Chapter XII.

§ 1. Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules. Adventures of Hercules: his combats with wild beasts. § 2. His martial exploits. § 3. His establishment of the Olympic games. § 4. Complexity of the mythology of Hercules. § 5. Worship of Hercules carried from Sparta to Tarentum and Croton. § 6. Coan fable of Hercules. § 7. Hercules and Hylas. § 8. Identification of Hercules and Melcart. § 9. Human character of Hercules. § 10. His joviality and love of mirth.

1. We must now entreat the indulgence of our readers when we enter upon an obscure and difficult part of our subject, and one lying beyond the limits of historical record. We allude to the Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules; a collection of legends doubtless for the most part invented subsequently to the Doric invasion, and intended by that nation in great measure to justify their conquest of the peninsula, and to make their expedition appear, not as an act of wrongful aggression, but as a re-assertion of ancient right. Some hero (perhaps even of the same name) must have existed in the Argive traditions in the time of the Persidæ, and the resemblance may have been sufficiently striking to identify him with the father of the Doric Hyllus. We shall therefore consider the destroyer of the Nemean lion as a native Argive hero; but the delay experienced at his birth, and his consequent exposure to want and toil, evidently belong to the Doric tradition, as well as the enmity of Here; fables which were partly borrowed from the worship of Apollo, and may partly have been intended to indicate the contrast between the ancient worship of Argos and that of the invading race.(1814)

We shall now proceed without further preface to consider the different adventures of Hercules, which may be divided into two classes; the first consisting of his warlike exploits, the second of his combats with wild beasts. We shall commence with the examination of the latter.(1815)

Nemea was separated from the Argive temple of Here, the most ancient one in the country, by a chain of mountains and a long rocky ravine. It cannot be denied that the moon was often invoked in this worship, although it would not be safe to consider Here as the goddess of the moon. Now Nemea is called the daughter of the moon,(1816) from which deity the Nemean lion is also said to have sprung; the antiquity of which fable may be inferred from the circumstance that Anaxagoras availed himself of it, as being generally received, to account for the physical hypothesis of the Antichthon.(1817) Connected with this is Hesiod’s tradition that the goddess Here had herself brought up the lion, which she is by that poet represented as having done out of enmity to Hercules. Hence we detect the symbolical character of the fable, which resembles that of Perseus and Gorgo, &c.; although we can scarcely attempt to explain the whole legend in a similar manner. The combat with the Lernæan hydra may also be thus explained. Hercules is represented as employing in this contest the same sickle with which Perseus beheaded Medusa.(1818)

Whatever meaning we may attach to these combats, whether we consider them as symbolical, or as memorials of a remote antiquity, in which it was the hero’s principal occupation to free Greece from monsters and wild beasts, it is nevertheless evident that they are as little adapted to the time assigned to them (shortly previous to the Pelopidæ) as to the character of the other parts of the fable. A mere consideration of Hercules’ costume will sufficiently convince us of this fact. It is certain that the Hercules of the early poets was either a hero armed with a spear and buckler, as in the poem attributed to Hesiod,(1819) or with a bow and sword, as in the Odyssey.(1820) The latter description occurs particularly in the battle of the giants; the former is founded on all the traditions which represent Hercules as the first of warriors and conquerors. Pisander and Stesichorus were the first who introduced him as a half-naked savage, with the lion’s skin round his loins, the jaws covering his head instead of a helmet, and merely a club in his hand.(1821) There were extant so late as the time of Strabo some ancient wooden statues of Hercules very different from this description. Pisander, too, was (as far as we know) the first who represented in detail the combats of Hercules with wild beasts, collected from scattered accounts in the Theogony, and who composed the “Labours of Hercules;” for which he perhaps availed himself of different local traditions.

2. We now come to the martial exploits of Hercules, which, as it appears, were intended to represent the conquests of the Dorians in Peloponnesus. We have only to direct our attention to the account that Hercules, towards the close of his life, being prince of Mycenæ,(1822) delivered Sparta from the Hippocontidæ into the hands of Tyndareus, and, after conquering Pylos from Neleus, transferred, it to Nestor,(1823) in order to perceive the coincidence of tradition and history. The circumstances which have chiefly contributed to the formation of these traditions may best be traced in the combat at Pylos. The share which Hades had in this adventure, when that god was himself wounded by the bold son of Zeus,(1824) may be considered, according to the connexion established above, as having been transferred from Ephyra, where Hades had a greater inducement to the protection of oppressed cities than at Pylos.(1825) But Hercules is said to have destroyed Pylos because Neleus would not purify him from the murder of Iphitus;(1826) an act which Deiphobus afterwards performed in the temple of Apollo at Amyclæ.(1827) Here it seems to be assumed that Œchalia, the native city of Iphitus, was situated in Messenia, which, as we have shown above,(1828) was not the original tradition.

3. The influence of historical facts upon mythology is most clearly perceivable in the legend of Hercules having founded the Olympic games when he returned victorious from his expedition against Augeas of Elis.(1829) Afterwards the same hero celebrates the first Olympiad as a festival of all Peloponnesus, with various combats, in which heroes from Tiryns, Tegea, Mantinea, and Sparta were victorious.(1830) It was also Hercules who fixed the quinquennial period, and established the sacred armistice.(1831) His bringing the wild olive-tree from the Hyperboreans, and planting it in the grove of Altis, was probably derived from the traditions of Northern Greece;(1832) in which Hercules was represented as more closely connected with Apollo than in the common Peloponnesian legends. It should, moreover, be remarked that Hercules in his expedition against Elis is reported to have founded or visited several temples of Apollo at Pheneus and Thelpusa;(1833) both lying on the road which connected the isthmus and the north of Greece with Olympia.(1834) It would, however, involve us in no slight difficulties to date the tradition of Hercules founding the Olympic games later than the Olympiad of Iphitus; for as since that period the Eleans conducted the festival, and therefore showed a particular veneration for Hercules, it is scarcely probable that a war _against Elis_ should have been considered as the cause of the establishment of this festival, had not the report been handed down from an earlier period. The continual claim of Pisa, that the presidency of the games should be restored to her as an ancient right, is, however, one of several circumstances which render it probable that she had once enjoyed this privilege before the festival had acquired its subsequent celebrity; and that Hercules, to whom a very ancient wooden statue had been erected at Pisa,(1835) was, even at this early period, regarded as the founder: to which facts the story of a war against Elis was easily subjoined. The combat with Augeas, a son of Helius, seems to have been in great part borrowed from some Epirotan fable respecting Geryon.

4. In tracing the various steps which led to the formation of the Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules, it has by no means been our aim to enter minutely into the details of the subject, which would carry us far beyond the limits of the present inquiry; the distinction between the ancient and recent parts of the tradition being so undefined that an accurate separation of the two is almost impossible. Enough has been said to show how frequently the same legend reappears in different shapes; and consequently that some original version was variously modified in different places. We shall once for all remind those who imagine the northern legend of Hercules to have been of later date than the Peloponnesian because the latter is mentioned by the early epic poets, that some higher source must be sought for than a few passages of those poets which have been accidentally preserved: that it should be looked for (if anywhere) in some connected mythological tradition, to which the particular fables owed their rise and development.

The task is comparatively easy to examine the history of fables, the scene of which lies in colonies or countries with which the Greeks did not become acquainted till a late period, as the events on which they are founded took place within the era of our historical knowledge. At the same time the analogy of these facts, sufficiently ascertained, enables us to conjecture as to those which are enveloped in fabulous obscurity; we can reason from what we know to what we do not know.

5. From Sparta the worship of Hercules spread to her colonies, particularly Tarentum(1836) and Croton. In the latter city Hercules enjoyed the honours of a founder,(1837) being reported to have established it on his return from Erythea.(1838) Afterwards the tradition of his purification and atonement was transferred from Amyclæ in Laconia to Croton, an event to which the high reputation enjoyed by the worship of Apollo in the latter town greatly contributed. Hence we perceive on the coins of this place the youthful hero sitting with a bow, quiver, and arrows before a blazing altar, on which he scorches a branch of laurel.(1839) Connected with the above is the tradition of Philoctetes having deposited the arrows of Hercules in the temple of Apollo Alæus at Croton, from whence they were said to have been brought by the Crotoniats into the temple of Apollo within the precincts of their town.(1840) On the coins of that city Hercules is frequently seen with a goblet in his hand, either in a recumbent or erect posture. The allusion is explained by the following story: Hercules, who was always thirsty, had asked for some wine at Croton; but the woman of the house dissuaded her husband from tapping the cask for a stranger; on which account the women of that country never drank wine.(1841)

6. Our readers are, we take for granted, well acquainted with the fable of Hercules in the island of Cos, as related by Homer.(1842) The events which contributed to its formation are, in the first place, the existence of several noble families of Heraclide descent, whose origin, according to ancient traditions, was connected with the conquest of Ephyra, though they were afterwards said to have sprung from the supposed residence of Hercules in the island itself, where the ancestor of these families sprang from his connexion with a daughter of the king of the Meropians. This fiction of his abode in Cos took its rise in a mistaken view of certain ceremonies there practised: for the peculiarity of the worship in question, in which the priest at the festival ἀντιμαχία, celebrated in the spring, put on a female dress (as Hercules is said to have disguised himself in woman’s clothes,)(1843) betrays an Asiatic origin; which induced the poets of ancient times to consider Hercules of Cos as identified with the Idæan Dactyli.(1844) This dress was also probably worn in the Lydian worship of Sandon(1845) (who was called Hercules by the Greeks); for Omphale is said to have attired the effeminate hero in a transparent garment dyed with sandyx, a custom which evidently originated in the practice of some festival. The man described as the slave of a lascivious woman was a symbolical representation of a soft and voluptuous elementary religion; while the same allegory was by the Greeks referred to the servitude of Hercules in the house of Eurystheus. This legend is first mentioned by Pherecydes, then by Hellanicus of Lesbos (who refers to the traditions current in the city of Acele),(1846) and also in Herodotus, whose genealogy of the ancient kings of Lydia—Hercules, Alcæus (from the Greek mythology, Belus, the god of Babylon), Ninus (Nineveh), Agron, &c., refers to the Assyrian origin of the ancient Lydian kings, and agrees remarkably with the statement that Hercules-Sandon or Sandes, was originally an Assyrian deity belonging to the same religious system as Belus.(1847)

7. We now come to a fable of kindred origin, the fable of Hylas. Hylas was invoked during midsummer at the sides of fountains by the aboriginal inhabitants of Bithynia,(1848) long before the Greeks founded their city of Cios; but the latter adopted the story of the boy falling into the water, connecting it (as they worshipped Hercules as their founder)(1849) with the fable of that hero. Indeed a legend very similar had previously existed, the minion of Hercules being (according to Hellanicus) Theiomenes, the son of Theiodamas the king of the Dryopes.(1850) The death of Lityerses was in Phrygia the subject of an ancient song; and who else should have slain him, according to the tradition of the Greeks, than he whose power was dreaded throughout the countries of the barbarians?(1851) The Greeks introduced such heterogeneous matter without hesitation into their mythology. Hercules, even in the spot where his worship originated, was represented as a hero of great power abroad: he was the protector of boundaries and (if I may be allowed the expression) of marches: afterwards, when his worship was adopted by the whole of Greece, he was considered as the general guardian of the Grecian colonists. Thus he is represented as contending for the territory of Heraclea on the Pontus, against the aboriginal Bebryces, and in defence of Cyrene against the native Libyans. For it seems very probable that the combat with Antæus,(1852) who derived new vigour from touching the earth, was merely emblematical of the contests sustained by the Greek colonists against the Libyan hordes, which, though often conquered, always sallied forth from the deserts in increased numbers. Thus the fable of Hercules and Busiris was invented at a time when the Greeks first became known in Egypt, and had as yet only an imperfect acquaintance with that country; for which reason Herodotus ridicules it as a silly invention of the Ionians. Busiris appears to me to have been the name of the principal deity with the addition of the article. In this story he is described as a ferocious tyrant, who orders Hercules to be sacrificed, until the latter, recovering himself suddenly, slays the tyrant and his cowardly retinue.

8. While attempting to reconcile these discordant traditions, and mould them into one connected story, it was natural that the Greeks should find some affinity of character between Hercules and the Phœnician god Melcart, the son of Baal and Astarte (Ἀστερία). It was to the existence of a temple of Hercules at Gadira that the fable of this hero having there terminated his voyage after the battle of Geryon, owed its origin; and the neighbouring pillars of Hercules or Briareus(1853) were originally considered as the work of Melcart. The Hercules of the Carthaginians was also represented as a wanderer and conqueror;(1854) his particular province was the island of Sardinia;(1855) which island became also included in the Grecian mythology: he is likewise said to have passed through Spain.(1856) The discoverer of the purple dye, in the Tyrian tradition, is the same personage;(1857) the quail was sacred to him, the smell of that bird having resuscitated him from death.(1858) Great as the confusion soon became between the Doric and Phœnician traditions respecting Hercules, they may still be easily distinguished from each other; and the first effect of their union may perhaps be traced in the wish of Dorieus, the son of Anaxandridas, to found a kingdom near mount Eryx, because Hercules had formerly conquered that country;(1859) now the worship and name of the Phœnician Aphrodite (Astarte) existed on mount Eryx, and probably also that of her son Melcart.

9. Notwithstanding the long digression into which the examination of our subject has led us, we are afraid that the following positions, attempted to be established as the result of the preceding investigation, will by no means carry with them conviction to all readers. We may, however, rest assured, that whatever traces of an elementary religion can be discovered in this fable, they were additions totally at variance with its original structure. The fundamental idea of all the heroic mythology may be pronounced to be a proud consciousness of power innate in man, by which he endeavours to place himself on a level with the gods, not through the influence of a mild and benign destiny, but by labour, misery, and combats. The highest degree of human suffering and courage is attributed to Hercules: his character is as noble as could be conceived in those rude and early times; but he is by no means represented as free from the blemishes of human nature; on the contrary, he is frequently subject to wild, ungovernable passions, when the noble indignation and anger of the suffering hero degenerate into phrensy.(1860) Every crime, however, is atoned for by some new suffering; but nothing breaks his invincible courage, until, purified from earthly corruption, he ascends mount Olympus, and there receives the beauteous Hebe for his bride, while his shade threatens the frightened ghosts in Hades.(1861) As in the fable of Apollo, the godhead descends into the circle of human life, so in Hercules a purely human power is elevated to the gods. Hercules also corresponds to the last-mentioned deity, in his divine attributes, as an averter of evil (ἀλεξίκακος and σωτὴρ);(1862) which the Œtæans carried so far as to worship him as the destroyer of grasshoppers (κορνοπίων), and the Erythræans as the killer of the vine-worm (ἰποκτόνος).(1863) We cannot, however, agree with Herodotus, who derives the deification of Hercules from a combination of the Phœnician or Idæan god, and the hero of Thebes, since Hercules also enjoyed divine honours at places (as Messene and Marathon(1864)) where such an amalgamation can scarcely be imagined. But he is a deity representing the highest perfection of humanity, and therefore the model and aim of human imitation; and the summit of heroic energy was seen where the human passed into the divine nature. His life and actions on earth are in ancient mythology perfectly human; and those fables, which raise him above humanity, for instance, those alluding to the combat with the giants,(1865) betray a later origin.

10. How little the ancient mythology was desirous of divesting Hercules of any feelings of humanity may be collected from various features in his character. Hercules, whether invited or not invited, is a jovial guest, and not backward in enjoying himself. This explains the frequent allusions to him as a great eater (βουθοίνας) and tippler, and also the Herculean goblets and couches. The original source of all these fictions was the ancient tradition of the residence of Hercules with Ceyx and Dexamenus: nay, they may be traced to the ceremonies observed at his worship and festivals.(1866) The Doric,(1867) like the Athenian comic poets and satirists, merely adopted the general outline of the story, filling up the details to suit their own fancy and humour: the latter adding some jokes upon the gluttony of their Bœotian neighbours.(1868) It was Hercules, above all other heroes, whom mythology endeavoured to place in ludicrous situations; and sometimes made the butt of the buffoonery of others. This was the case in the fable of the Cercopes (treated of in a ludicrous epic poem ascribed to Homer),(1869) who are represented as alternately amusing and annoying the hero. In works of art they are often represented as satyrs, who rob the hero of his quiver, bow, and club.(1870) Hercules, annoyed at their insults, binds two of them to a pole, in the manner represented on the bas-relief of Selinus,(1871) and marches off with his prize. Happily for the offenders, the hinder parts of Hercules had become tanned by continued labours and exposure to the atmosphere: which reminded them of an old prophecy, warning them to beware of a person of this complexion;(1872) and the coincidence caused them to burst out into an immoderate fit of laughter. This surprised Hercules, who inquired the reason, and was himself so diverted by it, that he set both his prisoners at liberty. And in general no company better agrees with the character of Hercules, even in his deified state, than that of satyrs and other followers of Bacchus, as might easily be proved by many works of Grecian art. It also seems that mirth and buffoonery were often combined with the festivals of Hercules: thus there was at Athens a society of sixty men, who, on the festival of the Diomean Hercules, attacked and amused themselves and others with sallies of wit.(1873) We shall hereafter show how these exhibitions originated in the propensity of the Doric race to the burlesque and comic.(1874)

APPENDIX I.

_On the settlements, origin, and early history of the Macedonian nation._

_General outline of the country._(1875)

1. In the Thermaic bay, the modern _gulf of Salonichi_, three rivers of considerable size fall into the sea at very short distances from one another, but which meet in this place in very different directions. The largest of the three comes from the north-west, and is now called (as indeed it was in the time of Tzetzes and Anna Comnena) the _Bardares_ (or _Vardar_), and was in ancient days celebrated under the name of Axius. Its stream is increased by large tributary branches on both sides, and chiefly by the Erigon, which flows from the mountains of Illyria.(1876) The river next in order runs from the west; it is now called in the interior of the country _Potova_, and on the coast _Carasmac_: its ancient name, as is evident from passages in Herodotus and Strabo, was Lydias, or Ludias.(1877) And, lastly, after many turnings and windings, the Haliacmon, now called _Bichlista_, flows from the south-west; in the time of Herodotus it fell into the sea through the same mouth as the Lydias, probably being widened by marshes; and in modern maps the interval between the two rivers is represented as very small.(1878) It may be easily conceived that this whole maritime district must have been low and marshy; and by this means Pella, as Livy remarks, was of all towns in the country best fitted for being the fortress of the Macedonian kings, and the place of deposit for their treasure, since it lay, like an island, in the morasses and swamps formed by the neighbouring lakes and rivers. These marshes were called by the expressive name of βόρβορος, or _mud_.(1879)

2. Although the mouths of these rivers were so near together, the extent of mountains, valleys, and plains which they encompassed in their course was very considerable, amounting, according to modern maps, to 140 geographical miles from north and south, and more than 60 from east to west. The Axius, together with its minor branches, runs from the great Scardian chain, which further on receives the names of Orbelus, Scomius, and Hæmus; while the course of the Haliacmon is close to the heights of mount Olympus (part of which ridge in later times was called the Cambunian mountains), and therefore to the borders of Thessaly. Both ridges run at right angles from the great mountain-chain which cuts the upper part of Greece in a direction from north-west to south-east, its southern parts bearing the name of Pindus, the ridge towards Thessaly and Epirus of Lacmon,(1880) and further to the north-west it is called the Candavian chain(1881) and mount Barnus.(1882) It stretches behind the whole of the district just named, and forms, as it were, the spine, to which the mountains of Illyria, Epirus, Macedonia, and Thessaly are attached like ribs. From this chain the two lines of mountains proceed, which separate the valleys of the Haliacmon and the Axius. The name of the ridge between the Haliacmon and the Lydias is known by the mention of mount Bermius above Berœa;(1883) and Berœa is certainly the modern Veria, or Cara Veria,(1884) near the northern bank of the Haliacmon. It will be shown presently that Dysorum was the name of the mountain which divided the Lydias and the Axius.(1885) And the ridge, which, stretching southward from the Scardian chain, parted the valley of the Axius from the plains to the east, was called (in one point at least), as we know from Thucydides’(1886) account of the Odrysian king’s march, Cercine.

3. The valleys beyond the last-mentioned ridge are those of the Strymon and the Angites. As the Axius falls into the sea in a gulf to the west, so does the Strymon join the sea to the east of the Chalcidian peninsula. Not far from its mouth the Strymon forms a lake, into which the Angites runs; a stream of considerable size, its course lying westward of the Strymon. For that the eastern stream is the ancient Strymon (notwithstanding the opinion of most modern geographers) is, in the first place, evident from its size; secondly, from the name _Struma_, which it now bears; and, thirdly, from the statement of Herodotus,(1887) that the district of Phyllis reached southwards to the Strymon, and westward to the Angites; it lay, therefore, above the confluence of the two rivers and the lake which they formed by their junction. The ridge which lies to the east of the Strymon was called, at least where it widens along the coast, Pangæum.(1888)

Thus much is sufficient to give a general notion of the geographical structure of the region, the ancient inhabitants of which form the subject of the present inquiry.

_Ancient names of the several districts._

4. We will now chiefly follow the full and accurate accounts of Herodotus respecting the districts situated near the mouths of the three rivers just mentioned. First, MYGDONIA, on the Thermaic bay, and round the ancient city of Therma, extended, according to Herodotus, to the Axius, which divided this district from Bottiaïs;(1889) and it agrees with this statement that the small river Echeidorus (probably the modern _Gallico_), which fell into the sea at the marshes near the Axius, in the lower part of its course passed through Mygdonia.(1890) To the east this district extended still further; lake Bolbe, beyond Chalcidice, was either in or near Mygdonia.(1891) Thucydides, indeed, makes Mygdonia reach as far as the Strymon;(1892) but this cannot be reconciled with the account of Herodotus (who appears to have possessed a very accurate knowledge of this region), that both the maritime district, west from the Strymon, in which was the Greek city of Argilus, and the land further to the interior, was called BISALTIA.(1893) On the other side, above Mygdonia, was situated (according to Herodotus) the district of CRESTONICA, from which the river Echeidorus flowed down to the coast.(1894)

5. Beyond the Axius, to the west of the stream, immediately after Mygdonia, came BOTTIAIS, which district was on the other side bounded by the united mouth of the Haliacmon and the Lydias;(1895) and thus towards the sea it terminated in a narrow wedge-shaped strip. On this tongue of land were the cities of Ichnæ and Pella,(1896) the first of which was celebrated for an ancient temple;(1897) while Pella became afterwards the royal residence, situated on the lake of the Lydias, at the distance of 120 stadia from the river’s mouth,(1898) and may now be recognised by these marks of its position and some ruins. According to Strabo,(1899) also, the river Axius made the boundary of Bottiæa, and divided it from the district of Amphaxitis, which was the name of the opposite and more elevated side of the Axius.(1900) Thucydides also calls this tract of country Bottiæa;(1901) and distinguishes it from the more recent settlements of the Bottiæans, near Olynthus, in Chalcidice,(1902) which he calls _Bottica_.(1903)

6. The united mouth of the Lydias and Haliacmon, according to Herodotus,(1904) divided Bottiaïs from MACEDONIS; for he can only mean this common mouth when he says that “the rivers Lydias and Haliacmon divide the districts of Bottiaïs and Macedonis, uniting their waters in the same channel.” Further on in the interior the Lydias alone must have been the boundary of Bottiaïs, since otherwise this district would not end in a narrow strip of land; Macedonis, therefore, began on the western bank of the Lydias. In this place nothing more can be said as to the meaning of the word _Macedonis_, before the precise signification of some other names has been determined.

7. Proceeding along the coast, PIERIA borders upon Macedonis, the district under Mount Olympus,(1905) which ridge, where it approaches this coast, splits into two branches, the one stretching towards the mouth of the Peneus, the other towards those of the three rivers. Herodotus cannot make Pieria reach as far as the Haliacmon,(1906) as they are here separated by Macedonis Proper;(1907) he probably supposes it to begin just at the rise of mount Olympus, and divides the narrow plain on the sea-coast from the tracts to the interior. The southern boundary of Pieria is stated by Strabo(1908) and Livy(1909) to have been the district of Dium;(1910) so that these writers leave a narrow and mountainous strip of land, stretching towards Tempe, which belonged neither to Pieria nor Thessaly. The chief place in Pieria was Pydna, also called Cydna (according to Stephanus Byz.), and in later times Citron (according to the epitomizer of Strabo),(1911) which name still remains in the same place.

8. Now that we proceed from the divisions of the coast to the interior, we are deserted, indeed, by the excellent account of Herodotus; but there are nevertheless statements sufficiently accurate to determine the ancient name of each district. The high and mountainous valley of the Haliacmon was, according to Livy,(1912) called ELIMEIA; the inhabitants Elimiots, who are included by Thucydides(1913) among the Macedonians: the district is also called after their name Elimiotis.(1914) From thence proceeds the road to Thessaly over the Cambunian mountains;(1915) and another almost impracticable road to Ætolia over the mountainous country to the south of Elimeia.(1916) To Elimeia succeeded PARAUÆA, a fertile district, near the sources of the river called Aous, Æas, or Auus;(1917) and to the south again lay PARORÆA, which was crossed by the river Arachthus at the beginning of its course from under mount Stympha:(1918) the country near this mountain was called STYMPHÆA (or Tymphæa), extending to the sources of the Peneus and the land of the Æthicians.(1919) The ATINTANIANS reached beyond the country of the Parauæans, and within that of the Chaonians as far as Illyria.(1920) All these districts are indeed divided from Elimeia by the great chain of Pindus; but, from their connexion with that region, some account of them in this place was indispensable.

9. A small valley in the district of Elimeia, which lay to the north towards the Illyrian Dassaretians,(1921) was inhabited by the Orestian Macedonians,(1922) who doubtless were so called from the _mountains_ (ὄρη) in which they dwelt, and not from _Orestes_, the son of Agamemnon. The valley of Orestis(1923) contained a lake, in which was the town Celetrum, situated on a peninsula.(1924) Its position coincides with that of the modern Castoria;(1925) and it cannot be doubted that the wild mountain-valley near the source of the Haliacmon was the ancient Orestis. Another valley in Elimeia was called ALMOPIA, or Almonia, an ancient settlement of the Minyans, situated on the confines of Macedonia and Thessaly, apparently not far from Pieria.(1926)

10. Elimeia, together with the surrounding highlands, was cold and rugged, and difficult of cultivation.(1927) The same was the case with the neighbouring district of LYNCESTIS, the country of the Lyncestæ, who had received their name, according to a Macedonian inflexion,(1928) from Lyncus.(1929) Lyncus was the name of the whole district, and not of any one city, as in early times there were only unfortified villages in this part.(1930) It was surrounded on all sides by mountains; a narrow pass between two heights being the chief road to the coast.(1931) The position of Lyncus is accurately determined by the course of the Egnatian Roman road from Dyrrachium, which, after crossing the Illyrian mountains at Pylon (or the gateway), led by Heraclea Lyncestis, and through the country of the Lyncestæ and Eordians, to Edessa and Pella;(1932) as well as by the fact that the _mons Bora_ of Livy, _i.e._ the Bermius, lay to the south of it.(1933) Consequently the Lyncestæ must have inhabited the mountains south of the Erigon, and a part of the valley in which that river flowed; which is confirmed by other accounts of ancient writers.(1934) The country of the EORDIANS is also determined by the direction of the Egnatian way; viz., to the east of Lyncus and west of Edessa, and therefore in the valley of the Lydias, to the north of Elimea(1935) and the Bermius.(1936) In order to go from the valley of the Erigon to Thessaly, the way passed first through Eordæa and then through Elimiotis.(1937)

11. DEURIOPUS (ἡ Δευρίοπος) was the name of a tract of country along the Erigon,(1938) which was considered as belonging to Pæonia,(1939) and probably lay to the east of Lyncestis and north of Eordæa.(1940) In Pæonia also was situated the rugged district of PELAGONIA, to the north of Lyncestis,(1941) having on its northern frontiers narrow passes, which protected it from the incursions of the Dardanians.(1942) As to other parts of the extensive territory of PÆONIA (in comparison with which Macedonia was originally very inconsiderable in size), it is only necessary to observe, that, beginning near the source of the Axius, the banks of which river had from early times been occupied by Pæonian tribes, a narrow strip of land extended down to Pella and the coast;(1943) though, according to Herodotus, it could not have actually reached the edge of the sea, as the frontiers of Bottiaïs and Mygdonia at this point came into contact with one another.(1944) Immediately to the north of Lower Macedonia, _i.e._, to the north of Macedonian Pæonia, Bottiaïs, and Mygdonia, but without the confines of these provinces, was situated, as we learn from Thucydides,(1945) the Pæonian city of DOBERUS.(1946) The king of the Odrysians arrived, according to the same writer,(1947) at this place after having come from his dominions, which were bounded by the Strymon, over mount Cercine; in which passage he left the Pæonians to the right, and to the left the Sintes and Mædi (Thracian races, supposed by Gatterer to have penetrated hither when the Siropæonians and others crossed over to Asia).(1948) From which notices I have ventured to set down the mountain, the city, and nations just mentioned, as may be seen in the accompanying map.(1949)

_Early history of the kingdom of Macedonia._

12. The subject of this dissertation made it necessary for us to enter into the above detail as to the several provinces and divisions of Upper and Lower Macedonia. We must now proceed to inquire into the gradual extension of the kingdom of Macedon; an investigation in which we are fortunately assisted by the clear and accurate account of Thucydides, who lived at no great distance from the country which he describes; and whose words I now transcribe as follows (II. 99.):

“Accordingly, the subjects of Sitalces mustered at Doberus, and prepared for a descent into Lower Macedonia, which country was under the rule of Perdiccas. For to the Macedonians belong(1950) the Lyncestæ and the Elimiots, and other nations in the upper parts of the country, which are the allies and subjects(1951) of these Macedonians,(1952) but have nevertheless princes of their own. The present kingdom of Macedonia, extending along the sea,(1953) was first occupied by Alexander the father of Perdiccas, and his ancestors of the family of Temenus, who came originally from Argos; and ruled over it, having by force of arms expelled the Pierians from Pieria,(1954) and the Bottiæans from the district called Bottiæa. They also obtained in Pæonia a narrow tongue of land, extending along the river Axius down to Pella and the sea: and on the further side of the Axius they possess the district called Mygdonia, as far as the Strymon, of which they dispossessed the Edones. They also dislodged the Eordians from the country still called Eordia, and from Almopia the Almopians. These Macedonians also subdued those other nations which they now possess; viz., Anthemus, together with Crestonia and Bisaltia, and a large part of the Macedonians themselves. The whole of this country together is called Macedonia; and Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was king of it when Sitalces made his invasion.”

13. This chapter has not by any means been exhausted by those who have written on the growth and size of Macedonia; and therefore it will be convenient to set down some of the chief inferences which may be drawn from it.

In the first place, it is plain that the Macedonians, who made the conquest, and founded the kingdom of Macedon, were _not the whole Macedonian nation_, but only a part of it. There were in the mountainous districts Macedonian tribes, which had their own kings, and originally were not subject to the Temenidæ. These are the Macedonian highlanders of Herodotus,(1955) from whose district the road passed over mount Olympus (the Cambunian chain) into the country of the Perrhæbians;(1956) and it began, as has been already remarked, in Elimeia.(1957) The Elimiots were, according to Thucydides, one portion of these Macedonians, the Lyncestæ another; both which appellations were merely local, and the full title was “_the Macedonians in Lyncus_,” or “the Macedonian Lyncestæ.”(1958) Of the _remaining_ Macedonian nations in the mountain-districts we only know the name of the Orestæ;(1959) at least there are no others who can with any certainty be considered as Macedonians.

14. The name of Macedonia was not therefore, as some have supposed, confined to the royal dynasty of Edessa, but was a _national appellation_; so much so, that it is even stated that those very kings subdued, among other nations, a large portion of the Macedonians. The tribes of Upper Macedonia were long governed by their own princes; thus Antiochus was king of the Orestæ at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war;(1960) the Lyncestæ were under the rule of Arrhibæus, the son of Bromerus,(1961) the great grandfather, by the mother’s side, of Philip of Macedon, who derived his descent (not altogether without probability) from the Bacchiadæ, the ancient rulers of Corinth;(1962) and these kings, though properly recognising the supremacy of the Temenidæ, were nevertheless at times their nearest, and therefore most dangerous, enemies.(1963)

15. The Macedonian kingdom of the Temenidæ, on the other hand, began from a single point of the Macedonian territory, concerning the position of which there are various traditions. According to Herodotus, three brothers of the family of Temenus, Gauanes, Aëropus, and Perdiccas, fled from Argos to Illyria, from thence passed on to _Lebæa_ in Upper Macedonia, and served the king of the country (who was therefore a Macedonian) as shepherds. From this place they again fled, and dwelt in another part of Macedonia, near the gardens of Midas, in mount Bermius (near _Berœa_), from which place they subdued the neighbouring country.(1964) Thucydides so far recognises this tradition, that he likewise considers Perdiccas as the founder of the kingdom, reckoning eight kings down to Archelaus.(1965) The other account, however, that there were three kings before Perdiccas, is unquestionably not the mere invention of later historians, but was derived, as well as the other, from some local tradition. According to this account the Macedonian kingdom began at _Edessa_,(1966) which had been taken by Caranus, of the family of the Temenidæ, and by him named after a goatherd, who rendered him assistance, Ægæ (or Ægeæ).(1967) Both narrations have equally a traditional character, and were doubtless of Macedonian origin, only that the latter appears to have been combined with an Argive legend of a brother of the powerful Phido having gone to the north. The claim of Edessa is also confirmed by the fact, that, even when it had long ceased to be the royal residence, it still continued the burial-place of the kings of Temenus’ race, and, as Diodorus says, the _hearth_ of their empire.(1968)

16. Edessa and the gardens of Midas were both situated between the Lydias and the Haliacmon, in the original and proper country of Macedonia, according to the account of Herodotus.(1969) The manner in which the dominions of the Temenidæ were extended along the sea-coast, and towards the interior, we learn from Thucydides, who comprises in one general view all the conquests of these princes until the reign of Alexander. For to suppose that Alexander, the son of Amyntas, made _all_ these conquests, is an error which is even refuted by the words of Thucydides; although it is very possible that this prince, who began his reign about 488 B.C., at the time of the Persian power, and was the brother-in-law of a Persian general,(1970) added considerably to the territory which he had inherited.(1971) But when Xerxes undertook his great expedition against Greece, the power of Macedon was as great as it is described by Thucydides; nor was its territory much enlarged during the interval between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars.(1972) For at the time of the Persian war (481 B.C.) the Pierians were already settled in New Pieria, especially in the fortified towns of Phagres and Pergamus, at the foot of mount Pangæum,(1973) whither they retired, after having been driven out of Old Pieria by the Macedonian kings;(1974) in fact, this extension of the territory of Macedon must have taken place at an early period.(1975) Moreover, Olynthus was, according to Herodotus,(1976) at least _before_ 480 B.C., in the hands of the Bottiæans, who had, as we learn from both Herodotus and Thucydides, expelled the Macedonians from the ancient Bottiaïs; consequently this district had been under the rule of the Macedonians _before_ the expedition of Xerxes. Thirdly, Amyntas the Macedonian, in 510 B.C., offered Anthemus in Chalcidice to the Pisistratidæ;(1977) the same argument therefore applies in this case also. Anthemus, however, could hardly have been obtained without Mygdonia: and that this district was then a part of the Macedonian dominions is probable also from the following reasons.(1978) According to Thucydides, the Macedonians drove out the nation of the Edonians(1979) from Mygdonia, between the rivers Axius and Strymon; and accordingly we find the Edonians always mentioned as dwelling to the east of the Strymon, at the foot of mount Pangæum. Now Ennea Hodoi, situated on the eastern bank of the Strymon, was, according to Herodotus,(1980) in the possession of the Edonians in the year 481 B.C.; and Myrcinus, in the same region, was found by Histiæus, when he visited it, to be an Edonian district,(1981) as it was at a later period by Brasidas.(1982) The latter argument is not indeed of itself decisive, as it might be said that the Edonians were only driven together by the conquests of the Macedonians, and had _previously_ been in possession of the further side of the Strymon; but when combined with the former facts, it offers an almost certain proof that the whole country, from lake Bolbè to within a short distance from the Peneus, was subject to the Macedonians before the expedition of Xerxes.(1983) Methone(1984) was on this coast the only interruption to the series of Macedonian possessions; this Eretrian colony had been, about 746 B.C.,(1985) together with the numerous Eubœan settlements in Chalcidice,(1986) at a period when the power of the Macedonians on this line of coast was very insignificant; and it preserved its independence until the reign of Philip the son of Amyntas.(1987)

17. From the facts now ascertained, we may deduce a result of some importance with regard to the language of Herodotus. This historian clearly and precisely distinguishes between Bottiaïs and Macedonia in the time of Xerxes,(1988) although it is certain that Bottiaïs was then in the power of the Macedonians;(1989) Macedonia he classes as a district with Bottiaïs, Mygdonia, and Pieria. He uses the word, therefore, not in a _political_, but in a _national_ sense; _i.e._, he restricts it to the territory originally possessed by the Macedonian nation, not applying it to countries which had been obtained by conquest or political preponderance. The Macedonia of Herodotus is consequently the territory of the Macedonians _before_ all the conquests of the Temenidæ. It extended, according to Herodotus, in a narrow tongue down to the sea;(1990) a fact disregarded by Thucydides, when he states that the coast of Lower Macedonia was first reduced by the Temenidæ.(1991) Further from the sea, however, the ancient Macedonia had a much wider extent, and included the districts of Edessa and Berœa, Lyncestis, Orestis, and Elimeia: for Macedonia is stated by Herodotus to have been on the one side bounded by mount Olympus (which ridge, where it borders on Pieria,(1992) was called the Macedonian mountains),(1993) and on the other by mount Dysorum. This last fact is evident from the statement of the same writer, that a very short way led from the Prasian lake to Macedonia, passing first to the mine from which Alexander obtained an immense supply of precious metal; and then, that having crossed mount Dysorum, you were in Macedonia;(1994) _i.e._, evidently in the _original_ Macedonia, since he expressly excludes from it the mine which had been a subsequent accession. The Prasian lake was in Pæonia;(1995) but in what district of it is not known;(1996) mount Dysorum, however, can only be looked for to the north of Edessa and to the west of the Axius, Macedonia Proper not extending so far as that river. In this manner it is placed in the accompanying map; in which also the ancient boundaries of the Macedonian race are laid down according to the results obtained by these researches.

