κορυνηφόροι, and καλλικύριοι are classed together.

230 See above, p. 38, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “lining of fur,” starting “Pollux, VII. 4. 68.”]

231 Herod. V. 68. where, however, it is difficult to believe that this fourth tribe was not established until after the time of Cleisthenes. The tribe which in Sicyon was called Λιγιαλεῖς was perhaps in Phlius known by the title of Χθονοφυλὴ, the mythical name of the daughter of Sicyon, and the mother or wife of Phlias, Pausan. II. 63. 12. 6. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 45.

232 The able historian Thirlwall thinks it more probable that Cleisthenes united the three Doric tribes in a single tribe, and that the Hyatæ, Oneatæ, and Chœreatæ, were the three country tribes, _tribus rusticæ_, which Cleisthenes had admitted into the dominant community. But a measure of this kind appears to be unexampled in the history of the Greek constitutions, and could hardly have been confounded by Herodotus with a mere change of names. It may be here mentioned that the temple of Zeus _the Enumerator_, in Sicyon, was referred to the establishment of the tribes, Bekker’s Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 790. Σικυώνιοι κατὰ φυλὰς ἑαυτοὺς τάξαντες καὶ ἀριθμήσαντες Διὸς Στοιχέως ἱερὸν ἱδρύσαντο.

233 See, _e.g._, concerning the κληροδοσία of Cnidos, Diodor. V. 53. That the lots were even apportioned in the mother-country may be seen from what occurred at the founding of Syracuse, book I. ch. 6. § 7. Compare the account of the colonization of Epidamnus, Thucyd. I. 27.

234 This, _e.g._, was the case in the Corinthian Apollonia, Herod. IX. 93. Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. So also in Thera, _Orchomenos_, p. 337.

235 Thucyd. VI. 17. of the cities of Sicily, ὄχλοις τε γὰρ ξυμμίκτοις πολυανδροῦσιν, &c.

236 The clearest instance, although not of a Doric city, is in Thucyd. V. 4. The Leontini had created a large number of new citizens, who, partly forming the popular party, pressed for a redivision of the lands (ἀναδασμός). Upon this, the nobles entirely expelled the commons. See below, ch. 9. § 15.

237 Herod. VII. 155. Aristot. Polit. Syrac. ap. Phot. in v. Dionys. Hal. VI. 62. p. 388. 35. Marmor. Par. l. 52. Hesychius γάμοροι—ἢ οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐγγείων τιμημάτων (_à censu agrorum_) τὰ κοινὰ διέποντες. Ἐγγείων κτημάτων, the correction of Ruhnken ad Tim. Lex. in v. γεωμόροι, is not needed. The expression ἀπὸ τιμημάτων ἄρχειν, διοικεῖν, &c., occurs. See Wesseling ad Diod. XVIII. 18.

238 Hesychius (cf. Interp. vol. II. p 260.), Photius, Suidas, and Phavorinus in Καλλικύριοι, Etym. Gud. p. 165. Zenob. IV. 54. Καλλικίριοι ἐν Συρακούσαις ἐκλήθησαν οἱ ὑπεισελθόντες ΓΕΩΜΟΡΟΙΣ, as it should be written (see below, ch. 9. § 7.), Plut. Prov. Alex. 10. p. 588. Eustathius ad Il. p. 295. Rom. Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Κρήτη, Μαριανδυνοὶ δὲ ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ τῇ Ποντικῇ καὶ Ἀροτται ἐν Συρακούσαις should be written Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Συρακούσαις—ΚΛΑΡΟΤΑΙΔΕ ἐν Κρήτῃ. Dionysius ubi sup. calls them πελάται. Καλλικύριοι seems to be a mere corruption of foreigners, who tried to make a Greek word of it.

239 Phylarch, ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 C. The μισθωτοὶ were called προύνικοι in Byzantium, according to Pollux VII. 29. 132.

240 Strab. XII. p. 542 C.

241 Euphorion (Fragm. 73. Mein.) and Callistratus ὁ Ἀριστοφάνειος ap. Athen. VI. p. 263 D. E. Hesychius in δωροφόροι. The masters are called by Euphorion ἄνακτες, according to the Homeric idiom.

242 Aristot. Pol. VII. 5. 7. where the Periœci of Heraclea, who served in the fleet, are probably the Mariandyni. In this passage Heraclea Pontica is meant, whereas in V. 4. 2. (μετὰ τὸν ἀποικισμὸν εὐθὺς) Heraclea Trachinia is evidently intended—compare Schlosser; and the same town is probably signified in the other passages.

243 See above, p. 60, note l. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “strictly so called,” starting “This, _e.g._, was the case.”]

244 The oracle in Herod. IV. 159.

ὅς δὲ κεν ἐς Λιβύαν πολυήρατον ὕστερον ἔλθῃ γᾶς ἀναδαιομένας, μετὰ οἳ ποκά φαμι μελήσειν.

Compare ὑστερεῖν τῆς κληροδοσίας, Diod. V. 53.

245 Herod. IV. 161. The most probable explanation of this passage seems to be that given in the text, viz., that Demonax left to the first conquerors the possession of their subjects, and did not divide them equally among the new colonists; and this is approved by Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, p. 148. Niebuhr, however, History of Rome, vol. I. note 708. ed. 2, understands it to mean that the Periœci were the original subjects of the Theræans in their island, who in the colony stood on an equal footing with their former masters: an equality which is not necessarily implied by an union in the same tribe.

