Chapter IX.

§ 1. Difference between the life of the Dorians and Ionians. Domestic habits of the Spartans. § 2. Opinions of the Dorians respecting a future life. § 3. General character of the Dorians. § 4. Its varieties. § 5. Character of the Spartans. § 6. Character of the Cretans, Argives, Rhodians, Corinthians, Corcyræans, Syracusans, Sicyonians, Phliasians, Megarians, Byzantians, Æginetans, Cyrenæans, Crotoniats, Tarentines, Messenians, and Delphians.

1. After Anacharsis the Scythian had visited the different states of Greece, and lived among them all, he is reported to have said, that “all wanted leisure and tranquillity for wisdom, except the Lacedæmonians, for that these were the only persons with whom it was possible to hold a rational conversation.”(1809) The life of all the other Greeks had doubtless appeared to him as a restless and unquiet existence, as a constant struggle and effort without any object. In addition to the love of ease, which belonged to the original constitution of the Dorians, there was a further cause for this mode of life, viz. the entire exemption from necessary labour which the Spartans enjoyed, their wants being supplied by the dependent and industrious classes.(1810) Several writers have dwelt on the tedium and listlessness of such an existence; but the Spartans considered an immunity from labour an immunity from pain, and as constituting entire liberty.(1811) But, it may be asked, what was there to occupy the Spartan men from morning to night?(1812) In the first place, the gymnastic, military, and musical exercises; then the chase, which with men advanced in life was a substitute for other exercises;(1813) besides which, there was the management of public affairs, in which they might take an active part, together with the religious ceremonies, sacrifices, and choruses; and much time was also consumed in the places of public resort, or λέσχαι. Every small community had its _lesche_;(1814) and here the old men sat together in winter round the blazing fire, while the respect for old age gave an agreeable turn to the conversation. At Athens, too, these small societies or clubs were once in great vogue; but a democracy likes a large mass, and hates all divisions; and accordingly in later times the public porticoes and open market were generally attended, where every Athenian appeared once in the day. At Sparta, the youths were forbidden to enter the market-place;(1815) as well as the pylæa,(1816) which was in other Doric towns besides Delphi(1817) a place for buying and selling.(1818)

2. Having now so fully investigated the manners and daily occupations of the Dorians, it would be interesting to know what were their opinions on death, or on the existence of a future state; but on these points there is no information to be gleaned from ancient writers. Nor can much more be said on their funeral ceremonies, if indeed they had any rites peculiar and universally belonging to the whole race. At Tarentum, the dead were, according to an ancient oracle, called the _majority_ (οἱ πλείονες);(1819) they were buried within the walls, each family having in their house tombstones, with the names of the deceased, where funeral sacrifices were performed;(1820) at Sparta, it was doubtless the ancient custom to bury the dead in the city, and in the neighbourhood of the temples.(1821) Monuments, with the names of the dead, were only erected to those who had fallen in battle,(1822) and many other honours were also paid them.(1823) The sacrifice to Demeter, on the twelfth day after death, evidently denotes the reception of the soul in the infernal regions; the Argives likewise sacrificed on the 30th day to Hermes, as conductor of the souls of the dead;(1824) in the same manner that the Athenians called the dead Δημητριακοὶ, _i.e._ returned to their mother earth. There was however a considerable difference between the Athenian and Doric modes of burying; for the former laid the body with the head to the west, the latter, at least the Megarians, to the east.(1825)

3. It now remains for us to collect into one point of view all that has been said in different parts of this work on the character of the Doric race, so as to furnish a complete and accurate idea of their nature and peculiarities. That this cannot be done in a few words is evident; but that it can be done _at all_, I consider equally clear; and by no means agree with those who deny that a whole nation, like an individual, can have one character; an error which is perhaps best refuted by consideration of the different tribes of Greece. And thus the word _Dorian_ conveyed to the ancient Greeks a clear and definite, though indeed a complex idea.(1826)

The first feature in the character of the Dorians which we shall notice is one that has been pointed out in several places,(1827) viz. their endeavour to produce uniformity and unity in a numerous body. Every individual was to remain within those limits which were prescribed by the regulation of the whole body.(1828) Thus in the Doric form of government no individual was allowed to strive after personal independence, nor any class or order to move from its appointed place. The privileges of the aristocracy, and the subjection of the inferior orders, were maintained with greater strictness than in other tribes,(1829) and greater importance was attached to obedience, in whatever form, than to the assertion of individual freedom. The government, the army, and the public education, were managed on a most complicated, but most regular succession and alternation of commanding and obeying.(1830) Every one was to obey in his own place. All the smaller associations were also regulated on the same principle: always we find gradation of power, and never independent equality.(1831) But it was not sufficient that this system should be complete and perfect within; it was to be fortified without. The Dorians had little inclination to admit the customs of others, and a strong desire to disconnect themselves with foreigners.(1832) Hence in later times the blunt and harsh deportment of those Dorians who most scrupulously adhered to their national habits.(1833) This independence and seclusion would however sometimes be turned into hostility; and hence the _military_ turn of the Dorians, which may also be traced in the development of the worship of Apollo.(1834) A calm and steady courage was the natural quality of the Dorian.(1835) As they were not ready to receive, neither were they to communicate outward impressions; and this, neither as individuals, nor as a body. Hence both in their poetry and prose, the narrative is often concealed by expressions of the feeling, and tinged with the colour of the mind.(1836) They endeavoured always to condense and concentrate their thoughts, which was the cause of the great brevity and obscurity of their language.(1837) Their desire of disconnecting themselves with the things and persons around them, naturally produced a love for past times; and hence their great attachment to the usages and manners of their ancestors, and to ancient institutions.(1838) The attention of the Doric race was turned to the past rather than to the future.(1839) And thus it came to pass that the Dorians preserved most rigidly, and represented most truly, the customs of the ancient Greeks.(1840) Their advances were constant, not sudden; and all their changes imperceptible. With the desire to attain uniformity, their love for _measure_ and _proportion_ was also combined. Their works of art are distinguished by this attention to singleness of effect, and everything discordant or useless was pruned off with an unsparing hand.(1841) Their moral system also prescribed the observance of the proper mean; and it was in this that the temperance (σωφροσύνη) which so distinguished them consisted.(1842) One great object of the worship of Apollo was to maintain the even balance of the mind, and to remove everything that might disquiet the thoughts, rouse the mind to passion, or dim its purity and brightness.(1843) The Doric nature required an equal and regular harmony, and preserving that character in all its parts.(1844) Dissonances, even if they combined into harmony, were not suited to the taste of that nation. The national tunes were doubtless not of a soft or pleasing melody; the general accent of the language had the character of command or dictation, not of question or entreaty. The Dorians were contented with themselves, with the powers to whom they owed their existence and happiness; and therefore they never complained. They looked not to future, but to present existence. To preserve this, and to preserve it in enjoyment, was their highest object. Everything beyond this boundary was mist and darkness, and everything dark they supposed the Deity to hate.(1845) They lived in themselves, and for themselves.(1846) Hence man was the chief and almost only object which attracted their attention. The same feelings may also be perceived in their religion, which was always unconnected with the worship of any natural object, and originated from their own reflection and conceptions.(1847) And to the same source may perhaps be traced their aversion to mechanical and agricultural labour.(1848) In short, the whole race bears generally the stamp and character of the _male sex_; the desire of assistance and connexion, of novelty and of curiosity, the characteristics of the female sex, being directly opposed to the nature of the Dorians, which bears the mark of independence and subdued strength.

4. This description of the Doric character, to which many other features might be added, is sufficient for our present purpose; and will serve to prove that the worship of Apollo, the ancient constitution of Crete and that of Lycurgus, the manners, arts, and literature of the Dorians, were the productions of one and the same national individual. To what extent this character was influenced by external circumstances cannot be ascertained; but though its features were impressed by nature, they might not in all places have been developed, and would have been lost without the fostering assistance of an inland and mountainous region. The country is to a nation what the body is to the soul: it may influence it partially, and assist its growth and increase; but it cannot give strength and impulse, or imprint that original mark of the Deity which is set upon our minds.

But outward circumstances, such as locality, form of government, geographical position, and foreign intercourse, had in the several states a different effect on the Doric character, unequally developing its various features, by confirming some, repressing others, and some wholly obliterating. We shall thus be enabled to separate the particular character of each state from the ideal character of the whole race, and also to explain their deviations, particularly in a political and practical point of view.

5. The Dorians of SPARTA were influenced by their geographical position, which, with the exception of that of the Arcadians, was more inland than that of any people in Peloponnesus; as well as by their supremacy, which they at first asserted with ease and dignity, and afterwards maintained by the devotion of all their forces to that one object. The independence and seclusion so desired by the Dorians were at Sparta most conspicuous, and thus the original spirit of the Doric race, and its ancient customs, were most rigidly, and sometimes even in trifles,(1849) there preserved; though it was the mummy rather than the living body of the ancient institutions. This deterioration, however, did not manifest itself till later times; for (as we have more than once remarked) at an early period the mode of life at Sparta was diversified, cheerful, and by no means unattractive. At that time Sparta was the centre and metropolis of Greece. This love of seclusion took a singular turn in the reserve, and in the short and sententious mode of expression, practised by the Laconians. Indeed their silence was carried to a pitch which exceeded the bounds of intentional concealment. Even the artfulness of the Spartans is after the Persian war often mentioned with blame; and it is said to have been impossible to guess their intention.(1850) Sometimes indeed the deception was founded on patriotic principles, as in the answer of the ambassador, who being asked in whose name he came, replied, “In the name of the state, if we succeed; if we fail, in our own.” Demostratus the son of Phæax said with great truth that the Spartans were better as members of a state, the Athenians as members of private society;(1851) the latter indeed were more left to their individual care and exertions, whilst the former were guided by national custom. Hence when they once deserted this guide, they deviated not partially, but wholly and widely from the right path.