18. On the other conquests of the Macedonians little need be said. The occupation of Bisaltia and Crestonica was subsequent to the expedition of Xerxes. The Thracian king of these districts fled away,(1997) and left his kingdom a prey to the ambition of Alexander, who thus extended his empire to the mouth of the Strymon, which was the boundary of Macedonia in the days of Thucydides and of Scylax, and remained so until the time of Philip. At what time the Macedonian kings reduced that part of Pæonia which stretched along the Axius, Eordæa, Almopia, and a large part of the Macedonians themselves, we are nowhere informed; and to infer from Thucydides that these conquests succeeded that of Mygdonia and preceded that of Anthemus, would be laying too much weight upon the order in which he arranges the events; in which, although he doubtless paid some regard to chronology, the context required that the conquests on the coast should be mentioned before those of the interior. Eordæa was probably subjugated at a very early period, since it lay, as it were, in a bay of the Macedonian territory; and a very credible tradition has been preserved by Dexippus,(1998) that Caranus had in early times made an alliance with the Orestæ against the Eordians, and founded his kingdom by the subjugation of that nation. In fact, the first nation with whom the king of Edessa had to contend was these Eordians. They were, according to Thucydides, nearly annihilated by a war of extermination; a small number of them escaped to Physca in Mygdonia;(1999) which district therefore was not as yet under the power of the Macedonians.

19. Among those parts of Macedonia Proper which were reduced by the Temenidæ, Elimeia may be particularly mentioned, as is evident from the following circumstances. Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was at war with his brother Philip, with whom he was to have divided his kingdom,(2000) and also with Derdas.(2001) The brothers of Derdas, before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, in alliance with the Athenians, made a descent from the highlands, that is, from one of the districts Elimeia, Orestis, or Lyncus, into the dominions of Perdiccas.(2002) Now Derdas(2003) was the son of Arrhibæus, and cousin of Perdiccas; and it is plain that the Temenidæ reduced Elimeia; and a branch of the same family received this district as their peculiar possession.(2004) A separate king of Elimeia also existed in the time of Archelaus,(2005) who doubtless belonged to the same family. For a later Derdas occurs as prince of the Elimiots in the time of Agesilaus,(2006) who perhaps was the same as, or rather was the father of, the Derdas, whose sister Phila Philip married.(2007) In like manner, there was a separate sovereignty in Stymphæa and the neighbouring Æthicia, which was held by the family of Polysperchon, the general and guardian of the kingdom.(2008) Although in later times all these separate sovereignties, both of the Temenidæ and of other princes, were suppressed, and Upper and Lower Macedonia were equally ruled from the city of Pella; yet the tribes of the highlands still remained to a certain degree distinct. Even at the battle of Arbela, the Elimiots, Lyncestæ, Orestæ, and Tymphæans fought in separate bodies;(2009) and several persons are denoted in the history of Macedon by the surname of Lyncestes. Perdiccas came from Orestis, Ptolemy from Eordæa.(2010) Those in the lowlands, on the other hand, were known by the general name of Macedonians; and it should be observed, that there were also Macedonians dwelling in Pieria, Bottiaïs, Mygdonia, Eordæa, and Almopia,(2011) who had, according to Thucydides, driven out the native inhabitants; while Pæonia and Bisaltia, together with Anthemus and Crestonica, remained in the possession of those tribes which had been settled there before the conquest of Macedonia.(2012)

_On the national affinity of the original Macedonians._

20. From what has been already said it is plain that there was, independently of the extension of the empire of the Temenidæ, a Macedonian nation possessing from early times a territory of considerable size, viz., the Macedonia of Herodotus; the area of which in the accompanying map amounts to 2400 geographical square miles.

We now proceed to the most important question to be considered in this treatise, viz., to what national family these Macedonians belonged.

21. The ancient writers distinguish in these regions the following nations; and in so marked a manner that it is evident that they differed from one another in their costume, language, and mode of living.(2013)

First, the THRACIANS. This great nation extended to the north as far as the Danube, where it included the Getæ;(2014) to the east beyond the sea, since the Thynians and Bithynians were Thracians;(2015) to the west within mount Hæmus as far as the Strymon, where it bordered on the Pæonians, widening still more as it receded from the coast, since it also included the Triballians.(2016) On the west bank of the Strymon the Sintians and Mædians were of Thracian origin;(2017) to which nation the Bisaltæ and Edones must also be referred.(2018) Thrace is often represented as having in early times extended to Thessaly and Bœotia(2019) but merely in reference to the settlements of the Pierians at the foot of Olympus and Helicon; and there are many reasons against considering these Pierians as of the same race as the _other_ Thracians,(2020) although they were called Thracians at an early period.(2021) Homer at least distinguishes between these two nations when he makes Here go from Olympus to Pieria, then to Emathia, and afterwards to the snowy mountains of the Thracians;(2022) by which he must mean the mountains of the Bisaltæ to the north of Edessa, since the goddess next rests her foot on mount Athos and the island of Lemnos.

Secondly, the PÆONIANS. A numerous race divided into several small nations,(2023) inhabiting the districts on the rivers Strymon and Axius and the countries to the north of Macedonia,(2024) together with Pannonia, according to the Greeks.(2025) This race, according to _their own tradition_ (if Herodotus’s account is correct),(2026) derived their origin from the ancient Teucrians in the Troad; in their passage from which country they had been accompanied, according to Herodotus, by the Mysians, the same people that afterwards gave their name of Mœsians to a great province.(2027)

Thirdly, the ILLYRIANS extended southward as far as the Acroceraunian mountains, eastward to the mountain-chain known in its southern parts by the name of Pindus, and northward as far as the Save and the Alps, if Herodotus is correct in considering the Venetians as of Illyrian origin.(2028)

Fourthly, _Nations of Grecian descent_.

22. Since the Macedonians evidently belonged to some one of these four races, our present object is to ascertain _which_. Now in the first place the _Greeks_ may be excluded, since, although it is certain that a large portion of the Macedonian nation was of Grecian origin, the Macedonians were always considered by the Greeks as barbarians.—Alexander the Philhellene,(2029) the father of Perdiccas, represented himself to the Persians (according to Herodotus)(2030) as a Greek, and satrap over Macedonians; the same person who was driven off the course at Olympia for being a barbarian, until he proved his Argive descent.(2031) The mouth of the Peneus, or the Magnesian mountain of Homolè, was on the eastern side considered as the boundary of Greece,(2032) unless Magnesia also was excluded. Fabulous genealogies, representing Macedon as the son of Zeus and Thyia the daughter of Deucalion, or of a descendant of Æolus, are of no weight against the prevailing opinion of the Greeks; nor are they necessarily of greater antiquity than the fortieth Olympiad (620 B.C.),(2033) at which time Danaus and Ægyptus, and other races equally unconnected, were made the members of the same family, when the Scythians were derived from Hercules,(2034) and even the whole known world was comprised in extensive genealogies. It would be unreasonable to suppose, on the credit of these genealogies, that there was any other migration of Greeks into Macedonia except that of the Temenidæ.

23. Secondly, with regard to the PÆONIANS: it may be shown that the Macedonians did not belong to that nation.(2035) The possessions of the Macedonians in Pæonia are accurately described by ancient writers; these were, until the time of Perdiccas, only a narrow strip of land;(2036) Pelagonia and Pæonia on the Axius were subdued at a later date. As the Pæonian race was not aboriginal in this district, its peculiarities were probably easy to be recognised in the time of Thucydides, and hence this national name occurs more frequently than those of the separate provinces. For this reason great importance should be attached to the circumstance that the ancients never refer the Macedonians themselves to the Pæonian race; and it should perhaps be considered as decisive. On the other hand, with aboriginal races having a large territory and numerous connexions, such a separation hardly warrants this inference, since otherwise the Macedonians, whom both Herodotus and Thucydides mention _together with_ Thracians and Illyrians,(2037) could not have belonged to either of those two tribes, and therefore to no great national division of the human race. It is, however, plain that the ancients frequently used the national name in a limited sense, merely for the chief mass of the people, and did not apply it to particular _portions of it_ which had acquired a character different from that of the rest of their nation,(2038) without by this meaning to express a diversity of origin. We have therefore now only to ascertain whether the Macedonians were of _Thracian_ or _Illyrian_ descent.

24. We shall gain one step towards a conclusion by inquiring in what region were the original settlements of the Macedonians; a question which should carefully be distinguished from the former investigation as to the first station of the Temenidæ. Now in pursuing this inquiry, we soon perceive that even of Macedonia Proper, from which Bottiæa, Pieria, and Eordæa were conquered, a large part was not always in the possession of the Macedonians. Homer, for example, places Emathia, not Macedonia, between Pieria and Chalcidice.(2039) Several writers state in general that Macedonia had anciently been called Emathia;(2040) but, as will be presently shown, they do not so much mean the highlands as the country about the mouths of the three rivers and near Edessa.(2041) The fabulous name was renewed in later times; and Ptolemy(2042) even mentions the district of Emathia, in which were the towns of Cyrrhus,(2043) Eidomenæ, Gordynia, Edessa, Berrhœa, and Pella. According to Thucydides(2044) and others, Eidomenæ and Gordynia must have been situated in the region near the Axius, in the early subdued country of Pæonia;(2045) whence it may be understood how Polybius(2046) could say that Emathia, at a distance from the coast, had in early times been called Pæonia. For the ancient name of Emathia had evidently been extended to a tract of land belonging to Pæonia, which had, perhaps, previously to the Pæonian conquests, once borne the name of Emathia.

25. Now although the country round Edessa, and nearer to the sea, was not originally called Macedonia, yet we find traces of the existence of the name of the Macedonians under its ancient forms of Μακέται and Μακεδνοὶ, in the hill-country near the ridge of Pindus. Herodotus says that the Doric race, having been driven from Hestiæotis, and dwelling under mount Pindus, was called the _Macedonian nation_.(2047) By this statement he plainly means that the Dorians were first known by that name in Peloponnesus;(2048) and indeed his other notions on the progress of this people are only suited to the childhood of history. But notwithstanding the erroneous conclusions of the narrator, it is allowable to infer from his statement that the Macedonians had once dwelt at the foot of Pindus—_i.e._, probably in one of the districts of Upper Macedonia; of which provinces Orestis may be considered (on the faith of a conjectural emendation) as the ancient Maceta.(2049) For it cannot be a Thessalian district that is alluded to, since Maceta was, as we know from certain testimony, in fact a part of Macedonia. This hypothesis is also supported by the ancient patronymic surname of the Macedonian kings, “Argeadæ;” if it is rightly derived by Appian from Argos in Orestis.(2050)

The fact that the ancient country of the Macedonians was near the ridge of mountains on the confines of Illyria, and was at a considerable distance from Thrace, renders it probable that the Macetæ were of Illyrian blood; but this probability would yield to arguments drawn from the language, costume, and manners of the three nations. The question therefore is, whom did the Macedonians in the points most resemble, the _Illyrians_ or the _Thracians_?

26. There is a passage in Strabo(2051) which, on account of its importance, I will give nearly at full length, omitting only those parts which are not necessary to the context. It contains an account of the population of Epirus.

“Of the nations of Epirus the Chaonians and Thesprotians inhabit the coast from the Ceraunian mountains to the Ambracian gulf; behind Ambracia is Amphilochian Argos. The Amphilochians also are Epirots, together with the tribes lying more in the interior, and joining the mountains of Illyria—viz., the Molotti, the Athamanes, the Æthices, the Tymphæi, the Orestæ, the Paroræi, and the Atintanes, some dwelling nearer to the Macedonians, and others to the Ionian sea. With these the Illyrian nations were mixed which dwelt to the south of the hill-country, as well as those beyond the Ionian sea. For between Epidamnus and Apollonia and the Ceraunian mountains there are the Bylliones,(2052) the Taulantii,(2053) the Parthini,(2054) and the Brygi,(2055) and at a short distance, about the silver mines(2056) of Damastium,(2057) the Perisadies have established their dominion; the Enchelii(2058) and Sesarasii(2059) are also named as dwelling in these parts; and besides these, the Lyncestæ, the land of Deuriopus, the Pelagonian Tripolis,(2060) the Eordi, Elimea, and Eratyra.(2061) Now in early times these tribes had severally rulers of their own; the Enchelians were governed by the descendants of Cadmus, the Lyncestæ were under Arrhibæus, and of the Epirots the Molotti were ruled by Pyrrhus and his descendants, while all the other nations of that tribe were governed by native princes. In process of time, however, as one nation obtained the dominion over others, the whole fell into the Macedonian empire, except a small tract beyond the Ionian sea. Also the country about Lyncestus, Pelagonia, Orestias and Elimea was once called Upper Macedonia, and at a later period the Independent. Some persons, moreover, give to the whole country as far as Corcyra the name of Macedonia, assigning, as their reason, that the inhabitants nearly resemble one another in the mode of wearing the hair, in their dialect, in the use of the chlamys, and in other points of this kind: some of them likewise speak two languages.”

27. Now, although the historical accounts of Strabo, collected at a time when these regions had been ravaged by conquest, and had undergone manifold changes, have not the value which the statements of Herodotus and Thucydides possess, yet it is possible to extract from them much information. In the first place it should be observed that the Epirots and the Illyrians are not considered as two wholly distinct nations. The Epirots, although in early times allied by blood with the Greeks, were always considered as barbarians,(2062) and Ambracia as the last city in Greece;(2063) which fact, since the original inhabitants were the same as in Arcadia, that is, Pelasgians, can only be explained by supposing that there had been a mixture of Illyrians. Hence it might be at that late time difficult to distinguish between the Epirots and the Illyrians; and thus Strabo includes the Atintanes, who according to Scylax(2064) and Appian(2065) were Illyrians, among the Epirot nations. It is more singular that he should consider the Orestæ, whom Polybius(2066) recognises as a Macedonian people, as Epirots; but it may be probably accounted for by the circumstance of their separation from the cause of the Macedonian kings, which procured them their independence in the year of the city 556.(2067) But the other inhabitants of Upper Macedonia, the genuine Macedonians, such as the Lyncestæ and Elimiots (who probably, from being mountaineers, had preserved their national distinctions more than the civilised tribes of the lowlands), were considered by Strabo, as the context plainly shows, as original Illyrians; and it can hardly be doubted that they still bore the characteristic marks of that nation.

28. “Some again,” as Strabo says, “give to the whole country as far as Corcyra the name of Macedonia.” What country this is, is accurately known both from the testimony of other writers, and even of Strabo himself. The Romans called the whole region which opened to them the way to Macedonia(2068) by the name of Macedonia; and made it reach from Lissus (now _Alessio_) on the river Drilon (now the _Drin_) either to the Egnatian road,(2069) which begins between Dyrrhachium (or Epidamnus) and Apollonia, or, as Strabo states in the passage quoted in the text, for a short distance beyond.(2070) The inhabitants of this tract of country were beyond all question Illyrians (Taulantii, Parthini, Dassaretii, &c.(2071)); and it is of _their_ dress and language that Strabo here speaks. The importance of these points for the discovery of national affinity is easily perceived. Indeed, many Grecian tribes might be distinguished merely by their mode of wearing the hair.(2072) The chlamys had come to the Greeks from the Thessalians, and Sappho was the first Grecian writer who mentioned it:(2073) afterwards it became a military dress, and supplanted the ἱμάτιον, as in Italy the _sagum_ took the place of the _toga_, which was originally girt up for military use.(2074) From this passage of Strabo we learn that it was the national habit of the Illyrian tribes above Epirus. In like manner the broad-brimmed, low, flat fur-cap, known by the name of _causia_, which was equally unlike the conical(2075) κυνέη of the Bœotians and the low, tapering(2076) πέτασος, was worn by these northern nations; it was the ancient dress of state among the Macedonians, and worn by their kings;(2077) and it was likewise the dress of the Ætolians(2078) and Molossians.(2079) But the most remarkable circumstance is, that the same cap which is borne by the riders on the tetradrachms of the first Alexander also adorns the head of the Illyrian king Gentius.(2080) Lastly, the similarity of dialect is a decisive proof. Now that all these things should have been introduced by the Macedonian kings seems highly improbable, when it is remembered that their rule did not even extend over the whole of this tract, that it was also often interrupted, and in general not of a nature to alter the character, language, and costume of the natives.(2081)

From these facts it may, I think, be safely inferred that the Macedonians, viz., the people originally and properly so called, belonged to the ILLYRIAN race.

_On the mixture of the Macedonians with other, particularly Greek, races._

29. It is, however, certain, notwithstanding the result which has been established, that the Macedonians in their advance from the highlands dislodged, and partly incorporated other, and particularly Grecian, tribes.

The first to fall in their hands was the ancient Emathia, near Edessa, and downwards to the sea, which Herodotus includes in _his_ Macedonia. The name of the country appears to be Grecian;(2082) and since Justin(2083) distinctly affirms that the ancient inhabitants of Emathia were Pelasgians, and as Æschylus, a poet greatly versed in traditional lore, also makes the kingdom of the Pelasgians extend through Macedonia as far as the Strymon,(2084) it must be considered that, according to ancient tradition, the early inhabitants of this country were of the Pelasgic race. It is likewise fair, by the guidance of several parallel cases in the Greek mythology, to interpret the legend that Lycaon the Arcadian hero had once ruled in Emathia, and was the father of Macedon,(2085) as signifying merely the succession, _according to order of time_, of the Pelasgians and Macedonians in the occupation of this country; which the language of mythology expressed by placing the respective races in a _genealogical_ connexion. So Thessalus is called a son of Jason, although the Thessalians belonged to a different race from the early rulers of the country, the Minyæ of Iolcus, of whom Jason was one. Hence it is highly probable that at the first conquest of this tract of land, viz., of Macedonia Proper, nations akin to the Greeks were mixed with the Illyrians.

30. One of the earliest conquests of the Macedonians was the country of their neighbours(2086) the Phrygians; _i.e._, according to the most exact statements, the district about mount Bermius, where in the ancient gardens of king Midas, the son of Gordias (in which Silenus had been once taken prisoner), the hundred-leaved rose still flourished at the time of Herodotus.(2087) It is exceedingly probable that, as Herodotus states, this district had been occupied by the Macedonians before the arrival of the Temenidæ;(2088) with which the tradition of an ancient migration of the Phrygians coincides:(2089) yet it is also stated that Caranus the Temenid expelled Midas.(2090) That the Phrygians or Brygians were entirely incorporated in the Macedonian nation cannot be supposed, as we hear quite in late times of a tribe of Brygians (Βρύγοι) in these regions, who then dwelt near the Illyrian mountains beyond Lychnidus, not far from the Erigon, together with the Dassaretians.(2091) The tribe of Mygdonians, which was allied to the Phrygians,(2092) must have been lost in other nations at an early period, since their territory had been occupied by the Edones before it became a part of the Macedonian empire.

31. In their further extension the Macedonians fell in with Grecian, with Pæonian, and with Thracian tribes, which they either subdued or dislodged; but no expulsion was probably so complete that some part of the former population was not left behind. Among the tribes thus driven out were the Bottiæans, who were reported to have come from Athens and Crete;(2093) a tradition which could hardly have arisen, if they had not been a Grecian people. Notice should also be taken of the Grecian and Pelasgic names of the cities on the Axius, viz., Ichnæ, Eidomenæ, Gortynia, Atalante, and Europus,(2094) which cannot have been given by the Pæonians, and therefore must be referred to the ancient Greek population of this region. Beyond the Axius, according to Herodotus,(2095) was Creston, a settlement of Thessalian Pelasgians, whence they do not appear to have been expelled by the victorious Macedonians; which fate befell the Almopians, an ancient branch of the Minyæ.(2096) It has been already shown that the common population of Leibethrum and Pieria was at least nearly related to the Greeks: the names of Λείβηθρα, for a well-watered valley, Πίμπλη for a full fountain, and of Ἑλικὼν for a winding stream, are evidently Grecian.(2097)

As to the Eordians, the ancient foes of Macedon, it is uncertain whether they should be considered as belonging to the Illyrian or the Pæonian race;(2098) of this latter tribe, in earlier times, a small, and, in later, a considerable portion obeyed the Macedonian kings. And, lastly, the subjection of the Bisaltæ, who even in the time of Perseus formed one of the chief parts of the kingdom of Macedon,(2099) joined to that nation a people of purely Thracian descent; and the Macedonians, in the political meaning of the word, ceased more and more to be a regular nation, or a body of men of the same origin and language.(2100)

_On the customs and language of the Macedonians._

32. In order to trace the national character and origin of the Macedonians, it is necessary to distinguish three things; first, their Illyrian descent; secondly, their extension over other, for the most part Grecian countries; and thirdly, the introduction by the ruling family, of the civilisation and refinements of the Greeks; which must have gained great ground when Alexander the Philhellene offered himself as a combatant at the Olympic games, and honoured the poetry of Pindar;(2101) and when Archelaus, the son of Perdiccas,—the same person who first established many fortresses and roads in his dominions, and formed a Macedonian army,(2102) nay, even had it in view to procure a navy,(2103)—had tragedies of Euripides acted at his court under the direction of that poet. These changes must have chiefly affected the regions near the sea; for they could not have equally extended to the Macedonians of Lyncus, &c., who, even in the time of Strabo, had the greatest resemblance to the Dassaretians, Taulantians, &c., and, until the overthrow of the Macedonian monarchy, preserved their ancient savage habits; which Livy only partially accounts for by their intercourse with neighbouring barbarians.(2104)

33. Since the Illyrian tribes were never distinguished for that original invention which imagined new gods and established new modes of worship; while, on the other hand, they readily adopted strange deities;(2105) we find among the Macedonians more traces of foreign than native religion. Certain deities which the Greeks compared with the Sileni they called Sauadæ,(2106) as the Illyrians called them Deuadæ;(2107) a native Macedonian god of health was named Darrhon;(2108) there was also a god called Deipatyrus among the neighbouring Stymphæans.(2109) The wide extension of the worship of Bacchus must be ascribed to the vicinity of, and early intercourse with Pieria: the Macetian women were celebrated as wild and raging Bacchantes.(2110) The worship of Zeus appears to have been early introduced among the Macedonians from mount Olympus.(2111) Hercules, the heroic progenitor of the royal family, was worshipped in their first residence at Edessa:(2112) he was called in Macedonia Aretus.(2113) The worship of Apollo, which was prevalent in Macedonia at an early period,(2114) probably was introduced from Pythium on mount Olympus:(2115) that of Pan, at Pella, was perhaps derived from the Pelasgians.(2116)

34. Many barbarous customs of the northern nations, as, for example, that of tattooing, which prevailed among the Illyrians and Thracians,(2117) must have fallen into disuse in Macedonia at a very early date: for the Greeks would not have forgotten to mention such evident proofs of barbarian descent. Even the usage of the ancient Macedonians, that every person who had not killed an enemy should wear some disgraceful badge, had been discontinued in the time of Aristotle.(2118) Yet at a very late date no one was permitted to lie down at table who had not slain a wild boar without the nets.(2119) It is greatly to be lamented that we know much less of the ancient customs of the Illyrians than of the Thracians, of whose singular and almost Asiatic usages we are sufficiently well informed. The doctrine of the immortality of the soul in the worship of Zalmoxis, the lamentations of the Trausi at the birth of a man,(2120) and the slaughter of the dearest wife on the grave of her husband among the Sintes and Mædi,(2121) point to a particular view of human life, foreign to the Grecian character, but familiar to many eastern nations.(2122) The prevailing custom of polygamy,(2123) the buying and inheriting of women, the selling of children as slaves,(2124) and the delight in intoxication,(2125) are traces of a genuine barbarian character; no one of which, as far as I am aware, can be discovered among the Macedonians: with whom, moreover, the Thracian names (_e.g._, Cotys, and those ending in _cetes_ and _sades_) never occur.

35. On the other hand, a military disposition, which still distinguished the Macedonians in the time of Polybius, personal valour, and a certain freedom of spirit, were the national characteristics of this people. Long before Philip organised his phalanx, the cavalry of Macedon was greatly celebrated, especially that of the highlands, as is shown by the tetradrachms of Alexander the First. In smaller numbers they attacked the close array of the Thracians of Sitalces, relying on their skill in horsemanship and on their defensive armour.(2126) Teleutias the Spartan also admired the cavalry of Elimea;(2127) and in the days of the conquest of Asia the custom still remained that the king could not condemn any person without having first taken the voice of the people or of the army.(2128)

36. It is difficult to treat of the Macedonian language, as not only the _ancient_ period of the native dialect must be distinguished from the _second_, in which the Grecian language was partially introduced, after Archelaus, Philip, and Alexander made their people acquainted with Athenian civilisation, but also from a _third_, in which many barbarous words were adopted from the mixture of the Macedonians with Indians, Persians, and Egyptians.(2129) Nevertheless it is possible to form a well-grounded opinion as to the form of the Macedonian language in the first period. In the first place, they had many barbarous words for very simple and common objects,(2130) which may be certainly considered as Illyrian, since among the _very scanty_ relics of the Illyrian and Athamanian dialects(2131) there are some words which are also mentioned as Macedonian.(2132) Indeed, without supposing some barbarous foundation of this kind, we could hardly account for the Macedonian language being still unintelligible to the Greeks in the time of Alexander the Great.(2133) Yet it cannot be doubted that the Greek had passed into the Illyrian dialect _before_ the introduction of Athenian literature, and that their combination produced the mongrel language which was afterwards called Macedonian. The nominatives in α, such as ἱππότα, πολῖτα, &c., could not have been derived from the Athenians; but the Thessalians, the Dryopians, and probably all the Pelasgians, used that form.(2134) That some mixture of Greek had taken place at an early period seems also to be proved by the great and almost inexplicable change which the Grecian words experienced in the mouth of the Macedonians, who appear to have been unable to pronounce the letters Φ and Θ, and hence they always substituted Β for the former, and Δ for the latter,(2135) perhaps from a peculiarity of the Illyrian nation. On the other hand, the Macedonian language had a consonant ΟΥ or V, as _Volustana_, the name of the country round Olympus,(2136) the _Candavian_ mountains,(2137) &c., prove; and thus both in this and the former respect it approximated to the vocal system of the Latin.

_Note on the Map of Macedonia._

Since the annexed Map is entirely copied from that of Barbié du Bocage, as far as the country is concerned, I will only remark some important points in which Arrowsmith’s great Map of Turkey, which is in part founded on quite different authorities, differs from it. In this Map the small lake to the east of Lychnis, or Lychnitis (the lake of Ochrida), is not connected with any river running to the coast, and the mountains to the west of it stretch uninterruptedly to the south. (Perhaps this is correct: see p. 453, note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Candavian chain,” starting “Ptolemy.”]) The Haliacmon rises rather more to the north than in Barbié du Bocage’s Map. The Cara-Sou, which is certainly the Erigon, runs into the lake of the Lydias. (Incorrect, according to Strabo, quoted in p. 451, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “mountains of Illyria,” starting “Its rise in these mountains.”]) The Lydias has a longer course, and rises in the Illyrian mountains. The modern river Gallico, which I make the Echeidorus, flows at some distance from the sea through a lake into the Axius. The tributary branch of the Achelous, called by the ancients the Inachus, rises further to the south, under the Pindus-chain (contrary to the authors quoted in p. 452, note f. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Epirus of Lacmon,” starting “Or Lacmus.”]). Upon the whole, Barbié du Bocage’s Map is without doubt the more accurate.

APPENDIX II. GENEALOGY OF HELLEN.

There is a particular tendency which may be traced throughout all the accounts that have come down to us of early Grecian history, viz., of reducing everything to a _genealogical_ form. It was much encouraged by the opinion of the later historians, that every town and valley had received its name from some ancient prince or hero; thus even Pausanias meets with persons who explained everything by means of genealogies;(2138) who, for example, out of the Pythian temple at Delphi made a son of Delphus Pythis, a prince of early times. This tendency, however, is manifestly founded on the genuine ancient language of mythology. With the inventors of these fabulous narratives, nations, cities, mountains, rivers, and gods became real _persons_, who stood to one another in the relation of human beings, were arranged in families, and joined to one another in marriage. Now although such fictions are in many cases easily seen through, and the meaning of the connexion may be readily deciphered, yet these genealogies, as there was nothing of arbitrary and fanciful invention in them, in after-times passed for real history; and were, both by early and late historians, with full confidence in their general accuracy, made use of for the establishment of a sort of chronology. On these principles, then, the genealogies which were formed in the age of the later epic poets, and perhaps even of the early historians, cannot be considered as pure invention; these too must have been founded on certain arguments and facts, which were generally believed at that time. We will endeavour to point this out in the famous genealogy of the chief races of the Greeks, which was taken from the Ἠοῖαι of Hesiod.(2139)

[Transcriber’s Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table:

Prometheus and Pandora had Deucalion.

Deucalion and Pyrrha had Hellen.

Hellen had Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus.

Xuthus had Achæus and Ion.]

Now the passage of Hesiod only mentions the three brothers, Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus, without naming the sons of Xuthus; but it is evident that in this series Xuthus must also represent some race or races; and since no tribe ever bore the title of _Xuthi_, this name must have been used by Hesiod to signify the Ionians and Achaæns, as in Apollodorus, and other writers.(2140) According to another tradition, perhaps of equal antiquity, Zeus, the father of gods and men, was, instead of Deucalion, the husband of Pyrrha.(2141)

It is evident that the above genealogy was intended to represent the chief races of the Hellenes, or Greeks, as belonging to one nation; and consequently could not have been made before the name Hellenes was applied to the whole nation; which in the Iliad(2142) is only the name of a small tribe in Phthia.(2143) The more extended use of the name falls in the period of the poems which went under the name of Hesiod:(2144) it is first thus used in the “Works and Days” of the real Hesiod,(2145) before which time, therefore, the above genealogy cannot have been formed. But that the author of it did not make an arbitrary fiction is evident from the circumstance that he put Xuthus instead of Achæus and Ion; by which he greatly deranged the symmetry of his genealogy. It is clear that he thought himself bound to respect the tradition, that Achæus and Ion were the sons of Xuthus; which prevented him from making Hellen their father. As yet, therefore, the other brothers were not recognised in tradition as having any fathers; and some obscure legends, such as that of Dorus, the son of Apollo,(2146) had not obtained a general belief. There can be no doubt that Hellen was recognised in the most ancient tradition. Now in the fictions of mythology the invention was bound by a sort of fanciful regularity; and in a fabulous genealogy the part was deduced from the whole, the species from the genus, as an inferior and subordinate being: thus in the Theogony the hills are the children of the earth, and the sun and the moon of light.(2147) Accordingly the poet (or whoever was his authority) sang of Æolus, Dorus, and Xuthus, the progenitors of nations, being the sons of Hellen, the son of Zeus, or grandson of Prometheus. It is possible that before this entire genealogy others had been invented, _e.g._, that _Dorus_ was a son of Hellen; since, as early as the time of Lycurgus, the Spartans were commanded by the Pythian oracle to worship Zeus Hellanius and Athene Hellania;(2148) and since both the judges in the Spartan army(2149) and the judges of the Olympic games were called Hellanodicæ. And when I consider the celebrated oracle just quoted, and the close connexion of Sparta and Olympia with Delphi, the sacred families of the Delphians (the ὅσιοι), who referred their origin to Deucalion,(2150) and on the other hand remember that a Bœotian poem, composed in the neighbourhood of the Pythian oracle, first uses the word “Hellenes” in this extended sense; I cannot help conjecturing that this national sanctuary of the Hellenic name had a large share in the formation of that really beautiful legend; by which all the different races of Greece, separated for so many centuries by violent and unceasing contention, were united into the peaceable fellowship of brotherly affection and concord.

APPENDIX III. THE MIGRATION OF THE DORIANS TO CRETE.

Cnosus,(2151) the Minoian Cnosus, was, even so late as the time of Plato, the first city in Crete, and the chief domicile of the Cretan laws and customs: and Plato, in his Treatise on Laws, takes a Cnosian as the representative and defender of the Cretan laws in general;(2152) although Cnosus about his time had declined from internal corruption, and the fame of having preserved the good laws of ancient Crete soon passed from her to Gortyna and Lyctus.(2153) In earlier times, however, the Cretan laws (Κρητικοὶ νόμοι), which Archilochus even mentions as being of a distinct character,(2154) were preserved in the greatest purity at Cnosus. Now when modern writers admit indeed that the Cretan laws were founded upon the customs of the Doric race, but affirm that this race did not penetrate into Crete before the expedition of the Heraclidæ, and that migrations subsequently took place from Peloponnesus; it is necessary for them first of all to show that _Cnosus_ received its Doric inhabitants from that country, that is, probably either from Argos or Sparta. But had such been the case, the memory of these migrations would assuredly never have been lost: Argos and Sparta would have been too proud to possess such a colony. Cnosus must therefore have received its Doric inhabitants at an earlier date, in the dark ages of mythology; and the subsequent colonies from Peloponnesus to Lyctus, Gortyna, and other places, helped to increase the Doric population, which in Homer’s time(2155) was confined to a _part_ of the island, over the _whole_ of Crete; as was the case in late ages. And at the time which Homer describes, not only the language, but the customs and laws were probably also different; whereas Archilochus appears to mention the Cretan laws as prevalent over the whole island. Upon the whole, the Dorians in Crete—and this is a fact of great importance—never seem to stand, with regard to the Dorians of Peloponnesus, in the relation of a colony to its mother country. In Greece, the parent state—so great was the pride of higher antiquity—never condescended to take the institutions of a colony as models for its own, as was the case with Sparta and Crete; nor did the mother country ever procure priests from its colony, as was the case when the Pythian Apollo sent Cretan priests to Sparta.(2156) In short, everything seems to prove that the Doric institutions were of great antiquity in Crete, and that the distinction which has lately been taken between the laws of Minos and the Doric institutions and customs of Crete—a distinction directly opposed to the unanimous testimony of antiquity—is false and untenable.