246 Concerning the Achæans, Thuc. VIII. 3. cf. Liv. XXXIII. 34. Of the Magnetes and others, Thuc. II. 101. Demosth. Philipp. II. p. 71. Olynth. II. p. 20. Concerning the Perrhæbi, Thuc. IV. 78. Strab. IX. p. 440.—Compare Orchomenos, p. 252.

247 Tittmann. Amphictyonen bund, p. 35. see particularly Herod. VII. 132.

248 Xen. Hell. VI. 1. 7. where the περίοικοι must not be confounded with the Penestæ; see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9.

249 According to Thucyd. IV. 78.

250 VII. 176.

251 There were also Penestæ among the Macedonians, according to Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. 533. But with those mentioned in Livy XLIII. 20. sqq. we have here no concern.

252 Euboica ap. Athen. VI. p. 264 B. cf. Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, 38. Rom. Phot. Lex. in v. πενέσται, where read, ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπὸ Αἵμονος ἐν ἈΡΝΗΙ νικηθέντων Βοιωτῶν (see Orchomenos, p. 378.) as in Suidas.

253 Athen. VI. p. 265 C.

254 According to Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 3. the Penestæ revolted from the Thessalians when the latter were waging war with the Achæans, Perrhæbians, and Magnetes.

255 Archem. ubi sup. Strab. XII. p. 542 C. Eustath. p. 954. Photius, ἐπὶ τῷ μήτε παθεῖν τι ἐργαζόμενοι, μήτε ἐκβληθῆναι.

256 Pollux III. 83.

257 Theopompus ap. Schol. Theocrit. XVI. 35. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 13. Staphylus περὶ θετταλῶν ap. Harpocrat. Ammonius, Photius, Hesychius, Etym. in v.

258 Heraclid. Pont. 2. In Eustathius ad Il. II. p. 295, Photius (ubi sup.), and Hesychius, they are called οἱ μὴ γόνῳ δοῦλοι, a very obscure expression. The explanation of another writer, ἐλεύθεροι μίσθῳ δουλεύοντες, is entirely false.

259 Euripid. Phrix. ap. Athen. p. 264 C. Λάτρις πενέστης (hence Hesychius πενέσται λάτρεις) ἀμὸς ἀρχαίων δόμων.

260 In the Θεσσαλικὰ of Philocrates (εἰ γνήσια) ap. Athen. p. 264 A. Staphylus ubi sup. Photius, in πενέσται.

261 Theocrit. XVI. 35. (see Meineke Comment. Miscell. I. p. 53.) But when Theocritus says that “they received provision for a month measured out,” he evidently confounds them with common slaves.—Menon brought 200 Penestæ of his own to the Athenians, Pseudo-Demosth, περί συντάξ. p. 113. 6. or 300, according to the speech in Aristocrat, p. 687. 2.

262 Athen. p. 264 B. Hesych. in πενέστης.

263 Timæus in V. πενεστικὸν, Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, &c.

264 Archemachus and Eustathius as above—although the name is evidently derived from πένης.

265 Demosth. in Aristocrat, p. 687. 1.

266 Aristoph. Vesp. 1263.

267 All three together in Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9. cf. Thuc. IV. 78. At the time of Alexander of Pheræ it is probable that there were tyrants in Thessaly who had risen from demagogues, and were therefore hostile to the Aleuadæ, Diodor. XVI. 1.

268 The statement of Aristotle ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 397. concerning an ancient expulsion of the Barbarians from Arcadia, was merely made for the purpose of explaining the name Προσέληνοι.

269 In Athen. VI. p. 271 D. and X. p. 443 B. Casaubon reads Ἀρδιαίους and Ἀρδιαῖοι for Ἀρκαδίους and Ἀριαῖοι. See Clinton Fast. Hellen. vol. II. p. 420. note p. ed. 2. Wachsmuth, Hellenische Alterthumskunde, vol. I. p. 323. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. ult. The Greek name for the Arcadians is not Ἀρκάδιοι but Ἄρκαδες.

270 See above, § 2.

271 See above, ch. 3. § 3. What connexion there was between this measure and the union of Megara with four hamlets (book I. ch. 5. § 10.) I have not been able to satisfy myself.

272 This enables us to reconcile Xen. Hell. V. 2. 7. (cf. VI. 4. 18. ἐκ τῶν κωμῶν—ἀριστοκρατούμενοι, and VI. 5. 3.) with Ephorus ap. Strab, VIII. p. 337. Harpocration in v. Μαντινέων διοικισμὸς, and Isocrat. περὶ εἰρήνης in Harpocration. Cf. Diod. XV. 5. 12. Polyb. IV. 27. 6. Pausan. VIII. 8.

273 Therefore before Caryæ fell under the power of Lacedæmon; for it is evident that the Arcadian Caryæ, close to Laconia, and belonging to the territory of Tegea, and the Lacedæmonian Caryæ, are the same place. Photius in v. τὰς Καρύας Ἀρκάδων οὔσας ἀπετέμνοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Compare Meineke Euphorion, p. 96. That this had taken place before the second Messenian war, I can hardly believe from the narrative in Pausan. IV. 16. 5.