Yet the history of the Peloponnesian war and of the period immediately following, being that part of the history of Greece which is clearest to our view, presents several distinguished and genuine Lacedæmonians, who may be divided into two distinct classes. Of these the first is marked by a cunning and artful disposition, combined with great vigour of mind, and a patriotism sometimes attended with contempt of other Greeks. Such was Lysander,(1852) a powerful revolutionist; who, concentrating in his own person the efforts of numerous oligarchical clubs and factions, by the strict consistency of his principles, and by his art in carrying them into effect, for some time swayed the destinies of Greece; until Agesilaus, whom he had himself improvidently raised to the throne, restored in place of his usurped power the legitimate authority of the Heraclide dynasty; this doubtless suggested to Lysander the idea of overthrowing the royal authority, and helped to bring on that deep melancholy which preyed upon his strong mind during his latter years.(1853) Similar in character to Lysander was Dercylidas, a man of extraordinary practical talent; who by his artfulness (which, however, was accompanied by uprightness of mind) obtained the nickname of Sisyphus.(1854) But Sparta had at the same time men of a contrary disposition, in whom, as Plutarch says of Callicratidas, the simple and genuine Doric manners of ancient times were alive and in vigour.(1855) This Callicratidas had at the very beginning of his career to contend with his partisans of Lysander, and resolutely resisted his club or association,(1856) being also directly opposed to them in disposition. He deplored the necessity which compelled him to beg for subsidies from the Persians; dealt uprightly and honestly with the allies; disdained all power and authority which did not emanate from the state; refused to do anything by private connexions or influence, and showed himself everywhere humane, magnanimous, and heroic; in short, he was a faultless hero, unless perhaps we should blame him for his too hasty self-immolation at the battle of Arginusæ.(1857) We can easily understand how the Greeks of Asia should have admired the virtues and greatness of the youthful hero, like the beauty of an heroic statue,(1858) but were at the same time more pleased with the proceedings of Lysander, as being better suited to the times. In Brasidas we admire chiefly the manner in which the same elevation of mind was combined with a particular skill in controlling and availing itself of the circumstances of the times; but we must hurry on to Pedaritus the son of Teleutia, who is an instance that all the harmosts of Sparta did not yield to the many temptations of their situation.(1859) But a more singular character was Lichas, the son of Arcesilaus, of whom we will give a slight sketch. He was chiefly distinguished by his liberality: whence by means of great banquets at the Gymnopædia,(1860) and by his victories in the chariot race at Olympia,(1861) he increased the fame of his city; by his boldness, which was even shown in his conduct at Olympia, at a time when the Spartans were excluded from the contests;(1862) but which was still more conspicuous in his truly Spartan declaration to the satrap Tissaphernes;(1863) and, lastly, by his policy in endeavouring to prevent the premature aggression of the Ionians against the Persians.(1864)

6. The flourishing age of CRETE, in manners as well as in power, is anterior to the historical period; and the early corruption of her ancient institutions was accompanied with universal barbarism and degeneracy. Of her maritime sovereignty of the mythical age nothing but piracy remained; the different states were not combined under the supremacy of a single city; and, even in the reign of Alcamenes, Sparta attempted to settle the mutual dissensions of those very cities(1865) which it had a century before taken for the models of its own constitution. The Cretans did not, however, confine their quarrelsome disposition to domestic feuds; but they began in early times to hire themselves as mercenaries to foreign states, which was certainly one cause of the internal corruption that made this once illustrious island act so ignoble a part in the history of Greece. If the verse of Epimenides (cited by St. Paul(1866)) is genuine, that prophet so early as about 600 B.C. accused his countrymen of being habitual liars, evil beasts, and indolent gluttons. Yet some particular cities (among which we may especially mention the Spartan town of Lyctus) retained with their ancient institutions the noble and pure customs of better times.(1867)

We have already more than once had occasion to explain how about the time of the Persian war ARGOS, by the changes in its constitution, and the direction of its policy, succeeded in obliterating almost every trace of the Doric character:(1868) but one revolution only led to another, and none produced a stable and healthy state of affairs. Argos indeed only adopted the worst part of the republican institutions of Athens; for their better parts could not be naturalized in a people of a race and nature totally different.(1869)

But that RHODES preserved to the latest period of Grecian independence many features of the Doric character we have already remarked.(1870) Still this island had, particularly in the time of Artemisia the Second, adopted many Asiatic customs; which, when mixed with those of a Greek origin, formed a peculiar compound; of which the Rhodian oratory, painting,(1871) and sculpture, should be considered as the products. The latter art had flourished there from ancient times; but later it took a particular turn towards the colossal, the imposing, and the grand style. The Laocoon and the Toro Farnese are in the number of its finest productions.(1872) Its manners are described by the saying that Rhodes was the _town of wooers_. There was also another proverb, that the Rhodians were “white Cyrenæans;” their luxury forming the point of resemblance, and their colour the difference.(1873)

The character of CORINTH likewise, in the time of the Peloponnesian war, was made up of rather discordant elements; for while there were still considerable remains of the Doric disposition, and its political conduct was some time guided by the principles of that race, there was also, the consequence of its situation and trade,(1874) a great bias to splendour and magnificence, which showed itself in the Corinthian order; but which, when abandoned by the graces and refinements of luxury, soon degenerated into debauchery and vice.(1875)

The character of CORCYRA we have attempted to delineate above.(1876)

SYRACUSE, though highly distinguished for its loyalty and affection to its mother-state, necessarily deviated widely from the character of Corinth. For while in the narrow and rocky territory of Corinth the crops were with difficulty extorted from the soil,(1877) in the colony, a large and fertile district, which was either held by the Syracusans, or was tributary to them, furnished to an over-peopled city a plentiful supply of provisions without foreign importation.(1878) In addition to this abundance, the early preponderance of democracy, and still more the levity, cunning, and address which were natural to the people of Sicily, tended to modify, or partly to destroy, the original Doric character. The Syracusans were, according to Thucydides, among all the adversaries of the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war, most like them in their customs and disposition.(1879) It is ever to be lamented that such remarkable talents, as showed themselves among the Syracusans between the 70th and 90th Olympiads, should have been without a regulating and guiding judgment: their most frequent error both in the state and army being a want of order(1880); and their knowledge of this defect was the reason why they so frequently threw themselves blindly into the arms of single individuals.(1881)

The vicinity of Corinth had undoubtedly a great influence on SICYON; yet that city, though it had a navy, was nevertheless without any considerable foreign trade or colonies. The restraints and monotony of life were undoubtedly less than at Sparta,(1882) but there was greater severity of manners than at Corinth. Sicyon was one of the earliest cradles of the arts and literature of the Dorians,(1883) and enjoyed a high distinction among the cities of Peloponnesus.(1884)

PHLIUS, having no communication with the sea, was destitute of all resources except its fertile valley; but this sufficed to give it considerable importance and power.(1885) The loyalty and bravery of its inhabitants(1886) deserved the partiality with which Xenophon has written the most distinguished period of its history.(1887)

MEGARA was unfortunately hemmed in between powerful neighbours; and on account of the scanty produce of its stony and mountainous, though well cultivated(1888) land, and the consequent deficiency of provisions, it was wholly dependent on the Athenian market, whither the Megarians were accustomed to carry their manufactures(1889) and some few raw materials. The weakness of this state had early an influence on the manners and morals of the people; the tears and mirth of the Megarians were turned into ridicule by their Athenian neighbours,(1890) who (according to the saying) would “rather be the ram than the son of a Megarian.” And at last the oracle itself declared them an insignificant and worthless people.

Nor could the mother-city have derived much assistance from BYZANTIUM, had there even been a closer connexion between them than was actually the case; as this important colony was, for the most part, in distressed circumstances, and after the introduction of democracy involved in domestic confusion. We have reasons to consider the account of the mode of life at Byzantium above quoted from Theopompus(1891) as correct; though that historian is accused of too great a fondness for censure. Damon likewise relates, that the Byzantians were so addicted to the pleasures of the table, that the citizens took up their regular abode in the numerous public houses of the city, and let their houses with their wives to strangers. The sound of the flute put them immediately into a merry movement; but they fled from that of a trumpet: and a general had no other means of keeping them on the ramparts during a close siege, than by causing the public houses and cook-shops to be removed thither.(1892) Byzantium was full of foreign and native merchants, seamen, and fishermen,(1893) whom the excellent wine of that city, supplied by Maronea and other regions, seldom permitted to return sober to their ships.(1894) The state of the government may be judged from the reply of a Byzantine demagogue, who being asked what the law enjoined, replied, “Whatever I please.”(1895)

ÆGINA, on the other hand, lost its fame only with its political existence. Its situation near the great commercial road, which had taken this course chiefly in consequence of the danger of doubling the promontory of Malea, the renown of its mythical history, and the peculiar vigour of the inhabitants, had carried their activity to such a height, as to give their island an importance in the history of Greece which will ever be remarkable.

Though at Rhodes the amalgamation of the different nations produced an uniform and consistent whole, this does not seem to have been the case at CYRENE, which was corrupted by Ægyptian and Libyan influence. We have only to notice the character of Pheretime, who from a Doric lady became an eastern sultana. It is remarkable that another Doric female, viz. Artemisia (whose father was of Halicarnassus, her mother of Crete(1896)), obtained a similar situation. In the mother-country, however, there is after the fabulous times hardly any instance of women being at the head either of Doric or other cities.(1897)

We have already spoken as much as our object required of the Doric town of CROTON(1898) in Italy; and several times touched on the decay of the Doric discipline and manners at TARENTUM. Their climate, which was very different from that of Greece,(1899) and the manners of the native tribes, must have had a very considerable share in changing the characters of these two cities; as the Tarentines did not subjugate only and slaughter the inhabitants (like the Carbinates), but received them within the limits of their large city, and gave them the rights of citizenship, by which means those words which we call Roman, but which were probably common to all the Siculians,(1900) were introduced into the Tarentine dialect.