But in retaining his conviction respecting a Doric settlement in Crete before the migration of the Heraclidæ, and in viewing it as the only means of explaining many facts in the religious and political history of the Greeks, the Author does not imply that this Doric colony was exactly similar to a later migration of Dorians from Argos and Sparta. The condition of the Dorians in Hestiæotis must have been very different from that to which the same race attained in Peloponnesus. The mixture with other races, which had gone so far, that the head of the mythical settlement bears a Pelasgic name (Teutamus), does not agree with the character of the later Dorians. At that time no line of princes, calling themselves Heraclidæ, could have stood at the head of the Dorians; for in Crete, Heraclidæ only occur in cities which were colonised from Peloponnesus; for example, they do not occur in Cnosus. Moreover, a maritime, and especially a piratical life (upon which the maritime supremacy of Minos was founded) does not agree with the principles followed by the Dorians in Peloponnesus, where they relied upon a tranquil and secure possession of land. These principles, however, could not be developed so long as the Dorians were excluded from the rich plain of Thessaly, and were forced to eke out their scanty means by hunting and piracy. How different was the rough and perilous life of the ancient sea-kings of the Normans from the proud and secure existence of the barons in Normandy! Yet the eye of the observant historian can trace a unity of national character even in the most different circumstances. By a similar analogy, this remarkable expedition of Doric adventurers from Hestiæotis to Crete will explain the zeal of the Cretans for the worship of Apollo, the ancient connexion of Crete and Delphi, and the early existence in Crete of notions respecting a strict regulation of public life (κόσμος).

APPENDIX IV. HISTORY OF THE GREEK CONGRESS OR SYNEDRION DURING THE PERSIAN WAR.

1. In the present article it will be my object to trace the foreign influence which Sparta possessed at the time of the Persian war, and for what length of time her supremacy in Greece remained uncontested and unshaken. This is chiefly seen in the proceedings of the congress of the allied Greek states: to ascertain which with precision, it will be first necessary to fix the chronology of the successive stages of the Persian war.

In the course of the year 481 B.C. (Olymp. 74. 3/4) Xerxes set out from his residence at Susa (Herod. VII. 20), found the great army assembled in Cappadocia, and marched to Sardis, from which town he sent ambassadors to the Greek cities (ib. 32). Having wintered here, the army marched in the spring of 480 B.C. (Olymp. 74. 4) to Abydos;(2157) when it had reached the passes of Pieria, the Persian envoys returned (ib. 131). Soon after this they met at Thermopylæ the Greek forces, which had set out before the 75th Olympiad and the Carnean games, about June 480 B.C. Battles of Thermopylæ and Artemisium in μέσον θέρος (VIII. 12.) both perhaps a short time before the Olympic festival (VIII. 26). Conquest of Attica, four months after the beginning of the διάβασις τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου (VIII. 51). Battle of Salamis, a little after the time of the Ιακχος, after the εἰκὰς of Boëdromion Olymp. 75. 1., as the Etesian winds were either blowing or had ceased to blow (they last from the summer solstice to the rising of the dog-star), VII. 168. Mardonius winters in Thessaly and Macedonia, the Persian fleet at Cume and Samos. Battle of Platæa on the 26th or 27th of Panemus (Metagitnion), Olymp. 75. 2. 479 B.C. at the same time as that of Mycale. The year ends with the taking of Sestos.

2. The Greeks certainly received early intelligence of the preparations in Persia (VII. 138), even if the story related by Herodotus (VII. 239.) about the secret message of Demaratus is not true. They either refused or gave earth and water to the envoys late in the year 481 B.C. (VII. 138.). The states which refused to submit held a congress;(2158) and they are now called by Herodotus, “the Greeks allied against the Persians,” (οἱ συνωμόται Ἑλλήνων ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ, VII. 148.). This assembly of course was formed by deputies from the different cities: the manner of its formation may be inferred from the place at which it sat; and it will be shown presently that it first assembled at Corinth, which city belonged to the Peloponnesian confederacy. It appears therefore that Sparta must have convened an assembly at Corinth, to which the extra-Peloponnesian states, which had refused earth and water, sent envoys. This congress first put an end to the internal dissensions of Greece (VII. 145.), in which good service Chileus of Tegea and Themistocles are said to have earned the gratitude of their countrymen (Plutarch Themist. 6.). Secondly, when they heard that Xerxes was at Sardis, they despatched spies thither, and at the same time envoys to Argos, Sicily, Corcyra, and Crete. (VII. 145. 199.) The envoys are stated by Herodotus to have been sent by the Lacedæmonians and their allies.(2159) They also made a vow to decimate to the Delphian God all those Greeks who had unnecessarily given earth and water to the Persians (VII. 132.); the persons who made this vow are called by Diodorus XI. 3. “the Greeks assembled in congress at the Isthmus,” οἱ ἐν Ἰσθμῷ συνεδρεύοντες τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

3. In this narrative taken from Herodotus there still remains one contradiction, viz., that if the Greeks did not assemble till after they had refused earth and water (as appears from VII. 138. cf. 145.), the Argives had no longer any option whether they would join the league or not. Likewise the dismission of the Greek envoys would fall too late in the unfavourable season for sailing, and there would scarcely be time for the messages to the oracles (c. 148, 169.), and the other proceedings. It is therefore probable that this congress was formed _before_ the arrival of the Persian envoys, which was late in 481 B.C.: and Diodorus seems to be correct in stating that of the nations some gave earth and water, while the Persian army was in the valley of Tempe, and others after its departure (XI. 3.); and therefore none till early in 480 B.C.: previously the ambassadors were probably in the north; Herodotus in VII. 138. appears to mean only the ambassadors of Darius. With this the following statements agree, which he adds in VII. 172. “_As soon as_ the Thessalians had heard that the Persians wished to invade Europe”—which they must have known in the winter of 481-80 B.C.—“they sent envoys to the Isthmus.” Ἐν δὲ τῷ Ἰσθμῷ (_i.e._, in the village which had grown up about the temple of Neptune), ἔσαν ἁλισμένοι πρόβουλοι (plenipotentiaries, VI. 7.) τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀραιρημένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεουσέων περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Now this assembly, while the Persian king was at Abydos, and therefore very early in 480 B.C., sent the army to Tempe, which soon returned (VII. 173.), and indeed returned to the Isthmus, which must therefore have been the head-quarters of the allied army. When it returned, the congress was still sitting at the Isthmus.(2160) This synedrion or assembly (which is again mentioned in this place by Diodorus XI. 4.) now resolved to defend the passes of Thermopylæ and Artemisium: and when the intelligence arrived that the Persians were in Pieria, διαλυθέντες ἐκ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ (_i.e._, departing from the Isthmus) ἐστρατεύοντο αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν ἐς Θερμοπύλας πεζῇ, ἄλλοι δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐπ᾽ Ἀρτεμίσιον. But that the Isthmus was still the place in which the congress sat, is evident from the fact, that Sandoces, Aridolis, and Penthylus, who fell into the hands of the Greeks before the battle of Artemisium, were sent thither (VII. 195.). At this time indeed the Peloponnesians were celebrating the Olympiad, and the Spartans the Carnea, at their respective homes,(2161) after which, as had been previously arranged, they were to take the field with all their forces (πανδημεὶ, VII. 206. VIII. 26.). Nevertheless, the decree that the ships which came too late for Artemisium should assemble in the Trœzenian Pogon (VIII. 42.), as well as the other, that the Isthmus should be fortified (VIII. 40, 71.), which measure was not thought of before the battle of Thermopylæ, must have been passed in this interval. Diodorus (XI. 16.) mentions the synedrion in connexion with this decree. The fortification began after the Carnea (VIII. 72.). The fleet was commanded (as is evident from VIII. 2, 9, 56, 58, 74, 108, 111. IX. 90.) by the Spartan admiral and a council, a συνέδριον of the στρατηγοὶ or ἐν τέλει ὄντες (IX. 106.), in which the admiral τὸν λόγον προετίθει (VIII. 59.) put the question to the vote (ἐπεψήφιζε, c. 61.), and gave out the decree. This commander was armed with very large powers, and Leotychidas concluded an alliance with the Samians (IX. 92.), and even the captains of the fleet debated on the projected migration of the Ionians (IX. 106.). Nor is it ever mentioned that the fleet received orders from the Isthmus. But the circumstance of the fleet’s sailing to the Isthmus, after the battle of Salamis, for the decree on the ἀριστεῖα (VIII. 123.), is a proof that the Isthmus was still the seat of the confederate assembly. Diodorus likewise represents this decree as proceeding from the συνέδριον (XI. 55.); probably the “Greeks,” who refused to confirm the vote of the commanders (VIII. 124.), were the members of the league. The ships which had been engaged in the battle returned home without any decision. Late in the year, after the eclipse of the sun on the 2nd of October, Cleombrotus had led the great allied army from the Isthmus, and soon afterwards died (IX. 10.). The decree for the following year, that the fleet should go to Ægina (VIII. 131.), may have proceeded either from the synedrium of the preceding year, or from _Sparta_. For that there were no longer any deputies assembled at Corinth is evident from the circumstance that the Ionian envoys only went to Sparta and Ægina (VIII. 132.); nor is the Isthmus afterwards mentioned as the seat of an assembly, although it was fortified until the middle of summer, till the time of the Hyacinthia (IX. 7.). After this time, Athens, Platæa, and Megara sent their envoys to Sparta, where there were also Peloponnesian envoys, as for instance Chileus of Tegea (IX. 9.), who was mentioned above among the πρόβουλοι; and all these, together with the ambassadors of the three states just mentioned, are, as it appears, called by Herodotus οἱ ἄγγελοι οἱ ἀπιγμένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων, IX. 10. There must probably have been some joint act of the allies,(2162) by virtue of which Pausanias was able to collect the great Peloponnesian army. After the battle of Platæa there was in the army a kind of council of war, doubtless a συνέδριον τῶν ἐν τέλει ὄντων, which regulated the number of the sacred offerings, divided the booty (IX. 81, 85.), and determined on the expedition against Thebes (c. 86.): the persons who were given up, Pausanias seems at Corinth to have ordered to execution on his own authority (c. 88.).

4. Such is the substance of the narrative of Herodotus; in which we can only be surprised, that of the most remarkable event, viz., the treaty of Pausanias, he should say not a word: a silence which can only be explained by supposing that he had intended to mention it in another passage of his unfinished work. When Pausanias, with the assistance of the allies, had won the battle of Platæa, he sacrificed in the market-place of Platæa to Zeus Eleutherius, and convened an assembly of all the Greeks, in which the Platæans (who annually performed certain honorary rites to those who had fallen in the battle, Thuc. III. 58.) were promised that their country and city should remain independent, and that no one should attack them without lawful reason, or with intention to reduce them to subjection: and that, in case these conditions were not observed, all the allies then present would protect them (Thuc. VI. 71. cf. III. 56, 59.); an engagement which the Spartans themselves afterwards broke, on the ground that the Platæans had first unjustly given up τὸ ξυνώμοτον (II. 74.). For in “the ancient treaty of Pausanias after the Persian war,” it was ordered that the allies in general, and the Platæans among them, should remain at peace with each other (Thuc. III. 68. cf. II. 72.). The further conditions of this treaty may be collected from Thucyd. I. 67, (for it is evidently this treaty which is in question,) where the Æginetans complain that they are not independent, “according to the treaty;” for the thirty years’ truce (I. 115.) cannot be meant, as it was not concluded till after the subjection of Ægina (the former in Olymp. 83. 3. the latter in Olymp. 80. 4.); whence it is likewise evident that the treaty, which was violated by the siege of Potidæa, and the exclusion of the Megarians from the market of Attica, (I. 67, 87. cf. c. 144.) was the same ancient act, only renewed by later treaties. Thus Plutarch states that the latter prohibition was “contrary to the common principles of justice, and the solemn oaths of _the Greeks_.”(2163) And in another place he mentions that, in a general assembly of the Greeks after the battle of Platæa, Aristides proposed a decree that the Greeks should annually send deputies and sacred messengers to Platæa, and that the Eleutheria should be solemnised every five years.(2164) Also, that it was agreed that an allied Greek armament should be organised against the Persians, consisting of 10,000 heavy-armed infantry, 1000 cavalry, and 100 ships: and that the Platæans should be considered sacred and inviolable. From what has been stated above, it is clear how much of this account is true, and how much added by Athenian partiality.

5. In the following years, when Sparta still continued the war against the Persians and their allies by means of Pausanias and Leotychidas, there must have been a congress, though not constantly sitting; since the Spartans would not have determined the amount of “the war contribution”(2165) on their own authority; and there is much probability in the account of Diodorus (XI. 55.), that the Spartans summoned Themistocles for his share in the treason of Pausanias before the common-council of the Greeks, which used at this time to assemble at Sparta. At least it is not contradicted by Thucydides; indeed his narrative (I. 135.) perfectly agrees in this point with that of Diodorus. The words ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, which are omitted in some MSS. of Diodorus, and suspected by Wesseling (yet, it should be observed, _only_ these words), cannot be well spared; and, even if they were expunged, the whole chapter would show that the congress was sitting at Sparta; for it was evidently under Lacedæmonian influence, and therefore met in the Peloponnese; and, since the instance mentioned above, it does not appear that any of its meetings were held at the Isthmus.

This account likewise proves that, after Pausanias had occasioned the defection of the Ionians and Æolians from Sparta, who were now considered as the separate allies of Athens, a confederate council, which included other states besides the Peloponnesians, continued to sit at Sparta; and affords fresh grounds for supposing that this abandonment of the Spartan alliance was not considered as a transfer of the chief command to Athens, but that Sparta only intrusted the Athenians, together with those Greeks who dwelt in the territory of the Persian king, with the continuation of the war in Asia, and the management of all affairs connected with it; and still considered Athens as under her command, until that state revolted in Olymp. 79. At last the internal wars of Peloponnesus, Olymp. 79-81, subverted all the relations of Athens and Sparta.

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FOOTNOTES

1 The map of Northern Greece was not received until that of the Peloponnese had been engraved; and being intended by the author for circulation in Germany, as well as in England, the names are given in Latin. This must serve as an apology for this want of uniformity in the two maps.

2 See particularly Pouqueville’s list of Albanian words. Compare Thunmann’s Geschichte der Europäischen Völker, p. 250. Concerning the Illyrians, see App. 1, § 21, 28.

3 Strabo VII. p. 321 A.

4 Illyrian words in use among the Macedonians: σαυάδαι (_Sileni_) in Macedonian, δευάδαι in Illyrian; δράμις, _bread_, in Macedonian, δράμικης among the Athamanes. _Orchomenos_, p. 254. Compare Hesychius in βατάρα. See the copious collection in Sturz de Dialecto Macedonica.

5 As this expression is often used in the following pages, I take this opportunity of stating, that by _an aboriginal people_, I mean one which, as far as our knowledge extends, first dwelt in a country, _before_ which we know of no other inhabitants of that country.

6 Justin, VII. 1. Compare Æsch. Suppl. 261.

7 Herod. I. 57. See _Orchomenos_, p. 444.

8 Compare, for example, δαίνειν _to kill_, δάνος _death_, with θανεῖν, θάνατος; ἐέλδω (ἐέλδωρ in Homer) with ἐθέλω; ἀδραία for αἰδρία, in which θ loses its aspiration, as φ does in κεφαλὴ (so in German _haubet_ for _haupt_), ἀφροῦτις for ὀφρὺς (_brow_), Βίλιππος, Βερενίκη, βαλακρὸς, &c. The aspirate is also frequently lost; ἐνδομενία or ἐνδυμενία, _furniture_ (in Polybius), with a change of υ and ο.

_ 9 E.g._ the nominatives ἵπποτα, &c., which are also called Æolico-Bœotic, Doric, and Thessalian. Sturz _ut sup._ p. 28.

_ 10 E.g._ ζέρεθρα for βάραθρα.

_ 11 E.g._ ταγῶν ἀγὰ, _the leading of the Tagus_, as in Thessaly; ματτύα, _dainties_, a Thessalian, Macedonian, and also Spartan word.

_ 12 E.g._ βίρροξ, _hirsutus_, _hirtus_; γάρκαν, _virgam_; ἴλεξ, _ilex_. The want of aspirates also forms a point of comparison.

13 Apollodorus, III. 8, 1.

14 Ap. Constant. Porph. de Themat. II. 2, p. 1453. Sturz Hellan. Fragm. p. 79. The passage of Hesiod is probably from the Ἠοῖαι, and there is no reason for supposing it spurious. The second verse should be read, υἶε δύω Μάγνητα Μάκεδνόν θ᾽ ἱππιοχάρμην.

15 Concerning the Macedonians, see Appendix I.

16 I allude here particularly to the ending of the genitive case of the second declension in οιο, which the grammarians quote as Thessalian.

17 See Appendix I. § 28. The ancient Macedonian coins represent precisely the same dress as the Thessalian.

18 Compare Θετταλικὰ πτερὰ in several grammarians, with Didymus in Ammonius in χλαμύς. More will be found on this subject in book IV. c. 2, § 4.

19 Compare Theocritus XII. 14, with Alcman quoted in the Scholia, and b. IV. c. 4, § 6.

20 Hesychius in δεσποίνας. See book IV. c. 4, § 4.

21 According to Ælian, V. H. III. 15, the women of Illyria were present at banquets and wine-parties; Herod. V. 18, says the contrary of the Macedonians.

22 Strabo, V. p. 221.

23 See particularly Stephan. Byzant. in Ἔφυρα.

24 Alexander Ephesius ap. Stephan. Byz. in Χαονία.

25 Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. i. p. 46, ed. 2, English tr. Hence many names were the same in both countries; as, _e.g._, Pandosia (Justin, XII. 2), Acheron, Acherontia, &c.

26 Herodotus also says, that the Ionians and Æolians had formerly been Pelasgians, having, as it were, swallowed up that nation; he must however assume that they changed their language (μετέμαθον τὴν γλῶσσαν), as the language of the Pelasgi who dwelt near Creston and Placia (which was probably nothing more than an ancient dialect) appeared to him barbarous. Æschylus (Suppl. 911) opposes them, as genuine Greeks, to the καρβανοι, or barbarians.

27 Thus, _e.g._, the Amphilochians and Chaonians, according to Thucyd. II. 68, 80. The following ancient Greek forms occur in the Epirot dialect: γδοῦποσ for δοῦποσ (Maittaire, p. 141), γνώσκω, nosco, Orion p. 42, 17. Ἄσπετος Achilles, Plut. Pyrrh. 1. (α-ἕπομαι.)—The account in Strabo VII. p. 327, of two languages being spoken in some districts, doubtless refers to the coexistence of Grecian and Illyrian dialects.

28 Polyb. XVII. 5, 8.

_ 29 Orchomenos_, p. 253.

30 According to Hesychius, Βρέκυς (Βερεκύντιος) is the same word as Βρύξ. _Bruges_ was also used by Ennius, and, as it appears, by Marcus Brutus (Plutarch, Brut. 45).

31 See the Chrestomathia of Proclus. _Briges_, or _Phryges_, in the region of Dyrrachium, Appian, Bell. Civ. II., 39.

32 Creuzer Fragment. Histor. p. 171. Strabo XIV. p. 680. Compare Conon in Photius I.

33 Concerning this point, see Hoeck’s History of Crete, vol. I. p. 109, sqq.

34 According to the opinion of their colonists, Herod. VII. 73. Eudoxus ap. Steph. in Ἀρμενία. Compare Heeren _De Linguarum Asiaticarum in Persarum Imperio Cognatione_, Comment. Gotting. vol. XIII.

35 The Armenians frequently occur in the ancient traditional history of the oriental kingdoms; _e.g._, in Diod. II. 1 as conquered by Ninus. They are likewise represented as the original inhabitants in the native legends collected by Moses of Chorene.

36 Plato, Cratyl. p. 410 A. It is remarkable that these words are also in the German language. Πῦρ (see Grimm’s Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I. p. 584, 2d ed.) in ancient High German was _viuri_, in Low German _für_. Κύων, _canis_, _hund_ (_d_ added as in μὴν, μὰν—Phrygian for _moon_—and _mahnd_, _mond_). Ὕδωρ, in High German _wazar_, in Low German _water_; the digamma is present the genuine Phrygian form βéδυ, which, on account of ancient vicinity, was also a Macedonian and _Orphic_ word (see Neanth. Cyzicen. ap. Clem. Alexand. Strom. V. p. 673. Jablonsky de Lingua Phrygia, p. 76), and is sometimes translated _water_, and sometimes _air_.

Lastly, the Phrygian inscription in Walpole’s Memoirs, especially the words ΜΙΔΑΙ ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, prove that it had a great resemblance, both in radical forms and inflexion, with the Greek.

37 Thus the verb _sum_ keeps in the Armenian or Haicanian the same fundamental form which it has in all the languages allied to the Greek (_yem_, _yes_, _e_—_sum_, _es_, _est_). And it is remarkable, that the three Phrygian Greek words noticed in the text have been likewise preserved in the Haicanian: πῦρ is _hur_ (as πατὴρ _hair_, πéντε _hink_); ὕδωρ, _tschur_ (as θερμὸς tscherm); κύων is _shun_. See Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. 99.

38 See Jablonsky de Lingua Lycaon. Opusc. vol. III. p. 119.

39 That is, if the epic poet Chœrilus spoke of Lyctian Solymi in the well-known passage preserved in Josephus cont. Apion. vol. II. p. 454, ed. Haverc. &c. See Naeke’s Chœrilus, p. 130, sq.

_ 40 E.g._ ἀδαγοὺς, an androgynous deity (Hesych. in v.), from _Dagon_; the name _Adon_ (Athen. XIV. p. 624); βαλλὴν _king_, (Hesych. in v. Eustath. ad Od. τ. p. 680. Bas.) from _Baal_, &c. See Blomf. ad Æsch. Pers. 663.

41 See _Orchomenos_, p. 379-390.

42 Herod. VII. 111.

43 All their words with which we are acquainted are very unlike the Greek; _e.g._ the word βρία and βρέα for _city_, which frequently occurs, ζίλα _wine_, πιτῦγες _treasure_, Schol. Apollon. Rhod. I. 933, &c.

44 Herod. V. 13. VII, 20, 75. Compare Hellanicus _ut sup._; where read, ἐφ᾽ οὖ νῦν Μακεδόνες καλοῦνται μόνοι μετὰ Μυσῶν τότε οἰκοῦντες. This at the same time probably refers to the tradition, that the Mysians (as well as the Thynians and others) came from Thrace to Asia, according to Strabo, and Pliny H. N. V. 32, 41. VII. 57.

45 Homer, Hymn. Ven. 113.

46 Æginetica, pp. 12, 155. Compare also Phavorinus in Ἀχαιοὺς ἄρξωσιν. In the later times they were probably still in the territory of the Molossians, who were considered as Greeks, Herod. VI. 127.

47 Il. XVI. 233.

48 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 139, 248, sqq. Buttmann, indeed, in his Memoir on the Minyæ (Berlin Transactions for 1820, p. 13), denies the existence of these places; but several of the passages which I have quoted are decisive.

49 According to the genealogy from the Ἠοῖαι—Dorus, Xuthus (from whom Achæus and Ion), and Æolus; see Appendix II. The genealogy in Euripides, Ion 1608. viz. Xuthus, father of Ion, Dorus, and Achæus, is distorted to suit the national feelings of the Athenians. The passage from the Ἠοῖαι, however, although in a poetical garb, is more credible than the testimony of Herodotus, who considers the Ionians as _aborigines_.

50 Concerning what follows, see Apollonius Rhod. IV. 521, sqq. Schol. ad 1. et ad IV. 1125, 1149. Apollodorus ap. Stephan. Byzant. in Ὑλλεῖς (p. 434, ed. Heyn.) Scylax, p. 7. ed. Voss. Scymnus Chius 404, from Timæus (Fragm. 121. ed. Goeller) and Eratosthenes. Dionys. Perieg. 386, with Eustathius and the Scholia. Etymol. Magn. p. 776. 39, where they are called a Celtic nation (ἔθνος Κελτικον). Compare Schoenemann Geograph. Argonaut. p. 53, and book III. c. 5.

51 Apollon. Rh. IV. 538, and others. Panyasis appears from the Scholiast to Apollonius Rhod. IV. 1149, to have mentioned two Hylluses, viz. the son of Melite and the son of Deianira. Compare Schol. Soph. Trachin. 53. Vales, ad Harpocrat. p. 126. In the Scholiast to Pindar Pyth. I. 120, Ὕλλος, ὄς ἑβασίλευσε τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οἱκησάντων, where Hemsterhuis reads Οἰχαλίαν, Raoul-Rochette (Histoire de l’Etablissement des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. p. 280) proposes, not without some probability, Ἰλλυρίαν.

52 Apollon. Rh. IV. 528.

53 Thucyd. III. 81.

54 Especially the connected chain of Ætolians, Epeans, Locrians (concerning whose affinity see Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. IX. 61. p. 191), and Lelegians (Hesiod ap. Strab. VII. p. 322); and if these, as some say, are the same as the Carian nation, to which the Lydians and a part of the Mysians belonged, they would seem to compose a very numerous race.

55 See book II. ch. 7.

56 The ancients frequently say, that the Ionians in Asia ἐλυμήναντο τῆς διαλέκτου τὸ πάτριον. Photius in v. φαρμακός.

57 Concerning the Doric dialect, see Appendix VI.

58 Herod. I. 56; concerning which passage see Salmasius, de Lingua Hellenica, p. 276, and Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. XXV. p. 11-28. Compare VIII. 43. Ἐόντες Δωρικόν τε καὶ Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος ἐξ Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες.

59 See, on the subject of this genealogy, Appendix II.

60 Apollod. I. 7, 2.

61 Thus Pindar, Olymp. VIII. 30, calls the Myrmidons Δωριεὺς λαὸς, in order, as I conceive, to oppose them as genuine Greeks to nations of a different origin.

62 From the circumstance that, in Homer, Achilles the Æacides is represented as chief of the Hellenes, and that the Æacidæ were also ancient princes of Ægina, the author has in a former work (Æginetica, p. 18) explained the name of the temple of Zeus in Ægina, Ἑλλάνιον, in later times called Πανελλήνιον. For this temple is assuredly more ancient than the time when all the Greeks were called Hellenes; and it must therefore be considered as a sanctuary of the original Hellenes, who also dwelt in Phthia, as an ancient national temple of the Myrmidons.

63 Appendix I., last note.

64 The height of mount Olympus, according to Bernouille, is 1017 toises, or 6501 English feet; of Ossa, according to Dodwell, about 5000 feet.

65 A more accurate description of this valley than those of Ælian and Barthélemy is given by Bartholdy, Bruchstücke zur Kentniss Griechenlands, p. 112; Clarke, Travels, part II. sect. iii. p. 273; Hawkins, in Walpole’s Memoirs relating to European Turkey, p. 528; Holland, Albania, p. 291; Dodwell, Travels, vol. I. p. 103; and Pouqueville, tom. III. c. 73. Among the ancients, Theopompus, in his Φιλιππικὰ, gave an accurate description of Tempe. See Theo. Sophist. Progymn. II. p. 19; Frommel, in Creuzer’s Meletemata, III. p. 141, 6.

66 XX. _m. p. in ipsis faucibus saltus_, Livy from Polyb. XVIII. 10, 2, on the side of Olympus. Meletius mentions here a place called Goniga.

67 Liv. XXXIX. 25.

68 Il. B. 753.

69 Herod. VII. 128, 173.

70 Liv. XLIV. 6. Polyb. XXVIII. 11. 1. Ἀζορίου μεταξὺ καὶ Δολιχῆς.

71 See, besides Herodotus, Liv. XLIV. 2, and Plutarch, Æmil. 9.

72 Concerning the situation of this place see Liv. XLIV. 2 and 6.

73 Πυθίου Ἀπολλωνος ἱερὸν, τὸ Πύθιον καὶ τὴν Πέτραν Plutarch. Æmil. 15. _Pythoum_ (Πυθῷον) _et Petra_ Liv. XLIV. 2, 32, 35. XLII. 53. That there was only _one_ Pythium in this district is evident from an accurate examination of the marches. Mannert (vol. VII. p. 520, 563) has placed Pythium on the pass through the Cambunian mountains (above the modern Alesson and Sarviza), of which it lay far to the right. His opinion is contradicted by Liv. XLIV. 2. and Plutarch, ubi sup. Compare Stephanus in Πύθιον, Πυθιεῖς οἱ τὸ Πύθιον οἰκοῦντες, ἐν ῷ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερον ἐστι, and in Βάλλα.

74 960 toises. See above.

75 See Plutarch ubi sup. Liv. ubi sup. and XLIV. 7. comp. Polyb. XXVIII. 11.

76 Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXVI. 10, 13. XLII. 67. XLIV. 2.

77 Ptolemy includes it in Pelasgiotis. Unfortunately we have not the Greek original of the passage in Livy concerning the Tripolis, XLII. 53.

_ 78 Orchomenos_, p. 126.

79 Liv. XXXII. 15. Strabo IX. p. 438, 440.

80 Concerning Pelinna, see, besides Cellarius, Spanheim de Usu Numm. IX. p. 902. Salmasius ad Solin. p. 687. Wesseling ad Diodor. XVIII. 11. and Boeckh Comment. ad Pind. Pyth. X. p. 335.

81 Besides Strabo, see Diodorus XVIII. 56. In Polyænus IV. 2, 18, should be written, Φίλιππος ἐπολιόρκει Φαρκηδόνα πóλιν Θεσσαλικήν.

82 Concerning Tricca (Tricala 12-3/4 leagues from Larissa, according to Pouqueville) see Mannert, p. 569, and also Eustathius, vol. II. p. 250. ed. Basil. Tzetzes Chil. IX. 28.

83 See II. B. 370, with the Scholia, and Eustathius. Pelinnus, a son of Œchalieus, Steph. Byzant. in Πέλιννα.

84 Thus Pouqueville: according to Holland twelve miles, according to Vaudoncourt four hours.

85 See Meletius, Pouqueville, Holland, Cockerell in Hughes’ Travels, vol. I. p. 504.

86 The latter according to Arrian I. 7; the former according to Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXII. 15. XXXVIII. 2. Compare Cæsar B.C. III. 80.

87 Tempe was about 500 stadia from Gomphi, Plin. H. N. IV. 8, which distance should be thus divided: the length of Tempe 40 stadia, then to Larissa 160, to Tricca about 240, and to Gomphi 60.

88 Strabo IX. p. 437. II. B. 729. Pausan. IV. 9, 1. Meteora cannot be Ithome; more probably the ruins of Kastraki. But the passage concerning Curalius and the temple of the Itonian Minerva, is a confusion of the geographer. Otherwise de la Porte du Theil Eclaircissemens sur Strabon I. 76, p. 248.

89 Athen. XIV. p. 639, 640.

90 Pouqueville, p. 37.

_ 91 Orchomenos_, p. 126. Here also Acrisius of Argos dwelt. That it is this Larissa is plain from Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 40, compare Hellanicus fragm. 116. Pausan. II. 16. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 836.

92 Strabo, IX. p. 439.

93 According to modern travellers. The ancients frequently misinterpreted Homer. In later times Eurotas, or Europus, as in the Excerpta of Strabo, _i.e._ the _dark-coloured_.

94 Pouqueville.

95 Thus the writers in Strabo VII. p. 328. Steph. Byzant. in Δωδώνη. See book II. ch. 11, § 3.

96 Hieronymus, ap. Strab. IX. p. 443.

97 Steph. Byzant. in Γόννος Liv. XXXII. 15.

_ 98 Orchomenos_, pp. 248 sqq.

99 If _Oloosson_ is the modern _Alassona_ on the road from Larissa to Macedonia, according to the opinion of the bishop of Thessalonica on Il. B. p. 333. ed. Rom. δοκεῖ δὲ φυλάσσειν καὶ νῦν τὴν κλῆσιν παραφθειρομένην βαρβαρικῶς, ἴσως γὰρ αὔτη ἐστὶν ἡ ἄρτι λεγομένη Ἐλασσών.

100 See above, § 1. Andron ap. Strab. X. p. 475 E. τῆς Δωρίδος πρότερον, νῦν δὲ Ἑστιαιώτιδος λεγομένης. The Dorians also dwelt in Hestiæotis to the west of Pindus, according to Charax ap. Steph. Byzant. in Δώριον. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. I. 124, and Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 385 (as emended by Hemsterhuis, p. 115), they dwelt in Perrhæbia; and Perrhæbia nearly coincides with Hestiæotis.

101 See book II. ch. I, § 2.

102 There was a hero named Azorus, Hesychius in Ἄζωρος.

103 Hemsterhuis incorrectly considers them as identical, ubi sup. p. 116.

104 Athen. XI. p. 503 D. καὶ ὁ τὸν Αἰγίμιον ποιήσας, εἴθ᾽ Ἡσιοδός ἐστιν ἢ Κέρκωψ ὁ Μιλήσιος. The confusion of the names of Hesiod and Cercops may, as it appears to me, be accounted for as follows. A verse concerning the desertion of Ariadne by Theseus for the sake of Ægle, is ascribed by Plutarch (vit. Thes. 20) to Hesiod, and by Athenæus (XIII. p. 557 A.) to Cercops; it is evidently from the Ægimius which was attributed to both these names. This verse was expunged from the poem by Pisistratus, as we learn from Hereas, quoted by Plutarch. The Ægimius therefore was at that time arranged and set down in writing, together with other epic poems. Consequently Cercops, an Orphic Pythagorean, who lived about the time of Pisistratus, cannot have been the author of it, though he might have been the διασκευαστὴς who arranged it in the same manner that Onomacritus did the other poems. Now it might easily happen, especially if his interpolations could be now and then discerned, that the _whole_ poem should be attributed to him.

105 Wesseling. ad Diod. IV. 37, p. 282.

106 See Valckenaer ad Eurip. Phœn. p. 735.

107 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. III. 584. IV. 816. The character of the ancient epic poetry, which never admitted of history arranged in a chronological order, cannot allow us to suppose that the Ægimius contained an account of the expedition of the Dorians, and of their colonies, down to the founding of Cyrene.

108 This is the meaning of the passage in Steph. Byzant. Ἀβαντίς,—ὡς Ἡσίοδος ἐν Αἰγιμίου δευτέρῳ περὶ Ἰοῦς;

—Νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐν Ἀβαντίδι δίῃ, τὴν πρὶν Ἀβαντίδα κίκλησκον Θεοὶ αἰὲν ἐόντες τήν ποτ᾽ ἐπώνυμον Εὔβοιαν βοὸς ὠνόμασε Ζεύς.

These are followed by the four verses concerning Argos and Io quoted by Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1151. Apollodorus II. 1, 3, alludes to this passage. Also what he mentions from this poem in II. 1, 5, belongs to the Eubœan fables. Apollodorus, in both passages, quotes the Ægimius under the name of Cercops. Compare Fabric. Bibliothec. vol. I. p. 592. ed. Harles.

109 See Ephorus ap. Steph. Byzant. in Δυμᾶνες (p. 96. ed. Marx.), followed by Strabo IX. p. 427.

110 Book III. ch. 1, § 7.

111 Etymol. Magn. Τριχάϊκες.—Ἠσίοδος διὰ τὸ τριχῇ αὐτοὺς οἰκῆσαι, οἷον; Πάντες γὰρ τριχάϊκες καλέοντο Οὔνεκα τρισσὴν γαῖαν ἑκὰς πάτρης ἐδάσαντο. Τρία γὰρ Ἑλληνικὰ ἔθνη τῇ Κρήτῃ ἐπῴκησαν, Πελασγοὶ, Ἀχαιοὶ, Δωριεῖς. The last words must be considered as a mere ignorant addition; for the Dorians did not divide _their_ territory into three parts, _because_ two _other_ Greek races went to Crete. It is, indeed, evident that a threefold division of the land conquered by the Dorians is here spoken of, which, as is plain from the fables concerning Ægimius and Hercules, took place according to the three tribes. According to the present reading, this division took place at a distance from the native country of the Dorians. There might seem some difficulty in this, since Hercules is said to have given Ægimius the third part of the territory as a παρακαταθήκη in Hestiæotis, the most ancient habitation of the Dorians (Diod. IV. 37, compare Apollodorus II. 7, 3). Hence πάτρῃς for πάτρης might be read in this sense: “The Dorians divided their territory into three parts _for the families_ (of which the φυλαὶ or tribes consisted),” so that they then dwelt separately from one another (similarly Pindar Olym. p. VII. 74). This alteration, however, appears to be unnecessary; and the old reading is defended by the following explanation, viz., that according to the ancient fable Hyllus and his descendants did not _dwell_ either near mount Œta, or in Hestiæotis _together_ with the Dorians, but that they first received in the Peloponnese the third part of the territory, whither they came as colonists at a distance from their more ancient abodes (ἔκας πάτρης).