274 See Pausan. VIII. 45. 1. Comp. Strabo VIII. p. 337. and Aristot. Pol. II. 1. 5.

275 Hence Homer calls it the “fertile demus,” πίονα δῆμον.

276 Od. XXIV. 414. κατὰ πτόλιν.

277 Od. XI. 187.

278 Pausan. VII. 18. 3.

279 According to Steph. Byz. in v. the district was originally called Δύμη, and the city Στράτος.

280 Strab. ubi sup. cf. VIII. p. 386. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴωνες κωμηδὸν ᾤκουν (the cities were unwalled, Thuc. III. 33.), οἱ δ᾽ Ἀχαιοὶ πόλεις ἔκτισαν. Concerning the συνοικισμὸς of Patræ, Dyme and Ægium. See Strabo VIII. p. 337.

281 Εὐπατρίδαι οἱ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄστυ οἰκοῦντες, Bekk. Anecd. p. 257. Etym. M. in v.

282 Κυδαθήναιον δῆμοσ ἐν ἄστει Hesychius. Schol. Plat. Symp. p. 43. Ruhnken.

283 Κυδαθηναῖος ἔνδοξος Ἀθηναῖος, Hesychius.

284 Leg. I. p. 626 C.

285 In Homer there is no trace of a δῆμος as a political power opposed to another. The passage in Il. II. 546., in which the δῆμος of Athens is mentioned, is as late at least as the age of Solon.

286 V. 948. Thus Æschyl. Suppl. 375. concerning the monarch, σύ τοι πόλις, σὺ δὲ τὸ δήμιον, πρύτανις ἄκϝιτος ὤν.

287 See particularly such passages as that in Chishull’s Ant. Asiat. p. 113. Συβριτιων ἁ πολις και οἱ κοσμοι Τηιων τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ χαιρειν, p. 137. Αλλαριωταν οἱ κοσμοι και ἁ πολις Παριων τᾳ πολει και τῳ δαμῳ. Sometimes, however, especially in inscriptions of late date, δῆμος also occurs, as in Pococke IV. 2. p. 43. n. 2. which should be restored nearly as follows: αγαθᾳ τυχᾳ. εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ Κλεισθενεα.... Σινωπεα. Αντιοχον και Αγαθοκλην Σωσιγενεος Ἱεροπολιτας προξενος ημεν αυτος και εγγονα, ὑπαρχεν δε αυτοις και ισοπολιτειαν και γας και οικιας εγκτησιν και ατελειαν, &c.

288 See the Rhetra cited below, ch. 5. § 8. The citizens of Sparta were called δαμώδεις (above, p. 43, note n [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Neodamodes,” starting “VIII. 58.”]); νεοδαμώδεις, _i.e._, “new _Spartans_,” answers to the Syracusan νεοπολῖται, Diod. XIV. 7. δαμοσία, the train of the king in war; below, ch. 12. § 5. A measure ratified by the community was called δαμώσικτος; below, ch. 5. § 11.

289 Ch. 3. § 3. On Periander, see Diog. Laërt. I. 98. from Ephorus and Aristotle, Nicolaus Damascenus, Heracl. Pont. 5. on the Pisistratidæ, above p. 38, note p. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “very same measure,” starting “Aristoph. Lysistr. 1157.”] Meurs. Pisistrat. 7. cf. Maxim. Tyr. XIII. 140. Dav. Concerning Gelo, Plutarch. Apophth. Reg. p. 89. the Thirty, Xenoph. Hell. II. 4. 1. a Cephallenian tyrant, Heraclid. Pont. 31. See in general Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 7. and the excellent note of Meier de bonis damnat. p. 185.

290 See also Diod. XIV. 10.

291 Polyb. IV. 73. 6. οἱ πολιτευόμενοι—οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας κατοικοῦντες. Oxylus also, according to Pausan. V. 4. 1. incorporated a number of hamlets with the city.

292 Aristot. Pol. III. 3, where the πολίτου ἀρετὴ is restricted to those ὅσοι τῶν ἔργων εἰσὶν ἀφειμένοι τῶν ἀνανκαίων.

293 The instances of admission of foreigners to the rights of Spartan citizens (of which some are very uncertain), collected by Tittmann, p. 641. prove nothing against Herodotus, IX. 35. Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 364. speaks of the reception of aliens as _Periœci_. Concerning the strictness of the Megarians as to this point, see Plutarch, de Monarchia 2. p. 204.

294 Book I. ch. 1. § 8. Andron (ap. Strab. X. p. 475.) explains it from the Tripolis near mount Parnassus.

295 V. 68. cf. Steph. Byz. in Ὕλλεῖς, Δυμᾶν. Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. 385.

296 Pyth. I. 61. V. 71. and in the fragment of the Ἰσθμιονῖκαι, Ὕλλου τε καὶ Αἰγιμίου Δωριεὺς στρατός.

297 Ubi sup. cf. Schol. Pyth. I. 121.

298 Hesychius Δύμη ἐν Σπάρτῃ φυλὴ καὶ τόπος, which is not indeed a decisive testimony.

299 V. 68. All the three tribes occur in Argive inscriptions of late date; see Boeckh ad Inscript. 1123. the Πάμφυλοι however are introduced on conjecture. Ὕλλις ἀπὸ Ἀργείας μιᾶς τῶν νυμφῶν, Callimachus ap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς, unless it should be written Αἰγαίας, or some such word. See Introduction, § 9.

300 Plutarch. Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269.

301 Pindar, ubi sup.

302 Hesych. in Ὕλλέες. Compare Æginetica, p. 140.

303 Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 404.

304 Gruter p. 401. Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79.

305 Il. II. 668. book I. ch. 6. § 3.

306 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1073. and see his Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. I. p. 234.