In the MESSENIAN state, as restored by Epaminondas, the ancient national manners were (according to Pausanias(1901)) still retained; and the dialect remained up to the time of that author the purest Doric that was spoken in Peloponnesus. The reason of this either was, that the Helots who remained in the country, and doubtless formed the larger part of the new nation, had obtained the Doric character, or that the exiles had during their long banishment really preserved their ancient language, as we know to have been the case with the Naupactians in more ancient times.(1902) This the Messenians, who dwelt among the Euesperitæ of Libya, might have done, as they resided among Dorians; but it was less easy for the Messenians of Sicily,(1903) and wholly impossible for those of Rhegium. In the people of Rhegium in general there appears to have been little of the Doric character;(1904) nor probably in real truth among the later Messenians, however they might have endeavoured to bring back the ancient times.

Since we have frequently considered DELPHI as belonging to the number of the Doric cities, on a supposition that it was the seat of an ancient Doric nobility (although the people was chiefly formed of naturalized slaves of the temple), we have finally to observe on the character of the Delphians, that their early degeneracy (which even Æsop is said to have strongly reproved) is a phenomenon which has frequently taken place among the people residing in the immediate neighbourhood of national sanctuaries. The number and variety of strangers flocking together; the continual fumes of the altars, from which the natives were fed without labour or expense;(1905) the crowds of the market, in which jugglers and impostors of all kinds earned their subsistence,(1906) and the large donatives which Crœsus, with other monarchs and wealthy men, had distributed among the Delphians, necessarily produced a lazy, ignorant, superstitious, and sensual people; and cast a shade over the few traces of a nobler character, which can be discovered in the events of earlier times.

APPENDICES.

Appendix V. On the Doric Dialect.

1. The ancient grammarians divided the Greek language into four distinct branches—the Doric, Ionic, Attic, and Æolic; the latter including all dialects not comprised under the other three heads, because only one branch of it, the Lesbian, was the written language of one species of poetry: and yet this latter division must unquestionably have contained different species less connected with each other than with some branches of the other three dialects. It is, however, pretty well agreed that the several Æolic dialects together contained more remains of the primitive Grecian or (if we will so call it) Pelasgic language, than either the Doric, Ionic, or Attic; and that at the same time many forms of the latter were preserved with great fidelity in the Latin tongue; partly because the life of the Italian husbandmen bore a nearer resemblance to that of the ancient Greeks than that of the later Greeks themselves, and because neither their literature, nor any fastidious sense of euphony and rhythm, induced them to soften and refine their language. But of the more polished dialects, that of Homer, though differing in many points, yet in others doubtless closely resembled the original language, which must once have been spoken from Thessaly to Peloponnesus, and was variously metamorphosed in the Doric, Ionic, and Attic dialects. Thus, for example, the genitive case of the second declension, in the ancient form, was ΟΙΟ, which was preserved in the Thessalian dialect,(1907) perhaps also in the Bœotian,(1908) and in Latin I or EI is also perceivable; whilst in the Doric Ω and the Attic ΟΥ this vowel was entirely lost. The nominative of masculines of the first declension in Α belongs to the Latin, Homeric, Dryopian, Thessalian, Bœotian, Macedonian, and Elean dialects. In the Doric it was probably of rare occurrence, and more accidental.(1909) The Æolic dialect, which was spoken in Bœotia, likewise contains remarkable traces of an ancient Pelasgic language, and has striking coincidences with the Latin: thus in the ancient Bœotian inscriptions the dative of the first declension ends in ΑΕ. Gradually, however, it departed from this language, as the diphthongs ΑΙ and ΟΙ, which anciently were written ΑΕ and ΟΕ, were changed into Η and Υ: and thus almost all the vowels and diphthongs received a new form. On the other hand, we must be cautious of supposing the Latin to be the ancient form, in cases where a transmutation of letters has already taken place. The following is a remarkable example to this effect. ΟΠΩ, from whence “the eye,” ὄππα in the Æolic dialect,(1910) ὄφθος in the Elean,(1911) ὄπτιλος in the Spartan. In other dialect, ὄκκος, hence ὄκταλλος in the Bœotian, in the Latin _oculus_, where Π and Κ bear the same relation to each other as in the words πέτυρες (Æolic) _quatuor_, πέμπτος, _quintus_, ποῖ, _quo_, πόθι, _alicubi_. Moreover the Latin has a very large number of words derived from the Campanian and Doric Greeks, which must be distinguished from the primitive Greek dialect.

2. These remarks are merely premised in order to point out the authorities upon which all investigations into the form of the most ancient language of the Greeks should be founded. We have already intimated our dissent from those who, in opposition to Pausanias,(1912) suppose the Doric to have been the native dialect of Peloponnesus, not only disallowing the claim of the Dorians to its introduction, but even denying that they were the first to adopt it. This supposition would leave us without any means of explaining how the dialect of the Dorians of Peloponnesus agreed in so many peculiar idioms with that of their fellow-countrymen in Crete, the close and general connexion between the two being of an earlier date than the Doric invasion of Peloponnesus. The ancient Peloponnesian dialect was certainly that language which may be recognized in the Latin and in Homer, many of the peculiarities of which occur indeed, but many of the most essential are not found, in the Doric dialect. This latter dialect was, however, very widely diffused over that peninsula by the preponderance of the Dorians, being not merely adopted by the Helots (who even at Naupactus spoke Doric), the Orneatæ,(1913) the Laconian Periœci, and the Attic inhabitants of Colonides;(1914) but even by the independent Arcadians, who, according to Strabo, used indeed the Æolic dialect, but were generally supposed to adopt the Doric (δωρίζειν), as also did Philopœmen.(1915) Unfortunately we have little information respecting the dialect of the Arcadians, our chief guide being the names of their towns, in which several Dorisms occur; as, for instance, Καφυαὶ (from Κηφεὺς), Νᾶσοι, Ἀνεμῶσα (ἀνεμόεσσα), and some anomalous forms, such as Λαδοκέα for Λαοδικέα, Θελποῦσα for Τιλφοῦσσα, Dor. Τιλφῶσσα, Κραρεῶτις, a tribe of Tegea, for Κλαρεῶτις.(1916) The Eleans, on the other hand, spoke nearly pure Doric; which is shown indeed by their use of the digamma,(1917) by their broad accent, and the Ω in the genitive case; but chiefly by the frequent use of Ρ, which, besides the ΤΟΙΡ, ΤΙΡ in the well-known treaty of the Eleans,(1918) is also proved by the Elean forms δίκαρ (for δίκας or δικαστὴς), οὗτορ, ἵππορ and similar forms, whence the Eleans were called βαρβαρόφωνοι.(1919) Moreover, the Apollo Θέρμιος of the Eleans was the same as Apollo Θέσμιος, in Attic Greek.(1920) Eretria was founded by Eleans in conjunction with other Greeks, whence the frequent use of the Ρ in that town;(1921) and from this city the neighbouring Chalcideans also adopted it;(1922) whilst among the Carystians another peculiarity of the Spartan Elean dialect prevailed, in the change of Θ into Σ.(1923) The Eretrians, however, received from the Eleans another peculiarity of the pure Doric, viz. the use of the aspirate in the place of Σ; and imparted it to the Oropians, their neighbours, and sometimes their subjects, on the other side of the strait.(1924) Thus it is evident that the dialect of the Eleans was very similar, nay, almost akin, to the Spartan. Now it is very improbable that this strict observance of the Doric dialect should have been learnt by mere intercourse, since on no side were they in immediate contact with Dorians. It is much more probable that the Ætolians, who conquered Elis, used, from their vicinity to the Dorians, the same dialect: that they spoke Doric in later times, is proved by the testimony of ancient authors and monuments extant;(1925) and the same was also the language of the inhabitants of the ancient Epirus Proper.(1926) It seems, therefore, that this dialect was formed in the northern and mountainous districts of Greece, particularly in the vicinity of mount Pindus, from whence the Dorians brought it in their migration to the more southern parts of the country, where they were in consequence commonly regarded as the race with whom it first originated.

3. To determine with any degree of precision how much climate and the nature of the soil contributed to the formation of this dialect, would be a matter of extreme difficulty; although the comparison of the corresponding dialects of different languages with the various localities in which each was formed may lead to several interesting observations. There can be no doubt that a mountain life is favourable to the formation of the pure, broad, and long vowels, such as Α and Ω; as also that a residence in the lowlands and on the coast produces rather modifications of the long vowels(1927) and short syllables. It should, however, be borne in mind, that the influence of these causes upon language was in full operation at one period only, when the organs generally evinced greater pliancy in adapting themselves to the various peculiarities of situation. In later times, Doric was spoken in maritime towns, as low German is now in mountains and highlands. We must likewise remember, that not only the country, but also the people, bore a distinct national character, the influence of which upon their language must have been full as great as of the former. The hypothesis that the ancient dialects were determined more by internal than external influence, more by the nature of the men than the influence of place, is confirmed by a remarkable passage of Jamblichus,(1928) who had probably derived this sentiment from the schools of the early Pythagoreans: he pronounces the Doric dialect to be the most ancient and best, comparing it, on account of the sounding vowels with which it abounded, to the enharmonic style of music, as he does the Ionic and Æolic dialects to the chromatic style. The only meaning of this remark can be, that the long vowels Α and Ω were pronounced in as clear and marked a manner (particularly when, as was often the case, they were circumflexed) as a bar separated by a double bar in the tetrachord strung to the enharmonic pitch, so much used for music of the Doric style.(1929) Otherwise a manly character is always attributed to the Doric dialect:(1930) its fitness for solemn occasions and simple expression is shown by the literary remains which have come down to us.