112 Below, ch. 3, § 1.

113 Hom. Od. XIX. 174.

114 Ap. Strab. X. p. 475 D. and Stephan. Byzant. in Δώριον. Diodorus IV. 60. V. 80, gives nearly the same account, on the authority of Cretan historians, whom he mentions in V. 80.

115 This may be collected from the passage of Dicæarchus (which, indeed, is much mutilated) cited in Steph. Byz. in Δώριον. It is given most faithfully in Montfaucon’s Biblioth. Coislin. p. 286, 59.

116 Τεύταμος appears to be the correct name, the same as that of an ancient prince of Larissa, on which the ancient Dorians bordered. The princes of the allied nations were doubtless confounded in tradition. See the author’s _Etrusker_, vol. I. p. 94.

117 The settlements which here come into consideration are, 1. the immigration, after the death of Minos (in the third generation before the siege of Troy), of various races, chiefly Hellenes, according to Herod. VII. 170; this is a mere tradition of the towns of Polichna and Præsus, and not a very credible one. 2. The colony of Althæmenes after the expedition of the Heraclidæ from Argos and Megara, and in connexion with Rhodes. 3. Dorians from Peloponnesus, Lyctus, Lampe, and other places settled from Sparta; Pharæ a colony of the Messenians; Gortyna of Amyclæans (Minyans); Phæstus colonized from Sicyon; other towns from Argos (Scylax, p. 18, Diod. V. 80). 4. Æginetans in Cydonia.

118 Strabo X. p. 475 C.

119 The Cretan cities were generally considered as Doric; Menander de Encom. XXXII. 1, p. 81, ed. Heeren. and others.

120 Od. XIX. 175. ἄλλη δ᾽ ἄλλων γλῶσσα μεμιγμένη.

121 On this migration of the Dorians from their early settlements in the north of Greece to Crete, see Appendix III.

_ 122 Orchomenos_, pp. 233, 234. According to Andron (Strabo X. p. 475) they came directly from Hestiæotis under mount Parnassus. According to Diodorus IV. 67, the Cadmeans drove out the Dorians, who then _returned_ to Doris (Erineus, Cytinium, Boeum). Lycophron v. 1388, might be quoted in confirmation of Herodotus, since he calls the Dorians Λακμώνιοι (Λάκμων ὄρος Περραιβίας ἔνθα ῴκουν Δωριεῖς), Lacmon being the name of the ridge of Pindus and the Cambunian mountains. But Lycophron only alludes to their settlements in Hestiæotis.

123 Il. II. 849, XXI. 159. It is to this that Herodotus alludes, when he says that the Teucrians, to which race he refers the Pæonians, had penetrated as far as the Peneus (see the Introduction, and Appendix I. § 4).

124 See Appendix I. § 17.

125 Introduction, § 3; Appendix I. § 25.

126 Amphicæa near Dadja. See Leake in Walpole’s Travels, p. 509. Clarke, p. 227. Gell, Itinerary, p. 210.

127 I here chiefly follow Dodwell, vol. II. p. 133, and Gell: compare _Orchomenos_, p. 41. Pouqueville is completely in error. According to him the Cephisus rises 11-1/2 hours N.E. of Artotina, which he supposes to be Erineus, and flows from the north into the Pindus, which river (he says) runs into the Gulph of Corinth, contrary to all accounts of ancient writers.

128 The old maps are all incorrect; see now Gell’s map to his Itinerary. According to Strabo the Tetrapolis lay chiefly to the east of Parnassus, but it extended also round to the west, IX. p. 417. The river Pindus is now, according to Dodwell, the _Aniani_.

129 See p. 40, note i. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote below to “the Locrians,” that starts with “Thucyd. III. 95”.]

130 See Strabo IX. p. 427. X. p. 476 A. Strabo distinguishes Erineus in Phthiotis from this town, IX. p. 434. Etymol. Mag. p. 373, 56, ὁ Ἐρινεὸς is the correct form. Mela however, and the scholiasts to Pindar and Aristophanes quoted below, call it _Erineum_.

131 Strabo IX. p. 427 B. p. 434. Steph. Byz. Ἀκύφας μία τῆς Δωρικῆς τετραπόλεως.—Ὁ Ἀκύφας, Gen. Ἀκύφα, _Dorice_, see Bekker’s Anecdota, vol. III. p. 1313.

132 Scymnus Chius v. 591. Δωριεῖς Ἐρινεὸν, Βοιὸν, Κυτίνιον ἀρχαιοτάτας ἔχουσι, Πίνδον τ᾽ ἐχομένην. Comp. Conon. hist. 27. In answer to those who deny that Pindus was situated in this Tetrapolis, it is sufficient to quote Herod. VIII. 43. Comp. du Theil Eclairc. sur Strabon IX. tom. III. p. 118. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 252, IV. p. 392.

133 Strabo IX. p. 427 C. arranges them in this manner: Ætolians, Locri Hesperii, Dorians, Ænianes, Locri Epicnemidii; compare pp. 425, 430 B.

134 Thucyd. III. 95, 102. It is the Kakiscala between Stagni and Salona. Dodwell, vol. I. p. 149, and Gell, p. 206.

135 See Philochorus ap. Dionys. ad Ammæum c. 11. Philoch. Fragm. ed. Siebelis p. 76.

136 Pausan. X. 33, 2.

137 This road through Camara, Palæochori, and Neuropoli, is described by Dodwell, vol. II. p. 126. Gell, p. 241.

138 Holland went over this road near Eleutherochori, p. 383, comp. Dodwell, p. 74. It is also the way alluded to by Procopius de Ædif. IV. 2.

139 Liv. XXXVI. 15. For a description of Thermopylæ see _Orchomenos_, p. 486. Clarke, ch. 8, p. 240. Holland, ch. 18, p. 315. Gell, Itinerary, p. 239.

140 See Stephan. Byz. in Ἀμφαναὶ from Theopompus. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 386.

141 Strabo IX. p. 428. Liv. XXXVI. 16.

142 Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον, and Hellanicus, ibid.

143 Strabo ubi sup.

144 See Lycophron, Hecatæus, Rhianus quoted by Stephanus.

145 Thus Andron in Strabo X. p. 476. Thucyd. I. 107.

146 Æschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 43, 24, τὸν ἤκοντα ἐκ Δωρίου καὶ Κυτινίου. [Dr. Cramer, Description of Ancient Greece, vol. II. p. 103, corrects Δωρικοῦ Κυτίνου in Æschines, after Thucydides, who in III. 95, speaks of Κυτίνιον τὸ Δωρικόν. Transl.]

147 Theopompus ap. Steph. Ἀκύφας. Scymnus Chius ubi sup.

148 Strabo VIII. p. 383. Conon. 27. Scymnus. To this also refers the statement in Apollodorus I. 7, 3. that Dorus the son of Hellen τὴν πέραν χώραν Πελοποννήσου ἔλαβεν. Vitruvius IV. 1, however, gives a different account, _Achaia Peloponnesoque tota Dorus Hellenis et Orseidis nymphæ_ (a mountain nymph) _filius regnavit_.

149 Hecatæus ap. Stephan.

150 In the scholia to Pindar, Pyth. I. 121, in which, however, there is some transposition and confusion. There is nowhere else any mention of a city in Perrhæbia named Pindus. In Pindar Πινδόθεν is used generally for the earlier settlements; for Hestiæotis and Doris both touch on the chain of Pindus. See Boeckh. Explic. p. 235. These scholia are probably followed by the scholiast on Aristoph. Plut. 385, and by Tzetzes ad Lycophr. v. 980. comp. v. 741; but without separating the erroneous parts.

151 Tarphe was near the Doric Tetrapolis between Œta and Parnassus. It is mentioned in Iliad II. 533, as a Locrian town; according to Strabo IX. p. 426, it was afterwards called Pharygæ, which Plutarch, Phocion 33, includes in Phocis, and names near it a hill called Acrurion. Tarphe and Carphæa may be considered as different forms of the same name, _t_ and _k_ being often interchanged. Thus the mythological hero Talaus is sometimes Calaus. (Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1320.)

152 Herod. VIII. 31, comp. Plutarch. Themistocl. 9.

153 P. 24. Διμοδωριεῖς.

154 Herod. VIII. 31 and 43. ἐόντες οὗτοι Δωρικὸν καὶ Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος ἐξ Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες. According to this passage, therefore, Cytinium and Boeum may both have been inhabited by the Dryopians.

155 According to Strabo IX. p. 434, there was a Dryopian Tetrapolis as well as a Dorian.

156 Ap. Strab. p. 373. The scholia to Apollon. Rhod. I. 1283, furnish a genealogy, viz. Lycaon, Dia, Dryops. Followed by Tzetzes ad Lyc. 480, and Etymol. Mag. p. 288, 32. Pherecydes, however, quoted in the scholia to Apollonius, gives a different account.

157 See book II. ch. 11, § 3.

158 In the neighbourhood of the Malians and Myrmidonian Achæans, Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1823, pp. 93, 107, ed. Sturz. Aristotle ubi sup. At the foot of Mount Parnassus, Aristotle and Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Λυκωρείταις ὅμοροι. The μετοίκησις from the Spercheus to Trachis is merely a confusion of the scholiast to Apollonius. Callimachus had only mentioned the migration to Peloponnesus, Schol. Paris. Clavier’s remarks (ad Apollod. p. 323) are very inaccurate. Dryops, the son of Spercheus, dwelt at the foot of mount Œta, according to Antoninus Liberalis, 32.

159 Ibid. 4. Κραγαλεὺς ὁ Δρύοπος ᾢκει γῆς τῆς Δρυοπίδος παρὰ τὰ λουτρὰ τὰ Ἡρακλέους. In this strange account Melaneus, the son of Apollo, a king of the Dryopes, is represented as taking Epirus and Ambracia. It is a part of the same history as the migration of the Ænianes and Neoptolemus to Molossis, _Æginetica_, p. 18.

160 Book II. ch. 3, § 3.

161 Aristot. ap. Strab. ubi sup. Apollod. II. 7, 7. Diod. IV. 37. Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Servius ad Æn. IV. 146. Πράξεις Ἡρακλέους, p. 152. Marini Ville Albani. comp. _Æginetica_, p. 33. Heyne Exc. ad Æn. IV. 2, p. 610. Raoul-Rochette, tom. I. p. 434. Herod. VIII. 43, οἱ δὲ Ἑρμιονέες εἰσὶ Δρύοπες ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέος τε καὶ Μηλιέων ἐκ τῆς νῦν Δωρίδος καλεομένης χώρης ἐξαναστάντες. A peculiar application of the tradition in Suidas in Δρύοπες, Κάρπος. The verse of Callimachus preserved in Etymol. Magn. p. 154, 7, should apparently be thus written, Δειλαίοις Ἀσινεῦσιν ἐπιτριπτῆρας ὀπάσσας, the explanation is given by the etymologist himself. See above, p. 45, note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Parnassus,” starting “In the neighbourhood of the Malians.”]

162 Herodot. VIII. 46. Diodor. IV. 57. Thucydides VII. 57, however, considers the Styrians as Ionians.

163 Herodot. ubi sup. Diodor. ubi sup. The fabulous war of Amphitryon against Cythnus is probably connected with it.

164 Herodot. VII. 90. Diodor. ubi sup. Asine in Cyprus, Stephan. Byz. Also in Cyzicus, according to Strabo XIII. p. 586.

165 See _Orchomenos_, p. 496. In Æschines adv. Ctesiph. p. 68, 40, according to Didymus and Xenagoras in Harpocration, Κραυγαλλίδαι should be written.

166 Antonin. Liberal. 4.

167 Book II. ch. 3, § 3.

168 Παράλιοι, Ἱερῆς, Τραχίνιοι Thucyd. III. 92. comp. Dodwell, II. p. 71. I may also remark that Scylax and Diodorus, XVIII. 11, appear to make a distinction between Melians and Malians; but in both places ΛΑΜΙΕΙΣ should be written for Μαλιεῖς and Μαλεῖς. Wesseling’s opinion concerning the last passage is untenable, since there never was a town of the name of Malea. Diodorus is not quite accurate.

169 Diodor. XII. 59.

170 Aristot. Polit. IV. 13.

171 Thucyd. IV. 100.

172 See Tittmann’s Amphiktyonenbund, p. 41.

173 Strabo IX. p. 434.

_ 174 Æginetica_, p. 17.

_ 175 Orchomenos_, p. 253.

176 Book II. ch. 3, § 12.

177 Thucyd. III. 92.

178 Strab. IX. p. 442.

179 Thucyd. VIII. 3. Concerning the founding of Heraclea, see also Stephan. Byz. in v. Δώριον, after the hiatus.

180 Book II. ch. 1. § 8, ch. 3. § 5.

_ 181 Orchomenos_, p. 238. Compare in general with this chapter, Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 249.

182 ἡ τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάϑοδος. Thucydides I. 12, says Δωριεῖς ξὺν Ἡρακλεíδαις. Isocrates Archidam. p. 119 C. mentions an oracle enjoining them ἐπì τὴν πατρῴαν ἰέναι χώραν.

183 XIX. 105.

184 See Pausan. VII. 25. 3.

185 Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων, καλλιστεφάνου πόσις Ἥρης, Ζεὺς Ἡρακλείδαις τήνδε δέδωκε πόλιν. Οἷσιν ἅμα προλιπόντες Ἐρινεὸν ἠνεμόεντα, Εὐρεῖαν Πέλοπος νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα.

τήνδε πόλιν is Laconia. _We_ mean the Dorians: Erineus the Tetrapolis. Strabo VIII. p. 362 has not correctly understood and applied these verses. (See below, note to ch. 7. § 10.) Tyrtæus also calls the Dorians generally Ἡρακλῆος γένος—whence Plutarch de Nobil. 2. p. 388.

186 Herodot. V. 72. According to VI. 53, he might also have said, “I am an Egyptian.”

187 A similar idea is entertained by Plato in his Laws, III. p. 682—viz., that the Dorians were properly Achæans, expelled from their own country after the Trojan war, and afterwards collected and brought back by one Dorieus.

188 Pind. Pyth. V. 70. In Pyth. I. 61, he calls them descendants of Pamphylus and the Heraclidæ, not mentioning Dymas. Compare the fragment of the Isthmians, Ὕλλου στρατὸς Δωριεύς.

189 See Pausan. IV. 2. 1. There are two other passages of Hesiod referring to the expedition of the Heraclidæ. Schol. Apollon I. 824.

Θεσσάμενος γενεὴν Κλεαδαίου κυδαλίμοιο,

the connexion of which is very obscure (see Bentley ad Callim. Cer. Calath. 48); and Schol. Pind. Olymp. XI. 79. _e cod. Vratisl_.

Τιμάνδην Ἔχεμος θαλερὴν ποιήσατ᾽ ἄκοιτιν.

From this passage Apollod. III. 10. 6. Pausan. VIII. 5. 1. draw their materials. This, however, might also occur among the actions of Hercules, particularly at the first Olympian festival, as may be seen from Pindar.

190 VI. 52.

191 Compare Pausan. IV. 2. 1. with V. 17. 4. and Valckenar. Diatrib. Eurip. pp. 58, 59.

192 Herod. ubi sup. et c. 51. Wesseling misinterprets the first passage; its purport is, “_The Lacedæmonians give a different account from all the poets, who make Eurysthenes and Procles first come to Sparta._” Schweighæuser does not see the exact meaning of the second; the sense is, “_So far is the national tradition of the Lacedæmonians; in what follows, I relate the common tradition of Greece._”

193 Herodot. IX. 26.

194 IX. 26.

195 In general the tragic poets successively descend, according to their age, to a later date of mythological history.

196 Pausan. IV. 2. 1.

197 I take this opportunity of renewing the memory of one of these Doric-Heraclide leaders, who has been so far forgotten, that in the passage of Pausanias IV. 30. 1. his name has been driven from the text. It should be thus written from the MSS.: Ὕλλου δὲ καὶ Δωριέων μάχῃ κρατηθέντων ὑπὸ Ἀχαιῶν, ἐνταῦθα Ἀβίαν Γλήνου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τροφὸν ἀποχωρῆσαι λέγουσι, &c. This Glenus occurs as the son of Deianira in Apollod. II. 7. 8. and Schol. Soph. Trachin. 53. Diodorus IV. 37. calls him Gleneus. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Pind. Isth. IV. 104. reckons him among the children of Megara by Hercules.

198 Ap. Longin. 27. Creuzer. Fragment. p. 54. Apollodorus II. 8. 1. almost makes it appear that the Heraclidæ had been entertained by Eurystheus; but this does not agree with what precedes. Euripides Heraclid. 13. 195. represents them as flying first from Argos to Trachis, and to Achaia in Thessaly, and then to Athens.

199 Thus Pherecydes in Antonin. Liber. 33. Sturz (Fragm. 50. p. 196.) does not quite understand this passage.

200 At Marathon, according to most authors. Diodorus IV. 57. mentions Tricorythus; Compare XII. 45.

201 The outline of the narrative is furnished by Pherecydes and Herod. IX. 27. the details by Euripides in the Heraclidæ, whose account was influenced by the circumstances of the time (Boeckh. trag. Gr. princ. p. 190). Whether the Heraclidæ of Pamphilus (Aristoph. Plut. 385. Schol. ad I. p. 112, Hemsterh.) was a _tragedy_ or a _picture_, was frequently contested by the ancients. The latter appears to be most probable: see Winckelmann and Meyer Kunstgeschichte, p. 166. Pamphilus painted the battle of Phlius, one of those which took place in the 102nd or 103rd Olympiad; and it may be fairly supposed that he flourished about Olymp. 97, 4, the year in which the second edition of the Plutus was brought forward, and he might have lived to be the master of Apelles, who had obtained great celebrity in the reign of Philip.—Concerning the battle, see Elmsley ad Eur. Heraclid. 860; concerning the death of Eurystheus, Wesseling. ad Diod. IV. 57. and Staveren. Misc. Obs. vol. X. p. 383. Pallene is between Marathon and Athens;—according to Strabo VIII. p. 377. the tomb was at Gargettus on the western coast; according to Pausanias I. 40. in Megaris. Concerning Macaria, see Pausan. I. 32. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1148. Zenob II. 61. and other grammarians in v. βάλλ᾽ εἰς Μακαρíαν. A totally different tradition is preserved by Duris ap. Schol. Plat. p. 134, Ruhnk. In the above quoted passage of Strabo, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν χωρὶσ ἐν ΤΗΙ ΚΟΡΙΝΘΩΙ, ἀποκόπσαντος αὐτὴν Ἰολάου περὶ τὴν κρὴνην τὴν Μακαρίαν should probably be written ἐν ΤΡΙΚΟΡΥΘΩΙ; thus in VIII. p. 383. one MS. has Τρικόρινθος. (In this correction I now find that I was anticipated by Elmsley ad Eurip. Heracl. 103.) Heyne indeed (_ad Apollod._ II. 8. 1.) explains ἐν τῇ Κορίνθῳ of the tomb of Eurystheus in Pausan. I. 44. 14.; but this was in Megaris, and there never was any change in the boundaries of Corinth and Megaris. Heyne also considers the tomb near the temple of the Pallenian Minerva and that at Gargettus as identical; but this is not possible, on account of the situation of the two places.—Concerning Gargettus see the article _Attika_ in Ersch’s Encyclopædia, p. 222.

202 Demosth. de Corona, p. 147.

203 It does not follow from Pindar Pyth. IX. 82. that Iolaus was restored to life, which must have been alluded to elsewhere. I follow the second Scholiast, ηὔξατο δὲ τῷ Διὶ ἐπὶ μίαν ὤραν ἡβῆσαι, &c. Compare Ovid. Met. IX. 408.

204 See book II. ch. 11. § 10.

205 Ap. Antonin. Lib. 33.—There is also a trace of another tradition in Apostolius XVIII. 7.

206 See book II. ch. 11. § 7.

207 Thus also Thucyd. I. 9. Plat. Leg. III. p. 686. In Schol. Eurip. Orest. 5. write αὐτοὺς μὲν (the Atridæ) ἀποστῆσαι Λακεδοίμονες, τοὺς δὲ Περοείδας βασιλεῦσαι. Polyænus I. 10. is singular in mentioning Eurysthidæ in Sparta at the time of the migration; but by Eurysthidæ must be meant “_descendants_ of Eurysthenes,” not “Eurysthenes and his party.” See Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 333.

208 See particularly Plato ubi sup.

209 Apollod. II. 8. 2. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀντεῖπε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὑτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι. τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξίαν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. With the word εὐρυγάστωρ compare κύτους κοιλογάστορος, Æschyl. Theb. 478. and 1026. In later times, however, these oracles were put into an epic form, as may be seen from Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.

210 See Herod. IX. 26. Pausan. I. 41. 3. I. 44. VIII. 5. 1. VIII. 45. 2. Diod. IV. 58. Schol. Pind. Olymp. N. 80. Van Staveren Misc. Observ. X. 3. p. 385.

211 Pausan. VIII. 5. Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 58. Strabo IV. p. 427 C. Isocrat. Archidam. p. 119 B. τελευτήσαντος Εὐρυσθέως.

212 Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 61.

213 Apollod. II. 8. 3. In Pausan. II. 28. 3. Orsobia, a daughter of Deiphontes of Epidaurus, is the wife of Pamphylus.

214 He was mentioned by Hesiod; see above, p. 55. note k. [Transcriber’s Note: No such note on that page, nor any reference to Cleodæus.] A different genealogy is given by Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 804, viz., that Cleodæus was the son of Hyllus, the brother of Lichas and Ceyx, the husband of a certain Peridea, and the father of Temenus.

215 See Crates ap. Tatian. cont. Græcos, p. 107. ed. Oxf. Interpret. ad Vellei. I. 1.

216 See particularly Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.; and concerning the second see Apollod. II. 8. 2. Pausan. II. 7.

217 Isocrates Archidam, p. 119, only supposes one expedition.

218 Pausan. V. 3. Eusebius ubi sup. Polyæn. I. 9. Compare Heyne ad Apollod. p. 208.

219 See Strab. IX. p. 427. Ephorus, p. 105. ed. Marx. Compare Stephanus and Suidas in Naύpaktoς.

220 Bekk. Anecd. Græc. p. 305. 31. στεμματιαῖον. μίμημα τῶν σχεδιῶν αἷς ἔπλευσαν οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι τὸν μεταξὺ τῶν Ῥίων τόπον. Hesychius, στεμματιαῖον. δίκηλόν τι ἐν ἑορτῇ πομπέων δαιμόνων (as should be read for δαίμονος, rather than πομπέως for πομπέων with Siebelis ad Pausan. III. 20. 9). Δίκηλον is explained by Hesychius to be a Lacedæmonian word for “statue.” These πομπεῖς δαίμονες, the “conducting deities,” were probably Zeus Agetor (book III. ch. 12. § 5.) and the Carnean Apollo: and their festival doubtless was connected with the Carnea. At this solemnity then (as it seems) a boat was carried round, and upon it a statue of the Carnean Apollo (Ἀπόλλων στεμματίας), both adorned with lustratory garlands, called δίκηλον στεμματιαῖον, in allusion to the passage from Naupactus. Compare book II. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 15.

221 Paus. III. 20. 9.

222 See _Orchomenos_, p. 333. To the passages there quoted may be added Etymol. in v. Ἀλήτης. And see book II. ch. 8. § 15.

223 There were in later times Acarnanian soothsayers at Thermopylæ, Herod. VIII. 221. in the case of Pisistratus, and elsewhere.

224 Thucyd. I. 103. The city was afterwards Ætolian: Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 1756.

225 Polyb. Excerpt. lib. XII. ap. Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II. p. 386.

226 And of Pleuron with Xanthippe the daughter of Dorus, Apollod. I. 7. 7, although Ætolus is also represented as killing Dorus the son of Apollo.

227 Perhaps the Ætolians had from early times worshipped the three-eyed Zeus (Ζεὺς τριόφθαλμος), which Sthenelus the Ætolian brought from Troy, according to Pausanias II. 24. 5.

228 Oxylus is said to have contracted an alliance with the Heraclidæ in the island of Sphacteria (Steph. Byzant.); but this story is probably founded merely on the etymology of the name Sphacteria.

229 As also Pausanias, V. 1. says.

230 Pausan. ubi sup. Strabo X. p. 463. Compare Il. ψ. 630.

231 This is the representation given by Pausanias V. 4. 1. ἐπὶ ἀναδασμῷ τῆς χώρας.

232 Pausan. V. 15. 7. Concerning the Tyrrhenians who accompanied them, see _Orchomenos_, p. 443. note 3, together with Pausan. II. 31. 3. Of the Thebans, who are said to have joined under Autesion, see a detailed account in the same place.

233 As, _e.g._, Apollodorus evidently.

234 The name of Tisamenus, as an epithet of his father (τισάμενος), corresponds to Eurysaces the son of Ajax, Telemachus and Ptoliporthus of Ulysses, Astyanax of Hector, Nicostratus the youngest son of Menelaus according to Hesiod, Gorgophone the daughter of Perseus, Metanastes the son of Archander, Aletes of Hippotes; but it cannot be inferred from this that it was mere fiction, since this method of giving names existed in historic times (Polyæn. VI. 1, 6) even in the royal family of Macedon. See also what Plutarch de Malignit. Herodot. 39, says on the names of the children of Adeimantus the Corinthian. Names derived from a characteristic of the parent (an example of which occurs in Iliad IX. 562) were called φερώνυμα, according to Schol. Steph. in Dionys. Gramm. ap. Bekker Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 868.

235 Pausan. V. 4, 1. See below, ch. 7, § 6, note.

236 Pausan. VIII. 29, 4. It is related as a stratagem of Cypselus by Polyænus I. 7. Perhaps _Cypsela_, a fort in Parrhasia, near Sciritis in Laconia, is the same as Basilis, Thucyd. V. 33. It would not however be very accurate to say of Basilis that it lies ἐπὶ τῇ Σκιρίτιδι. An oracle referring to the amity with the Arcadians is preserved in Schol. Aristid. Panathen. p. 191, ed. Steph.; p. 33, ed. Frommel.

237 See _Æginetica_, p. 39, note e, and Euripides ap. Strab. VIII. p. 366. Sophocl. Aj. 1287. (comp. Suidas in v. δραπέτης), Hesychius in ἀνανομὴν and καταβολή.—Plato Leg. III. p. 686. Apollodorus, Polyæn. I. 6. The vase in Tischbein I. 7, represents an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς, and not this casting of lots, as Italinsky supposes. The same group indeed sometimes occurs on gems _armed_ (Gemmæ Florentinæ, tom. II. tab. 29; compare Winckelmann Monum. ined. n. 164, vol. III. of his works, p. xxvii.); but I believe that an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς is equally meant, as, _e.g._, that of the Argonauts in Apollon. Rhod. IV. 1767, since the expedition of the Heraclidæ, early as it was, was not one of the usual subjects of art.

238 See below, ch. 5.

239 Boeckh Inscr. I. p. 81, 82.

240 In an oracle preserved by Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 24, p. 289, the Spartans are called ὀφιοβόροι. The word of the oracle itself doubtless was ὀφιόδειροι (ὀπφιόδειροι), as in Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 23, which however might have been explained to have the same meaning as the former word, viz. “_drawing back the skin of serpents in order to eat them_.” The frog was the emblem of the Argives, as never coming out of their hole; compare ch. 8, § 7.

241 Isocrates, Panath. p. 286 A., says far too generally, μάχῃ δὲ νικὴσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἡττηθέντας ἔκ τε τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῆς χώρας ἐξέβαλον, which he afterwards modifies considerably.

242 V. 4, 2. An _Achæan_ from Helice occurs as the cotemporary of Hercules in Theocrit. XXV. 165; a greater inconsistency with the received chronology than poets usually permit themselves.

243 Pausan. VII. 1.

_ 244 Orchomenos_, pp. 398, 477.

245 Aristot. Pol. V. 8, according to the most probable reading.

246 Pind. Nem. XI. 32.

247 Peloponnesus is called the ἀκρόπολις γῆς in Phlegon de Olymp. p. 129, in Meurs. Op. vol. VII.

248 As Pouqueville several times remarks. The mountain-chains are more connected by the Œnean promontory, and the mountains running westward from Sicyon and joining mount Cyllene.

249 Ap. Gemin. Elem. Astron. XIV. p. 55, in Petavius Uranolog. The passage is from the work of Dicæarchus, entitled Καταμετρήσεις τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ὀρῶν, concerning which see Pliny N. H. II. 65, and Suidas in Δικαίαρχος.

250 Apollodorus ap. Steph. Byz. (p. 400, ed. Heyne.) Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1951, 15. According to Capt. Peytier Cyllene is 7266 Paris feet in height, Taygetus 7434, Parthenion (Zagura) 6095. These measurements make Taygetus somewhat higher than Cyllene.

251 Holland in Walpole’s Travels, p. 426.

252 Aristot. Meteorol. I. 13.

253 See Polybius IV. 21, 1, who particularly mentions Cynætha. Close by was the cold spring of Λοῦσοι, or Λοῦσσα; and Sprengel in his translation of Theophrastus, vol. II. p. 383, well corrects in Theophrast. IX. 15, 8, τὸ δὲ κώνειον ἄριστον περὶ Λοῦσα καὶ ἐν τοῖς ψυχροτάτοις τόποις.

254 From the Journal of Fourmont the younger.

255 Polyb. V. 22.

256 According to the interpretation of the Venetian Scholiast and others.

257 Abaris is said to have appeased a pestilence, which had been occasioned by this heat; Jamblich. in Vit. Pythagor. 19. Compare Apollon. Dyscol. Hist. Mirab. c. 4, p. 9, ed. Meurs.

258 Theophrastus calls Laconia ῥοώδης, ἔπομβρος, καὶ ἔλειος (de causis pluviæ III. 3, 4).

259 ῥωχμοὺς ἀπὸ σεισμῶν ἔχουσα, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 294, 10, p. 1478, 43, ed. Rom.

260 See Des Monceaux in Corneille le Bruyn, tom. V. p. 465.

261 Alcman ap. Athen. I. p. 31 C. Theognis, v. 879 sq. ed. Bekker.

262 Book III. ch. 2, § 3. Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, book IV. ch. 19.

263 Ἀλιμενότης, Xenoph. Hell. IV. 8, 7.

264 In Strabo VIII. p. 366. See Cresphont. fr. 1, ed. Dindorf.

265 It has been beautifully said of this district that ὀφρυᾷ τε καὶ κοιλαίνεται, Strabo VIII. p. 381.

266 Polybius XVI. 16. 4. places it about west-south-west from Corinth. Comp. Athenæus II. p. 43 E. Pindar Olymp. XI. 30. means the same place.

267 Aristot. Meteor. I. 14. p. 755 C, and Aristides, Ægypt. vol. II. p. 351, ed. Jebb.

268 Athen. V. p. 219 A. Lucian. Icaromenipp. 18. Nav. 20. Liv. XXVII. 31. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 969. Zenobius III. 57.

269 According to Fourmont’s Journal and Gell’s Argolis.

270 See Schol. Pind. Olymp. VII. 152. Boeckh Comment. Pind. p. 175. Siebelis ad Pausan. II. 25, 6.

271 Elis in general is a χώρα ὕπαμμος, according to Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. I. 6.

272 I here follow the Journal of the younger Fourmont, which appears deserving of credit: he also states that he saw iron rings on the blocks of stone.

273 Compare with this _Orchomenos_, chap. 2.

274 See Schol. Eurip. Orest. 626. comp. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 11.

275 Strabo VIII. p. 363 A.

276 Polyb. V. 22. 6.

277 Thucyd. I. 120. κατακομιδὴ τῶν ὡραίων.

278 See book III. ch. 10. § 2, 5.

279 Isocrates Panath. p. 286 C, says, that in the most ancient times there were only 2000 Dorians in Sparta; but his statement is too uncertain to found any calculation upon.

280 See Boeckh on the four ancient tribes of Attica, Museum Criticum, vol. II. p. 608.

281 Pausan. VII. 1. 6, 7.

282 Pausan. VII. 18. 3, book III. ch. 4, § 8.

283 Clarke’s Travels, II. 2. p. 646, &c.

284 Below, ch. 5. § 1 and 8.

285 See Thucyd. I. 122. III. 85, and the example of Decelea.

286 Εὐρυσθέος Κυκλώπια πρόθυρα, Pindar. Fragment. Incert. 48, ed. Boeckh.

287 πολυχρυσοῖο Μυκήνης, Homer. Compare book IV. ch. 1.

288 Fourmont supposes that he has recognised Temenium in a citadel to the south of Lerna, but it must lie to the north.

289 See Callimach. Fragm. 108. ed. Bentl. from Schol. Pind. Nem. X. 1. Concerning the taking of Argos see Polyæn. II. 12.

290 Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 48. p. 404. Cf. Schol. Callim. Pall. 37.

291 Pausan. II. 28. 3. The names given by Apollodorus II. 7. 6., viz. Agelaus, Euryphylus, and Callias, are probably from the Temenidæ of Euripides. Ceisus and Phalces are mentioned by Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 389. Scymn. Chi. V. 525 sq. Pausan. II. 6. 4. II. 12. 6. II. 13. 1. Ceisus is also mentioned by Hyginus, Fab. 124 (where read _Cisus_ Temeni filius); but his account is very confused. See _Æginetica_, p. 40.

292 Pausan. II. 6. 3. Eustath. ad Il. V. p. 520. Stephanus Byzant. says Φαῖστος Ῥοπάλου, Ἡρακλέους παιδός.

293 Νύμφης Συλλίδος; I conjecture Ὑλλίδος.

294 Fourmont’s Journal contains a detailed and accurate account of this river.

295 Pausan. II. 11. 2.

296 Pausan. II. 13. 1. ἐπ᾽ ἀναδασμῷ γῆs.

297 Pausan. ubi sup. and VII. 3. 5.

298 Pausan. III. 16. 5. Θερσάνδρου τοῦ Ἀγαμηδίδα, βασιλεύοντος μὲν ΚΛΕΕΣΤΩΝΑΙΩΝ, τετάρτου δὲ ἀπογόνου Κτησίππου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους. Since some Doric state must be here meant, ΚΛΕΩΝΑΙΩΝ, the conjecture of Kühn, seems most probable; and all doubt is removed by a comparison of Ælian N.A. XII. 31., where, however, Thersander is called the son of Cleonymus, not of Agamedidas. Perhaps Pausanias means “Thersander, the son of the son of Agamedes.”

299 Sophocl. Acris. ap. Hesych. in ἀκτίης. Scymnus Chius 526. from Ephorus, Polyb. V. 91. 8. Conon. 7. Diodor. XII. 43. XV. 32. XVIII. 11. Strab. VIII. p. 389. Ælian. V. H. VI. 1. Plutarch. Demetr. 25. Pausan. II. 8. 4. Ἐπιδαύριοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι, ὁι τὴν Ἀργολίδα ἀκτὴν ἔχοντες. It is different from the Ἀργολικὸς κόλπος, which is the south coast.

300 Concerning these doubtful names (Ἀγαῖος, Ἀγραῖος), see _Æginet_. p. 40. The name was common in Macedonia in later times; see Harpocrat. in Ἀργαῖος.