307 Charaxap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς.

308 Book I. ch. 6. § 1.

309 Æginetica, pp. 40. and 140. note x. Steph. Byz. Δυμᾶν, φῦλον Δωριέων, ἦσαν δὲ τρεῖς, Ὕλλεῖς καὶ Πάμφυλοι καὶ Δυμᾶνες, ἐξ Ἡρακλέους, καὶ προσετέθη ἡ Ὑρνηθία, ὡς Ἔφορος ά: which passage should be understood thus: “There were originally three tribes, Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanes, which go back to the time of Hercules; and to these the Hyrnathian tribe was afterwards added,” viz., at Argos, where it occurs in inscriptions, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1130, 1131. The name is obscure, and particularly its connexion with the heroine Hyrnetho, the daughter of Temenus. See Paus. II. 26. Steph. Byz. in Ὕρνίθιον.

310 Ibid. p. 140.

311 See above, p. 58, note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “dwelt in the city,” starting “Πάντα ὀκτὼ.”]

312 See Orchomenos, p. 329. Tribes with patronymic terminations occur, however, elsewhere, as in the great Tenian inscription in the British Museum the tribes of the Heraclidæ, the Thestiadæ, and these, together with several others also, as divisions of the country. The name of the Heraclidæ in the Ionian island of Tenos is not easily accounted for; on the presence of Hercules there, see, however, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1304. from the Τηνιακὰ of Ænesidemus.

313 Athen. IV. p. 141 F. from Demetrius Scepsius, comp. Orchomenos, p. 328. Hesychius incorrectly interprets ὠβάτης as φυλέτης. The name ὠβὰ was retained till the Roman time, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1272, 1273, 1274.

314 The γένη of the mechanics and peasants in Athens often had a patronymic name from their occupations. Compare Buttmann on the meaning of the word phratria, in the Berlin Transactions for 1818 19. p. 12.

315 The five divisions of the city are the four κῶμαι, Pitana, Mesoa, Cynosura, and Limnæ (see above, ch. 3. § 7); and, fifthly, the πόλις itself, the hill on which the temple of Athene Chalciœcus stood.

316 Hesychius and Etym. in Ἀγιάδαι, where, however, Laconia is put for Sparta. Probably in Pitana. See Pausanias III. 14. 2. where ἐν Ἀγιαδῶν has been correctly edited by Bekker, after Heeringa and Porson.

317 Below, § 8.

318 Diod. XI. 50. See also Plut. Lys. 24.

319 Plut. Solon. 12.

320 Herod. V. 72.

321 See the Sigean inscription in Clarke’s Travels, vol. II. sect. 1. p. 162. Compare Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 103. Epigr. Hom. 14. In Byzantium also there were _patrias_, probably the same as _phratrias_, as Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. mentions πατριωτικὰ χρήματα in that town.

322 See Ignarra _de Phratriis._ Comp. Buttmann, p. 36.

323 Ælius Dionysius ap. Eustath. Il. II. p. 363. Orus ap. Etym. Mag. Buttmann indeed denies the truth of this remark, but it must not be given up hastily. For, in the first place, the Ionic festival Ἀπατούρια is manifestly an union of the πάτραι, yet it is always represented as a festival of the phratrias; and secondly, in the Thasian decree in Choiseul Gouffier I. 2. p. 156. it is permitted to newly-created citizens to be admitted into a πάτρη; but we never find that new citizens were elected into ancient γένη. It is also confirmed by the words in the Tenian Inscription from Choiseul’s collection (in the Louvre, No. 566.), καὶ [εἰς] φυλὴν καὶ φρατρίαν προσγρά [ψασθ] αι [ἣν ἂν βούλωνται], and the same in the inscription quoted in p. 81. note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Asiatic colonies,” starting “See the Sigean inscription.”]

324 The names of the larger division or _tribe_ were the same at Sparta and Athens, viz., φυλὴ; but the Spartan ὠβὰ corresponded with the Athenian φρατρία, the Doric πάτρα with the Athenian γένος. See Schneider’s Lexicon in v. πάτρα, Boeckh Not. Crit. ad Pind. Nem. IV. 77. and Dissen Expl. Nem. VIII. p. 450. _Æginetica_, p. 139.

325 I. 65.

326 Pollux VIII. 111. Hesych. in ἀτριάκαστοι. But in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 101. τριακὰς is a division of a borough. See Boeckh, vol. I. p. 900.—Whether the τριακάδες of Epicharmus (Hesych. in Σκωρνυφίων) are families, is uncertain.

327 Perhaps the persons ἀπὸ γένους, whom Leonidas wished to send back from Thermopylæ (Plut. Herod. Mal. 52.), were the only surviving members of their families.

328 Yet they had not any essential privilege in Sparta, Plut. Lys. 24.

329 οἱ πρῶτοι ἄνδρες Thucyd. IV. 108. V. 15. ἄριστοι Plut. Lys. 30. The καλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ in Aristot. Poll. II. 9. are in general persons of distinction; there may undoubtedly have been persons of this description among the Periœci (Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9.), but in this passage of Aristotle these do not come into consideration.

330 In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Wolf.

331 Rep. Laced. 10. 7.

332 Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 7. From this it is probable, that in Xenophon Σπαρτιᾶται is used in a limited sense for Ὅμοιοι. cf. Schneider. ad loc. et ad V. 3. 9.