4. It cannot be expected that we should here enter into a minute examination of all the peculiarities of the Doric dialect: the following brief remarks will, it is hoped, be received as an attempt rather to set forth the most remarkable features of the spoken language, than to explain the niceties of the polished style used in writing and poetry. The frequent use of Α prevailed indeed partially in the ancient dialect, and in most cases the use of Η originated in the Ionic, which in this respect bore nearly the same relation to the ancient Greek as the English language does to the German.(1931) The broad pronunciation (πλατειασμὸς) of the Dorians frequently, however, exceeded that of the ancient language, as may be seen from the Latin. Thus φαγὸς, _fagus_—φάμα, _fama_—μᾶλον, _malum_—ἀρχᾶς, _terras_ (genit.) κᾶρυξ, (_caduceus_), and the like, are clearly the genuine ancient forms. On the other hand, the change from Α to Η in the temporal augment existed in the most ancient Greek, as is evident from _ago_, _ēgi_, _ἦγον_, _capio_, _cēpi_, &c. The Doric dialect, however, here also used Α in the place of Η. I am not aware whether another change very nearly coinciding with the latter has ever been noticed, viz. the frequent use of the short Α for Η, especially in the enclitics, as κᾶ (which however is long) for κε or ἂν, a form common to all the Dorians, and in the same manner γα for γε,(1932) κα for the correlative τε in τόκα, πόκα, ὅκα in Sophron, Theocritus, and others, to which corresponds θα in πρόσθα, ἐξύπισθα (Alcman), ἔμπροσθα, ἄνωθα.(1933) The same change is also observable in ἅτερος for ἕτερος, τράφω for τρέπω,(1934) Αρταμις(1935) for Αρτεμις, τάως, παραιτέρω, in the Cretan dialect,(1936) τάμνω in the Heraclean Tables and elsewhere, σκιαρὸς, φρασὶν, in Pindar; and innumerable examples of a similar kind. Η, either as a contraction of ΕΕ, or a lengthening of Ε, occurs in many instances in the place of ΕΙ in the other dialects (the reverse took place among the Bœotians), as in ποίη, πλήων, μήων,(1937) ὄρηος, Λύκηος (Alcman), κοσμῆν, κατοικῆν (Theocritus, and the Byzantine Decree in Demosthenes(1938)), δήρας for δείρας in the treaty of the Latians in Crete,(1939) χῆρες in Cretan, and also used by Alcman, κῆνος or τῆνος in Alcman and others; πεπόνθης, ἀπολώλη Theocritus and the Heraclean tables: and thus in contractions from ΑΕΙ, Η has frequently preponderated over Α, as in the pure Doric form ὁρῆν,(1940) ἡ καρδία παδῆ Sophron;(1941) although it must also be allowed that the diphthong ΑΕ was contracted into Η, as in ὅρη, &c. ἦραι for ἆραι,(1942) and ἐνίκη for ἐνίκαε in a Laconian inscription in Leake’s Morea, vol. III. Inscript. n. 71.:(1943) to which instances we should probably add the following cases of crasis, κἠν, κἠπὶ, κἠκ. The reverse of this, which we find in the words πει in Sophron,(1944) and ὅπει in a Corcyrean inscription(1945) for πῆ and ὄπη, is a remarkable variety. The Dorians, consistently with their love for the pure and long Α, were equally partial to the Ω. This letter frequently forms the original sound, as in the accusative case Ἀργείως, _Argivos_; and hence the abbreviated form θεὸς for θεὼς in Cretan and Coan(1946) inscriptions, and in Theocritus, was probably formed by an elision of the characteristic vowel, as δεσποτᾶς in the first declension. We frequently also find use made of the vowel Ω as a prolongation of Ο, instead of the common form ΟΥ, produced by the elision of consonants: thus in the form of the participle feminine in ωσα, used in Crete and Peloponnesus, and also in the Heraclean Tables, whilst the softer form in οισα, where οι was also derived from οντ (as in the third person plural ναίοισιν, and in the masculine participle τύψαις), was perhaps peculiar to Sicily. Ο also, when followed by Ε, overpowers the latter letter, and is changed into Ω, as for instance in Κοιλῶσσα (a mountain near Phlius), λωτρὸν, ὑπνῶν for ὑπνόεν, Laconian forms in Aristophanes, παμῶχος, and similar words in the Heraclean Tables; though whether this is the case when the Ε precedes the Ο is doubtful, for in εὐορκῶσι and similar forms in Cretan inscriptions, it is ΕΩ, not ΕΟ, which is contracted into Ω. In this case ΕΟ is generally contracted into ΕΥ, or it is changed into ΙΟ, as ΕΩ into ΙΩ; thus μογίομες, λυχνοφορίοντες in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes (according to the old reading), ἐπαινιῶ, ὀμιώμεθα ib., ανιοχιων for ἡνιοχέων in the Laconian inscription in Leake, No. 71. with which compare ἐμμενιῶ in the oath of the Latians, πραξίομεν in the decree of the Istionians, and παμωχιῶ in the Heraclean Tables.(1947) In the above cases there is no reason for assuming any other changes, than from ΕΟ into ΙΟ and ΕΩ into ΙΩ, as the Dorians appear to have been very unwilling to tolerate Ε with Ο; the short Ι, however, before the lengthened Ο must have been particularly suited to their ears. The long Α in Ἀλκμὰν, Ἀτρείδα, Ἀγησίλας, πρᾶτος was without doubt a thick sound between Α and Ο, for which there was no distinct character. The Spartan dialect frequently has ΟΥ for Υ (which change regularly occurs in the Bœotian dialect), as δίφουρα for γέφυρα (Hesychius in v.), φούἱξ for φυσίγξ (Valck. ad Adoniaz, p. 276.), μουσίδδω for μυθίζω (ibid. p. 279.), φούαξιρ (vol. I. p. 384. note f.), μοῦκορ for μυχὸς (Koen p. 343.), καμπούληρ, a species of olive-tree (in Hesychius), derived, I believe, from κάμπτων ὕλην, κάρουα for κάρυα (Hesych. in v.); οὐδραίνει, περικαθαίρει according to Hesych. for ὑδραίνει, τούνη for σὺ (Hesych.), ἀπεσσούα for ἀπεσύν in the letter of Hippocrates (compare Coray ad Plut. Alcib. 28.). ΟΙ for Υ is only found in Ποίθιοι, according to Photius.

5. The consonants in the Doric dialect were in some cases so brought together as to give the words a roughness which was avoided in other dialects, and consequently it possessed more of that ancient fulness of consonants which was preserved with greater fidelity in the Latin language than in the Greek; partly from the neglect of that law, which was so constantly observed by all the dialects of the Greek, that every word should end either with a vowel or semi-vowel. The Doric has at least the ancient form of the participle τιθὲνς (Lat. _ns_, in ancient Gothic _ants_), which is quoted as a Cretan and Argive form;(1948) and the preposition ἐνς for _in_ with the accusative (_into_), which in other dialects was changed into εἰς; but in the Doric it became, by the omission of the final Σ, ἐν in the sense of _into_, as in Crete and in Pindar,(1949) although Cretan inscriptions of considerable antiquity have εἰς, which appears to have been the usual Laconian form. Thus also the Cretans and Argives formed the future in σπένσω, merely throwing out δ, as a τ is properly omitted in τιθένς.(1950) The Rhegians adopted the same usage from the Messenians.(1951) It is clear that the organs of the ancient Doric race were better fitted for this rough pronunciation than the more delicate ones of the other Greeks, who even changed the Roman _Hortensius_ into Ὁρτήσιος. The same remark may be applied to the word μάκαρς in Alcman (fragm. 66.), and some similar forms.