301 This is stated by Pausanias. See also Jamblichus Pythagor. 2. concerning the Epidaurian colony in Samos. Aristotle ap. Strab. VIII. p. 314, states that the Ionians came _together with_ the Heraclidæ from the Attic Tetrapolis to Epidaurus. The former account is by far the most probable.

_ 302 Æginet_. p. 43.

303 Pausan. II. 30. 9.

304 Book II. ch. 2, § 8. According to Pausanias II. 30. 9. Anaphlystus and Sphettus, the sons of Trœzen, passed over to Attica, and gave their names to the two boroughs so called. See Appendix II.

305 Pausan. II. 33. 1.

306 Pyth. IV. 49.

307 Strab. VIII. p. 312. 377.

308 Plutarch. de Def. Orac. p. 620. Paus. X. 18. 4.

309 See book III. ch. 4, § 2.

310 This is evident from Thucyd. V. 53. Κυριώτατοι τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἦσαν Ἀργεῖοι.

311 Ibid. According to Diodorus XII. 18. the Lacedæmonians were bound to send sacrifices to Apollo Pythaëus (Πύθιος); but his account is confused.

312 Pausan. II. 35. 2. 36. 5. Compare book II. ch. 3. § 4.

313 Above, ch. 2, § 4.

314 Pausan. II. 28. 2. 34. 6.

315 Steph. Byz. in Νέμεα, where, from the context, τῆσ Ἀργολίδος should be written for Ἠλίδος.

316 II. 8.

317 Conon. 26. Etymol. Mag. in Ἀλήτης.

318 Compare p. 72, note f.

319 Aristot. ap. Proverb. Vatic. IV. 4. Μηλιακὸν πλοῖον. Compare Apostol. XIX. 89, and Suidas, Diogenianus VII. 31, explains it differently.

320 Δέχεται καὶ βῶλον Ἀλήτης. See Duris in Plutarch. Prov. Alex. 48. p. 593. Diogenian IV. 27. Zenobius III. 22. Suidas in δέχεται, Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Perhaps Suidas in ἀδηλώσας refers to this story.

_ 321 Orchomenos_, p. 352. See also Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 13. The delivery of a clod of earth (a common symbol of transfer of possession of land, Grimm Rechtsalterthümer, p. 110-21) also occurs in the history of the Ionic colony, Lycophron 1378. and Tzetzes Chil. XIII. p. 468. v. 112.

322 Thucyd. IV. 42. Compare Polyæn. I. 39.

323 Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 56.

324 Didymus Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 17. Conon ubi sup. Compare Diodorus in Euseb. Chronic. p. 35. (Fragment. 6. p. 635. Wessel.) Ephorus in Strab. VIII. p. 389 D, and Scymnus Chius, 526.

325 According to Velleius Paterc.

326 IV. 42.

_ 327 Orchomenos_, p. 140. According to Conon ubi sup. Aletes found Sisyphidæ and Ionians mixed with them.

_ 328 Orchomenos_, p. 257.

329 II. 4. 3.

330 Pindar. Olymp. XIII. 11. Compare Boeckh’s Commentary, p. 213. Callimachus ap. Plutarch. Symp. Qu. V. 3. p. 213. Ἀλητιάδαι παρ᾽ Αἰγαιῶνι θεῷ Θήσουσιν νίκης σύμβολον Ἰσθμιάδος Ζήλῳ τῶν Νεμέηθε.

331 Herodot. V. 92. 2. This perhaps may afford some explanation of the ancient affinity between the Cypselidæ and Philaidae (see Herodot. VI. 128.), by a comparison of the table, _Orchomenos_, p. 465.

332 II. 4. 4. compare V. 18. 2.

333 See Blanchard Recherches sur la ville de Mégare, Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. tom. XVI. p. 121.

334 Herodot. V. 76. Lycurg. in Leocrat. p. 196. Strabo IX. p. 293. XIV. p. 653. Conon 26. Scymnus Chius, 503.

335 See Raoul-Rochette III p. 56. who has omitted the remarkable passage of Pausan. VII. 25. according to which the Lacedæmonians had partly taken Athens. There was at Athens a Delphian _gens_ named Cleomantidæ, whose ancestor was said to have communicated to the Athenians the prophecy concerning the king’s death, Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 196.

336 Lycophr. 1388. and Tzetzes’ note.

337 See particularly Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440. Pausan. I. 39. 4.

338 Schol. Pind. et Aristoph. ubi sup. According to Zenobius V. 8. the Megarians mourned for a daughter of their own king Clytius, and of Bacchius the Corinthian.

339 This event is always narrated in explanation of the proverb; see Schol. Pind. ubi sup. Schol. Plat. Euthydem. pag. 97. edit. Ruhnken. and Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440 (from Demon). Compare Aristoph. Eccles. 828. Zenob. III. 21. Vatic. Prov. III. 13. Apostolius VII. 17. XIV. 97. Suidas, Hesychius, Dissen ad Pind. ubi sup. It is probably of this victory of the Megarians that Pausanias (VI. 19. 9.) had read in some document that it took place before the commencement of the Olympiads, when Phorbas was archon for life at Athens; but in my opinion he is incorrect in referring it to a treasury of Dontas the Lacedæmonian (Olymp. 60.), the inscription of which spoke indefinitely of a victory of the Megarians over the Corinthians, in which the Argives were supposed to have had a share. Phorbas was archon from the 173rd to the 148th year before the first Olympiad, according to Eusebius.

340 Thucyd. I. 103. Diod. XI. 79. Plutarch Cimon. 17. It was probably in some war of this kind that Orsippus of Megara enlarged the territory of his native city, according to Etymol. M. p. 242; he was conqueror in the 15th Olympiad, see book IV. ch. 2. note. Pausan. I. 44. 1. and the epigram in Anthol. Pal. II. App. 272. See Siebelis ad Pausan. ubi sup.

341 See the account in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 17. p. 387.

342 Above, ch. 3. § 11.

343 See above, ch. 3. § 3.

344 Called in the Doric dialect Προκλέας, Kühn ad Pausan. III. 1. According to Polyænus I. 10. Procles and Temenus together conquered Lacedæmon.

345 Herod. VI. 52. and it is followed by Xen. Agesil. 8. Plutarch. Agesil. 19. [The same is preserved in a fragment of Alcæus (Mus. Crit. I. p. 432) ὡς γὰρ δή ποτε φασίν Ἀριστόδαμον ἐν Σπάρτᾳ λόγον οὐκ ἀπάλαμνον εἰπεῖν, as Niebuhr has remarked. History of Rome, vol. I. note 94. ed. 2.]

346 The words of the oracle, which Herodotus paraphrases, probably were μᾶλλον δὲ γεραίτερον ἔστι γεραίρειν.

347 V. 16. Also in Plato Leg. III. p. 683. Megillus the Spartan, to the question καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν—Λακεδαίμονος Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης; answers, πῶς γὰρ οὐ, against his national tradition.

348 Pindar Pyth. I. 65. says that the Dorians, “coming down from Pindus, immediately took Amyclæ.” Compare Boeckh Comment, p. 479. This is equally fallacious with his other statement, that Pylos fell at the invasion, see below, § 15. According to Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 364 D., Philonomus the Achæan, who had betrayed Lacedæmon to the Dorians, received Amyclæ from them as a reward for his treachery, and held the νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος (to which his name seems to allude) as a vassal. Compare Conon Narr. 36. Nicol. Damasc. p. 445. Vales.

349 Servius ad Æn. X. 564. and Lucilius, ibid, compare Heyne Excurs. II. ad Æn. X. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.

350 Pausan. III. 2. 6. ib. 12. 7. ib. 19. 5. The temple was still standing in his time. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 313-321.

351 Pausan. VII. 6. 2. where Preugenes, their leader, is stated to have been descended from Amyclas.

352 Polyb. V. 19. 2.

353 Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 46. Simonides fragm. 177. ed. Gaisford.

354 Εὔπυργος Θεράπια, ap. Priscian. p. 1328. Fragm. 1. ed. Welcker.

355 Isthm. I. 31.

356 Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας Pindar Nem. X. 55. The δόκανα were, according to some, tombs of this description.

357 See Dissen’s Commentary to Pindar ubi sup. p. 471.—Concerning Helen at Therapne, see Euripid. Hel. 211. and Tryphiod. 520. Schol. Lycophr. 143. Isocrat. Encom. Hel. p. 218 D. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν ἐν Θεράπναις (Μενελάῳ καὶ Ἑλένῃ) θυσίας ἁγίας καὶ πατρίους ἐπιτελοῦσιν οὐχ ὡς ἤρωσιν ἀλλ᾽ ὡσ θεοῖς. Concerning the Menelaia, see Athenagoras Leg. p. 14. A. Θεραπναῖος Ἀπόλλων Apollon. Rhod. II. 162. Therapne, according to some, was ἐν Σπάρτῃ, Schol. Apollon. et Pind. ubi sup.; according to other authors, referred to by Steph. Byz., it was Sparta itself. Both are in the wrong.

358 It was first discovered by Gropius.

359 Polyb. ubi sup. See ch. 4. § 3.

360 Od. B. 327. 359. A. 459. N. 412. 414. The passage in Od. A. 10. is also to be explained in this manner.

361 Pausan. III. 2. 6.

362 Pausan. III. 2. 7. Phlegon Trallianus ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 130. According to Strabo VIII. p. 365 A. however it was conquered by Agis. Concerning a war between Sparta and its periœci in the time of Lycurgus, see Nicol. Damas. fragm.

363 Pausan. III. 22. 9.

364 See above, ch. 3. § 4.

365 This is now evident from the restoration of the fragment of Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. 364 D. Χρῆσθαι δὲ ΛΑΙ ΜΕΝ ὀ[χυρώματι, Ἐπιδαύρῳ (or Γυθείῳ) δὲ ἐμπορίῳ διὰ τὸ] εὐλίμενον, ΑΙΓΥΙ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους [ἐπιτειχισμῷ, ταύτην] γὰρ ὁμορεῖν τοῖς κύκλῳ [πολεμίοις], ΦΑΡΙΔΙ δὲ [εἰς συνόδους] ἀπὸ τῶν ἐντος ἀσφάλειαν ἐχούσῃ. Polybius II. 54. 3. calls Αἰγῦτις a boundary-district of Sparta, where no alteration is required. See Meursius ad Lycophr. 831.

366 The νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος according to Nicol. Damasc.

367 See Steph. Byz. and Pausanias. The Διοσκοῦροι Λαπέρσαι are derived from this town.

368 Ὑαμεία πόλις Μεσσηνίων τῶν πέντε, Stephanus Byz. Compare Pausan. IV. 14. 3. Μεσόλα πόλις Μεσσήνης μία τῶν πέντε. Νικόλαος τετάρτῳ, Stephanus. From this Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. 361 C. should be thus restored, ὤστε τὴν Στενύκλαρον μὲν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς χώρας παύτης κειμένην ἀποδεῖξαι βασίλειον αὑτῷ τῆς βασιλείας, πέμψαι δὲ ἐς Πύλον τε καὶ Ῥίον [καὶ Μεσόλαν καὶ] Ὑαμῖτιν ποιήσοντας ἰσονόμους πάντας τοῖς Δωριεῦσι τοὺς Μεσσηνίους. Compare Μεσόλα καθήκουσα εἰς τὸν μεταξὺ κόλπον τοῦ Ταυγέτου καὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίας, Strab. VIII. p. 360; Ῥίον ἀπεναντίον Ταινάρου, ibid.

369 The same termination may be observed in the name of the ancient Laconian city Ἱππό-λα, Pausan. III. 26. 6. Steph. Byz.; and in the ancient gentile name of Argos, Ἀργό-λας.

370 See Herodotus, Pausanias, Cicero de Divin. II. 43.

371 Cicero ut sup.

372 See above, p. 90. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Epidaurus,” starting “Pausan. III. 16. 5.]”

373 See Valckenaer. ad Theocrit. Adoniaz. p. 266.

374 Plutarch. Lycurg. 2, 3.

375 Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. Lac. Apophth. p. 234.

376 From what is not clear, though probably from the Μέσση of the Homeric Catalogue, the position of which is however quite uncertain, since it is not connected with the _city_ of Messene.

_ 377 Orchomenos_, p. 366. The territory of Pylos had, according to the tradition in Pausan. IV. 15. 4. once extended as far as Καπροῦ σῆμα, near Stenyclarus.

378 Cresphontes, as well as Aristomenes, were names in Messenia in late days, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1291.

379 Ap. Strab. p. 633 B. He was one of the Colophonians who had settled in Smyrna.

380 Strabo, p. 355 D. Pausanias IV. 3. 3. and others speak too generally of the expulsion of the Nestoridæ.

381 Pausan. IV. 18. 1. IV. 23. 1. Pindar Pyth. V. 70. is not so accurate; Λακεδαίμονι ἀν Ἄργει τε καὶ ζαθέᾳ Πύλῳ ἔνασσεν ἀλκᾶντας Ἡρακλέος ἐκγόνους Ἀἰγιμιοῦ τε (Ἀπόλλων).

382 Apollod. II. 8. 5. Pausan. IV. 3. VIII. 5. 5. Isocrates Archidam. p. 120. represents the Lacedæmonians as having long governed Messenia, which had been given them by the sons of Cresphontes. Euripides in the Merope told the story as follows:—viz. that Polyphontes killed Cresphontes, and obtained possession of his queen Merope and of his empire: that on this her son Telephon, whom Merope had sent to a friend in Ætolia, returned, and, after various tragic scenes, slew the usurper by stratagem. See the fragments of the Merope, and Hyginus, Fab. 137, with the continuation in Fab. 184. The narrative of Apollodorus is made to coincide more with the national tradition.

383 The pedigree is, Æpytus—Cypselus—Merope—Æpytus—Æpytidæ.

384 As it is evident from several passages in the 4th book of Pausanias.

385 II. 171.

386 Pausan. IV. 20. 2. 26. 5, 6. 27. 4. 33. 5. It is to this time probably that Methapus the Athenian belongs, who restored the ancient worship of Andania, with some few changes, Pausan. IV. 1. 5.

387 Leg. III. p. 684.

388 In the following discussion, although beginning somewhat in advance, I still take for granted what is stated in my _Æginetica_, p. 42. The ancient expression Λιμοδωριεῖς was referred to this migration. See Hesychius, Plutarch, Prov. 34. p. 590. Yet Didymus in Hesychius calls the Dorians who dwelt under mount Œta Λιμοδωριεῖς. See above, page 44. note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Dorians as inhabitants of the sea-coast.”]

389 The Rhodians came from Argos, according to Thucyd. VII. 57. The Coans were also of Argive origin, according to Tacit. Ann. XII. 61.

390 The Eratidæ refer to Argos, according to the note of Boeckh, Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. VII. p. 165. Cleobulus also was a Heraclide, according to Diog. Laert. I. 6. § 89.

391 There were different ways of making the 100 towns of Crete mentioned in the Iliad agree with the 90 in the Odyssey, as may be seen from Schol. Venet. Catal. 156.—According to Ephorus, Althæmenes founded 10 cities in Crete, so that in the time of Ulysses there were only 90, but in Homer’s time 100. Strabo X. p. 479. This was the manner in which Ephorus wrote history. “Pylæmenes the Lacedæmonian” in the Venetian Scholiast is probably only a corruption of the name. Conon 47. derives the Tripolis of Rhodes from Althæmenes.

392 VII. 99.

393 We find in both the worship of serpents, incubation, the custom of votive tablets, &c.

394 Pausan. III. 23. 4.

395 Sprengel’s Geschichte der Medicin, vol. I. pp. 343. 326. new edit.

396 Rhod. Orat. II. p. 396.—Concerning the Asclepiadæ in Cnidos, see particularly Theopompus in Phot. cod. 176.

397 Sprengel, ibid. p. 554.

398 Vitruvius II. 8. 12. _Cum Melas et Areuanius ab Argis et Trœzene coloniam communem eo loco induxerunt, barbaros Caras et Lelegas ejecerunt_.—The 1200 years, mentioned by Tacitus, from the time of its founding to Tiberius, must be taken as a round number.

399 The religious ceremonies of Halicarnassus, as shown on its coins, can be completely traced up to their origin. The head of Medusa, and of Athene, the trident, and head of Hephæstus, belong to the worship of Athene and Hephæstus at Trœzen and Athens: the tripod, lyre, and heads of Apollo and Demeter to the _sacra Triopia_. At _Cos_ the insignia of Æsculapius predominated, besides those of Hercules as father of Pheidippus.

400 Callimach. ap. Steph. in v. Ἁλικάρνασσος. compare _Æginetica_, p. 140.

401 Vitruvius, ubi sup.

402 See book II. ch. 3. § 5.

403 Dionys. Hal. Rom. Hist. IV. 25. probably ascribes to it too much influence.

404 Herodot. I. 144.

405 According to the account of Gelon’s ancestors in Herodot. VII. 153.

406 Compare Herodotus with Diod. V. 54.

407 Diod. ubi sup.

408 Scymnus Chius, 549. Probably with the colony of Althæmenes.

_ 409 E.g._ ε [δοξε] ταυ βουλαι και τωι δαμωι φιλ ... θενευς επεστατει γνωμα πρυ [τανιων], &c. from Villoison’s papers.

410 See the quotations in Villoison in the Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. tom. XLVII. p. 287. An inscription among his papers refers to the building of the temple of Apollo and Aphrodite at that place. The worship of Aphrodite appears to indicate a Laconian colony.

411 Concerning Pholegandrus, see Mém. de l’Acad. tom. XLVII. p. 307. 339.

412 Paus. II. 30. 8. Raoul-Rochette is wrong in stating that Scylax declares Caryanda to have been Doric.

413 Herodot. V. 121. Ἡρακλείδης Ἰβανωλίος, ἀνὴρ Μυλασεὺς as leader of the Carians.

414 Plut. de Mul. Virt. p. 271. 4. Polyæn. VIII. 56. According to Lycophron, v. 1388. the Doric colony also possessed Thingrus and Satnium, which were places in Caria, according to Tzetzes, in whose notes Ἰκαρίας should be twice altered into Καρίας.

415 Concerning Noricum, see below, § 11. The coins of Synnada have ΣΥΝΝΑΔΕΩΝ ΔΩΡΙΕΩΝ; also ΣΥΝΝ. ΙΩΝΩΝ, and both together; also the expression Καστολοῦ (better Καστωλοῦ) πεδίον Δωριεών, Stephan. Byz. Xenophon mentions it twice in the Anabasis, without precisely stating its position.

416 Compare Steph. Byz. in Ἀραὶ, Ἰωνίας (this is false. They were situated between Syme and Cnidos, Athenæus VI. p. 262.) νῆσοι τρεῖς οὅτω λεγομέναι διὰ τὰς ἀρὰς, ἅς Δωριεῖς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς Πενταπολίτας, ὡς Ἀριστείδης. According to Dieuchidas in Athenæus, the curse was in the time of Triopas and Phorbas.

417 Polyb. XVI. 12. 1.

418 See the decree of the Jasians, which includes that of the Calymnians, in the Doric dialect: Boeckh. Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2671.

419 Strabo VIII. p. 374, endeavours to give the tradition an historical colouring by supposing that Pelops drove away _Anthes_. compare XIV. p. 656. Apollod. ap. Steph. in Ἁλικάρνασσος.

420 Ap. Steph. Raoul-Rochette also perceives this, tom. III. p. 31.

421 II. 30. 8.

422 Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. Hence Athens is called the son of Poseidon, Paus. II. 30, &c. Concerning the Antheadæ as priests of Poseidon see an Halicarnassian inscription in Corp. Inscript. No. 2655, and Boeckh’s Commentary. It is well known that Posidonia in the south of Italy received the worship of Poseidon and also its name, from a Trœzenian colony.

423 Indeed Pindar appears to represent him as dwelling at Argos, the native place of the descendants of Hercules, at a time when all the Heraclidæ were there living together undisturbed; and from Argos he sails to Rhodes.

424 Olymp. VII. 24. Concerning the mother of Tlepolemus, see the epigram, quoted below, p. 121 note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “epigram of Aristotle,” starting “Peplus Troj.”.]

425 In Iliad E. 628 sqq. there is no necessity for assuming that the poet intended to represent Tlepolemus as a Rhodian. In the catalogue, indeed, four insular Greeks are mentioned, Nireus of Syme, Antiphus and Phidippus of Cos, and Tlepolemus of Rhodes (Il. B. 653-680). But of these the three first are not elsewhere mentioned. Tlepolemus therefore remains the only Greek, of the Asiatic colonies, on the Achæan side, in the Iliad; and the connexion of the catalogue with the other parts of the poem does not seem to intimate as to prove this exception to have been intended by the writer of the fifth book. Tlepolemus must therefore be considered as a Grecian of the mother country. I feel convinced, that, according to Homer, no enemy of Troy comes from the eastern side of the Ægæan sea. Concerning the numerous differences between the catalogue and the genuine Homeric traditions, see the author’s History of the Literature of ancient Greece, ch. 2, § 9.

426 Il. B. 668. When Strabo XIV. p. 653, states that Tlepolemus did not lead out Dorians, but Achæans and Bœotians (as a Heraclide of Thebes), he does not follow any ancient tradition, but the chronological system of his times. The ancestors of Theron of Rhodes (Schol. Pind. Olymp. II. 14.) have no reference to this: and Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 272, mixes various accounts.

427 See book II. ch. 12. § 6.

428 Peplus Troj. Her. Epig. 27.

429 Book II. ch. 11. § 4.

430 See particularly Etymol. Mag. p. 219. 8. also Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 157.

431 Hecatæus ap. Stephan. Byz.

432 As Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 251. clearly shews from Herodotus and Aristænetus περὶ Φασηλίδος ap. Steph. Byz. in Γέλα and other words.

433 Eckhel D. N. III. p. 68. According to Strab. XIV. p. 671 D. Ῥοδίων καὶ Ἀχαιῶν, which Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 379, proposes to refer to Achæa in Rhodes, and leave out καὶ, but the Gentile name would be rather Ἀχαιεὺς than Ἀχαῖος. Solon, the Lindian, of Rhodes, is called the founder of this Soli in Cilicia, Vita Arati, vol. I. p. 3. vol. II. p. 444. Buhle.

434 Both names in Etymol. Magn. in v. Γέλα.

435 Herodot. VII. 153. The coins of Telos have the head of Jupiter and the _Crab_, like those of Agrigentum; the last symbol is also on those of Cos and Lindus.

436 Thucyd. VI. 4.

437 According to the spurious letters, which are correctly treated of by Bentley in several passages of his Dissertation (without, however, noticing the historical connexion), and also by Lennep in the notes.

438 According to Hippostratus ad Pind. Pyth. VI. 4.

439 Compare, besides Meursius, Heyne, Nov. Comment. Gotting. II. cl. philol. p. 40 sqq. That Lyons was a Rhodian colony, has, though without any grounds, been lately maintained, after Father Colonia, by count Wilgrin de Tailefer, Antiquités de Vésone.

440 See Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 124. who also believes in the victory of Perseus over Sardanapalus.

441 See particularly Dio Chrysost. Orat. Tars. 33, pp. 394, 406, 408. Hercules was called ἀρχηγὸς, and on the day of his festival a funeral pile was built to his honour; compare Athenæus V. p. 215 B. on the Stephanephorus or priest of Hercules at Tarsus.

442 Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 403 sqq.

443 Steph. Byz. in Ἰώνη.

444 The arrival of Diomede the Argive among the Daunians may likewise refer to the founding of Elpiæ. He is said to have come with _Dorians_. Antonin. Liber. 37.

445 Polyb. Exc. Leg. XX. 7. Il. Liv. XXXVII. 56.

446 Ap. Strab. XIV. p. 676.

447 Steph. Byz. in Γέλα. Compare Athen. VII. p. 297, from the Ὦροι Κολοφωνίων of Heropythus, and Philostephanus περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πόλεων.

448 Book II. ch. 2, § 7.

449 Pompon. Mela I. 14. The tradition is very ancient. Strab. XIV. p. 668. from Callinus. τοὺς λαοὺς μετὰ Μόψου τὸν Ταῦρον ὑπερθέντας τοὺς μὲν ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ μεῖναι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ μερισθῆναι καὶ Συρίᾳ, μέχοι καὶ Φοινίκης. Concerning Mopsus in Pamphylia, see also Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 334.

450 Strab. XIV. p. 675, and others.

451 Philosteph. ubi sup.

452 Rhodia, near Phaselis, is also without doubt a Rhodian colony; and Mopsus (Theopompus ap. Phot. cod. 176) was the founder merely in the above sense. In the same manner probably Lyrnessus; compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 404 sqq., who, however, has not perceived any thing of all this.

453 De Div. I. 40.

454 Book II. ch. 2. § 7.

455 Thucyd. III. 102.

456 See § 10.

457 For what Plutarch. Amator. and Diodor. Exc. II. 228. p. 548. Wess. relate of the expulsion of Archias, is stated by the Scholiast to Apollonius IV. 1211, of the family of the Bacchiadæ. The former affirm the accidental murder of the son of Melissus to have been the cause of the founding of Syracuse, the latter of that of Corcyra. Yet this is contradicted by the Parian Marble, I. 47. Archias δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου, since the Bacchiadæ derived themselves from Aletes, not Temenus. In either case Archias is an Heraclide. See Boeckh. Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. 6. p. 153. Compare Göller de situ Syracusarum, p. 5. sq.

458 Strab. VII. p. 380 D.

459 Strab. VI. p. 269. Compare Scymnus Chius, v. 274.

460 See Boeckh’s Introduction to the sixth Olympiad.

461 Book II. ch. 9. § 4. ch. 10. § 1.

462 Athen. IV. p. 167. from Demetrius Scepsius. Archilochus made mention of this Æthiops (Siebel. Fragm. p. 233).

463 Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 298. His προσόδιον was composed before the Messenian wars, about the same time.

464 Adoniaz. 53. compare Thucyd. VI. 77. ὅτι οὐκ Ἴωνες τάδε εἰσὶν,—ἀλλὰ Δωριεῖς, ἐλεύθεροι ἀπ᾽ αὐτονόμου τῆς Πελοποννήσου τὴν Σικελίαν οἰκοῦντες.

465 Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVIII. 4.

466 According to Thucyd. VI. 5. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 319. supports the contrary opinion.

467 Thucyd. I. 108. where this Chalcis is evidently intended.

468 Raoul-Rochette, ib. p. 290. The coins of Alyzia do not necessarily prove it to be of Corinthian origin, since barbarous towns frequently adopted the devices of the neighbouring Greek cities. Herodotus IX. 28. does not afford any reason for supposing that Pale was a Corinthian colony; yet both here and in Thucyd. I. 27. it appears as closely united with Corinth.

469 This I believe, because it was founded by Heraclidæ, _i.e._ by Bacchiadæ, according to Anton. Lib. 4; hence also the worship of Hercules existed there. Compare also concerning the Doric migration to Ambracia, the Epigram of Damagetus in the Palat. Anthol. VII. 231.

470 Γόργος is probably the most correct form of those in Plut. Conv. VII. Sap. 17. p. 42. Strab. X. p. 452, 7. p. 325. Scymn. Ch. 427. Antonin. Lib. I. 4. p. 23. Teuchn., who alone considers him as the brother of Cypselus. See book III. ch. 9. § 6. note. The form ΓΟΡΓΟΣ is also confirmed by a coin of Ambracia. See Raoul-Rochette, Annali dell’ Instituto di corrisp. archeol. 1829, p. 316.

471 Thucyd. II. 68.

472 See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 43.

473 Plutarch. Themist. 24.; but the whole history is inaccurately related.

474 Thus Schol. Apollon. IV. 1212., and from Timæus at V. 1216.

475 Yet Timæus ubi sup. places Chersicrates 600 years after the Trojan war, the date of which he fixed (according to Censorinus de Die Nat. 21.) 417 years before the first Olympiad; consequently the date which he gives to Chersicrates is Olymp. 46. 3. 594. B.C. in the time of the Cypselidæ. But since it is scarcely credible that Timæus could place the foundation of Corcyra so low down, it is probable that he fixed an earlier date for the Trojan war, according to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 135. ω. III. p. 490. Compare Mustoxidi Illustrazioni Corciresi, I. 5. p. 65.

476 Thucyd. I. 47.

477 Strab. VII. p. 326. Scymn. Ch. 620.

478 Scymn. Ch. 412. According to Raoul-Rochette, IV. p. 86. it was founded at the same time that Dionysius founded Lissus.

_ 479 Orchomenos_, p. 297.

480 Thucyd. I. 13.

481 μάλιστα ὑπὸ ἀποίκων στεργόμεθα, the words of the Corinthians in Thucyd. I. 38. compare I. 26. Plutarch Timol. 3.

482 I. 56. See book III. ch. 8. § 5.

483 According to Eusebius. See Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 233.

484 According to Hesychius Milesius de Constant, p. 48. the founder’s name was Dineus.

485 The situation of Byzantium, in a political and commercial point of view, is well described by Polybius IV. 44.

486 Dionys. Byzant. de Thracio Bosporo in Hudson’s Geogr. Min. vol. III. sacrifices were offered to her on the first day of the year. Heyne Comment. Rec. Gotting. tom. I. p. 62. has treated of the fables of Io at Byzantium with sufficient fulness, but without tracing the origin of the traditions.

487 Ibid.

488 See, besides others, Palat. Anthol. VII. 169. Why does not Raoul-Rochette admit here as elsewhere, the supposition of an ancient colony under the guidance of Io, an Argive princess?

489 See Dionysius. There is something on this head also in Hesychius. Besides the names in the text, there are Athene Ecbasia—Artemis Dictynna (also _Lucifera in piscinis_), Ajax Telamonius, and Achilles—Rhea—Hecate and Fortune—The Dioscuri—Amphiaraus ἐν συκαῖς, Aphrodite the preserver of peace, and Aphrodite Πάνδημος.

490 With whom there were at times dissensions. See Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10.

491 See, besides the decrees in Demosthenes, Constantin. Porph. Them. I. p. 1452. in Meursii Opp.

492 Μεταμβριανων and Μεσαμβριανων on coins.

493 According to Scymnus Chius, v. 714.

494 Plut. Qu. Gr. 57. _Æginetica_, p. 67. It is probable that Perinthus also at that time received a party of Doric colonists, as it is called an allied town by the Byzantians (Demosth. de Corona, p. 255), and the worship of Hercules was prevalent there. Compare Panofka Res Samiorum, p. 22, where, however, several passages are incorrectly applied.

495 Arrian, Periplus of the Pontus Euxinus, p. 14. Hudson. Compare Orelli Heracleot. p. 115. Raoul-Rochette places it as far back as the 30th Olympiad, but according to Scymnus Chius, 231, the founding took place in the time of Cyrus.

496 Megara was founded in the same year as Naxus, Olymp. 11. 3, according to Ephorus (in Strabo and Scymnus); according to the more exact Thucydides some time after, 245 years before its destruction by Gelon. Gelon reigned from Olymp. 72. 2, in Gela, from Olymp. 73. 4, till 75. 3, in Syracuse (Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. I. Explic. p. 100). From the narrative of Herodotus VII. 156, it appears that he conquered Megara in the interval of Olymp. 74. 1-3; in which case the foundation would fall about Olymp. 13. 1, 728 B.C. According then to the account of Thucydides, the arrival of Lamis the Megarean must have been some years before. This event was contemporary with the founding of Leontini, which was five years after that of Syracuse: this cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the account of Eusebius, who dates the building of Syracuse Olymp. 11. 4. (Hieron. Scal.) The statement of the Parian Marble agrees better, viz. Olymp. 5. 3. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 214, reckons on false suppositions. Compare Heyne Opusc. Academ. tom. II. pp. 259. sq.

497 See Passow ad Theogn. 773. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 85, adds Schol. Platon. p. 220. See also Welcker’s Theognis, p. 14. In literary history many instances occur of the same persons being called citizens of the mother-state, and of the colony; _e.g._, Archilochus was a Parian and Thasian; Protagoras and Hecatæus the younger were citizens both of Teos and Abdera; Terpander belonged to Arne in Bœotia and Lesbos at the same time; Mimnermus was both a Colophonian and citizen of Smyrna, &c.

498 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 313-359. Thrige’s _Res Cyrenensium_ (1828), pp. 23-35. Concerning a family of the Heraclidæ, see the interesting passages of Synesius, Καταστ. (p. 10. Morell.) and of Theodorus Metochita in the Supplem. ad Nicol. Damasc. Orellii. The account of the latter is very confused.

499 Pind. Pyth. IX. Boeckh Explic. p. 325. Thrige ibid, 121 sq.

500 Δωρικοὶ τάφοι, Synesius, ubi sup.

501 Herodot. I. 174. Diodorus V. 53. speaks of an Argive-Lacedæmonian colony in this district.

502 V. 9. 53. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1388, calls him Ἱππότης ὁ Ἀλήτης, but I can hardly think that he is the same as the ancestor of the Corinthian Heraclidæ.

503 Diodor. V. 53.

504 Also at Nisyrus, according to its coins.

505 I here speak on the authority of some beautiful drawings by M. Huyot, amongst which is a plan of Cnidos; an accurate plan of the harbour was shown me by Captain Beaufort. Compare Clarke, part II. § 1, plate 13.

506 It is stated by Diodorus V. 9, that the Cnidians in the 50th Olympiad (580 B.C.) sent a colony to Lipara under the guidance of three descendants of their countryman Hippotes, Gorgus, Thestor, and Epithersidas, who, in conjunction with 500 of the former inhabitants, founded a state. Now it was natural to call Æolus the god of the winds, who was supposed to reside on these islands, a son of the new national hero, Hippotes; and hence he became Αἴολος Ἱπποτάδης. If this is true, then the name Ἱπποτάδης in the Odyssey (K. 2. 36.) is certainly _later_ than the Homeric age; which might be almost supposed from the statement of the learned Asclepiades, that the Æolus of Homer was the son of Poseidon (not of Hippotes), which he could hardly have said, if all the copies of the Odyssey had Ἱπποτάδης.

507 See particularly Pausan. X. 11. 3, from Antiochus, and Diodorus V. 9, probably from the same author.

508 Pseud-Plutarch, de fluv. Mars. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 321.

509 See Strab. XII. p. 570. The inscription on their coins is Σελγέων Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμόνοια. Compare Mionnet Descript. III. p. 525. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 427, with whom I do not entirely agree. See also Nicephorus Blemmidas, ed. Spohn. p. 13.

510 Dionys. Perieg. 860, where I consider that “the Amyclæans” is not a mere poetical ornament, although the testimony is not to be much depended upon. Compare Eustathius ad 1.

511 See Raoul-Rochette’s argument, tom. II. p. 428.

512 Lycophr. vv. 452, 593. Strab. XIV. p. 682. Λακεδαίμων ἐν Κύπρῳ Eustath. ad Homer. p. 293. 45. ed. Rom. Golgi in Cyprus was founded by _Sicyonians_ (Steph. Byz. in Γόλγοι), and it was the _only_ colony sent out by that state, with the exception of Phæstus in Crete, whither a Heraclide of Sicyon is said to have gone; see ch. 5. § 2.

_ 513 Ut fertur, octavus ab Hercule_, Schol. Vetust. ad Hor. Carm. II. 6. 12; and so likewise Servius ad Virgil. Georg. IV. 125. Æn. III. 551. Compare, concerning the Phalantiadæ, Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. Callimachus is referred to in a verse quoted by Schol. ined. ad Dionys. Perieg. (Spohn. Opusc. Niceph. Blemm. 29.) πάντες ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλῆος ἐτήτυμον ἔστε Λάκωνες according to Goettling’s conjecture.

514 Ὑακίνθου or Ἁπόλλωνος Ὑακίνθου τάφος, Polyb. VIII. 30. 2.

515 Ib. VIII. 35. 8.

516 Scymn. Ch. 330.

517 Strabo VI. p. 264, from Antiochus.

518 Herodot. III. 138. IV. 164.

519 Strabo VIII. p. 387.

520 Pausan. III. 3. 1. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 10. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 187.

521 See book II. ch. 3.

522 Metam. XV. 15. _Grates agit ille parenti Amphitryoniadæ._

523 See Pausan. ubi sup. The newly discovered fragments of Polybius confirm the participation of Sparta in the colonization of Locri, p. 384. Mai, inasmuch as they mention the sending of Locrian auxiliaries to the Spartans as the cause of the foundation of Locri in Italy.