333 Rep. Laced. 13. 1.

334 Anab. IV. 6. 14. Xenophon, who imitates the Lacedæmonian spirit in so many different manners in the Cyropædia, here also mentions ὅμοιοι and ὁμότιμοι, I. 5. 5. II. 1, 2.

335 Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 7. cf. 33. and see B. IV. ch. 5. § 1.

336 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21. according to the reading μὴ μετέχειν αὐτῆς, _i.e._, τῆς πολιτείας. See B. IV. ch. 3. § 3. Concerning the grounds of the distinction of the Equals, see C. F. Hermann De Conditione atque Origine eorum qui Homoei apud Laced. appellati sunt. 1832.

337 See above, note u. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “education of an Equal,” starting “Anab. IV. 6. 14.”]

338 Aristotle says, probably without any reference to the more definite expression, that the Parthenians were ἐκ τῶν ὁμοίων, Polit. V. 6. 1. See also Manso, vol. I. part 1. p. 231, 238. vol. III. part 1. p. 217.

339 See book I. ch. 7. § 4. above, ch. 1. § 9.

340 Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Διὸς Ἑλλανίου καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἑλλανίας ἱερὸν ἱδρυσάμενον, φυλὰς φυλάξαντα καὶ ὠβὰς ὠβάξαντα τριάκοντα, γερουσίαν σὺν ἀρχαγέταις καταστήσαντα, ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας ἀπελλάζειν μεταξὺ Βαβύκας τε καὶ Κνακίωνος, οὒτως εἰσφέρειν τε καὶ ἀφίστασθαι. δάμῳ δὲ κυρίαν ἦμεν καὶ κράτος. Ἀπελλάζειν means “to summon the people to an assembly,” “_in concionem vocare_.” See Hesychius in v. Valcken. ad Theocrit. Adon. p. 209. Lennep Etymol. vol. I. p. 152. Plutarch evidently derives the word from Ἀπέλλων, _Apollo_. The words ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας are nearly inexplicable, and Mazochi’s alteration, Tab. Herac. vol. I. p. 149, ὠβὰς (or ὠβὰν) does not much diminish the difficulty. The best explanation of ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας seems to be, “one month after another,” _i.e._ monthly. Towards the end, κυρίαν ἦμεν seems to be the best reading; one MS. has γυριανήμην. Valckenaer, ib. p. 291. proposes δάμῳ δ᾽ ἀνωγὰν ἦμεν.

341 Ib. αἰ δὲ σκολιὰν ὁ δᾶμος ἕλοιτο, τοὺς πρεσβυγενέας καὶ ἀρχαγέτας ἀποστατῆρασ ἦμεν. Compare Plutarch. An Seni sit ger. Resp. 10.

342 For εὐθείαις ῥήτραις, which is read both in Plutarch and Diodorus, Frank, p. 173. 199, corrects εὐθείαις γνώμαις, and explains it to mean the proposal made _to_ the people. But both the context and syntax require, not that _to_ which they answer, but that _which_ they answer; _i.e._, they simply approve or reject the proposed law. Both νόμος and ῥήτρα are used for a decree in its imperfect stage (below, ch. 9. § 11. Plutarch Agis 8.); nor is ῥήτρα applied only to the laws of Lycurgus.

343 Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Diod. Vat. Excerpt. VII—X. 3. p. 3. Mai. Instead of the two first verses Diodorus has Δὴ γὰρ ἀργυρότοξος ἄναξ ἑκάεργος Ἀπόλλων χρυσοκόμης ἔχρη πίονος ἐξ ἀδύτου, but these do not connect with what follows so well as those in Plutarch. In the fifth line Plutarch has πρεσβύτας, Diodorus πρεσβυγενεῖς: which is the word in the law cited in the last note but one. The last verse, which agrees with the final sentence of the original rhetra, is preserved in Diodorus, who has three more.

344 VII. 134.

345 Demosth. de Corona, p. 255.

346 Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79, 84. Gruter, p. 401.

347 Dodwell’s Travels, vol. II. p. 503. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 403. sqq.

348 Ἁλία κατάκλητος (compare Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 291.) Tab. Heracl. p. 154, 260. ed. Mazoc. cf. Iud. p. 281.

349 Hesychius.

350 Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.

351 Hesychius. The Athenian ἡλιαία is the same word. Compare below, ch. 11. § 2. and, in general, Dorville ad Charit. p. 70. Taylor ad Demosth. p. 227. Reisk. In Aristoph. Lysist. 93. συναλιάζω is the word used by the Lacedæm. woman for to _convene_, to _assemble_.

352 Bekker Anecd. p. 210. Ἐκκλησία is however the word always used in the Inscriptions published by Chishull.

353 The εἰωθὼς ξύλλογος in Thucyd. I. 67. transacts business with the ξυμμάχοι, as the ἐκκλησία or ἔκκληχοι in Xen. Hell. V. 2. Il. VI. 3. 3. Compare Cragius de Rep. Lac. IV. 17. Morus Ind. Xenoph. and Sturz. Lex. Xen. in v. ἐκκλησία.

354 Ἔσκλητος in Syracuse occurs in Hesychius. The same grammarian has, ἀνεκκλητειν ἐξαίρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι παρὰ Ῥοδίοις.