Another more striking characteristic of the Doric dialect is the aversion to Σ, the σὰν κίβδαλον; hence the Doric lyric poets, Lasus and others, wrote poems without that letter; a practice in direct contradiction with the partiality shown by the Ionians for that sound. To this principle may be traced various other peculiarities: first, the interchange of Σ and Τ, which, however, is on the whole merely a relic of the original dialect, as in the adjectives ἐνιαύτιος and πλούτιος,(1952) in τὺ or τοὺ, _tu_, in τέσσαρες, _quatuor_, in the third persons δίδωτι, φατὶ, which still retain this form in Sanscrit (while in the Latin and German languages T is always the last letter of this third person). Also in the name of Neptune the Doric was doubtless the original form, having the same root as πόντος, ποταμός; the original form was Ποτίδας (in Epicharmus and Sophron(1953)), and the Megarian in Aristophanes says Ποτείδας; so also the Corinthians; and hence their colony Ποτειδαία,(1954) Ποτειδᾶν (from Ποτειδάων) was the Spartan and the Rhodian form.(1955) It is singular that in some cases the Dorians also used Σ for Τ, as σᾶτες for τῆτες,(1956) corresponding to which we find σάμερον in Pindar, Theocritus, and the Tarentine dialect (a word, according to Hesychius, synonymous with νῦν); the σὰ for τὰ of the Megarians, and this latter for τίνα is the same change.(1957) It was this aversion to Σ, noticed above, which led the Spartans in the double consonants ΣΤ, ΣΚ, ΣΠ, to reject the Σ and double the other consonant; hence the Laconian forms κτίτταρ for κτίστης, ἐττὰν for ἐς τὰν, ἀμπίτταρ for ἀμφιστὰς,(1958) ἀκκὸρ for ἀσκὸς.(1959) Valckenær lays down the following rule: “_literam_ Σ _Lacones in sequentem consonantem non liquidam mutant_;” and of this change he finds traces in the Tarentine dialect, to which we may add, that Hecate, according to Hesychius, was there called ἄφραττος, _i.e._ ἄφραστος. The most interesting example of this change in the Spartan dialect is the form ἄττασι for ἀνάστηθι (derived from ΑΝΤΤΑΣΙ), in which word more than three Laconisms are discernible. With this point is immediately connected the change of Ζ, _i.e._ ΣΔ into ΔΔ, for instance in verbs in ζω, _Laconice_—δδω, many instances of which occur in the Lysistrata and Acharneans of Aristophanes. There is no evidence of the same change occurring in verbs whose characteristic is Γ; although the Dorians were induced by analogy and a partiality to the letter Ξ to introduce the termination ξω, where the characteristic letter was not Γ but Δ, which is evident by the formation of the substantive καθίππαξις (as should be read in Hesychius for καθίπταξις), δεικηλίκτας, &c.(1960) Even in the Laconian dialect, however, the soft sound of ΣΔ is used instead of ΔΔ, as ἀγίσδεο, μελισδόμενος, τράπεσδα in Alcman, and in the pretended apophthegm of Lycurgus, ἂν πτωχοὶ μένητε καὶ μὴ μέσδω (_i.e._ μείζω) ἅτερος θατέρω ἐράῃ κτῆμεν.(1961) It would however be erroneous to suppose, with regard to the mode in which this transition was effected, that the sound of Ζ, when already formed, passed into ΔΔ or ΣΔ. The ancient dialect appears to have had a separate Δ, pronounced with a peculiar compression of the mouth; the Dorians in several cases, agreeing with the Ionians, added the Σ, and formed either Ζ, where the sounds were more combined, or ΣΔ. In other cases the Dorians merely gave additional force to the Δ. With the Æolians there was scarce any distinction between the harsh and the common Δ, as in Δεὺς for Ζεὺς, δυγὸς for ζυγὸς &c.; in the same manner Ζεὺς in the Latin became _Deus_, ῥίζα _radix_, ὄζω _odor_,(1962) and hence the long Ζ was wanting in that language; but the peculiarity of the original sounds of this consonant is evident from the circumstance that the Latins substituted for it I; for example in _jugum_ from ζυγὸς, _major_ from μείζων, &c.; in like manner the Æolic dialect interchanged δια and ζα, καρζὰ, καρδία.(1963) The change of the last letters of verbs ending in -σσω into -ζω in the Tarentine dialect, instead of ττω like the other Dorians, as ἀνάζω for ἀνάσσω, is quite peculiar to that town.(1964)

6. Another mode of avoiding the sound of Σ was to omit it altogether. This suppression was made at an early date in the third person plural, which consequently retained a nearer resemblance to the original form in the Doric than in the Ionico-Attic dialect, in which the preservation of Σ soon caused the ΝΤ to be dropped. Examples of this, as πεινῶντι, ἀποδίδωντι, κεχάναντι, αἰνέοντι (_bhavanti_, in Sanscrit, corresponding to the ancient high German _ant_; the Bœotians wrote -ωνθι, -ανθι) are found in all the Doric inscriptions; yet Alcman uses the termination -ουσι as well as the ancient form. Sometimes this elision of σ lengthened the preceding vowel, as in Πηρεφονεία Lacon. for Περσεφονεία, according to Hesychius, with which we may compare πῆριξ for πέρδιξ in the Cretan dialect (ibid.); also πρειγεύτας, πρείγιστος, πρειγηία in Cretan inscriptions for πρεσβεύτης, &c.; the Argives also used Γ for Β in πέργεις. (See Hesychius.) Concerning the omission of Σ before Φ, _e.g._, φὶν for σφὶν, in the Laconic dialect, see Koen p. 254.; the Syracusans changed the place of the Σ, and converted ΣΦΙΝ into ΦΣΙΝ, _i.e._ ψίν. This aversion to Σ also appeared in the substitution of the aspirate for this consonant, in which change the pure Doric dialect is directly at variance with the Latin, in which the aspirate was often replaced by Σ, for example, ἅλς, _sal_, ἡμι, _semi_, ὕλϜη, sylva,(1965) &c. The Laconians, on the other hand, used μῶἁ, instead of μῶσα, and on the same principle μωἱκὰ, _music_, as also in the participles κλεῶἁ, ἐκλιπῶἁ, &c, to which we may add ὅρμαὁν for ὅρμησον, as in Aristophanes; also ποιῆἁς, πᾶἁ, βίὡρ for ἵσως,(1966) βουὅα for βουσόα;(1967) the same usage also prevailed among the Argives, as we learn from Dercyllus, among the Eretrians, who borrowed it from the Eleans, and also among the Pamphylians; with whom several Argive and Rhodian peculiarities of dialect appear to have been preserved.(1968) Lastly, with this aversion to Σ is connected the rhotacismus, which we have already observed in the Spartan and Elean dialect, and of which the interpreters of the decree against Timotheus,(1969) particularly Casaubon, have collected many examples. Of these I will only cite ἐπιγελαστὴρ, _the mocker_; καλλίαρ, _an ape_ (Hesych. in vv. comp. Boeckh Exp. Pind. Pyth. II. p. 251); κιλλακτὴρ, _an ass-driver_ (Pollux VII. 13. 56.); σάριρ, _a palm-branch_ (Hesych.); τίρ, τίς, (ib. and in the Elean Rhetra), παλαιὸρ (Aristoph. Lys. 988.), σιὸρ θεὸς, πὸρ ποῦς, νέκυρ νέκυς, βόμβυρ _a kind of flute_ (Hesych. in vv.). Whether in the oblique cases Σ could always be changed into Ρ is uncertain, since, besides the Elean Rhetra, no genuine monument, and only a few and obscure glosses, afford any information on the point. However, ἀμ᾽ ἀρκᾶρ for ἀπ᾽ ἀρχᾶς (according to Koen’s conjecture ad Gregor. p. 283.) is an instance, as also the Cretan τέορ for σοῦ (Hesych.), where the pronoun is declined, as ἐμοῦς, ἐμέος, ἐμεῦς in Epicharmus.(1970) We may observe that generally the Latin is in this respect very different from the pure Doric; though it resembles it in some words. Thus the Laconian ἀκτὴρ is the Latin _actor_, and in _gubernator_ we see the Doric form κυβερνατὴρ, and so in other instances.(1971)

7. Notwithstanding this _fuga sibili_—this aversion to the Σ—to which almost all the changes mentioned in the last two sections may be traced—yet the Doric dialects always retained in the first person plural the final Σ from the ancient language (as is proved by the Latin -_mus_);(1972) and Laconians, Megarians, and Doric Sicilians said ἥκομες, ἀπορέομες, &c. It does not appear that in the Doric dialect any original consonant passed into Σ, except Θ; and this change probably arose from a desire to soften the harsh sound of the aspirate. Instances of this Laconism in Alcman (Ἀσᾶναι, ἔσηκε, σάλλεν, σαλασσομέδοισαν), in the Lysistrata (ἤνσε, ἔλση, σιγεῖν, μουσίδδειν, &c.), and the grammarians (_e.g._ σὶνκασεύδει, κασαίρηὁν, for καθαίρησον, according to Koen, κασαρεύειν, according to Valckenær) are well known, and particularly σεῖος ἀνήρ; comp. Valckenær, p. 277, sqq. who has treated this point with great ability. Also in Hesychius, συμβουαδεῖ, ὑπερμαχεῖ (for συμβοηθεῖ) we should probably write συμβουασεῖ (otherwise Hemsterhuis), and κασελατίσαι, καθίσαι, ibid. is from ἕλλα, ἕλα, κάθεδρα, _sella_; whence ἑλατίζειν, καθελατίζειν, _sedere facio_. In this respect the colonists of Sparta at Tarentum did not follow the idiom of their mother city; as they said θυλακίζειν, not συλακίζειν, _to beg_:(1973) the Rhodians also retained the original Θ in ἐρυθίβη (Strabo XIII. p. 613. Eustath. ad Il. α. 34.): in Cretan this change only occurs in σεῖναι for θεῖναι in Hesychius, and in σίος in the treaty of the Olontians: for Corinth may be cited Σίσυφος for Θεόσοφος, according to Phavorinus, p. 403. Dindorf; for Sicyon perhaps σειρὸν, θέριστρον, Hesych. and also στίαι for θριαὶ, Schol. Apoll. R.h. II. 1172. That the Eleans were acquainted with this variety has been shown above.