524 Justin XX. 2.

525 Thucyd. VI. 44. Raoul-Rochette, p. 194, derives it from Dorians, who had previously settled at Cape Zephyrium: but even if there were Dorians there, they must have been Megareans.

526 It would lead us too far from our subject to explain the tradition concerning the Lacedæmonians among the Sabines and Samnites. It is remarkable that, according to Silius Italicus, these Lacedæmonians came from Amyclæ and Therapne, the ancient settlements of the Achæans. I must also pass over the Cretan colonies, for many reasons.

527 Paus. III. 2. 7.

528 A war with Cnosus is very improbable and almost impossible; Paus. II. 21. III. 11. Vell. Paterc. I. 4. (_Lacedæmonii in Asia Magnesiam_), had probably some account of the share of the Spartans in these Cretan colonies, which will be discussed book II. ch. 3.

529 Pausan. V. 20. I, according to Clavier, Plutarch. Lycurg. I.

530 Λυκοῦργος ὑπὸ πάντων συμφώνως ἱστορεῖται μετὰ τοῦ Ἰφίτου τοῦ Ἠλείου τὴν πρώτην ἀριθμηθεῖσαν τῶν Ὀλυμπίων θέσιν διαθεῖναι, Athen. XIV. p. 635 F.

531 Pausan. V. 8. 3. ἐξ οὗ γὰρ τὸ συνεχὲς ταῖς μνήμαις ἐπὶ ταῖς Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐστί—

532 γράμματα Ἡλείων ἐς τοὺς Ὀλυμπιονίκας, Pausan. V. 21. 5. VI. 2. 1.

533 See Aristodemus ap. Syncell. Chron. p. 196 C. Compare Goeller de Situ Syracusarum, p. 198.

534 Pind. Olymp. VII. 86. ἐν Μεγάροισίν τ᾽ οὐχ ἔτερον λιθίνα ψᾶφος ἔχει λόγον. Compare Boeckh Explic.

535 Plutarch de Musica, 3. 8.

536 Sturz. Hellanici fragment. p. 79 sqq. ed. 2.

537 Agesil. 19.

538 In Colot. 17. p. 268. Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸν περὶ Λυκούργου χρησμὸν ἐν ταῖς παλαιοτάταις ἀναγραφαῖς ἔχοντες. Concerning this oracle see Theodoret Græc. Affect. 9. 10. Max. Tyr. Diss. XXIX. p. 72. The oracle in Œnomaus (Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. p. 113.) is evidently a modern forgery.

539 Above ch. 5. § 14. Eurysthenes, according to Eusebius, reigned 42 years.

540 Suidas in Χάρων.

541 Athen. XI. p. 475 B. concerning the καρχήσιον.

542 XII. 12. 1.

543 Plutarch. Lycurg. I. Diod. I. 5. who calls the ἀναγραφὴ of the kings a παράπηγμα. Eusebius says that at the beginning of the Olympiads _Lacedæmoniorum reges defecerunt_, which error arose from the lists ending here, which had been made for computing the preceding periods.

544 Apollod. ap. Diod. ubi sup. Eratosthenes ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 336. ed. Colon. Compare Tatian. adv. Græcos, p. 174. Censorinus de Die Natali 21. Euseb. Scalig. p. 23. Cicer. de Rep. II. 10. who also followed the Χρονικὰ of Apollodorus.

545 I do not contend that the chronological statements in the Spartan lists form an _authentic document_, more than those in the catalogues of the priestesses of Here and in the list of Halicarnassian priests (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2655). The chronological statements in the Spartan lists may have been formed from imperfect memorials; but the Alexandrine chronologists must have found such tables in existence, since they could not have been produced by mere computation; and yet the date of 328 years before the 1st Olympiad was entirely founded upon them.

546 Ap. Clem. comp. Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 547, ed. Vales.

547 P. 411. Fragm. ed. Heyn. from Tatian and Clemens I. p. 327. comp. p. 309. Pausan. III. 2. 4. Eusebius’s quotation of Apollodorus at the 18th year of Alcamenes is incorrect, as may be seen from Plutarch. Lycurg. I.

548 I. 65. Pausan. III. 2. 3.

549 Ælian. V. H. IX. 41.

550 Simonid. ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 2. and compare Schol. Plat. Rep. X. p. 474. 21 Bekker. The latter, also, according to Aristot. Polit. II. 7. 1. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Compare Dieuchidas, ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. et Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 328. ed. Colon, (p. 390 Potter). cf. Strab. X. p. 481. He took Lycurgus for a son of Polydectes and a younger brother of Eunomus, and placed him 290 years after the taking of Troy. Dionys. Hal. Arch. Rom. II. 49. calls Lycurgus the uncle of Eunomus, whom he probably places with Herodotus (VIII. 131.) _after_ Polydectes. Thucydides I. 18. places Lycurgus not long before 800 B.C. Timæus escaped the difficulty by supposing that there were two Lycurguses. Xenophon disagrees the most (Rep. Lac. 10. quoted by Plutarch. Lyc. I.), as he says that Lycurgus lived κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας, _i.e._ κατὰ τὴν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάθοδον.

551 VIII. 131.

552 See Clinton, F. H. vol. I. p. 144. The same explanation also diminishes the difficulty about the relationship of Lycurgus; yet there still remains the great discrepancy between Herodotus (where the emendation proposed by Marsham does not suit the context) and Xenophon.

553 The dates of these are given, doubtless from Alexandrine chronologists, by Diodorus, fragm. 6 p. 635, where (with Wesseling after Didymus) 30 years must be assumed from the return of the Heraclidæ to the reign of Aletes, by which the computation comes out right. This has been overlooked by Eusehius, since he makes Aletes contemporary with Eurysthenes. See the Armenian Eusebius, p. 16. Mai.

554 See above, p. 136. note t. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “district of Laconia.”]

_ 555 Æginetica_, p. 62. Comp. Theocritus XVII. 27.

556 As may fairly be inferred from V. 4. 3.

557 V. 4. 4 In an inscription at Olympia (Brunck. Anal. II. p. 193.) he was called the son of Hæmon; according to common tradition, he was the son of Praxonides. In Eusebius (Hieronym.) should be written, _Iphitus Praxonidis vel Æmonis f_.

558 I. 66, 67.

559 Concerning this word see Boissonade, Classical Journal, vol. XX. p. 289.

560 Boeckh Inscript. No. 11.

_ 561 E.g._ by Wolf Proleg. Homer. p. 67.

562 Of Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 308.

563 For the date of Terpander, see book IV. ch. 6. § 1. note.

564 Scymnus Chius, v. 313. Strabo VI. p. 259.

565 Plutarch. Lyc. 13. whose words should be thus understood, “_Lycurgus did not enact any written laws, but merely sanctioned existing customs._” The ῥῆτραι however were evidently not mere ἔθη, but oracular dicta, expressed in definite words, which had been preserved from ancient times. Plutarch. Agesil. 26. calls them Αἰ καλούμεναι τρεῖς ῥῆτραι, and also de Esu Carn. II. 1. ὁ θεῖος Λυκοῦργος ἐν ταῖς τρίσι ῥήτραις; consequently this was in a certain degree a fixed number.—One of these very regulations was μὴ χρῆσθαι νόμοις ἐγγράφοις.

566 Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 19. αἱ ῥῆτραι, δι᾽ ὧν ἐκόσμησε τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, πολιτείαν Λυκοῦργος, ἐδόθησαν αὑτῷ καταλογάδην.

567 The Delphian Inscription in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1711. The Cretan in Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 135. The Samian and Prienian in Chandler Inscript. p. 1. 38. 1, 2, 3. Marm. Oxon. p. 25.

568 I agree with Creuzer Histor. Ant. Fragm. p. 122. that it is unnecessary _always_ to alter writers concerning ὄροι into ὡρόγραφοι, _i.e._ chronologists. The above Samian inscriptions expressly refer to historical works; and are we then to alter in Herodian p. 7. (where see the passages quoted), and in p. 39. ἐν Σαμίων ὄροις?

_ 569 Monumenta saxis sculpta et ære prisco_, Tacitus Annal. IV. 44.

570 I mention Eumelus in this place, as being a Lyric poet in the modern sense of the word, on account of his ᾆσμα προσόδιον for the Messenian Theoria to Delos, Pausan. IV. 4. 1.

571 Περὶ νομοθετῶν. He must however have either invented himself, or adopted the inventions of others, if he mentioned the _names_ of the twenty assistants and friends of Lycurgus, Plutarch. Lyc. 5.

572 Plutarch. Lyc. 31. and 11.

573 See book II. ch. 10. § 2.

574 He was anciently celebrated for his mildness. Plutarch in the Life of Lycurgus, and de Adul. 16. On the other hand, Heraclides Ponticus 2. καὶ τὸν Χάριλλον (ΧΑΡΙΛΑΟΝ) τυραννικῶς ἄρχοντα μετέστησε.

575 Plutarch. Lyc.

576 Book III. ch. 1. The names of _Eunomus_ as the father and of _Eucosmus_ as the son of Lycurgus (Pausan. III. 16. 5.) belong to the class pointed out above, p. 69. note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “capture of Ægialea,” starting “The name of Tisamenus.”]

577 Only Plutarch. Lycurg. 23. and Heraclid. Pont. 2. καὶ κοινὸν ἀγαθὸν τὰς ἐκεχείρας (the Pythian are probably meant) κατέστησε. The account of Hermippus is evidently, in part at least, invented.

578 This Cleosthenes is mentioned in Phlegon Trallianus ap. Meurs. Opera, vol. VII. p. 128. and Schol. Plat. Rep. V. p. 246, 7. Bekker.

579 Συνχώρημα Ἑλλήνων ἱερὰν καὶ ἀπόρθητον εἶναι Ἠλείαν, Polyb. IV. 73. who calls the peaceable existence of the Eleans in early times a ἱερὸς βίος; Strab. VIII. p. 357. Diod. Excerpt, p. 547. Wessel., where very absurd motives are attributed to the Lacedæmonians.

580 Isthm. II. 23. Boeckh Explic. p. 494. Schneider Lexicon in v. et ad Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.

581 The determination of this time was somewhat ambiguous. See Thuc. V. 49. ἐπαλλέλλειν is the proper word for the announcement.

582 Herod. VI. 19. see also V. 77.

583 Thucyd. V. 49. comp. Pausan. V. 6, 4. VI. 3, 3.

584 As in the well-known treaty between the Eleans and Heræans, αἰ δὲ μά συνέαν, τάλαντόν κ᾽ ἀργύρω ἀποτίνοιαν τῷ Δὶ Ολυμπίῳ.

585 Thuc. V. 31.

586 Thuc. III. 8, 14.

587 Pausan. IV. 4.

588 Book II. ch. 3, § 2.

589 Pausan. IV. 2. 1.

590 Plutarch Romul. 25. Sympos. Qu. IV. 1. 1. Sept. Sap. Conviv. 16. Polyæn. II. 31. 2. Plin. H. N. XI. 70.

591 See Fulgentius in Staveren Mythograph. Latin, p. 770. _Si quis enim centum hostes interfecisset, Marti de homine sacrificabat apud insulam Lemnum, quod sacrificatum est a duobus, Aristomene Gortynensi et Theoclo Eleo, sicut Sosicrates scribit._ Apollodorus ap. Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 55. p. 396. (comp. Meursius, Misc. Lac. II. 14.) says that the Lacedæmonians also had sacrificed a man to Mars.

592 Paus. IV. 15. 5.

593 Polyæn. II. 31. 3. Plin. XI. 70. Valer. Maxim. I. 8. ext., 15.

594 Stephanus Byz., who quotes Herodotus, Rhianus, and Plutarch. Herodotus, however, does not mention the subject. What Stephanus says is taken from Plutarch de Herodot. Maled. 2. p. 291. where however for φησὶν αὐτὸς should probably be written φασὶν αὐτόν.

595 Isocrates (Archidam. 11.) connects the Messenian war with the assassination of Cresphontes; and relates that the Spartans were much encouraged by the oracle: the narrative evidently had not at this time received the form in which it was afterwards represented. Yet he mentions the twenty years’ siege (on the authority of Tyrtæus), § 66.

596 See Antip. Sidon. VII. 161. Anthol. Palat.

597 Pausan. IV. 16. 4. VI. 32. 5. IX. 39. 5.

598 Lycurgus in Leocrat. 15. p. 155. comp. Isocrates Archidam. 10.

599 Pausan. IV. 27. 4.

600 Also Æschylus of Alexandria wrote Messeniaca, Athen. XIII. p. 599 E.

601 See Athen. XIV. p. 857 D. Diodorus probably follows him, since he represents Cleonnis in the first war and Aristomenes as fighting together, Fragm. N. p. 637, Wessel. In XV. 66. he means him among the ἔνιοι. Boivin and Wesseling endeavour in vain to reconcile the contradictions. The genuineness of the fragment of Diodorus is however doubtful.

602 IV. 15. 1.

603 Concerning Rhianus see Jacobs in the Index Auctorum to the Anthology.

604 See Strabo, VIII. p. 362.

_ 605 E.g._ it was a _Messenian_ account which Myron followed (Pausan. IV. 6. 2), that Aristomenes killed the king Theopompus (contrary to Tyrtæus, as may be seen from Plutarch Agid. 21.).

606 I will now point out some instances of modern fiction in the narrative of Pausanias. The account of Polychares and Euæphnus supposes a greater power in the Areopagus than it ever possessed; nor did the quarrel come at all within the province of the Argive Amphictyons. Besides Pausanias, see Diodorus Excerpt, p. 547, who generally follows the same authorities. The Cretan bowmen must have been introduced by Rhianus from his own country; it is certain that there were no mercenaries at so early a period. How could the Corinthians have gone to Laconia without passing through an enemy’s country, and who would have allowed them a free passage? The flight of the initiated to Eleusis is contrary to all probability; and this the more, as in the second war they were quiet spectators, Pausan. IV. 16. 1. Yet we are told the sacred torchbearers (δᾳδοῦχοι) fought at Athens in military array. The disposition of the light-armed troops in separate bodies (IV. 7. 2.) is contrary to the account of Tyrtæus and to ancient usage, compare IV. 8. 4. Οἱ Μεσσήνιοι δρόμῳ ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐχρῶντο (IV. 18. 1.) is contrary to Herodotus (VI. 112). Many events are attributed to very improbable causes, _e.g._ that they left the fortified cities (IV. 9. 1.) from want of money. There is absolutely no reason given for the subjection of Messenia. That the Argives came in a private capacity, and not at the command of the state, appears from Herodot. VI. 92. The oracle in IV. 9. 2. in iambic verses is of a late date, but nevertheless _more_ ancient than the corresponding one in hexameters preserved by Eusebius Præp. Ev. V. 27. p. 130. ed. Steph. The verse in Pausan. IV. 12. 1. ἀλλ᾽ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα λαὸς, refers to the fraud of Cresphontes at the original division. In the oracle in Pausan. IV. 12. 3. and Eusebius ubi sup. should be written, ἦ γὰρ Ἄρης κείνων εὐήρεα τείχη, Καὶ τειχέων στεφάνωμα πικροὺς οἰκήτορας ἕξει. Whence these oracles were derived does not appear: nor is it easy to decide concerning the date of such short pieces. (The above oracle is differently, and perhaps more correctly, emended by Lobeck ad Phrynich. Par. p. 621.)

607 See the Fragments as arranged by Frank, _Callinus_, p. 168.

608 Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 362.

609 By Pausauias and Diodorus de Virt. et Vit. p. 540.

610 Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

611 Justin. III. 5. says eighty years. Thirty-nine years are probably too short a period; for, as the Spartans did not marry before the age of thirty (book IV. ch. 4. § 3.), the difference between grandfathers and grandchildren must have been on an average sixty years. If the interval had been only thirty-nine years, most of those engaged in the second war would have been the _sons_ of the conquerors of Ithome.

612 The same date is in the Parian Marble, Ep. 34. But Pausanias IV. 15. 1. proves _only from Tyrtæus_ that Rhianus was incorrect in calling Leotychides a contemporary of the _second_ war; consequently the numbers cannot have much authority. Pausanias had however various means of judging: _e.g._ after the expulsion and subjugation of the inhabitants no Messenian occurred in the Ὀλυμπιονῖκαι, Pausan. VI. 2. 5. Different writers however vary remarkably. Dinarchus in Demosth. p. 99. 29. places the subjection of the Messenians 400 years before their restoration (370 B.C.); Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 155. 500; Isocrates Archidam. p. 121 B. only 300; but Bekker reads 400 from a manuscript, which agrees better with the early date of Isocrates for the subjection of the Messenians. Plutarch Reg. Apoph. p. 126. only 230 years before the liberation by Epaminondas.

613 It has been proved by the succession of the excerpts of Diodorus that he placed the second Messenian war at the same time as Eusebius: Krebs Lectiones Diodoreæ, Epimetrum. Now Eusebius places the beginning of the second war at Olymp. 35. 3. (638 B.C.), and Tyrtæus at Ol. 36. 3. (636).

614 Pausan. IV. 6. 2. (comp. Frank, _Callinus_, pp. 172, 196. who proposes Polydôrô without any reason); see Polyæn. I. 15.

615 See above, ch. 5. § 12, 13.

616 Strabo VIII. p. 360.

617 In the time of Augustus it was in Messenia. The name Nedon was only preserved in that of Ἀθηνᾶ Νεδουσία.

618 IV. 4. 2.

619 Strabo V. p. 257. has nearly the same account as that of the _Lacedæmonians_ in Pausanias; and so also Heraclides Ponticus, and Justin. III. 4.

_ 620 Annalium memoria vatumque carminibus_, Tacit. Annal. IV. 43.

621 Pausan. IV. 14. 2. See above, ch. 5. § 13.

622 Probably tradition had preserved some report of a sacrifice to Artemis Orthia (Iphigenia), concerning which see book II. ch. 9.

623 Plutarch also mentions the same expedition, de Superstit. 7. p. 71, Hutten.

624 Fragm. 25.

625 Pausan. IV. 4. Strabo VI. p. 257.

626 IV. 14. 2. 23. 3.

627 Hence Hercules Manticlus was worshipped at Messana, Pausan. IV. 23. 5. IV. 26. 3.

628 See particularly Thucyd. VI. 5.

629 Strabo ubi sup. The Rhegini considered the Messenians of Naupactus as kinsmen, Pausan. IV. 26. We may pass over the often corrected error of Pausanias concerning Anaxilas (last by Jacobs, Amalthea, I. p. 199. where Bentley is forgotten).

630 Yet it should be observed that Dionysius Perieg. 376. mentions Amyclæans as colonists in Tarentum, which is probably not a mere poetical embellishment.

631 Ἀνδανία.—ἐκ ταύτης Ἀριστομένης ἐγένετο, Steph. Byz. The words οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μεσσήνη Ἀνδανία ἐκαλεῖτο, ἥν οἰκίσαι φασί τινας τῶν μετὰ Κρεσφόντου καὶ οὕτω καλέσαι, &c. contain two errors; comp. Pausan. IV. 26. 5.

632 The whole of the following passage is evidently taken from Tyrtæus, VIII. p. 362. τὴν μὲν πρώτην κατακτ. φησὶ Τυρταῖος—γενέσθαι. τὴν δὲ δευτέραν, καθ᾽ ἥν ἑλόμενοι συμμάχους Ἠλείους καὶ Ἀργείους [καὶ Ἀρχάδας addendum] καὶ Πισάτας ἀπέστησαν, Ἀρκάδων μὲν Ἀριστοκράτην τὸν Ὀρχομενοῦ βασιλέα παρεχομένων στρατηγὸν, Πισατῶν δὲ Πανταλέοντα τὸν Ὀμφαλίωνος. It is stated by Strabo, p. 355 C. that at the ἐσχάτη κατάλυσις τῶν Μεσσηνίων the Eleans assisted the Spartans. They must therefore have espoused the cause of the latter out of hatred towards Pisa. With Strabo agrees the article of Phavorinus in v. Αὐγείας, p. 134. viz. that “the Lacedæmonians deprived the Pisatans of this privilege for siding with Messenia, and gave it to the Eleans, who took their part.” But if Elis was friendly and Pisa hostile to the Spartans, Pantaleon can hardly have obtained the agonothesia, when Sparta had overcome all her enemies, and had ended the war victoriously. Accordingly, the 34th Olympiad, which Pantaleon celebrated without the Eleans, probably fell in the period of the second war.

633 According to Pausanias also the _Sicyonians_.

634 Pausan. VI. 22. 2.

635 Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 2. p. 216. agrees with Pausanias, and states that the war lasted for more than twenty years.

636 Ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. The words of the inscription are as follows:—

πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὖρε δίκνην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι, εὖρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἐπίορκον. χαῖρε Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν.

637 See _Æginetica_, p. 65.

638 Which city was still governed by kings in the Peloponnesian war, Plutarch Parallel. 32. p. 430. In this strange composition, arbitrary fictions are curiously mixed with learned notices.

639 See the genealogy of the Orchomenian, Epidaurian, and Corinthian princes below, ch. 8. § 3. note.

640 The battle ἐπὶ τῇ Μεγάλῃ Τάφρῳ, περὶ Τάφρον (Polyb. IV. 33. Pausan. IV. 6. 1. 17. 2.), in which Aristocrates is supposed to have betrayed the Messenians, was also mentioned by Tyrtæus; but the account which he gave of it quite differs from that in Pausanias, viz. that the Spartans were intentionally posted in front of a trench, that they might not be able to run away. Eustratius ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. III. 8. 5. fol. 46. καὶ οἱ πρὸ τῶν τάφρων καὶ τῶν τοιούτων παρατάττοντες. τοῦτο περὶ Λακεδαιμονίων λέγοι ἄν; τοιαύτην γάρ τινα μάχην, ὄτε πρὸς Μεσηνίους ἐμαχέσαντο, ἐπολέμουν, ἧς καὶ Τυρταῖος μνημονεύει.

641 According to Pausanias.

642 Pausan. IV 15. 4. What he says in IV. 24. 1. does not, however, agree well with this.

643 Herod. III. 41. That the Lacedæmonians, at the beginning of the second war, dedicated a statue of Jupiter, twelve feet in height, at Olympia, with the inscription in Pausan. V. 24. 1. is merely a conjecture of the ἐξηγηταί.

644 The passage of Strabo VIII. p. 362. should be arranged thus: “Tyrtæus says that the second conquest of Messenia took place,” ἡνίκα φησὶν αὐτὸς στρατηγῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ γὰρ εἶναί φησιν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν τῇ ἐλεγείᾳ ἥν ἐπιγράφουσιν Εὐνομίαν; Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων—νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα. Ὤστε ἤ ταῦτα ἈΚΥΡΩΤΕΟΝ τὰ ἐλεγεῖα (for ἠκύρωται τὰ ἐλ. some MSS. have ΗΚΥΡΩΤΑΙΟΝΤΑ), ἢ Φιλοχόρῳ ἀπιστητέον καὶ Καλλισθένει καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν εἰποῦσιν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν καὶ Ἀφιδνῶν ἀφίκεσθαι. Comp. p. 52. n. d., and Porson’s Adversaria, p. 39. But there is nothing surprising in Tyrtæus, who lived among the Dorians, speaking of the whole nation in the first person plural, without mentioning his own different origin. In the same manner Tyrtæus says of the Spartan nation as of a whole, Μεσσήνην εἵλομεν εὐρύχορον, Pausan. IV. 6. 2. Compare the verses of Mimnermus in Strab. XIV. p. 634. The Laconian town of Aphidnæ, from which the Leucippidæ are supposed to have come, has probably arisen from some misunderstanding. (Steph. Byz. in v.) Archimbrotus also, the father of Tyrtæus (Suidas in v.), looks like an etymological invention; Ἀρχίμβροτος, “the ruler of men.”

645 Concerning a defeat of the Spartans by the Argives, see below, § 13.

646 Callisthenes ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. Aristomenes, according to Pausan. IV. 24. married his sister and daughters to persons at Phigalea, Lepreum, and Heræa. This is alluded to in a verse from the fifth book of Rhianus in Steph. Byz. in v. Φιγάλεια, τὴν μὲν ἀνήγετ᾽ ἄκοιτιν ἐπὶ κραναὴν Φιγάλειαν, viz. Tharyx.

647 This circumstance was narrated by Rhianus in the sixth (probably the last) book, in which Atabyrum, a town in Rhodes, was mentioned, Steph. Byz. in v. Ἀτάβυρον.

648 Aristotle Polit. II. 6. 8. speaks of wars with Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, before the time of Lycurgus; but probably he is incorrect. According to Polyæn. VIII. 34. the Tegeatans took king Theopompus prisoner (provided the _king_ is meant): and the same authority states II. 13. that Mantinea was taken by Eurypon.

649 Pausan. VIII. 39. 2.

650 Pausan. VIII. 48. 3. concerning Ἄρης γυναικοθοίας, compare III. 7. 3.

651 Herod. I. 67. Pausan. III. 3. 5. comp. Dio Chrys. Orat. XVII. p. 251. C. the speech of the Tegeatans in Herodotus IX. 26. Polyænus I. 11.

652 At this time probably the oracle was delivered, which held out such deceitful promises to the Spartans, Δώσω τοι Τεγέην ποσσίκροτον ὀρχήσασθαι, Καὶ καλὸν πέδιον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι, Herod. I. 66. The ambiguity lies in the word ὀρχήσασθαι, which may be derived from ὄρχος. Also διαμετρήσασθαι signifies the condition of a Helot, or a Clarotes, who receives a measured-out piece of land to cultivate.

653 See the stratagem of king Ἄλνης (Ἄλεος Casaubon) in Polyæn. I. 8.

654 See below, ch. 9. § 1.

655 Above, ch. 5. § 1, 4, 5.

656 Pausan. IV. 5. 1. The Amphictyons decided concerning Thyrea, Plutarch Parallel. Hist. Gr. et Rom. 3.

657 Herod. VI. 92. sqq.

658 Concerning these Amphictyons, see Ste Croix _Governemens fédératifs anciens_, p. 100. who, however, treats the subject with his usual carelessness. See Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1121. cf. n. 1124. Maffei in Muratori, 561.

659 I should not now venture to make such positive assertions as those made in my _Æginetica_, p. 54.

660 III. 2. 2. III. 7. 1.

661 Paus. III. 2. 2. III. 7.1.

662 III. 7. 3. and hence perhaps Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. p. 133. Steph.

663 II. 26. 5. III. 7. 5. IV. 8. 1. IV. 14. 2. IV. 43. 6.

664 Thus, according to Herodotus, Hermione and Asine ἡ πρὸς Καρδαμύλῇ τῇ Λακωνικῇ, which then probably was the nearest place of importance, belonged to the Dryopians; comp. Theopompus ap. Strab. p. 373.

665 See Boeckh. Inscript. n. 1193.

666 Æginetica, pp. 51-63.

667 With regard to the dominion of his brother in Macedonia, the relation of this narrative to that in Herodotus VIII. 137. appears to me to be as follows. Both describe the same event; but the latter is the rude native tradition of Macedon, formed among a people which had few historical memorials; the former is derived from an Argive tradition, and, though as well as the other not purely historical, is yet connected together in a more probable manner. Κάρανος is perhaps only another form of Κοίρανος; see Hesychius in Κόραννος. The account of Euripides, that Archelaus, the son of Temenus, took the city of Ægæ in Macedonia, whither he had come as a goatherd in great distress (Hyginus Fab. 219; Dio Chrysost. p. 70.), is the most unfounded. Whether Isocrates (ad Philipp. p. 88. D.) was acquainted with the tradition concerning Caranus, or followed the account of Herodotus, does not appear. There is also a discrepancy in the account of Constant. Porphyr. Them. I. p. 1453. See Appendix I. § 15.

668 Æginetica, p. 57. cf. Addenda, p. 199.

669 And _only_ silver (not τό τε ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυροῦν, as Strabo says), since copper was not coined till a much later period, and gold was first coined in Asia. In the Etymologicum Gudianum, p. 549. 58. it is stated inaccurately that Phido reduced the measures.

670 See book III. c. 10. § 12. The ancient Macedonian coins were struck according to the same standard.

671 Polyb. II. 37. 10.

672 See in general Julian. Epist. ad Arg. 35. p. 407.

673 According to Eusebius, p. 1297. ed. Pont. Pausanias places τὸν περὶ τῆς Θυρεάτιδος ἀγῶνα at the end of the reign of Theopompus, at the same date; Solinus, c. 13. in the seventeenth year of Romulus.

674 Otherwise Herodotus could not have said of the Cynurians, ἐκδεδωρίευνται ὑπό τε Ἀργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνον. Compare Æginetica, p. 47.

675 Pausan. II. 24. 8.

676 In addition to the passages in Æginetica ubi sup. see the Epigrams of Simonides VIII. 431. of Dioscorides VII. 430. Damagetus 432. Nicander 526. Chæremon 720. Gætulicus 244. in the Palatine Anthology. According to Isocrates Archid. p. 136. D. 300 Spartans destroyed all the Argives. It is a remarkable continuation of the legend, that Perilaus, the son of Alcenor, who went away too soon (Herod. I. 82.), a conqueror at the Nemean games, slew Othryadas, Pausan. II. 20. 6.—The offerings of the Argives for the battle of Thyrea, as well as those of the Tegeatans for a victory over Sparta, at Delphi (Pausan. X. 9. 3, 6.), cannot, from the dates of the artificers, have been made before the 100th Olympiad (380 B.C.).

677 Hence their institution (according to Eusebius, Olymp. 27. 3. 678 B.C.) is derived from that event. See Athen. XIV. p. 631. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 54. Hesychius in Θυρεατικοὶ στέφανοι. Apostolius VI. 56.—Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 211.

678 Lucian Icaromenipp. c. 18. calls Cynuria, taking indeed a bird’s-eye view, a χωρίον κατ᾽ οὐδὲν φακοῦ Αἰγυπτίου πλατύτερον, “not wider than a bean.”

679 Pausan. IV. 24. 1. IV. 35. 2.

680 According to Eusebius in Olymp. 51. 6. ed. Pontac. comp. Corsini Dissert. Agon. p. 51.

681 As Dissen has shown, ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 381.

682 From this I have explained Herod. VIII. 73. in my Æginetica, p. 47, where however the σύνοικοι after the Persian war are not different from the former Periœci.

683 I. 18. and compare I. 76. and I. 122. See also Herodotus V. 92. 1. ἄπειροι τυράννων καὶ φυλάσσοντες δεινότατα τοῦτο ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῇ μὴ γενέσθαι, Sosicles the Corinthian says to the Spartans, “Heaven and earth will be changed, before you abolish free governments (ἰσοκρατίαι) in order to introduce tyrannies.” See also Dionys. Halicarn. Lys. 30. p. 523. The Syracusans also overthrew many tyrants, before they had one of their own, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 18.

684 Tyrtæus Fragm. 3. v. 8. Gaisford.

685 Libanius in Sever, vol. III. p. 251. Reisk.

686 Polit. V. 9. 21.

687 The series is not, however, quite certain, as Herodotus VI. 126. only goes down as far as Andreas. Aristotle merely says, Ὀρθαγόρου παῖδες καὶ αὐτὸς Ὀρθαγόρας, and Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7 (see Wyttenbach. p. 44). Ὀρθαγόρας καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἱ περὶ Μύρωνα καὶ Κλεισθένην. From the new Excerpta of Diodorus, VII-X. 14. Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II. p. 11. Mai, it appears that Andreas and Orthagoras are probably the same person: for Andreas is stated also to have been a cook, by whom the dynasty was first raised.

688 Pausan. VI. 19. 2. II. 8. 1. where for Πύρρων write Μύρων.

689 Herod. I. 163. and others.

690 Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 3. For what Aristotle says, μεταβάλλει καὶ εἰς τυραννίδα τυραννὶς, ὥσπερ ἡ Σικυῶνος ἐκ τῆς Μύρωνος εἰς τὴν Κλεισθένους, implies that the tyranny did not pass quietly from Myron to Cleisthenes, but that the latter re-acquired it by force.

691 Book III. ch. 4. § 3.

692 Herod. V. 67. Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας.

693 See, besides Herodotus, Diodor. Exc. 2. p. 550. with Wesseling’s Notes.

694 Herodotus, followed by Dio Chrysost. III. p. 43 B. I would now in this passage of Herodotus (V. 67.) retain λευστῆρα, where Casaubon proposed ληιστῆρα; not, however, in a passive sense, but according to its grammatical form, for a stone-slinger, _i.e._ a γύμνης or ψιλοὸς, the great mass of light-armed soldiers being furnished with slings. Compare _e.g._ Thuc. I. 106. οἱ ψιλοὶ κατέλευσαν.—“Adrastus is king of the Argives, but thou art a common bond-slave,” says the oracle to Cleisthenes.

695 Pausan. II. 9. 6. X. 37. 4. Schol. Pindar. Nem. IX. 2. Polyæn. III. 5. It is remarkable that Sparta took no part in this war.

696 See Boeckh Explic. Pindar. Olymp. XII. p. 206.

697 Pausan. II. 9. 6.

698 Pausan. X. 7. 5.

699 For the tyranny lasted, according to Aristotle and Diodorus, p. 11. Mai, 100 years, _i.e._ from about the 26th to the 51st Olympiad, 676-576 B.C.

700 Herod. V. 68.

701 Herod. VI. 128.

702 Strab. p. 378. About 200 men according to Diodorus ap. Syncell. Cronograph. p. 178. Par.

703 Herod. V. 92. 2.

704 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 4. V. 9. 22.

705 Ælian. V. II. I. 19.

706 Concerning a stratagem of Cypselus on this occasion, see Polyænus V. 31. 1. That a Bacchiad, Demaratus, should have gone at this time to Italy, is very probable; but that the Tarquins were descended from him is a fiction. See Niebuhr’s History of Rome, vol. I. p. 215.

707 According to Eusebius, which agrees with the 447 years in Diodorus (Fragm. 6. p. 635. Wessel.), from the return of the Heraclidæ until Cypselus. It is not easy to see what were Strabo’s grounds for reckoning the dominion of the Bacchiadæ at 200 years, VIII. p. 378. According to Diodorus they were Prytanes for only 90 years.

708 Aristot. ubi sup.

709 Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 21. cf. Sympos. Qu. VIII. 4. 4. p. 361.

710 Herod. V. 92. 6. according to Schol. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 135 Ruhnk. he was πρῶτον δημοτικὸς, as should be read in Apostol. XX. 47.

711 Herod, ubi sup. Aristot. Pol. III. 8. 3. V. 8. 7. V. 9. 2.

712 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 2.

713 Nicolaus Damascenus.

714 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22. Heraclid. Pont. 5. Nicol. Damasc.

715 Βουλὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτων, Heraclides. Compare Aristot. Pol. V. 6. γίγνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσι τὰ ἴδια, ζῶντες ἀσελγῶς. καὶ γὰρ οἱ τοιοῦτοι καινοτομεῖν ζητοῦσι, καὶ ἢ τυραννίδι ἐπιτίθενται αὐτοὶ, ἢ κατασκευάζουσιν ἔτερον.

716 Ibid.

717 Book III. ch. 3. § 3.

718 Heraclides. Perhaps for προαγωγοὶ should be written προσαγωγοὶ (like the ποταγωγίδες of Sicily, book III. ch. 9. § 7. note).

719 See Book II. ch. 10. § 7.

720 Concerning the Colossi and offerings of the Cypselidæ, see Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. Theophrast. ap. Phot, in Κυψελιδῶν ἀνάθημα. Ephorus ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 96. Pausan. V. 2. 4. Plato Phædr. p. 236 et Schol. p. 313. ed. Bekker. Strabo VIII. p. 353. 378. Plutarch de Pyth. orac. 13. See book III. ch. 10. § 12.

721 Herodotus. Compare Antenor and Dionysius of Chalcedon, in Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. p. 302. and the elegant legend in Pliny H. N. IX. 41.