355 Xen. Hell. III. 3. 8.

356 As Tittmann, p. 100. supposes, who also states that by ἔκκλητοι and ἐκκλησία (which are evidently synonyms) the small assembly is _often_ (but query when?) meant, as τέλη are mentioned instead, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 23.—Thus in an ἐκκλησία in Thuc. VI. 88. the ephors and τέλη are alone mentioned as deliberating. Thus in Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 2. Cleombrotus sends from the army to _ask_ the τέλη in Sparta, and the ἐκκλησία _answers_. The peace after the battle of Ægospotamos was concluded by the ἐκκλησία and the confederate assembly at Sparta, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19. sqq.; and yet in the document in Plut. Lys. 14. the τέλη alone are _named_. In innumerable instances the τέλη do what on other occasions the whole πόλις performs, Xen. V. 3. 23, 25. see below, ch. 7. § 5, 8. The simple solution of this difficulty is, according to my view, given in § 10.

357 Plut. Lyc. 25. cf. Liban. Or. Archid. vol. IV. p. 420. ἡβωντες also were prohibited from filling any public situation out of the country, Thucyd. IV. 132. The Parthenians, according to Justin. III. 4. quit their country at the age of thirty, because their civic rights begin at that time. See also Clinton F. II. vol. II. p. 386.

358 Cf. Plut. Pelop. 17. Schol. Lycoph. 550. The strict meaning is the “Saffron river.”

359 See above, ch. 3. § 7.

360 Not till late times in the Scias. Paus. III. 12. 8.

361 Schol. Thucyd. I. 67. where it should be observed that εἰωθότα does not refer to time.

362 Herod. VII. 134.

363 Herod. VII 149. οἱ πλεῦνες. Thucyd. I. 67, 72. ξύλλογος εἰωθὼς or τὸ πλῆθος V. 77. δοκεῖ τᾷ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ανανκαῖον ειναι στρατευεσθαι

364 Plut. Lyc. 26. Justin. III. 3, &c.

365 A litigation generally preceded (Herod. VI. 65. Plut. Agid. 11.), and after its termination the people passed their decree, Plut. cf. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. also Polyb. IV. 35. 9.

366 Plut. Ag. 9. (compare Tittmann, p. 94. note 25.) Lye. 29.

367 Thucyd. V. 34.

368 Libanius ubi sup.

369 Thucyd. I. 80. Xen. Hell, III. 3. 8. Plut. Ag. 9, &c.

370 Thuc. I. 67. and frequently.

371 The story in Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25, 33. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 239. præc. Reip. 4. p. 144. and Gellius N. A. XVIII. 3. that the people once wishing to accede to the opinion of an immoral person, a councillor proposed that if it was brought forward by a man of blameless character it should then pass, proves nothing, as the account is entirely unconnected, and we do not know by what right the original proposer had spoken. The same story is alluded to by Isiodorus Pelus. Epist. III. 232. Lysandir (Plutarch. 25.) probably spoke in a public capacity.

372 See above, p. 89. note t. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “magistrates alone,” starting “As Tittman.”]

373 δαμώσικτον, δεδοκιμασμένον, Hesychius.

374 Plutarch Lys. 25. Ages. 20.

375 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. Κυρία δ᾽ οὐδενός ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ συνεπιψηφίσαι τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς γέρουσι καὶ τοῖς κόσμοις, which must be taken _cum grano salis_. Aristotle II. 8. says that the ἕτεραι πολιτεῖαι, _i.e._, Crete and Sparta, differed from Carthage in this respect, that in them only the magistrates spoke, while in the latter state any person could come forward and oppose the public officers; but he makes no difference between Sparta and Crete. See above, § 8.

376 The Lacedæmonians and Cretans used, according to Hesychius, the form γερωνία (the same grammarian has, however, γερώα also), where Valckenaer appears rightly to read γερωἵα (Epist. ad Roever. p. 323. ad Adoniaz. p. 271. Küster ad Hesych. p. 822.), which by a more guttural sound of the aspirate is called γερωχία in Aristoph. Lys. 980, probably the correct form. Γεροντία is the office of a geron, in Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 1, 3. See Nicolaus Damascenus.

377 Herod. VII. 148. In the _Cretan_ states, γερουσία was the common form (see also the inscription in Montfaucon Diar. Ital. p. 74.) as well as βουλὴ (βωλὰ Koen ad Gregor. p. 639.) according to Arist. Pol. II. 7. 3. and late inscriptions; the members of which are called γέροντες by Aristotle and Strabo X. p. 484. In Cos βουλὰ occurs in the time of the emperors, Villoison Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. XLVII. p. 325. Spon., Misc. Erud. Ant. X. 51. as well as γερουσία, Spon., n. 57, 58.

378 This appellation may be perceived in the γερούσιος ὅρκος, Il. XXII. 119, γέροντες βουλευταὶ, Il. VI. 113.

379 Who were also of the number of the gerontes, Od. XXI. 21. see above, ch. 1. § 3.

380 Which is beautifully expressed by Pindar ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 21. An seni sit ger. Resp. 10. ἔνθα βουλαὶ γερόντων, καὶ νέων ἀνδρῶν ἀριστεύοντιν αἰχμαὶ, καὶ χοροὶ καὶ μοῦσα καὶ ἀγλαΐα. (Fragm. p. 663. Boeckh).

381 Plut. Lyc. 26. cf. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 10. 1.

382 Pol. II. 6. 15. In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Xenoph. ubi sup.

383 Which was also testified by the presents made by the king, Plut. Ages. 4. the double portion at the syssitia, Plut. Lyc. 26. Concerning the public repasts of Homeric gerontes, see Il. IV. 344. IX. 70.