8. In general the Dorians had less inclination to aspirated consonants than the other tribes of Greece, and therefore in many respects their dialect remained nearer to the primitive language. Thus the Lacedæmonians and Cretans said ἀμπὶ for ἀμφὶ (Koen ad Greg. p. 344), the latter in the derivative ἀμπέτιξ, the former in ἀμπέσαι, (above, p. 332, note f. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “orthography,” starting “For instance, ΜΟΥΣΩ.”]) in ἀμπίτταρ (p. 35, note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “ἀμπίτταρες,” starting “I. q. ἀμφιστάντες.”]) ἀμπίθυρον in Hesychius; ἀμφαρμένη, δίκελλα, Hesych. _utrinque aptata_, makes an exception. So also the Thessalians called the river Ἀμφίρρυσος, Ἀμβίρρυσος (Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 51); and the same, according to the general rule (vol. I. p. 3, note g.), must be Macedonian and Latin. Some instances of Κ for Χ in the Cretan, Laconian, and Sicilian dialect, see in Koen p. 340, sqq.; Pindar’s δέκεσθαι is probably also Doric, as well as in the Heraclean Tables. According to Hesychius in εὔπλουτον, the Dorians called the baskets in which the οὐλοχύται were carried ὀλβακήια, where ὀλβὰ is οὐλὴ, and the termination -κήια is probably formed from χέω, unless (as is probable) we should correct -χήια here and in the word ὀλβάχιον, where Deinolochus (the Sicilian) is quoted as authority. (Compare Suidas in δερβιστήρ.) The aspirate by itself is absent from the words ἀγέομαι,(1974) ἀγησίχορος and the names Ἆγις, Ἀγήσανδρος, Ἀγησίπολις, and Ἀγησίλαος (Ion. Ἡγησίλεως); originally perhaps all these names had the digamma, as Βαγὸς, a general _Lacon._ in Hesychius. The aspirate was also neglected by the Lacedæmonians in the pronoun ἀμὲς, ἀμῶν;(1975) as well as by the Cretans, as is evident from the words ΠΟΡΤΑΜΕ, _i.e._ πορτὶ ἀμὲ, in an inscription (Chishull, p. 115. 10.), and by the Dorians. In the word ἰάλλω likewise the lene breathing is Doric, as is shown by ἀπιάλλειν in Thucyd. V. 77: and the Syracusan name Ἐπιάλης (Demetrius περὶ Ἑρμηνείας, § 157. Eustath. ad Il. ε᾽. p. 571. Rom.). On the other hand the digamma was retained nearly as much among the Lacedæmonians and other Dorians, as by most of the Æolians; among the Dorians, however, it generally assumed the form of Β. See Etymol. M. p. 308. 26. Gudian. p. 104. 12. I will only cite a few examples. The Laconian word for “splendour” was βέλα, Ϝέλα (Hesychius), _i.e._ ἕλη, whence by the prefix α, signifying an union or number, the word ἀβελιος (ΑϜΕΛΙΟΣ) was formed, literally “a collection or mass of brightness;” the Cretan and Pamphylian name for the sun (Hesychius; compare Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in θάβακον).(1976) The Greek or Æolic word for the “ear” was αὖας, in Latin _auris_, in Doric ὦϜας (like καππώτας for καταπαύτης), whence the Laconian word ἐξωβάδια (_i.e._ ἐξωϜάτια) ἐνώτια, in Hesychius. In ὠατωθήσω, ἀκούσομαι, Doric according to Photius, the digamma is lost, as well as in the Tarentine contraction ἆτα, Hesychius. From the root ΔΑΙϜΩ, _to burn_, are derived the Laconian forms δάβει, καύεται (vulg. κάθηται, otherwise Hemsterhuis), ἐκδάβη, ἐκαύθε; δάβελος, δαλὸς in Hesychius; also τῦρ δάϜιον in Alcman, fragm. 76. ed. Welcker. In Crete also we find the forms ἀβηδὼν for ἀηδὼν, βαλικιώτης for ἡλικιώτης, βαίκα for αἴκα or ἐὰν (Hesychius and Koen ad Greg. p. 251.); according to the same grammarian the Cretans called their shields λαῖβαι, _i.e._ LÆVÆ, _the left_; thus by a reverse analogy the Greeks said παρ᾽ ἀσπίδα for “to the left.” The Laconian word for “the dawn,” was ΑϜΩΣ (also retained in μιργάβωρ, λυκόφως, Hesych. _i.e._ μισγ-άϜως), among the other Greeks ΗΩΣ: and as from the latter form the name of the east-wind εὖρος was derived (answering to ζέφυρος, ὃς ἐκ ζόφου πνεῖ), so from the Doric ἄϜως came the word αὖρα, which had in this dialect the peculiar sense of “morning;” hence ἐναύρω πρωῒ, Κρῆτες, and ἀβὼ, Λάκωνες, Hesychius. At Argos the digamma occurs in ὤβεα for ᾠὰ (_ova_) Hesych.; at Hermione a double digamma in βεῦδος for ἕδος, ἄγαλμα, Etymol. M. p. 195. 52.; at Syracuse in ἔβασον for ἔασον, which was also a Laconian form, ib. p. 308. 26. Hesych.

9. If we except the changes of the vowels, semivowels, and aspirates, there are not many others peculiar to the Doric dialect, since the _mediæ_ and _tenues_ were seldom inverted, and not often letters which are not cognate. It is worthy of remark that the Dorians frequently changed both Β and Γ into Δ, the former in δέλτον, _good_, compared with βέλτιον, and ὀδελὸς for ὀβελός;(1977) the latter in δᾶ for γᾶ, δένος for γένος, δίφουρα for γέφυρα in Laconian, δεῦκος for γλυκὺς in Ætolian, which likewise was preserved in the Latin _dulcis_.(1978) I should also remark that πέδα for μετὰ is pure Doric, as is proved by Alcman ap. Athen. X. p. 416 A. the Laconian word πέδευρα, ὕτερον, in Hesychius, πεδάϜοικοι for μέτοικοι in an Argive inscription (Boeckh. No. 14.), and the Corcyræan inscription in Mustoxidi, tom. II. p. 70. (as it appears.)

The Doric dialect is also marked by a strong tendency to the omission of letters both in composition and flexion. In composition the prepositions κατὰ, ἀνὰ, ποτὶ become monosyllables by the suppression of the last vowel: and even with the first syllable short in καβαίνων, Alcman. fragm. 34. κάπετον, Pindar. Olymp. VIII. 48. compare Hesychius in κάβλημα and κάβασι. The Venus ἀμβολογήρα of Sparta (Pausan. III. 18. 1.) has been already explained from ἀναβάλλειν τὸ γῆρας, as also Ζεὺς καππώτας (ib. III. 22. 1.) as Ζεὺς καταπαύτης. Κάκκη, κάθευδε, _Laconice_ in Hesychius, shortened by apocope from κάκκησι, _i.e._ κατάκειθι, as ἔμβη for ἔμβησι in Aristoph. Lys. 1303. In conjugation the Dorians frequently shortened the ancient longer forms by apocope, and not, like the other cases, by contraction; as in the infinitives δόμεν for δόμεμαι, εἶμεν or ἦμεν for ἤμμενκι, &c. the uncontracted form being seldom used, as ἤμεναι Aristoph. Ach. 775., ἀλεξέμεναι, Thucyd. V. 77., or the contracted, as σκιρωθῆναι in Sophron. ap. Etym. M. p. 717, ext. and in Alcman. fragm. 23, Welcker is probably right in changing χαρῆθαι into χαρῆναι. Also the shortened third persons of the aorists, διέγνον in the Heraclean Tables, ἔδον (Corp. Inscript. No. 1511.), ἀνέθεν (ib. No. 29.), διελέγεν in the decree of the Oaxians, διελέγην in that of the Istronians; as well as the infinitives in εν and the second persons in ες, for ειν and εις, and many other similar changes. The forms εἴμειν, γεγόνειν are not merely Agrigentine; the former also occurs in an inscription (probably of Rhodes) in Chandler, p. 14. No. 38: the Sicilian adverbs τῶ, τουτῶ (τουτῶ θάμεθα Sophron. fragm. 34. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 347.) for πόθεν, τουτόθεν, also come under this head. Ammonius adds πῦς for πόσε and ποῖ for πόθε.

10. With regard to the differences of syntax, we may remark that the article was much used by the Dorians; as is evident from several passages in the Spartan choruses in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes.(1979) It may be also observed that the article occurs very frequently in all the early monuments of Doric nations;(1980) and that in the Doric poetry, particularly of Alcman, it was first introduced into the literature of Greece: the earlier language having been quite destitute of it. Hence perhaps it may be inferred that it was the Dorians who introduced the general use of the article; which would afford some idea of the changes which the Greek language experienced in consequence of the revolution caused by the Doric invasion.

Every dialect has peculiar words; but it is remarkable when these are radical forms, expressing very common ideas, and when they are quite foreign to the other dialects of the same language. This at least is true of the Laconian word χάος, χάϊος, ἀχαῖος, “good” (Aristoph. Lys. 90, 1157. Hesychius in ἀχαία, where Heinsius would without reason omit the α, Theocrit. VII. 4.), of κόος, “large” (Etymol. M. p. 396. 29.), which words stand quite isolated in the common language: also λῆν, “to wish” (Koen. p. 252. Maittaire p. 278.), and μάω, “I think,” “I seek,” are pure Doric forms; the latter a Laconian and Sicilian word, see Toup Emend, in Suid. vol. I. p. 462. Meineke Euphorion. p. 162.(1981)