722 See above, ch. 6. § 8. Besides Gorgus, there was also at Ambracia a tyrant named Periander, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 9. Plutarch. Amator. 23. p. 60. perhaps the son of Gorgus.

723 Either to this person, or to Periander, or to Cypselus, the beautiful Rhadina of Samos was, according to Stesichorus (ap. Strab. VIII. p. 347.) sent as a bride, but she was killed out of jealousy. That it was the Ionic Samos is proved against Strabo by Pausan. VII. 5. 6.

724 There is some difficulty in the chronology of this family; the following is a genealogical table:—

[Transcriber’s Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table:

Aristocrates of Orchomenus: Father of Aristodemus and Eristhenea.

Eristhenea married Procles of Epidaurus, and bore Melissa.

Aëtion fathered Cypselus, who fathered Gorgus and Periander, who married Melissa.

Melissa and Periander parented Cypselus and Lycophron.]

There are also Gordias and Psammetichus, as to whom nothing is known. See Æginetica, p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled from Olymp. 38. 1. (Eusebius) to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 74.), 44 years according to Aristotle. This is not inconsistent with the fact mentioned by Herodotus V. 95 and Apollodorus (p. 411. Heyn. comp. Timæus ap. Strab. 13. p. 600. A. Aristot. Rhet. I. 15. 14.) that he decided between Athens and Mytilene concerning Sigeum, since Phrynon of Athens (victor in the 36th Olympiad, Afric.) had contended on this same point with Pittacus in Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius), before the time of Pisistratus. Compare Polyænus I. 25. Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 15. Diog. Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 401. The narrative of Herodotus is not arranged _entirely_ in a chronological order. Periander, however, was reigning, according to Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth year of the reign of Halyattes (Olymp. 41), and before his death sent him a present of Corcyræan boys, in the third generation (_i.e._ in the 16th Olympiad), before the siege of Samos by the Lacedæmonians (Olymp. 63.), as Panofka (_Res Samiorum_, p. 30.) has rightly corrected in Herod. III. 48. (γ᾽ γενεῇ πρότερον) from Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. Cypselus, according to Herodotus, reigned thirty years, and therefore ascended the throne in Olymp. 30. 3.; the Cypselidæ ruled altogether 76-1/2 years (according to my emendation of Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22); Procles reigned from about the 35th to the 49th Olympiad; Aristocrates goes as far back as the 25th Olympiad.

725 Æginetica, p. 64.

726 Who himself had aimed at the tyranny of Athens so early as the 42d Olympiad. Thucyd. I. 126. Heinrich, Epimenides, p. 83.

727 Aristot. Rhet. I. 2. 19. Polit. V. 4. 4.

728 Like the Enneacrunus of the Pisistratidæ. Pausan. I. 40. 1. I. 41. 2. Theognis v. 894. ὡς κυψελλίζον Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε γένος cannot well refer to a _factio Cypselidarum_, especially if it has any connexion with what precedes, concerning the Persian war; but κυψελλίζειν must mean “to be deaf,” “to have the ears closed,” from κυψέλη.

729 I will only mention the tyrants in Doric states.—Cleobulus at Lindos, who was similar to Periander, Plutarch, de EI 3. p. 118. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 523 B. (the Diagoridæ however still continued at Ialysus). Cadmus in the island of Cos, whose history must, from Herod. VI. 23. and VII. 164. be as follows. Scythes, the tyrant of Zancle, being driven out by the Samians (Olymp. 70. 4. 497 B.C.), fled to the king of Persia, and remained chiefly at his court. To Scythes’ son, Cadmus, the king of Persia probably gave the island of Cos. For though it might be objected that Cadmus could not have been the son of Scythes _of Zancle_, since the latter, according to Herodotus, died in Persia (ἐν Πέρσῃσι), whereas Cadmus inherited the tyranny from his father (παρὰ πατρός); it may be answered that Scythes, _notwithstanding_ that the king had given him the government of Cos, yet did not reside there, but at the Persian court, as we know to have been the case with Histiæus. Afterwards, however, before the 75th Olympiad (480 B.C.), having made a treaty with the Samians, he returned to his ancient country. He was followed by Epicharmus the comic poet, Suidas, in v. Ἐπίχαρμος. At his departure from Cos he gave the state its liberty, and instituted a senate (βουλή). He was a contemporary of Hippolochus the Asclepiad, and the ancestor by the mother’s side of Thessalus. See the 7th Epistle of Hippocrates. In Sicily, Oleander and the family of Hippocrates, Gelon and Hieron, at Gela and then at Syracuse; Phalaris, and afterwards Theron, and Thrasidæus at Agrigentum; Anaxilas at Rhegium and Zancle; Panætius (Olymp. 41. 3. 614 B.C.) at Leontini. See Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 1. V. 10. 4. Perhaps also Aristophilidas of Tarentum (Herod. III. 136.) was a tyrant. Tyrants also existed in Italy, in Croton, Sybaris, and Cyme.

730 Ap. Plutarch, de Herod. Malign. 21. p. 308. Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 308.

731 Although they were the guests of Sparta, τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα ἐποιοῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ανδρῶν, Herod. V. 63. 90. Thuc. VI. 53. Aristoph. Lysist. 1150, &c.

732 See Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 1. and his πολίτεια Ναξίων in Athenæus VIII. p. 348. According to Herod. I. 61. 64. Lygdamis was established in his government by Pisistratus, about the 60th Olympiad (540 B.C.). Comp. Heyne Nov. Comment. Gott. II. Class. Phil. p. 65.

733 See above, § 2. Sicyon gave ships to Cleomenes about the 65th Olympiad, or 520 B.C.

734 Before the time of Histiæus.

735 Lycurg. 30.

736 Herod. III. 54. Plutarch. de Herod. Malign. 21.

737 This follows from Plutarch ubi sup. and Cimon c. 16. Herod. VI. 12. Pausan. III. 7, 8.

738 Herod. VII. 159.

739 According to Pausan. III. 4. 1. Therefore _before_ Olymp. 65. 1. or 520 B.C. for Cleomenes was then king, as is evident from a comparison of Herod. VI. 108. with Thucyd. III. 68. He was in that year in the neighbourhood of Platæa. According to Plutarch. Lacon. Apophth. p. 212. Cleomenes was regent in the 63rd Olympiad (525 B. C), when the Samians came to Sparta: this however would give too great a length to his reign, (which Herodotus states to have been of _short_ duration,) viz., from about 525 to 491 B.C.

740 It appears that this wood was near Sepea in the territory of Tiryns. Apostolius IV. 27. states that the battle took place on the Ἄργους λόφος. The stratagem of Cleomenes is narrated after Herodotus by Polyænus I. 14.

741 The marvellous narrative of Herodotus VI. 77 sqq. is also unconnected, from there being no explanation of the two first verses of the oracle, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια, which however must have referred to some real event. Or does Herodotus refer θήλεια to Juno? Pausanias II. 20. doubts whether Herodotus understands it. But the story of Telesilla in Pausanias, Plutarch. de Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269. and Polyænus VIII. 33. is very fabulous. The festival Ὕβριστικὰ could not have had this historical origin, but must have belonged to the mystical rites of some elementary deities. The number of the Argives who were slain is stated by Plutarch and Polyænus to have been 7777; by others 6000 (also a tradition of a seven days’ armistice in Plut. Lac. Apoph. p. 211.). This is the battle ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἱσταμένου, but of _what_ month we are ignorant, Pol. V. 2. 8. Plut. Mul. Virt. ubi sup. Others placed it at the νουμηνία of the fourth month, anciently Hermæus, but only because the Ὕβριστικὰ were then celebrated. See Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 522. ed. Sylb. Suidas in v. Τελέσιλλα.

742 Concerning these slaves, see book III. ch. 3. § 2.

743 Polit. V. 2. 8. Plutarch confounds bond-slaves and Periœci.

744 See Schol. Ven. ad Il. B. 108. concerning the nine hamlets (islands) near Argos.

745 Pausan. VIII. 27. 1.

746 Strabo VIII. p. 376. distinguishes Orneæ κώμη τῆς Ἀργείας from the city near Sicyon, as also in the same place a κώμη named Asine, p. 373 B.

747 Diod. XI. 65.

748 Strabo p. 377. Yet Cleonæ soon occurs again as a friendly state.

749 Ch. 7. § 15. Cleonæ was at that time engaged in a war with Corinth, Plutarch. Cimon. 17.

750 Pausan. VII. 25. 3. Comp. Diodorus XI. 65. It is remarkable how rapidly Mycenæ fell into oblivion among the Athenians. Æschylus does not once mention it; succeeding poets frequently confound it with Argos. In the Electra of Sophocles there is throughout the play the most confused notion of the locality; compare Elmsley ad Eurip. Heraclid. 188. Concerning the destruction of Mycenæ, see Brunck Analect. tom. II. p. 105. n. 248.

751 Pausan. II. 25. 7. cf. II. 17. 5. VIII. 46. 2. Concerning the emigration, see Strabo VIII. p. 373 B. and Ephorus lib. VI. ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Ἁλιεῖς. ὅτι οὗτοι Τιρύνθιοί εἰσιν, &c. In Stephanus in v. Τίρυνς, as well as in Strabo ubi sup. the Hermioneans in Halieis are spoken of. There is much that is very singular in the oracle, ποῖ τὺ λαβὼν καὶ ποῖ τὺ καθίξω καὶ ποῖ τὺ οἴκησιν ἔχων ἀλιέα τε κεκλῆσθαι. See App. V. § 11.

752 Herod. VIII. 43. The Hermioneans however maintained their ancient connexions at a later period; see above, ch. 7. § 13.

753 Pausan. II. 34. 5. Strabo adds the destruction of Asine; but this took place at a much earlier period. The statement of Strabo (p. 373 D.) that the Mycenæans used Eiones as their ναύσταθμον, must, if it is correct, refer to some time before the 75th Olympiad, or 480 B.C.

754 Pausan. II. 25. 1.

755 Diod. XII. 75.

756 Herod. VII. 148.

757 Herod. I. 30. where the ἀστυγείτονες are the Megarians, not the Eleusinians.

758 Pausan. I. 40, 45. Strabo IX. p. 271. Herod. Vit. Homer. c. 28. Polyæn. Strateg. I. 20. 1, 2. Diogen. Laërt. I. 48. Quinctil. V. 11.

759 Plutarch. Comp. Solon, et Public. 4.

760 Pausan. I. 40. 4.

761 Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12. confirmed by Ælian. V. H. VII. 19. There was at Delphi a statue of Apollo armed with a lance, mentioned by Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. and Pausan. X. 15. 1. which was offered up by the Megarians after a victory over Athens, _i.e._ after that gained in Olymp. 83. 3. see book III. ch. 9, § 10.

762 Pausan. V. 23. 1. compare _Æginetica_, p. 126.

763 They occur in the following order; Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and Epidaurus, at a later period, after the destruction of Ægina.

764 Herod. VIII. 72.

765 Καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα καὶ—IX. 26. Thucyd. V. 67. Concerning the fidelity of Phlius towards Sparta, see Theodoret. Græc. Affin. IX. 16.

766 Thuc. II. 9.

767 Thuc. V. 29.

768 Herod. IX. 77.

769 Herod. VIII. 72.

770 Herod. VII. 202.

771 παραστάται, Diod. XV. 12. See also Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3.

772 Thuc. V. 29. 33.

773 Thuc. IV. 134. Concerning this internal war, see below, § 9.

774 Thuc. V. 29. See book III. ch. 4, § 7.

775 Ἡγεῖσθαι, ἡγεμονεύειν, Thuc. I. 71. The Corinthian orator says to the Spartans, τὴν Πελοπόννησον πειρᾶσθε μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐξηγεῖσθαι (_ad finem_) ἢ οἱ πατέρες ὑμῖν παρέδοσαν.

776 Thuc. II. 10. περιήγγελλον κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

777 Likewise ships, implements for sieges, &c. Thucyd. III. 16. VII. 18.

778 For expeditious without Peloponnesus τὰ δύο μέρη, _i.e._ two thirds of the whole, appear to have been the common proportion, Thuc. III. 15. Demosth. in Neær. p. 1379.

779 Ἀργυρίον ῥητόν. Thuc. II. 7.

780 Boeckh Inscript. No. 1511. It is probably of the time of Lysander.

781 Ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος, Plutarch. Cleomen. 27. (Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ παλαιὸς, _i.e._ the second, ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ πολέμου.) Compare Plutarch. Demosth. 17. Crassus 17. Reg. Apophth. p. 126. and Lacon. Apophth. p. 202. Hutten. In this passage the apophthegm is incorrectly attributed to Archidamus the Third, although the Peloponnesian war is mentioned in connexion with it.

782 Thuc. I. 141.

783 Thuc. V. 54. Cleomenes also, Herod. V. 14. conceals the real object; but the army is soon separated.

784 Thuc. ubi sup.

785 See book III. ch. 12. The army of the 10,000, although composed entirely of mercenaries, was in many respects like an allied army, and was under Spartan discipline.

786 Thucyd. II. 10.

787 I. 141.

788 Ibid.

789 Thucyd. I. 125. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσαντο. V. 30. κύριον εἶναι ὅτι ἂν τὸ πλῆθοσ τῶν ξυμμάχων ψηφίσηται ἢν μή τι θεῶν ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ. V. 17. the Megarians, Eleans, Corinthians, and Bœotians are outvoted. But, according to I. 40, 41, the vote of the Corinthians _alone_ prevented the Peloponnesians from succouring the Samians, _i.e._ they gave the preponderance to the party opposed to war.

790 Besides Herodotus V. 93. see Dio Chrys. Orat. XXXVII. p. 459. 15.

791 Thucyd. I. 67.

792 Thuc. ubi sup. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 11. 20.

793 Herod. IX. 9. where however he is distinguished from the ἄγγελοι. Compare Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 41. Polyæn. V. 30. 1. Plutarch Themistocl. 6.

794 See the treaty in Thucyd. V. 77, 79.

795 Thucyd. I. 28. cf. V. 79.

796 V. 31.

797 V. 7, 9. καττὰ πάτρια δίκας διδόναι τὰς ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας. The expression καττὰ πάτρια does not at all refer to ancient treaties of the Dorians. The πατρῷοι σπονδαὶ in Pausan. III. 5. 8. probably refer to the tradition mentioned above, ch. 5. § 16.

798 Thucyd. ubi sup. τοῖς δὲ ἔταις καττὰ πάτρια δικάζεσθαι.

799 Herod. VI. 84.

800 VI. 108. ἐδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτούς.

801 V. 70.

802 V. 49. 70.

803 According to Justin XIX. 1. the Sicilian states also applied to Leonidas for assistance against Carthage. How general the respect for Sparta was at that time in Greece, is shown by several passages in Pindar, which are not otherwise intelligible, _e.g._ Pyth. V. 73.

804 See Appendix IV.

805 Pers. 819.

806 Thuc. II. 71. III. 58. 68.

807 Herod. IX. 106.—These σπονδαὶ are also probably the ζυνθῆκαι, according to which the Athenians wished δίκας δοῦναι at the beginning of the war, Thuc. I. 144, 145.

808 Thuc. I. 95.

809 Diod. XI. 50.

810 Thuc. VI. 82. αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρότερον ὄντων ἡγεμονες καταστάντες.

811 Of this Eichstädt has treated in his Notes to the translation of Mitford’s History of Greece; also Mosche in a Dissertation _De eo quod in Cornelii Vitis faciendum restat_. Francof. 1802; and lastly, Dahlmann in his _Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Geschichte_, vol. I. p. 1-148. with great clearness and accuracy.

812 Herod. VI. 42. See my Review of a work of Kortüm’s, _Göttingische Anzeigen_, 1822. p. 117.

813 Thuc. VIII. 5. cf. 46. ὅσοι ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, an official expression of frequent occurrence.

814 Plutarch. Themist. 29. Thucyd. I. 138. Diod. XI. 57. His sons also appear to have possessed them, according to Pausan. I. 26. 4.

815 Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 6. To this family Procles also belongs, who married the daughter of Aristotle (when the latter was at Atarneus), and had by her two sons, Procles and Demaratus, Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem. p. 51 B. ed. Col.

816 Xenoph. ubi sup.

817 Thucyd. V. 1.

818 Herod. IX. 35. Pausan. III. 11. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 A. Hence also Leotychides in 469 B.C. went to _Tegea_ in exile, Herod. VI. 72. Herodotus IX. 37. also mentions a dissension between Tegea and Sparta before the Persian war.

819 Fragm. 21. Gaisford.

820 At that time also Tegea assisted Argos against Mycenæ; above, ch. 8. § 7.

821 Polyænus I. 41. 5. confounds Archidamus III. and II. Plato Leg. III. p. 692. has not an accurate idea of the time of this war, of which Diodorus XI. 64, has given altogether an incorrect and inconsistent representation.

822 Plin. H. N. II. 79, 81. Cicero de Divin. I. 50.

823 The ἄγος Ταινάριον. See Thucyd. I. 128. Ælian. V. H. VI. 7. Suidas in Ταινάριον κακόν. Apostolius XVIII. 92. Prov. Vat. IV. 12. Plutarch. Prov. Al. 54. Pausan. IV. 24. 2. who mentions Lacedæmonians instead of Helots.

824 Thucyd. I. 101. ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.

825 Herod. IX. 64.

826 If in Herod. IX. 35. the alteration πρὸς Ἰθώμῃ may be ventured. The expression of Pausanias III. 11. πρὸς τοὺς ἐξ Ἰσθμοῦ Ἰθώμην ἀποστήσαντας is compounded of the passage of Herodotus, which he reads as we now have it, and Thucyd. I. 101. οἱ Εἵλωτες—ἐς Ἰθώμην απεστησαν.

827 Thucyd. II. 27. IV. 56.

828 Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 3.

829 Thucyd. III. 54.

830 Aristoph. Lysistr. 1138. The 4000 hoplitæ, here mentioned by Aristophanes, were about the third part of the disposable forces of Athens (Thuc. II. 13); and since the Platæans likewise sent τὸ τρίτον μέρος of their numbers to the assistance of the Spartans (ib. III. 54. ἰδιᾳ as opposed to the rest of Bœotia), this was probably a contingent fixed for such cases. Platæa, it should be observed, had been on friendly terms with Sparta after the time of Pausanias, and been connected with that state by προξενίαι, to which the son of the Platæan general Arimnestus owed his name of Lacon, Thuc. III. 52, where we should read Ἀριμνήστου, or _vice versâ_ in Plutarch Aristid. 11. and 19. Ἀείμνηστος should be read for Ἀρίμνηστος.

831 Thucyd. Compare Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 377. They must also at that time have been angry with the Athenians on account of Thasos.

832 These συνθῆκαι may, I believe, be safely referred to this time; from which Aristotle, quoted in Plutarch, Qu. Rom. 52. p. 343. and Qu. Gr. 5. p. 380. cites the passages in the text on account of the expression χρηστὸν ποιεῖν, for “to kill.” Compare Hesychius: χρηστοὶ οἱ καταδεδικασμένοι. That the Arcadians in a certain manner carried on war for the Helots is also implied in Zenobius Prov. I. 59.

833 Thucyd. III. 112. IV. 3. cf. VII. 57. οἱ Μεσσήνιοι νῦν καλούμενοι.

834 Thucyd. I. 102. The σπονδαὶ Παυσανίου still, however, remained in force (the συνθῆκαι in cap. 144).

835 Æginetica, p. 179. and see Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. VIII. Dissen ad Nem. VIII. 15.

836 See the excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Pind. Isthm. VI. p. 532.

837 On the oligarchical troubles in Olymp. 80. 4. (457 B.C.) and the probable share of Cimon in them, see the accurate discussion in Meier’s Historia Juris Attici de Bonis damnatis, p. 4. n. 11.

838 Thuc. I. 118. τὸ δέ τι καὶ πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι.

839 See Boeckh’s Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 396, note.

840 Thucyd. I. 115. Νίσαιαν καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν; for in this order the words should be read. Achaia therefore is the district on the north of Peloponnesus, which indeed did not _belong_ to Athens, but was enumerated in the lists of the contending parties as belonging to the Athenian side (concerning these lists see Thucyd. I. 31, 40.), and at this time passed over to that of the Lacedæmonians. See Thucyd. IV. 21. Compare the very confused account in Andocides Περὶ εἰρένης, and that of Æschines borrowed from it.

841 Thucyd. I. 40. See above, p. 200. note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “strong opposition,” starting “Thucyd. I. 125.”]

842 The meaning of the article in the thirty years’ truce, Thucyd. I. 35. can only be, States not included in the alliance may join whichever side they please, by which means they come within the treaty, and the alliance guarantees their safety. But if a state already at war with another state party to the treaty (ἔνσπονδος) is assisted, a war of this description is like one undertaken by the confederacy of the assisting state.

843 Thucyd. II. 54.

844 The Asiatic cities are not exceptions; in Rhodes also the Doric spirit rose against Athens in the person of the noble Dorieus.

845 Thucyd. III. 86. with the exception of Camarina.

846 Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11.

847 Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276.

848 The Spartans were at first quite contemptible by sea; Alcidas in particular was destitute of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, 31. sq.

849 Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82.

850 I. 121. cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 174, E. οἰ συνάγοντες ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος τοὺς ἀργοτάτους—πληροῦντες τούτων τὰς τριήρεις.

851 See particularly Thucyd. II. 11. V. 6.

852 Thucydides has with great ingenuity, but with the most bitter coldness, laid down the principles of the Athenian policy in the Melian conference.

853 According to Thucyd. III. 82. πλήθους ἰσονομια πολιτικὴ and ἀριστοκρατία are ὀνόματα εὐπρεπῆ as at that time they truly were; but not τὸ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύεσθαι.

854 Ubi sup.

855 Τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον μετέχει, is the beautiful expression of Thucydides, ib. 83.

856 Plutarch, Reg. Apophth. p. 127.

857 In conclusion, I remark, that the possessions of the Peloponnesian states in this war, as they had agreed with one another at the commencement of it, and as Sparta maintained them (Thucyd. V. 31. cf. V. 29.), are represented in the accompanying map of Peloponnesus.

858 Against Myrtilus in Dionysius Halic. I. 23. who however was probably deceived by confounding a Cabirus with Apollo (see _Orchomenos_, p. 455).

859 The temples are, first, that of Apollo Oncæus at Thelpusa, in connexion with Hercules, Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. p. 65. ed. Schellenberg. The native gods are in this case Demeter, Erinys, and Poseidon. Secondly, to the north of Pheneus the temples of Apollo Pythius and Artemis; they were said to have been built by Hercules after the conquest of Elis, Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 59. and below, ch. 12. § 3. Thirdly, in Tegea the temple of Apollo Agyieus, in connexion with Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53. 1. Fourthly, the temple of Apollo Epicurius at Phigalea, built at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5. Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrhasian Apollo, near mount Lycæum, Paus. VIII. 38. 6. (the temple Πύθιον in Paus. ibid. Πύτιον in an Arcadian inscription, Boeckh, No. 1534.) would doubtless more properly be called Aristæus. Sixthly, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, near Carnium, probably came from Messenia, Paus. VIII. 34. 3.

860 Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga cand. vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. Orelli. The _sacra_ of the Falisci on mount Soracte were, as well as others of that city, half Grecian, Virg. Æn. XI. 785. Plin. H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangenberg de Rel. Latin. p. 38. The Salian priests did not mention the name of Apollo, Arnobius adv. Gent. II. 13. _Aplu_ upon Etruscan Pateras (Demster Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. p. 93.) is the Thessalian name.

861 Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

862 Book I. ch. 1.

863 The valley of Tempe was a favourite place of Apollo; see Callimachus Hymn. in Del. 152. Horat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melisseus also, in his historical work on Delphi, appears to have derived the worship of Apollo from the borders of Macedonia, as may be conjectured from the fragment cited by Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gaisford. On account of the vicinity of this great temple, the worship of Apollo was very prevalent in Macedonia, on the coins of which country his symbols frequently occur.

864 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1767. The other inscription, found near the ancient Atrax (_Turnovo_) may be thus written in the common dialect: Ἀπόλλωνι Κερδ.... Σωσίπατρος Πολεμαρχιδαῖος ὁ θύτης ἀνέθηκε ἱερομνημονήσας καὶ ἀρχιδαφνηφορήσας. See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1766. and Expl. Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, vol. XXVI. p. 393.

865 Δυαρεία ἡ ἐν τοῖς Τέμπεσι δάφνη. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Δηλία, Hesychius p. 1040. ed. Alberti. _Laurus Penei filius_, Fulgent. 13.

866 Κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν καλοῦμεν, Plut. Quæst. Græc. 12.

867 Ælian V. H. III. 1. mistakes the succession of the districts.

868 A temple of Apollo and Diana at Libæa, Pausan. X. 33. 2.

869 Steph. Byz. in Δειπνιὰς, with a fragment of Callimachus. The connexion of Larissa and Delphi is proved by the ancient offering mentioned by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not known whether Phyllus, with its temple of Apollo Phyllæus, and Ichne, with a temple of Themis, both towns in Thessaliotis, were situated on this road, Strabo IX. p. 435.

870 Iliad. II. 766. cf. XXIII. 383 sqq. Πηρείη is mentioned as a place of pasturage; and is cited by the Scholia to this passage, Stephanus Byz. and Hesychius, as a place in Thessaly, but probably only from this passage. In the Orphic Argonautics the pastures are placed on the banks of the Amphryssus, which is near Pheræ.

871 Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. Παγασίτης Ἀπόλλων παρὰ Ἀχαιοῖς ἐν Παγασαῖς καὶ παρὰ θεσσαλοῖς, Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. I. 404, 411. the Argonauts are represented as building a temple of Apollo Actius and Embasius at Pagasæ.

872 Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. where for ἡλίου write Ἀπόλλωνος, a common corruption, as both words were denoted by the same abbreviation. See Gaisford ad Hesiod. Theog. 709.

873 Scut. 477. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 389. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 251. Cycnus dwelt ἐν παρόδῳ τῆς θαλασσίας, according to Stesichorus ap. Schol. Pind. Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 266.) Schol. Il. Ψ. 346. from the Cyclic poets, ἐν τῷ τοῦ Παγασαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, ὅ ἐστι πρὸς Τροιζῆνι, (read with Heinrich Τραχῖνι, see Scut. 469). Pausanias places the battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. See also Schellenberg’s Antimachus, p. 67.

874 Scut. Herc. ad fin.

875 It is fair to suppose that Stesichorus so far altered the fable as to make Cycnus build _Apollo_ a temple of sculls; and it is not necessary with Heyne ubi sup. to substitute Mars for Apollo. See also Sturz ad Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137.

876 Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut. p. 194. ed. Heins.

877 Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. 134. Æginetica, p. 154. The coins of Cnosus have the head of Apollo. The Omphalian plain near Cnosus (Callim. Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected with the stone of the Omphalos at Delphi, but _both_ belong to the worship of Zeus.

878 Odyss. XIX. 188. Pausan. I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. See Boettiger’s Ilithyia, p. 18. Einatus, whence Ilithyia Einatinè, was probably in the neighbourhood.

879 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. The geographical position of the places is partly founded on the investigation in Hoeck’s Kreta, vol. I. ch. 1.

880 Steph. Byz. in Πύθιον. Its coins have on them the head of Apollo.

881 See book I. ch. 5. § 2.

882 The latter under the title of φυτία, with a festival named Ἐκδύσια, Antonin. Liberal. 17. The wolf on its coins also refers to Apollo.

883 Steph. Byz. in Τάρρα. Compare Theophrast. Hist. Plant. II. 2. An oracle (preserved by Œnomaus, Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133 ed. Steph.) calls upon the inhabitants of Phæstus, Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, to make expiations (καθαρμοὶ) to the Pythian Apollo.

884 Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. comp. Tibullus IV. 1, 8.

885 Alexander’s Κρητικὰ, lib. I. ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 1492. comp. Pausan. VIII. 53. 2.

886 Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. Verheyk.

887 Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence the goat upon the coins of Elyrus. Also a she-wolf upon the coins of Cydonia, suckling the little Cydon.

888 Tarrha is the parent state of _Zappa_, the coins of which city have therefore Apollo or a lyre. Perhaps this place derived from this worship the right of asylum: see Spanheim de Præst. Num. p. 342. There are also other traces of the worship of Apollo in Crete, _e.g._ the temple of Allaria. Chishull. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. Oaxus was called the son of Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. 66. Upon the ancient coins of Eleutherna Apollo is holding in his right hand a ball (viz. an apple, μῆλα ἱερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Luc. Anach. 9), and in the left a bow. Also the coins of Rhitymna. On those of Tylissus is a youth with a goat’s head in the right, and a bow in the left hand; which is certainly an Apollo. The same god is also on the coins of Præsus, Aptera, Chersonesus, and Rhaucus.

889 According to Apollodorus I. 3. 4, by Thalia; according to Strabo X. p. 473. by Rhytia (which refers to the city of Rhytium under mount Ida).

890 The statement of the _Theologi_ in Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 23. p. 616. ed. Creuzer.

891 Æn. IV. 146. compare Heyne, vol. II. p. 736.

892 Ch. 2. § 14.

893 Anius, the son and priest of Apollo, is called the viceroy of Rhadamanthus at Delos. Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Pherecydes Fragm. 74. ed Sturz.

894 ὀργίονας, οἳ θεραπεύσονται Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ, Ἱερά τε ῥέξουσι καὶ ἀγγελέουσι θέμιστας.

895 See _Orchomenos_, p. 493.

896 This etymology was known to ancient mythologers, Cornuficius Longus ap. Serv. ad Æn. III. 332. _In memoriam gentis ex qua profectus erat_ (Cretæ,) _subjacentes campos Crisæos vel Cretæos appellasse_.

897 In the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, in vv. 90. 103. and other passages, Pytho is stated to be ἐν Κρίσσῃ, that is, “in the territory of Crissa, within the Crissæan boundaries.”

898 It is to this that verse 265 of the hymn probably refers. Concerning the tripod in the adytum at Crissa, see Epist. Hippocrat. VIII. There were statues of Latona, Artemis, and Apollo remaining in the time of Pausanias, X. 37. 6.

899 Hymn. XXVII. 14. Heraclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth. Orac. p. 404.

900 Below, ch. 3. § 3.

901 Ion v. 418. (Matthiæ). οἱ πλησίον θάσσουσι τρίποδος ... Δελφῶν ἀριστεῖς οὓς ἐκλήρωσεν πάλος.

902 Κοίρανοι Πυθίκοι, v. 1219. Δελφῶν ἄνακτες, v. 1222. Πυθία ψῆφος, v. 1250. cf. v. 1111. ἀρχαὶ αἱπιχώριοι χθονός.

903 Herod. V. 72. Compare VI. 66. Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον. Δυναστεύειν is also used by Herodotus of the Attic Eupatridæ (VI. 35.); compare VII. 141.

904 Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. p. 380.

905 Pausan. X. 6. 2.

906 Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare Callimachus ap. Steph. Byz.

907 Dodwell’s Travels, vol. I. p. 189.

908 Lycorea appears to have taken its name from the worship of Apollo Lyceius, or Lycoreus; see Callimach. Hymn. Apoll. 19. Λυκωρέος ἔντεα Φοίβου, frequently in the Anthology, Suidas, &c.

909 See Appendix V. ad fin.

910 Concerning this connexion see Zoëga, Bassirilievi, tom. I. on tav. 81. Æginetica, p. 154. Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. p. 164. The name of Coretas also, the supposed discoverer of the oracle (κώρης for κούρης _Dorice_) is Cretan, Plutarch, de Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It appears that the names Κόρης (otherwise Κώρης, Κούρης,) Κορησσὸς in Ceos, with a temple of Apollo Smintheius, Κορησία λίμνη, in Crete (Steph. Byz.), Κορησσὸς, a sacred hill near Ephesus, Κρῆσος, an Ephesian hero (Paus. VII. 2. 4.), and the name of Crete itself, are all etymologically connected.

911 Pausan. X. 7. 2.

912 ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴ, Plutarch, Thes. 16.

913 Orac. ap. Pausan. X. 6. 6.

914 According to the Cyclic poets, see _Orchomenos_, pp. 188. sqq.

915 Cited by Pausan. X. 31. 2.

916 Κρητίδαι: μάντεισ ἀπὸ Κρήτης, Photius.

917 As Raoul-Rochette supposes, although his work contains very valuable materials for this inquiry, Histoire de l’Etabl. des col. Grecques, tom. II. p. 137-173.

918 On the connexion of Crete and Asia, see Heyne, Excurs. ad Æn. III. 102.

919 I. 173. cf. VII. 92. According to Herodotus, Europa also came to Lycia (IV. 45.), _i.e._ the tradition.

920 Herod. I. 173. Comp. Boeckh ad Platon. Min. p. 55. Heraclid. Pont. 15.

921 See Steph. Byz. in v. cf. Herod. I. 176.

922 Augustinus de Civ. Dei XVIII. 12.

923 Appian, Bell. Civ. IV. 78.

924 II. XVI. 666.

925 Transplanted to Cilicia, Zosimus I. 57. Diodorus ap. Phot. Biblioth. cod. 244. p. 377. ed. Bekker.

926 On the former see Strabo XIV. p. 666. cf. p. 651., on the latter Diod. V. 56.

927 Menecrates in Lyciacis ap. Antonin. Liber, c. 35.

928 Σύεσσα καλύβη τις ἐν Λυκίᾳ ἀπὸ Συέσσης γραός τινος ὑποδεξάμενης τὴν Λητώ. Steph. Byz.

929 Both the derivations of the name _Patara_, the one from a son of Apollo (Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Cf. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 129. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 920.), and the other from πατάρα, κιστὶς, refer to the worship of Apollo.

930 Callim. Hymn. Del. 1. and Spanheim’s note. Herodotus says indefinitely, ἐπεὰν γένηται, I. 182. Cf. Serv. ad Æn. IV. 143.

931 Alexander ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Eustath. ubi sup. On the temple, see the inscriptions in Walpole’s Travels, p. 541. and Beaufort’s Caramania.

932 Pausan. VII. 21.3.

933 Herod. I. 78. Apostolius XVIII. 25. from Dionysius ἐν κτίσεσιν, Herodian. ap. Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 860.

934 The coins of Patara, Phaselis, Xanthus, Cydna, Cragus, Apollonia, Corydalla, Limyra, and Olympus, have a head of Apollo, the tripod, lyre, the deer, and similar symbols. Cf. Steph. Byz, Δάφνη ὲν Λυκίᾳ. Apollo Ἐρεθύμιος among the Lycians, Hesych. in v. Perhaps this is a corruption of Ἐρυθίβιος, as Apollo was called in Rhodes, Strabo XIII. p. 613. See below, ch. 5. § 4.

935 See Strabo XIV. p. 683. from Hedylus, or some other poet. On the sacred deer of Apollo at Curium, see Ælian. Nat. Anim. XI. 7.

936 Strabo XIII. p. 611. Scylax, p. 26. Compare the obscure gloss of Hesychius in Πυθίων ἀνακτόρων.

937 On this temple, see Heyne ad Il. A. 39. According to Strabo XIII. p. 604. there were Sminthea near Hamaxitus in Æolis, near Parium, at Lindus in Rhodes, and elsewhere. A certain Philodemus, or Philomnestus, wrote a treatise on the Σμινθεῖα in Rhodes, Athen. III. p. 74 F. 445 A.

938 The inhabitants of Tenea, a village near Corinth, were said to have been transplanted by Agamemnon from Tenedos. That they really worshipped Apollo _in the same manner_ as the Tenedians, is testified by Aristotle ap. Strab. p. 380. Paus. II. 5. 3. And the worship of Apollo was carried by means of Archias from Tenea to Syracuse, Strabo, ibid. See book I. ch. 6. § 7.

939 A. 37-39.

940 Strabo XIII. p. 591. Hesych. in Θύμβρα. Schol. Il. X. 430. Servius ad Æn. III. 85. compare Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. III. to pl. 25. Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 609. The fable of Pan, the son of Thymbris, and teacher of Apollo in divination (Apollodor. I. 4. 1.), has also reference to this story.