384 Ὅμοιοι, καλοὶ καγαθοὶ, see above, ch. 5. § 7.

385 Aristot. ubi sup. Plutarch. Lyc. 26. Ages. IV. Polyb. VI. 45. 5. Some late inscriptions indeed mention persons who had three and four times filled the office of geron (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1261. and 1320.); but in that age the whole institution had been changed.

386 See above, ch. 5. § 3.

387 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 18.

388 IV. 5. 11.

389 For what follows compare Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 17. II. 7. 6. Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.

390 Plato Leg. III. p. 692 A. calls it τὴν κατὰ γῆρας σώφρονα δύναμιν.

391 Plato has perhaps treated this question better than any other ancient writer, ibid. VII. p. 793.

392 Plutarch. Agid. 11. τοὺς γέροντας, οἷς τὸ κράτος ἦν ἐν τῷ προβουλεύειν. Comp. Demosth. in Leptin. p. 489. 20. δεσπότης ἐστὶ τῶν πολλῶν. Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25. 35. Dion. Hal. Archæol. II. 14. ἡ γερουσία πᾶν εἶχε τῶν κοινῶν τὸ κράτος. Paus. III. 11. 2. Cic. de Senect. 6. _amplissimus magistratus_.

393 Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 2. Aristot. Pol. III. 1. 4, 9. Plut. Lyc. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. see below, ch. 7. § 11. [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]

_ 394 Arbitri et magistri disciplinæ publicæ_, Gell. N. A. XVIII. 3. Æschin. ubi sup. Hence σωφροσύνη was in particular required of them.

395 That the parallel between the Thirty at Athens and the Spartan gerusia fails in many points, has been justly remarked in the Philological Museum, vol. II. p. 54; yet the gerusia must have served as a model for the establishment of this body, since there is nothing similar in the Athenian institutions. The oligarchical faction in Athens, after the battle of Ægospotamos, and before the surrender of the city to Lysander, had also procured the election of _five ephors_. See Lysias cout. Eratosth. § 43.

396 Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 484. (p. 171. Marx.); above, ch. 5. § 11.

397 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5. It acted also without doubt in a judicial capacity.

398 Strabo, οἱ τῆς τῶν κόσμων ἀρχῆς ἠξιωμένοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δόκιμοι κρινόμενοι. Cf. Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5.

399 Aristot. ubi sup.

400 See above, p. 94, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.”]

401 Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 8. These remains of the ancient oligarchy at Elis were deprived by Phormio of a part of their power, as Ephialtes weakened the Areopagus at Athens, according to Plutarch Reip. gerend. Præcept. 10. vol. XII. p 155.

402 Thuc. V. 47. Compare Plutarch Præc. Reip. 10.

403 The ἱεραὶ γερουσίαι, for example, of Eleusis in later times, we have here no concern with; yet we may notice the following monument, as belonging to the Peloponnesus (Boeckh Inscript. No. 1395). ἡ ἱερὰ ουπησια (Boeckh conjectures γερωσία) Γ. Ἰούλιον Ἐπαφρόδειτον ἀγρετεύσαντα (difficult of explanation) τὸ ΡqΔ ἔτος (according to Visconti Mus. Pio-Clem. II. p. 66. from the liberation of Greece by Flamininus) καὶ δόντα ἑκάστῳ γέροντι νομῆς δηνάρια δέκα, &c. Perhaps this ἱερὰ γερωσία is the Ὀλυμπιακὴ βουλὴ of the Eleans. See Pausan. V. 6. 4. VI. 3. 3. Perizon. ad Æl. V. H. X. 1. See b. I. ch. 7. § 7.

404 See above, ch. 1. § 3. Platner _de Notione Juris_, p. 90.

405 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 5. V. 9. 1. Dionys. Rom. Archæol. V. 74. says that the Spartan monarchy was ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς τισὶν διοικούμενον, as Thucydides calls the Homeric, I. 13.

406 Xen. de Rep. Laced. 15. cf. Hell. III. 3. 1. σεμνοτέρα ἢ κατ᾽ ἄνθρωπον ταφή.

407 According to Herod. VI. 50. for ten days after the king’s death there was no assembly of the people or officers of state (ἀγορὰ or ἀρχαιρεσίη); and the nomination of the new king did not take place until this period had expired; the regularity of which public mourning may be inferred from the expression αἱ ἡμέραι in Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 1. [where L. Dindorf ingeniously reads ἐπεὶ δὲ ὡσιώθησαν αἱ ἡμέραι καὶ ἔδει βασιλέα καθίστασθαι for ὡσ εἰώθεσαν αἱ ἡμ. παρῆλθον, comparing Photius and Suidas ὁσιωθῆναι ἡμέρας λέγουσιν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τινὸς, οἷον μὴ ἱερὰς ἀλλ᾽ ὁσίας νομιοθῆναι.] Heraclides Ponticus, has, however, only three days.