11. As yet we have considered the Doric dialect in general, as spoken by the whole race, only marking out the Laconian as its purest variety; we will now annex a brief list of those shades of difference which can be perceived in the language of the several states. The broad peculiarities of the Doric dialect of _Laconia_ are partly known from the remains of Alcman (who however avoided in his poetry such harsh forms as μῶἁ for μῶσα, λιπῶἁ for λιπῶσα or λιποῖσα, and never uses Σ for Ρ, &c.); and more fully from the Spartans in the Lysistrata. On comparing these with the Spartan and Argive treaty in Thucydides V. 77., there is indeed a general agreement; yet in this document the contractions ἀναιροῦντας, πεντηκονταέτη, δοκῇ, πόλει (but πολίεσι and αὐτοπόλιες), also ἐρίζοι and δικάζεσθαι, together with ως in the accusative of the substantives, but ους of the adjectives, can hardly be considered as pure Doric; nor is there any instance of the change of Σ into the aspirate, and Σ for Θ only in the word σιῶ. With regard to the indiscriminate use of Ω and ΟΥ our copies of Thucydides are not much authority: for these two sounds were not distinguished in the writing of the time, being both expressed by Ο; and it is probable that some forms have been modified either by Thucydides or his copyists, or both. On the whole, however, it is probable that the popular dialect of Peloponnesus, which is preserved in all its harshness in the famous treaty of the Eleans, was about the time of the Peloponnesian war softened down in public documents and treaties. Thus in a Lacedæmonian inscription of later date, we still find the ancient forms στατερας, αιγιναιος, αργυριο, Ϝικατι, δαρικος οκτακατιος, from a restoration, but also χιλιους δαρ[ικους], Corp. Inscript. No. 1511. In the Spartan decree preserved by Plutarch in his Life of Lysander c. 14., we should probably write, ταῦτα ΚΑ δρῶντες τὰν εἰράναν ἔχοιτε, ἃ χρὴ ΔΟΝΤΕΣ καὶ τὼς φυγάδας ἀνέντες. περὶ τᾶν ναῶν τῶ πλήθεος ὁκοῖόν τι ΚΑΤΗΝΕΙ δοκέοι, ταῦτα ποιέετε, as has been partly emended by Haitinger Act. Monac. vol. III. p. 311. In the time of Pyrrhus much of the ancient peculiarity of the dialect was still in existence, although in the following saying all the forms are not those of the ancient Laconian language, αἂ μὲν ἔσσι τύ γε θεὸς, οὐδὲν μὴ πάθωμεν, οὐ γὰρ, ἀδικεῦμεν; αἂ δ᾽ ἄνθρωπος, ἔσεται καὶ τεῦ κάρρων ἄλλος, Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26. The remains of it in the decrees of the Eleutherolacones and Spartans in the time of the emperors are less considerable. That the _Messenians_ retained the ancient idiom, from ancient recollections, or perhaps from affectation, was remarked above, p. 414, note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Messenians of Sicily,” starting “The coins.”] The _Argive_ dialect has been more than once observed to agree with the Cretan, a correspondence which may be even traced in unimportant particulars; thus the name of the Argive βαλλαχράδαι (above, p. 355. note n [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]), was derived from ἀχρὰς, which Hermonax ap. Schol. Nicand. Ther. 512. calls a Cretan, and Hesychius a Laconian word. The grammarians likewise particularly remark that in the Argive dialect Ι was frequently changed into Ν, as in μέντον for μέντοι (Argive and Cretan, Maittaire p. 255), αἰὲν, ἔννατος (Etymol. M. p. 402, 2.) φαεννὸς (see Boeckh Not. crit. ad Pind. Olymp. I. 6.); the Sicilians in many cases made the contrary change—the Rhegini, however, the same as the Argives (Etymol. M. p. 135, 45. Gud. 73, 44.); which peculiarity they had evidently borrowed from the Messenians. Dercyllus wrote in the ancient Argive dialect; see Etymol. M. p. 391, 20. above, p. 385, note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Ionians and Athenians,” starting “This is only true.”] The _Cretan_ has a singularity which does not appear to have been observed in any other dialect of Greece, viz. of changing λ before a consonant and after ε or α into υ (analogous to the French forms _aumóne_, _haubergeon_, &c. from the German _Almosen_, _Halsberge_, &c.); thus αὖσος for ἄλσος, αὖμα for ἅλμα, likewise αὐκυόνα, αὔκαν; θεύγεσθαι and εὐθεῖν for θέλγεσθαι and ἐλθεῖν, according to Hesychius, Koen. p. 354. The Ætolian word δεῦκος also shows the same formation, as it comes from the ancient root δέλκυς, _dulcis_. There is an analogous change in the Cretan forms Πραῖσος from Πρῖανσος, and γεροίταν, πάππον (Hesych.) _i.e._ for γέροντας from γέρων, and directly the reverse of that observed above in the termination of the participles τιθὲνς, &c. where the Cretans retained the ancient form τιθὲνς, which other Greeks softened into τιθεὶς, &c. The Cretan βέντιον for βέλτιον is paralleled by the Sicilian forms ἦνθον and φίντατος. The words peculiar to the Cretan town Polyrrhenia, such as σέρτης “a crane,” ἅμαλλα “a partridge,” κόμβα “a crow,” (see also Hesychius in κάρα and λάττα) are probably remains of an ancient Cydonian language, having no affinity with the Greek. See Hoeck’s Kreta, vol. I. p. 146, note b. In the Cretan inscriptions of the beginning of the second century before Christ, the ancient dialect is still preserved in some words, but not regularly and constantly; peculiarities such as αὖσος no longer appear: and if they were found in a writer named Cypselas, he must have been of a much earlier date (Joann. Gramm. ad calc. H. Steph. Thes. Gr. p. 13.). Some peculiarities of the Doric dialect of _Corinth_ and _Sicyon_ have been noticed above; in general, however, we know little of these dialects; but of the _Megarian_ we are better informed by means of the Acharneans of Aristophanes, and this probably gives a tolerably correct notion of the Doric of Peloponnesus, except Sparta. The Dryopians of _Hermione_ also spoke Doric; at least an Hermionean inscription contains such Dorisms as ἐπιδαμῶντι, ποττὰν πόλιν, τοὺς δὲ λαΐναν δόμεν στάλαν, Boeckh No. 1193. and see others cited vol. I. p. 399, note y. The _Rhodians_ still spoke Doric in the time of Tiberius (Sueton. Tiber. 56.), and indeed, as Aristides de Conc. boasts, in great purity (see Meurs. Rhod. II. 3.). Inscriptions of _Cos_ (in Spon), _Calymna_ (Chandler. Inscript. p. 21. No. 58.), _Astypalæa_, and _Anaphæ_ (in Villoison’s papers) are written in a Doric style, common in such monuments. The same was also adopted by the _Æginetans_ after their re-establishment; see the inscription in Æginetica, p. 136, and the remarks on it in p. 160. Among the inscriptions of _Corcyra_, collected by Mustoxidi, a series might be arranged according to the greater and less traces of the Doric dialect; the large one in Boeckh’s Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 400. contains several peculiarities, as, _e.g._ the imperative δόντω. In a _Theræan_ inscription, containing the will of a certain Epicteta (Boeckh, No. 2448.), several pure Dorisms occur, as _e.g._ the accusative plural in ος, the infinitives ἀγαγὲν, θύεν, (Eustathius ad Od. τ᾽. p. 706. 49. quotes λέγες for λέγεις as Theræan); at the same time several peculiar forms, such as ἐστάκεια, συναγαγόχεια; and upon the whole there is little archaic in the language. But the _Byzantine_ dialect was in the time of Philip, as we know from the decree in Demosthenes, rich in Dorisms: not so many occur in the more recent inscription in Chandler Inscript. App. p. 95. No. 10. How much of the language of the surrounding nations had been introduced into the _Cyrenæan_ dialect cannot be determined: according to Hesychius βρίκος was the Cyrenæan word for “ass;” which resembles the Spanish word _borrico_; _both_ probably were derived from Africans. All that we know of the _Tarentine_ dialect appears to have been taken from the Phlyaces of Rhinthon, who lived in the time of Ptolemy the First; although very different from the ancient Laconian dialect, it has many peculiarities:(1982) but besides the vulgar language of Tarentum there was also spoken a polished (Attic) dialect, which was alone used in public transactions. See Dionys. Hal. Exc. p. 2239. ed. Reiske. With regard to the exchange of words with the neighbouring Italian nations (above, p. 413, note z [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “the Siculians,” starting “_E.g._ besides.”]), it is sometimes doubtful which party borrowed from the other. Thus Alcman uses πόλτος for _puls_; are we to suppose that this word was so early brought over from Italy? Κάρκαρον is used for “prison” by Sophron, for “stall” by Rhinthon: it is the same word as the Latin _carcer_; but possibly _both_ are derived from the Laconian word γέργυρα in Alcman. That the Italian _Heracleans_ should have preserved the ancient language and writing to the fifth century after the building of Rome so faithfully as the famous Heraclean Tables show us, is very remarkable. At _Syracuse_ the dialect was nearly the same as that in which Epicharmus and Sophron wrote: the laws of Diocles too were probably drawn up in this dialect, but the circumstance of their requiring an interpreter in the time of Timoleon is a proof of the rapid preponderance of the Attic language in this city (B. III. ch. 9. § 7.). The language of Sophron is also nearer to the common dialect, and less strictly Doric than that spoken in Peloponnesus in his time; _e.g._, he always says τοὺς and not τώς. On the spreading of the Doric dialect in Sicily see Castelli Proleg. p. 25. We have not as yet touched on the _Delphic_ dialect, the strong Doric character of which is proved by an inscription (Boeckh No. 1690.) in which ὀδελοὶ and τέτορες occur, and still more, as I believe, by a monument of Olymp. 100. 1, which has futures such as ὀρκεξέω &c., the infinitives ἀπογράψεν, φέρεν, and θύεν, αἴκα for ἐὰν, πάντεσσι, ἱερομναμόνεσσι, διακάτιοι, ἐπικοσμήσωντι, ἐν for ἐς _adverbialiter_, καττὰν, ἐνιαύτιος, πέμπωντι, ποττὸν (Boeckh No. 1688.). Besides this, all the prose oracles given at Delphi were doubtless written in Doric; as _e.g._ that in Demosth. in Mid. p. 531, and in Macart. p. 1072, that in Thuc. V. 16. (—ἀργυρέᾳ εὐλάκᾳ εὐλάξειν, is, according to the scholiast, a Laconian expression), and the oracle quoted in vol. I. p. 199. note p, ποῖ τὺ λαβὼν καὶ ποῖ τὺ καθίξων καὶ ποῖ τὺ οἴκησιν (here the sense requires ἀσφαλέως ἕξεις, ἐρωτᾷς, κελεύω...) ἁλιέα τε κεκλῆσθαι, which, however, was probably written in hexameters, since the epic oracles sometimes show traces of Dorisms (Herod. IV. 155, 157; compare that given to the Lacedæmonians, ἁ φιλοχρηματία &c.). Plutarch (Pyth. Orac. 24. p. 289.) quotes from ancient oracles the expression πυρίκαοι (_i.e._ πυρκέοι, as the Delphians themselves were called, vol. I. p. 254. note b), ὀρεάνας for ἄνδρας,(1983) ὀρεμπότας for ποτάμους; likewise κραταίπους (Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 114.) is probably from an oracle: from the Dorisms of the vulgar dialect we have Γυγάδας for the treasure of Gyges, Herod. I. 14, a half-adjective form in -ας, which occurs frequently in Doric, and ἅρμα for ἀρμὴ, “love,” Plutarch Amator, 23. The name of the month Βύσιος (ap. Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 9. and in Delphian inscriptions) was derived by some from Φύσιος, as being a spring-month; it is, however, far more probable that this sacred oracular month received its name from Pytho, as Πύθιος. In that case the change of θ into σ corresponds with the Laconian dialect; but that of π into β is peculiar to the Delphians, among whom, according to Plutarch, it also occurred in βικρὸς for πικρὸς, and other words. A newly discovered honorary decree of Delphi (Ross, Inscript. Græc. ined. Fasc. I. No. 57.) points to a closer affinity of the Delphian and Ætolian dialects. We find in it the datives ἀγώνοις, ἐντυγχανόντοις, and therefore the same metaplasm of declination as among the Ætolians, to whom the grammarians attribute such forms as γερόντοις, παθημάτοις. The _Phoceans_ appear from the inscriptions to have spoken an Æolic dialect, nearly akin to the Doric. A remarkable peculiarity, which occurs in inscriptions both of Steiris and Daulis, in the territory of the Phoceans, is that the radical vowel of τίθημι and ἵημι remains unlengthened in the active and passive perfect; as in ἀνατεθέκαντι, ἀνατεθεμένους, ἀφεμένα for ἀνατεθείνασι, ἀνατεθειμένους, ἀφειμένη.

Appendix VI. Chronological Tables.

1. An attempt to ascertain the precise date of mythical events would at the present time be considered unreasonable, nor would it be better to arrange them according to generations. It must however be allowed that the mutual dependence of events recorded by mythology can be proved, and by this means, to a certain degree, their succession may be satisfactorily traced. We shall give a specimen from the work before us.

The Dorians in Hestiæotis. Worship of Apollo at Tempe b. I. ch. 1. b. II. ch. 1.

The Dorians at war with the Lapithæ. Taking of Œchalia, b. I. ch. 1. § 7. b. II. ch. 2. § 1.

The Dorians in Crete. Worship of Apollo at Cnosus, b. I. ch. 1. § 9. b. II. ch. 1. § 5.

Teucrian Pelagones (Encheleans) in the north of Thessaly, b. I. ch. 1. § 10.

Dorians at the foot of Œta and Parnassus. Worship of Apollo at Lycorea and Pytho, b. I. ch. 2. b. II. ch. 1. § 8.

The Dorians in alliance with the Trachinians and Ætolians, b. I. ch. 2. § 5.

Taking of Ephyra in Thesprotia. Origin of the Geryonia, b. II. ch. 2. § 3.

War with the Dryopians and transportation of this nation to Pytho, b. I. ch. 2. § 4. b. II. ch. 3. § 3.

Cretan sovereignty of the sea; Cretans in Crisa, Lycia and the Troad, b. II. ch. 1. § 6. ch. 2. § 2, 3.

Worship of Apollo in Bœotia; origin of the Theban traditions respecting Hercules, b. II. ch. 3. § 2. ch. 2. § 7.

Introduction of the mythology of Hercules into Attica by the Ionians. Institution of the Pythian Theoriæ, b. II. ch. 3. § 14.

Cretans in Megara and Attica. Connection of the religious worship of Athens with that of Crete, Delos, and Naxos, ibid.

Cretan fortress of Miletus in Caria; temples at Didymi and Claros, ibid. § 6.

Union of the Dorians and Ætolians, b. I. ch. 3. § 9.

Thessalians and Thesprotians in Pelasgic Argos, Orchomenos, p. 476.

The expelled Magnetes become subjects of the Pythian Apollo, b. II. ch. 3. § 4.

The Bœotians found a new Arne in Bœotia, Orchomenos, ubi sup.

Cadmean Ephyræans and Ægidæ in Athens and Amyclæ, ibid.

Partial emigration of the Dorians from the Tetrapolis, b. I. ch. 3.

Emigration of the Ænianes from the Inachus to the district of Œeta, b. I. ch. 2. § 6.

2. In reckoning from the migration of the Heraclidæ downwards, we follow the Alexandrine chronology, of which it should be observed, that our materials only enable us to restore it to its original state, not to examine its correctness. That it was chiefly founded upon original records and monuments preserved in Peloponnesus, which gave even the years of the kings, has been shown above, b. I. ch. 7. § 3. The dates which Syncellus has preserved from Eusebius, Eusebius from Diodorus, and Diodorus from Apollodorus, could not have been calculated merely by generations; and Larcher’s criticism and rejection of the Alexandrine Chronologists may perhaps be found as groundless as they are presumptuous.

[Transcriber’s Note: Entries beginning with a number are the year in B.C..]

1104. Migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus, 80 years after the fall of Troy,(1984) 328 years before the first Olympiad.(1985)

Temenus in Argos, Aristodemus in Sparta, Cresphontes in Messenia, Oxylus the Ætolian in Elis, Cypselus at Basilis. Resistance of the Achæans in Amyclæ. The Nelidæ go from Pylos to Athens.

Birth of Eurysthenes and Procles, and death of Aristodemus king of Sparta. Theras protector of the twin-brothers.(1986)

1074. 30. Eurysthenes and Procles governors of Sparta. Aletes reduces Corinth.(1987) Ceisus the son of Temenus reigns at Argos, Phalces at Sicyon, Agæus at Trœzen (b. I. ch. 5. § 4.), Deiphontes at Epidaurus, Triacon in Ægina, Thersander at Cleonæ (b. I. ch. 5. § 4. b. III. ch. 6. § 10.), Laias the Cypselid, in Arcadia. Pityreus the Ionian goes from Epidaurus to Athens.

1072. 32. Theras colonises Thera with Minyæ and Ægidæ from the district of Amyclæ.

Corinthian Dorians conquer Megara.

Æpytus, son of Cresphontes, re-established in Messenia.

1051. 53. The Thessalian Magnetes found Magnesia in Asia Minor.(1988)

Advance of the Dorians in the direction of Attica.

Medon, son of Ceisus, at Argos, b. III. ch. 6. § 10. Althæmenes, son of Ceisus, goes to Crete. Amyclæan Laconians settle in Melos and Gortyna. Migration of the Argives and Epidaurians to Rhodes and Cos, of the Trœzenians to Halicarnassus.

1040. 60. Migration of the Ionians to Asia. Procles, son of Pityreus of Epidaurus, goes to Samos with carvers in wood from Ægina.(1989) The Phliasians, driven out by Rhegnidas the son of Phalces, withdraw to Samos and Clazomenæ, b. I. ch. 5. § 3.

1038. 68. Ixion king of Corinth.

1033. 71. Soüs, the Proclid, at Sparta.(1990)

1032. 72. Agis the Eurysthenid.(1991)

Achæans from Laconia colonise Patræ.

1031. 73. Echestratus the Agid.

1006. 100*.(1992) Eurypon the Proclid. Echestratus and Eurypon subdue Cynuria, b. I. ch. 7. § 15.

1000. 106. Agelas at Corinth.

996. 108. Labotas the Agid.

978. 126. Prytanis the Eurypontid.

963. 143. Prumnis at Corinth.

959. 145. Doryssus the Agid.

929. 175. Polydectes (Eunomus) the Eurypontid.

* Megara separates itself from Corinth, b. I. ch. 5. § 10.

930. 174. Agesilaus the Agid.

926. 178. Bacchis at Corinth.

924. 180*. Pompus the Cypselid in Arcadia supports the commerce of the Æginetans.

917. 187. Rhodes enjoys the sovereignty of the sea (Eusebius).

891. 213. Agelas at Corinth.

886. 218. Archelaus the Agid.

884. 220. Polydectes dies. Birth of Charilaus. Lycurgus regent.

Lycurgus, in conjunction with Iphitus the Elean and Cleosthenes, the son of Cleonicus of Pisa, arranges the Olympic games.(1993)

Lycurgus gives laws to Sparta.

861. 243. Eudemus at Corinth.

854. 250. Charilaus, the Eurypontid, king of Sparta. In this office he with Archelaus conquers Ægys (b. I. ch. 5. § 18.), lays waste the territory of Argos (ib. ch. 7. § 14.), and is defeated by the Tegeates (ib. § 12.). Polymestor, the Cypselid, in Arcadia.

836. 268. Aristomedes at Corinth.(1994)

826. 278. Teleclus the Agid. He conquers Amyclæ, Pharis, and Geronthræ, b. I. ch. 5. § 13, and destroys Nedon, ib. ch. 7. § 10.

824. 280. [Nicander the Eurypontid, according to Eusebius.]

810. 294. Nicander the Eurypontid (according to Sosibius(1995)). He ravages the territory of Argos, in alliance with Asine, ib. § 14.

801. 303. Agemon the Bacchiad.

786. 318. Alcamenes the Agid. He conquers Helos(1996) and defeats the Argives. Charmides, the son of Euthys, is sent to quiet the troubles of Crete. [Theopompus the Eurysthenid, according to Eusebius.]

785. 319. Alexander at Corinth.

776. 328. Corœbus obtains the prize at the Olympic games at the full moon (according to the original institution), on the 13th or 14th day of the first Olympic month (Apollonius), if the Ennaëteris began with this Olympiad; of the second month (Parthenius), if the Olympiad fell in the middle of the period. The month began with the new moon after the summer solstice, on the 8th of July (according to De Lalande, see _l’Art de vérifier les Dates_, tom. III. p. 170.) 776. B.C. the distribution of the prizes therefore took place the 21st or 22nd of July.

3. Reckoning according to Olympiads.

[Transcriber’s Note: Entries begining with two numbers are, first, the year in B.C., then the Olympiad.]

776. 1. _Corœbus of Elis._

774. 3. Metapontum founded by Achæans and Crissæans according to Eusebius,