408 Herod. VI. 58. ἐκ πάσης δεῖ Λακεδαίμονος (_i.e._, Λακωνικῆς, as in VII. 220, &c.) χωρὶς Σπαρτιητέων (_in addition to the Spartans_) ἀριθμῷ τῶν περιοίκων (a fixed number of Periœci; the dative depending on δεῖ; otherwise Werfer Act. Monac. vol. II. p. 241.) ἀναγκαστοὺς ἐς τὸ κῆδος ἰέναι. τούτων ὦν καὶ τῶν εἰλώτων (see above, p. 32, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “entire produce of the land,” starting “Of the two lines of Tyrtæus.”]) καὶ αὐτῶν Σπαρτιητέων, &c. Compare the oracle in VII. 220. πενθήσει βασιλῆ φθίμενον Λακεδαίμονος οὖρος, “the furthest boundaries of Lacedæmon.” The μιαίνεσθαι was the more imposing, as it was strictly interdicted in _private_ mourning, Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252. The generality of this mourning for princes of the Heraclidæ in early times is rendered probable by the fact noticed in vol. I. p. 98, note g.

409 The εἴδωλα were probably preserved; for they could not have been meant merely to represent the corpse, since the body of the king was almost always brought home even from a great distance, as in the case of Agesilaus. Perhaps it was to the εἴδωλον that the prohibition of Agesilaus referred, μήτε πλαστὰν μήτε μιμηλὰν τινα ποιήσασθαι αὑτοῦ εἰκόνα. Plutarch Ages. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 129. Lac. Apophth. p. 191.

410 Concerning the public sacrifices of the king, see Xen. Hell. III. 3. 4.

411 Herod. VI. 46.

412 A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor at the first departure (Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 13. 2. see below, ch. 12. § 5.); then on the boundary διαβατήρια to Zeus and Athene. (ibid. cf. Polyæn. I. 10.); also διαβατήρια on other occasions, Plutarch. Ages. 6, where the parallel with Agamemnon is remarkably striking.

413 See above, ch. 1. § 9.

414 Plut. Agis 11.

415 Which point is more fully discussed by Hoeck, Kreta, vol. I. p. 245.

416 It is a δίκη Plut. Agis 11. νεῖκος Herod. VI. 66. with the preceding κατωμοσία of the accuser VI. 65. which is followed by a decree in the name of the whole community (πόλις Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Herod. V. 42.) See above, ch. 5. § 9. Cleonymus also was not declared to have a worse claim than Areus, by a free selection, founded on comparative merit (as it appears from Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26.) but the gerusia merely declared at the ἀμφισβήτησις, that he, as the younger son, came after the heir of the elder son, Pausan. III. 6. 2.

417 See, _e.g._, Herod. V. 42. VI. 52. VII. 3. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 2. Nepos Ages. I. 3.

418 As Lycurgus of Charilaus, Nicomedes of Pleistoanax.

419 As Demaratus was succeeded by Leutychides, whose right to the throne went back to the eighth ancestor of Theopompus, if with Palmerius we correct Herod. VIII. 131. according to Pausanias’ genealogy of the Kings.

420 Plutarch. Pyrrh. 5.

421 Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 7. from whom Nicolaus Damascenus Λακεδ. See an allusion to the oath of the Ephors in Julian. Or. I. p. 14 D.

422 Thucyd. I. 20. who contradicts the statement of other historians; but probably refers to Hellanicus (see above, ch. 1. § 7.) rather than Herodotus, whose work he could scarcely have read. Herodotus (VI. 57.) however appears to me to have followed the opinion generally received in Greece, of the two votes of each king, although the expression is not quite clear. The notion of the Scholiast to Thucydides, adopted by Larcher, that each king had only one vote, though it had the force of two, is ridiculous. The γερουσία was ἰσόψηφος τὰ μέγιστα with the kings, according to Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. Herodotus is followed by Lucian Harm. 3.

423 See above, ch. 5. § 3.

424 Herod, ubi sup. δικάζειν δὲ μούνους τοὺς βασιλῆας τοσάδε μοῦνα. cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. Agesil. p. 187.

425 Herod. VI. 57.

426 Lysias in Evand. p. 176. 22. Pollux. VIII. 89.

427 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 20.—An example in Xen. Hell. VI. 5. 4. Agesil. 2. 25.

428 Herod. VI. 57. καὶ προξείνους ἀποδεικνύναι τούτοισι προσκεῖσθαι τοὺς ἂν ἐθέλωσι τῶν αστῶν. In other places the proxeni were appointed by the states whose proxeni they were: for example, a Theban was proxenus of the Athenians at Thebes: but in Sparta, as the connexion with foreign nations was more restricted, a state, which wished to have a proxenus there, was forced to apply to the king to nominate one. This appears to be the meaning of the above passage of Herodotus.

429 Aristot. Pol. III, 9. 2. cf. III. 9. 8. Isocrat. Nicocl. p. 31 D.

430 Herod. VI. 56. who must not be understood to refer to the declaration of war, Xen. Rep. Laced. 13. 10. A case occurs in Thucyd. VIII. 5. ὁ γὰρ Ἄγις ... ἔχων τὴν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, κύριος ἦν καὶ ἀποστέλλειν εἴ ποί τινα ἐβούλετο στρατιὰν, καὶ ξυναγείρειν, καὶ χρήματα πράσσειν. cf. V. 60. διὰ τόν νόμον.

431 Xen. Hell. II. 2. 12. V. 3. 24. cf. Thuc. V. 60. It was however permitted to the king to send ambassadors, _e.g._, to mediate, according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 10. where I do not perceive the necessity of changing αὖ into οὐ; μέντοι marks the opposition to the preceding purely military duties of the king.

432 Herod. V. 75. _Both_ kings were rarely out of Sparta, Xen. Hell. V. 3. 10.

433 Thuc. V. 63, where the words ἐν παρόντι do not prove that they passed the law for only one campaign. See Manso, Sparta, vol. I.