941 Il. V. 446. VII. 83.

942 Il. II. 827. IV. 119. V. 105. with the Schol. Min.

943 Hesychius in Λυκαῖον. There are likewise many other signs of the worship of Apollo on this coast, Strabo XIII. p. 618; in Priapus, Schol. Lycophr. 29; Apollo Πασπάριος in Parium and Pergamum (Hesych. in v.); on the coins of Gargara, Germe, Lampsacus, Atarneus, Neandria, Abydos, and New Troy.

944 The Æolians built a temple to the _Cillæan_ Apollo at Colonæ, Strabo XIII. p. 613. from Daes of Colonæ.

945 Strabo XIII. p 604. τοῖς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης ἀφιγμένοις Τεύκροις, οὓς πρῶτος παρέδωκε Καλλῖνος, &c. It does not appear that this can, with Frank, Callinus, p. 31, he understood only of a mention of the _name_ of the Teucrians.

946 The latter fact is supported by the ancient name of Cephalion, an inhabitant of the Teucrian city of Gergis (ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρίσβη. Eustath. ad Il. p. 894.): but his Τρωικὰ was the forgery of an Alexandrine writer named Hegesianax (Athen. IX. p. 393 B). Lycophron, v. 1302. calls Teucer, Scamander, and Arisbe, Cretans.

947 In the fragments of Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales.

948 Iliad. VII. 452. XXI. 442. which passages do not agree. Hesiod in Her. Geneal. ap. Schol. Lycophr. 393. Hellanicus ap. Schol. Il. XX. 145. Coluthus v. 309.

949 Inscription in Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 104.

950 Æneid. II. 318. 430.

951 Iliad. XV. 522.

952 Achilles was slain by Apollo, according to Homer; Aretinus and Æschylus in the ψυχοστασία (Heyne ad Il. XXII. 359. Tychsen ad Quint. Smyrn. Comment. p. 61); Neoptolemus was killed at Pytho. For the same reason Achilles slays Tennes, the son of Apollo (Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 232.), in whose temple it was forbidden to pronounce the name of the Phthian hero (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 28. p. 933).

953 Iliad. V. 446.

954 Herod. V. 122. VII. 43. It was situated in the territory of Lampsacus (Strabo XIII. p. 589.), in mount Ida (Athen. VI. p. 256 C.), opposite Dardanus (Herod.); the village of Mermessus, 240 stadia from Alexandria Troas (Pausan. X. 12. 2), was a κώμη Γεργιθία, Suidas in v. Also in Schol. Plat. Phædr. p. 61. Ruhnken. p. 315. Bekker. write, ἐν κώμη Μερμήσσῳ—περὶ τινα πολίχνην Γέργιθα or Γέργιθον for Μαρμυσσῷ and Γεργετίωνα.

955 Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 10.

956 Iliad. XX. 307. Compare the remarks of A. W. Schlegel on this point in his celebrated Review of Niebuhr’s Roman History.

957 Steph. Byz. in Γέργις, from Phlegon.

958 This may be collected from the confused account of Clearchus of Soli ἐν Γεργιθίῳ, in Athen. VI. p. 256. cf. XII. p. 524 A. Strab. XIII. p. 589 D.

959 Plin. H. N. XXXIV. 8.

960 Heyne Exc. ad Æn. VI. 3. The rock was called Ζωστηρία κλιτὺς (Lycoph. 1278), as the Attic promontory with the temple of Apollo.

961 See the _tabula Iliaca_, ΜΙΣΗΝΟΣ.

962 Od. IX. 197.

963 Diod. V. 79. compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 160.

964 Pindar, in Pæan. ap. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 445.

965 Ephorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 634 D.

966 Callimachus apud Clem. Alex. Strom. V. p. 570. Strab. IX. p. 421. Conon Narr. c 33, 44. Stat. Theb. VIII. 198. Gesner Comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. IV. p. 121. Ionian Antiquities, vol. II. new ed.

967 Quintilian. Inst. Orat. XI. 3. p. 305. Bipont. _Est interim et longus et plenus et clarus salis spiritus, non tamen firmæ intentionis, idemque tremulus. Id_ βράνχον _Græci vocant_. This is exactly the voice of enthusiastic priests and prophets.

968 There was likewise a family of diviners named Εὐαγγελίδαι, Conon Narr. c. 44.

969 Strabo IV. p. 139 B. Æginetica, p. 151.

970 Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 8.

971 On this see D’Orville ad Chariton. p. 349. and Quintus Smyrnæus I. 283.

972 Herod. II. 159.

973 Pythius and Comæus. Athen. IV. p. 149 E. Ammian. Marcellin XXIII. 6.

974 Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 966. Hence the offerings of the Cyzicenians in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67. In the character of Ἐκβάσιος, Apollo has on coins his foot resting on a _fish_.

975 A coin of Parium, in the cabinet of M. Allier de Hauteroche, shows the statue of Apollo on the seashore, with the circumscription, ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ ΑΚΤΑΙΟΥ ΠΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ, agreeing with Strabo XIII. p. 588.

976 Strabo VII. p. 319 B. Apollo Ἠῷος on the island of Thynias (Apollonia, Daphnusa). Apoll. Rhod. II. 686. Schol. ad 1. Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 12. is probably Milesian: also Apollo Φιλήσιος at Trapezus on the Euxine sea, Arrian. Peripl. p. 2.

977 Collected in Raoul-Rochette’s Antiquités Grecques du Bosphore Cimmérien, pl. 5, 7, 8.

978 The Cyclic Thebaid in Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 308. Apollod. III. 7. 4. Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. IX. 33. 1.

979 He was called both Ῥάκιος and Λάκιος, because in the Cretan dialect ῥάκος and λάκος were exchangeable forms, Schneider ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 11. p. 83. Compare book I. ch. 6. § 5.

980 Proclus Chrestomath.

981 Strabo XIV. p. 675. Conon Narr. 6. Tacit. Ann. II. 54. On the temple see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 128. ed. Peerlkamp.

982 Diod. XV. 18. Strabo ubi sup.

983 Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Γρῦνοι. Strabo XIII. p. 622. Hermeias of Methymna wrote a treatise on the Grynean Apollo, Athen. IV. p. 149. E. Hence the temple of Apollo, the sibyl, and the Apollo δαφνηφόρος, on the coins of Myrina, which city also sent χρυσᾶ θέρη to Delphi, Plutarch. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273.

984 Malus the son of Manto, Hellanicus ἐν Λεσβικοῖς apud Steph. Byz. in Μαλλόεις. Thucyd. III. 3. Likewise in Lesbos, Apollo Ναπαῖος (Hellanicus ap. Steph. Byz. in Νάπη. cf. Strab. IX. p. 429. Suid. in Ναπαῖος. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. coins of Nape with the image of Apollo in Mionnet’s work), Λεπετύμνιος, Antigon. Caryst. 17. and Ἐρέσιος, Hesych. in v. In Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144. for ΓΟΝΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος write ΤΟΥ ΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος.

985 Strabo XIV. p. 675 C. Arrian. II. 5. Hence perhaps the worship of Apollo came to Tarsus, Osann. Syllog. Inscr. p. 141.

986 Book I. ch. 5. § 4.

987 Pausan. II. 32. 2. Ἄρτεμις σώτειρα, brought from Crete to Trœzen, ib. 31. 1.

988 Paus. II. 31. 7. 11. The temple of Apollo Thearius at Trœzen was, according to Pausan. ib. 31. 9. the most ancient in Greece. Apollo joined with Leucothea, Ælian. V. H. I. 18.

989 Called Ψυχοπομπεῖον, like the institutions in Thesprotia, at Phigalea and Heraclea Pontica. See book I. ch. 1. § 6.

990 Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 17. p. 256. Hesych. in τέττιγος ἔδρανον.

991 Thus Strabo VIII. p. 368. the name being derived from Delos. Also called Ἐπιδήλιον.

992 Pausan. I. 42. 1. 2. conf. Epigram. Adespot. 3. p. 193. Brunck. Analect. Meziriac ad Ovid. Epist. vol. I. p. 448.—Also, Megareus the son of Apollo, in Steph. Byz. in Μέγαρα. comp. Dieuchidas of Megara in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 517.

993 V. 773. Φοῖβε ἄναξ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπύργωσας πόλιν ἄκρην, Ἀλκαθόῳ Πέλοπος παιδὶ χαριζόμενος.

994 Δεκατηφόρος, ὅς δεκάτην φέρει, _i.e._ here, “he who _receives_ it,” Paus. I. 42. 1. 5. Compare an Argive inscription (Boeckh No. 1142. Δεξιστρατος Αρχιππ. Απολλωνι δεκατ—.) Apollo was likewise worshipped at Megara under the titles of Pythius (Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 84. Philostrat. Vit. Soph. I. 24. 3.), Archagetas, Prostaterius, Carnius and Agræus. The tripod and the Delphine on the coins of Megara see Pouqueville, tom. IV. p. 131. against Clarke, vol. II. sect II. p. 768.

995 From Megara _Calchedon_ (see the coins) derived its worship and oracle of Apollo (Dionys. Byz. p. 23.) Not far off was Demonesus; and an Apollo of Demonesian brass is mentioned in Pseud. Aristot. de Mirab. 59. Jungermann ad Poll. V. 5. 39. _Byzantium_ likewise, a Megarian colony, had a temple of Apollo on the promontory of Metopon, according to Dionysius de Bosp. Thrac. Byzantium, moreover, had evidently derived from its parent city, but in an exaggerated form, the tradition of the foundation of the city by Apollo, and that this god placed his lyre upon a tower. Hence the seven resounding towers (Hesych. Miles, ap. Codin. p. 2. 3. Dionys. Byz. p. 6. Dio Cass. LXXIV. 14): also the fable of the dolphin charmed by the sound of the lyre (Dionysius pag. 9. Gyllius de Constantinop. pag. 285.) evidently belongs to the Megarian worship.

996 Homer. Hymn. Cer. 126.

997 See Pherecydes ap. Schol. Od. XI. 320. Apollod. II. 4. 7. Observ. ad Apollod. p. 333.

998 Κεφαλίδαι γένος Ἀθήνησιν, Hesychius.

999 Paus. I. 37. 4.

1000 See Strabo X. p. 452. Thuc. III. 94. Propert. III. 9. ad fin. Servius ad Æn. III. 271. Dodwell, vol. I. p. 53. Hughes, vol. I. p. 402. has a Leucadian inscription, Ἀπολλωνιᾶται ᾠκοδόμησαν.

1001 Aristot. in Ithac. Rep. ap. Etymol. M. in Ἀρκείσιος, Heraclid. Pont. 17 and 37. ed. Koehler. Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 7.

1002 Apollod. III. 15. 1. According to the ancient Charon of Lampsacus, Phobus of Phocæa was the first who took this leap, Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 289.

1003 Κατ᾽ ἐνίαυτον, Strabo X. p. 452. Ovid. Fast V. 630. Tristia _Leucadio_ sacra peracta _modo_. Photius Lex. Λευκάτης. σκοπελὸς τῆς ἠπείρου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ ῥίπτουσιν αὑτους εἰς τὸ πέλαγος οἱ ἱερεῖς.

1004 Photius in Τευμησία, from the ἐπικὸς κύκλος.

1005 Stesichorus apud Athen. XIV. p. 619. D. and Sappho. Compare Hardion. _Sur le sault de Leucade_, Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. VII. p. 245.

1006 See Hesych. in θόρικος. Ptolem. Hephæst. 7.

1007 Fragment of the Παρθένια, p. 595. ed. Boeckh.

1008 See below, ch. 11. § 8.

1009 Od. VII. 322.

1010 Plutarch, de Def. Orac. 5.

1011 According to the emendation Τεγύρας for Τανάγρας in fragm. incert. 14. Boeckh.

1012 See _Orchomenos_, p. 220. Boeckh in the Berlin Transactions on the Oration against Midias, below, ch. 8. § 4.

1013 Pausan. IX. 10. See Stanley ad Æsch. Eum. 21.

1014 Herod. VIII. 134. Soph. Œd. T. 21. μαντείᾳ σποδῷ, Philochorus ap. Schol. ad 1.

1015 Hesych. in v. Also the lots burnt in the sacred fire, according to the same grammarian, φρυκτὸσ Δελφοῖς κυῆρος. Compare Boeckh Explic. Pind. Ol. VIII. 2. and Plutarch de Frat. Am. 20. To this custom likewise refer the Φοίβου ἐσχάραι in Eurip. Phœn 292, and the name of the ancient priest of the Delphic oracle πύρκεων. See the Eumolpia in Paus. X. 5. 3.

1016 The stone of Manto in front of the temple, Paus. IX. 10. μαντίων θῶκος. Pind. Pyth. XI. 6.

1017 The serpent of Cadmus is also by later writers called Castalius and Δελφίνιος, Creuzer ad Nonni Narr. in Melet. vol. I. p. 93.

1018 Apollo Polius was also without the gates at Thebes, Paus. IX. 12. 1. Apollo was likewise worshipped in the village of Calydna near Thebes, Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in Κάλυδνα.

1019 Below, ch. 11. § 7.

1020 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 234, 393.

1021 See the author’s work _De Minerva Poliade_, p. 2.

1022 Herodot. I. 56. VII. 94. VIII. 44.

1023 Hence Ion is called the πολέμαρχος or στρατηγὸς of the Athenians, Herod. VIII. 44. Paus. I. 31. 2. II. 14. 2. VII. 1. 2. &c. hence also Euripides says (Ion 1319) that “the shield and spear was the whole patrimony of Xuthus.”

1024 Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 22. 23. Lydus de Mens. p. 105.

1025 See Phanodemus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392. Plutarch, ap. Euseb. præp. ev. II. p. 99. fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. Euseb. Canon. 497. comp. Paus. I. 18. 5. Legends of this kind were greatly amplified by Attic orators, who, like Hyperides before the Amphictyons, had to defend the claims of Athens upon Delos.

1026 Μηδὲν προσήκων Ἐρεχθείδαις, Plutarch Thes. 13.

1027 Ξοῦθος is the “bright” “shining” god, another form of ξανθός. See below, ch. 6. § 7. Αἰγεὺς, from αἶγες, “the waves of the sea” is equivalent to Ποσειδῶν Αἰγαῖος.

1028 Plutarch Thes. 5.

1029 Strabo IX. p. 392. after Sophocles and Philochorus. Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 58. Vesp. 1218. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 35.

1030 Philochorus apud Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1047. ed. Elmsl.

1031 Compare Barbié du Bocage’s _Histoire de la bourgade d’Œnoë la sacrée_ at the end of Stanhope’s Plan of Platæa.

1032 Hence Sophocles ubi sup, calls the district of Eleusis Πυθίας ἀκτάς. The Scholiast confounds the Œnoë of the tribe Hippothoontis with that of the tribe Aiantis. The situation of the Pythium is correctly treated by Reisig Enarr. Œd. Col. p. 134.

1033 In the passage of Philochorus ubi sup. read οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθιάδα καὶ Δηλιάδα, for οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθίαι δὲ καὶ Δηλιάδες.

1034 The Δηλιασταὶ occurred in the laws of Solon, Athen. VI. p. 234 E. the Πυθαϊσταὶ are mentioned in Steph. Byz. in Πυθώ.

1035 Strabo IX. p. 404 C. Eurip. Ion. 285. On the Pythium, see Thuc. II. 15. VI. 54. Isæus p. 113. 187. Suidas in Πύθιον. Suidas, Hesychius, Prov. ἐν Πυθίῳ.

1036 Strabo IX. p. 404. Steph. Byz. in ἅρμα. Eustath. ad Il. β’ 499. Hesych. in ἀστράπτει. Prov. in ὅταν δι᾽ Ἄρματος.

1037 Pausan. Dodwell vol. II. p. 170.

1038 See Æsch. Eum. 12. πέμπουσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ σεβίζουσιν μέγα κελευθοποιοὶ παῖδες Ἡφαίστου. Compare Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422 D. Aristid. Panath. vol. I. p. 329. _Orchomenos_ p. 36. 188.

1039 This rare tradition is preserved in the Schol. Æsch. Eum. 13. Schol. Aristid. p. 107. ed. Frommel.

1040 This explains Herod. VI. 34. ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν ὁδὸν διὰ Φωκέων τεκαὶ Βοιωτῶν ἤϊσαν. καί σφεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, ἐκτράπονται ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηνέων.

1041 There is a trace of the correct tradition in Diod. IV. 60. cf. Serv. ad Æn. VI. 14. The funeral games of Laius were made by the poets the motive for this journey.

1042 Ἐν πολιτείᾳ Βοττιαίων ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. cf. Qu. Gr. 35. Conon. Narr. c. 25.

1043 Plutarch Thes. 15. Diod. IV. 61. Ovid. Metaph. VIII. 171.

1044 The chief passage on the septenary number of the boys and girls sent to Crete is Servius ad. Æn. VI. 21. _Septena quotannis_ (κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν) _quidam septem pueros et septem puellas accipi volunt, quod et Plato dixit in Phædone_ (p. 58.) _et Sappho in Lyricis_ (p. 255. in Wolf’s Poetr. Gr.) _et Bacchylides in Dithyramhis_ (p. 17. ed. Neue.) _et Euripides in Hercule_ (v. 1331.), _quos liberavit secum Theseus_.

1045 The visit to Naxos originally signified a transmission of the worship of Dionysus and Ariadne to that island, which rites had been kept up at the festival of the Ὀσχοφόρια, though confounded with the laurel-bearing procession of Apollo.

1046 Boeckh Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Erysichthon is said to have sent the ξόανον with theorias to Delos, Plutarch Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

1047 This confirms a fact which we collected from other sources, viz., that the Thargelian Apollo was the same god as that worshipped at Delos and Crete.—There was an ancient writing on this subject preserved in the Daphnephoreum at Phyle in Attica, Theophrastus ap. Athen. X. p. 424 F. The origin of the Thargelia is also referred to Crete by a tradition, that this festival arose from the expiatory rites for the murder of Androgeus, Helladius ap. Phot. in Gronov. Thes. Ant. Gr. vol. X. p. 978.

1048 Paus. I. 18. 5. τὰ μὲν δὴ δύο ξόανα εἶναι Κρητικά. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1049 Pyth. I. 31. Compare Dodwell, vol. I. p. 532.

1050 Plutarch Thes. 12. 14. 18. cf. Paus. I. 19. 1. On his return Theseus sacrifices to Apollo and Diana as οὔλιοι θεοὶ, Pherecydes ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. frag. 59. ed. Sturz. comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 40. 46.

1051 See Pollux VIII. 10. 119.

1052 Demosth de Coron. p. 274. cf. Aristot. ap. Harpocrat. in Ἀπόλλων πατρῷος. The Achenians had πατρῷοι θυσίαι at Delphi, Demosth. Epist. p. 1481. Apollo’s Attic title of πατρῷος is explained from his being the πατὴρ of Ion; it is possible, however, that he was so called as being the god of the πάτραι of the Ionians. Apollo was also called λεσχηνόριος at Athens (Plutarch Εἰ 2. p. 217. Suidas in v.); perhaps as being the titular deity of the 360 Δέσχαι of the 360 γένη at Athens, Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. p. 116. Heins. Cleanthus ap Harpocrat. in λέσχαι, Meursius ad Lycophr. 543.

1053 γεννῆται Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῷου καί Διὸς ἑρκείου, Demosth. adv. Eubulid. p. 1315. 15. Pollux VIII. 85.

1054 As appears from Plato, Euthyd. p. 302 B. cf. Schol. et Heindorf. p. 404.

1055 Pollux VIII. 122.

1056 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 69. with the Schol. and Spanheim. Harpocrat. in Βοηδρόμια. Suidas and Etym. M. in Βοηδρομεῖν. Hence the archon Polemarchus administered justice in the Lyceum, the temple of Apollo Lyceus, near the statue of a wolf, Suidas in ἄρχων. Bekker Anecd. vol. I. p. 449. Hesych. in ἐπιλύκιον. Λυκαμβὶς ἀρχὴ of the polemarch, according to Cratinus, Hesych. in v. And in general all the courts at Athens were under the protection of the wolf, viz., Apollo, Eratosth. ap. Harpocrat. in δεκάζων, Lexic. and Parœmiogr. in λύκου δέκας. Etymol. M. in δεκασαι.

1057 In Colot. p. 31.

1058 Thes. 25. According to Plato Rep. IV. p. 427. Apollo is the πάτριος ἐξηγητὴς of the Athenians.

1059 Hence Dorotheus (ap. Athen. IX. p. 410 A.) ἐν τοῖς τῶν εὐπατριδῶν (not τῶν θυγατριδῶν) πατρίοις treated of the purification of suppliants.

1060 Below, ch. 8. § 6.

1061 By representing the notion that Xuthus was the father of Ion as a mere deceit of Xuthus.

1062 For example v. 668. Ὑμῖν δὲ σιγᾶν, δμωΐδες, λέγω τάδε, Ἢ θάνατον εἰπούσαισι πρὸς δάμαρτ᾽ ἐμήν.

1063 V. 591. Εἶναί φασι τὰς αὐτόχθονας Κλεινὰς Ἀθήνας οὐκ ἐπείσακτον γένος, &c.

1064 The view taken in the text on the Ion of Euripides has been approved, since the first publication of this work, by Hermann, in the preface to his edition of that tragedy, p. 32.

1065 Below, ch. 5, § 2. ch. 8. § 15.

1066 Book I. ch. 5, § 3. comp. Pausan. II. 24. 1. He was also called Δειραδιώτης, from the height. There was likewise divination there, Telesilla ap. Pausan. II. 35. 2-36. 5. Πυθαεὺς and Κρηταεὺς are Doric forms; the hero Pythaëus cannot be separated from the god. Zeus, Apollo, and Hercules, were the deities of the city of Argos, Liv. XXXII. 33.

1067 Thucyd. II. 47. Sophocl. Electr. 7. Hence Λύκειος ἀγόρα, Sophocles, Hesych. in v. The Argive coins with the wolf refer to this statue, comp. Pausan. VIII. 40. 3. Here was also an oracle, Plut. Pyrrh. 31. 31. where write, ἡ τοῦ Λυκείου προφῆτις Ἀπόλλωνος. At Argos also stood the statue of Apollo Ζωτεάτας, Hesych. in v. A temple of Latona, Pausan. II. 21.

1068 Alcman Fragm. 35, 36. ed. Welcker. Herod. I. 69. comp. Bast. ad Gregor. Corinth, p. 187. At Sparta, according to Hesychius, Λυκιάδες κόραι τὸν ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα αἱ τὸ ὕδωρ κομίζουσαι εἰς τὸ Λύκειον (a kind of Hydrophoria).

1069 Pausan. II. 9. 7. Respecting the ancient temple of Apollo there, and a brass statue, see Pseud.-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 59. Pausan. II. 11. 2. Polyb. XVII. 16. 2. The tradition respecting its foundation by Epopeus is not worth notice. Cleisthenes was the person who instituted the Pythian games, Schol. Pind. Nem. IX. 49, 76. comp. Boeckh and Dissen Explic. p. 451. Apollo had there an ἱερὰ χώρα; Polyb. ubi sup. Liv. XXXII. 40.

1070 Pausan. IV. 15. 5. The Messenians at Naupactus had also a temple of Apollo (Thucyd. II. 91.); and the coins of the Messenians of Sicily afford proof of the same worship. Concerning the ancient temple at Æpea, Pausan. IV. 34. 4.

1071 Herod. VI. 57.

1072 Apollo Acreitas, Pausan. III. 12. 7. At Thornax Apollo Pythaëus, III. 11. 2. Hesych. in Θόρναξ, cf. in θοράτης. Apollo Maleates, Pausan. III. 12. 8. Thucyd. VII. 26. Apollo Λιθήσιος, Steph. Byz. Suid. in v. comp. Pausan. II. 27. 8. Apollo at Geronthræ, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1334.

1073 Herod. II. 32. Plutarch Arat. 40. Pausan. II. 5. 4. Hesych. in Ζωτελιστὴς. At Corinth, Apollo, as at Argos, was ἀγορῆς καλλίχορου πρύτανις, Simonides in Palat. Anthol. VI. 212. On the temple of Apollo at Sicyon, likewise in the market-place, Ampel. Liber. Memor. 8.

1074 Pausan. II. 26. 3. comp. the inscriptions of the temple of Æsculapius, Boeckh. Inscript. Nos. 1175, 1176. The temple of Apollo Ægyptius belongs to the time of the Antonines.

1075 In this island a temple of Apollo was connected with the Thearion (see Dissen ad Pind. Nem. III. p. 376.), with the worship of Apollo Δελφίνιος, Οἰκιστὴς, and Δωματίτης, and the festival of the Hydrophoria. Æginetica, p. 150. cf. 135.

1076 Above, ch. 2. § 8. The Pythian games, according to Pausan. II. 32. 2. founded by Diomed, are probably of a later date.

1077 ἀρχηγέτης, δωματίτης, οἰκιστὴς (Æginetica, p. 150, note k); for, as Callimachus says (Hymn. Apoll. 55.), Φοῖβος ἀεὶ πολίεσσι φιληδεῖ Κτιζομένῃς.

1078 Pausan. IV. 4. 1. 33. 3. cf. V. 25. 1.

1079 Thucyd. V. 18. IV. 118.

1080 Among the Achæans of Patræ. Pausan. VII. 21. 4.—of Ægira. id. VII. 26. 3. comp. the tradition respecting Bolina, id. VII. 23. 3.

1081 Pausan. VIII. 53. 1.

1082 ἦρος ἐπερχομένου. Theognis of Megara, v. 777.

1083 Pausan. V. 4. 2.

1084 On this enmity, to which so many legends refer, see Pausan. V. 2. 4. VI. 16. 2.

1085 That Zeus was the chief god of the Eleans is evident from the confederate temple at Ægium and elsewhere.

1086 Hesychius in v.

1087 Pausan. V. 15. 4.—τὸν μὲν δὴ παρὰ Ἠλείοις θέρμιον καὶ αὐτῷ μοι παρίστατο εἰκάζειν, ὡς κατὰ Ἀτθίδα γλῶσσαν εἴν θέρμιον; for the last θέρμιον Buttmann corrects θέσμιον; and it is evident that θέρμα was Elean for θέσμα, “sacred ordinance or armistice.” See Appendix V. § 2. Also Therma, the place of the Panætolia, derived its name from this word, which is probably of Ætolian-Elean origin. On its temple of Apollo, see Polyb. XI. 4. 2.

1088 Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

1089 Perhaps this was the beginning of the connexion with Crete, to which the name of the Ἰδαῖον ἄντρον at Olympia (Pind. Olymp. V. 42. Demetrius ἐν νεῶν διακόσμῳ in the Scholia. Boeckh ad Schol. and Explic. p. 150.), and the tradition that Clymenus, a descendant of the Idæan Hercules, came to Pisa soon after the flood of Deucalion, and there founded a temple, refer; comp. Pausan. V. 8. 1. VI. 21. 5. V. 14. 6.

1090 Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. III. 18. p. 138. Explic. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 41. does not speak of this event with the same exactness as the Schol. Pind. Olymp. III. 39. Comp. also Wurm de Ponderum, etc. § 90. p. 174.

1091 See particularly Philostratus Vit. Apollon. V. 25. p. 208. Cic. de Divin. I. 41. concerning the Telliadæ, Herod. IX. 37. VIII. 27. These diviners are called the μάντεις Ἠλείων πρόμολοι at the altar of Olympia in the oracle in Phlegon p. 129. in Meursii Op. vol. VII.

1092 Pausan. VI. 17. 4.

1093 Pausan. V. 8. 1.

1094 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1711.

1095 As appears from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo.

1096 See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 17. comp. Apostol. VI. 93. and the story of Æsop; also the proverb, Δελφὸς ἀνὴρ στέφανον μὲν ἔχει, δίψει δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν.

1097 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535.

1098 The λαὸς οἰκήτωρ θεοῦ, Eur. Androm. 1092.

1099 Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. The Thessalians vowed at least every year a hecatomb of men to Apollo Καταιβάτης. Schol. Eur. Phœn. 1416. Zenobius in θετταλῶν σόφισμα.

1100 Sosicrates ap. Suid. vol. I. p. 621. Hesych. p. 1026. Apostol. VII. 37. Prov. Vat. App. II. 94. and Steph. Byz. in Δούλων πόλις, with which he mentions the ἱερόδουλοι. We may probably discern a similar servitude in the gift of the golden tripods which the Θηβαγένεις were bound to bring at certain times to the Ismenian temple of Apollo, _Orchomenos_, p. 397. Apollo Nesiotes at Chalia in Bœotia also possessed Hieroduli, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1607. The Delian Ἑκατηβελέταο θεράπναι (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 157) were of the same description as the chorus in the Phœnissæ. In the Didymæum (Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 582) there were οἱ περι το μαντειον παντες και οἱ το ἱερον κατοικουντες και οἱ προσχωροι, boys sent thither as the spoil of war, Conon. Narr. c. 44.

1101 ἀνάθημα πόλεως ἢ τινὸς πραθεὶς ὕπο.

Eurip. Ion. 322.

ἱερὸν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θεῷ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν.

Ver. 1299.

1102 Boeckh in Hirt _Ueber die Hierodulen_, p. 48.

1103 See book III. ch. 4.

1104 Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. see above, ch. 2. § 7.

1105 Apostol. VII. 34. where for Ἀθηναίων read Ἀργείων. Suidas in δόρυ κηρυκεῖον. _Orchomenos_, p. 118.

1106 Herod. VII. 132. Xenoph. Hell. VI. 3. and 5. ἐλπὶς δεκατευθῆναι τὸ πάλαι λεγόμενον Θηβαίους. Not the land, but the people themselves were to be decimated.

1107 See above, p. 46, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “the Dorians or Malians,” starting “Aristot. ap. Strab.”] Etymol. M. p. 154. 7.

1108 Apollod. II. 7. 7. cf. Diod. IV. 37.

1109 Pausan. II. 35. 2. Apollo was also worshipped under the titles of Ὄριος and Πλατανίστιος. Concerning the Dryopes as worshippers of Apollo see Pausan. IV. 34. 6. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480. Prob. ad Virgil. Georg. III. 7. Anton. Liberal. c. 32. Etymol. M. p. 288. 32. Heyne ad Æn. IV. 143. vol. II. p. 736. ed. 3. According to Pausanias they also retained this worship in the Messenian settlements. According to Conon, c. 29. upon the occasion of the return from Troy they sent a tithe (δεκάτη).

1110 See above, b. I. ch. 2. § 4.

_ 1111 Ver sacrum vovere, i.e. quæcunque vere proximo nata essent immolaturos_, Festus in v. Mamertin. _Trecenta millia hominum, velut ver sacrum, miserunt_, Justin. XXIV. 4.

1112 According to the remarkable account of Parthen. Erot. 5. they were δεκατευθέντες ἐκ Φερῶν ὑπ᾽ Ἀδμήτου, and were conducted by Leucippus a Lycian. Strab. XIV. 647. reverses the story: Δελφῶν ἀπόγονοι, τῶν ἐποικησάντων τὰ Δίδυμα ὄρη (near Pheræ, _Orchomenos_, p. 192.) ἐν Θετταλίᾳ.

1113 Plato Leg. XI. p. 919 D. comp. Boeckh In Minoem et Leges, pag. 68. Magnesia, re-established according to Plato’s fiction, consecrates to Apollo and Helius, κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον, three men as an ἀκροθίνιον, ibid. XII. p. 945. See also Apollod. Fragm. p. 386. Conon Narr. c. 29. Varro 3. Rer. Human. apud Prob. ad Virg. Ecl. VI. Cretans in the Asiatic Magnesia, Strab. XIV. p. 636. Schol. Apollon. Rhod. I. 584.

1114 Parthenius mentions Κρητιναῖον and Leucophryne instead of Magnesia.

1115 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. 2910; and see particularly Conon ubi sup.

1116 Aristot. and Theophrast. ap. Athen. p. 173 F.

1117 Semus ἐν Δηλιακοῖς ap. Athen. ubi sup.

1118 It is to this that the Homeric hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 1. refers; also the coins of Magnesia (_Apollo supra Mæandrum stans_). There was also a place near Magnesia called Apollonia.

1119 X. 32. 4.

1120 Hence the name of Apollo Hylates in Lycoph. 447; where Tzetzes is confused. Apollo Hylates at Amamassus in Cyprus, Steph. Byz. in v. In Athen. XV. p. 672 E. for ὙΒΛΑ ὙΛΑΙ. Query, whether Hiera. Come, Liv. XXXVIII. 12, 13. is the same place? Magnesia on the Sipylus also worshipped Apollo, τὸν ἐν Πάνδοις, Marm. Oxon. 26. 85.

1121 See Frank Callinus, p. 89. Liebel Archil. p. 202. Concerning the founding of Magnesia see Ruhnken on Velleius I. 4. Kanne on Conon, c. 29. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 387.

1122 Plut. Quæst. Græc. 13. 26.

1123 A Rhegian in Timæus (Strab. p. 260 C. Antig. Caryst. 1), ἱεροὺς εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐνθένδε ἐστάλθαι. cf. VI. p. 257 D. Creuzer Fragm. Xanth. p. 373. cf. p. 178.

1124 Respecting the ablutions in the seven rivers, the sacred laurel-tree, &c., see Varro ap. Prob. Præf. ad Virg. Ecl. and compare Hermann’s excellent dissertation on the Glauci of Æschylus, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 59.

1125 Pausan. V. 25. 1. The coins of Rhegium have the head of Apollo, a lyre, a tripod, and cortina.

1126 See particularly Tacit. Annal. IV. 14.

1127 Founded, according to Callim. Epigr. XLI. 2. by Acrisius the Pelasgian, to whom the establishment of the Amphictyonic council was _for that reason_ attributed.

1128 Ælian. V. H. III. 1. Liv. XXXIX. 24. comp. Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14.

1129 On the towns included in the league see above, book I. ch. 6. § 2. On the games at the festival, Herod. I. 144.

1130 Neptune and the nymphs were also of the number of the Triopian deities, Schol. Theocr. XVII. 69. Comp. Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. p. 314. Concerning the worship of Apollo at Halicarnassus, see Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 576. Apollo Telchinius at Lindus (see Meurs. Rhod.), at Cameirus ἐειγεννήτης and ἐπιμήλιος. Macr. Sat. I. 17. at Anaphe, Apollo Ægletes, Æginetica, p. 170. note a; comp. above, p. 116. note z.

1131 I have adopted the opinion of Ste. Croix, Gouvernemens fédératifs, p. 156. that the federal festival of the twelve Æolian cities was at Gryneum, chiefly on account of the altars of the twelve gods, and the Ἀχαιῶν λιμὴν at that place, and the statements of Scylax.

1132 According to Strabo X. p. 487. there were here ἑστιατόρια, as at Delos, for the assembly; and in a Tenian inscription (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2329), a citizen is eulogized for having undertaken a θεαροδοκία for the Delians, the office of receiving the θεωροὶ, a species of λειτουργία. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 325.

1133 Ἱστίη νήσων, Callim. Hymn. Del. 325. et Spanheim ad 1.

1134 Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Del. 141. The coins like those of Delos: the name also reminds us of mount Cynthus. (Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. p. 311.)

1135 An Apollonia in this island, Steph. Byz. Compare the coins.

1136 Particularly at Carthæa, Pind. Isthm. I. 6. Athen. X. p. 456 E. Probably a Δήλιον, according to Dissen. Explic. p. 484. Πύθια at the same place, Anton. Lib. c. 1. Concerning the choruses of Apollo at Carthæa see Boeckh Corp. Insc. Gr. Nos. 2361-3. A Smintheum at Coressus and Pœessa, Strabo X. p. 486.

1137 Apollo Tragius, Steph. in Τραγαία. Apollo Ποίμνιος, Macr. Sat. I. 17. Hipponax ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 658. A Δήλιον at Naxos. Aristot. Plut. Virt. Mul. p. 289. ed. Hutten. Parthen. Erot. 9. comp. Obs. Misc. Bat. vol. VII. p. 24. Besides these, there were many other Ionic temples of Apollo, in Samos, Eubœa, &c.

1138 See above, book I. ch. 6. § 12.

1139 Ælian. V. H. II. 26. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 911. Wesseling corrects Ἀλαῖος for Ἅλιος in Aristot. ubi sup. comp. Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 178. with Creuzer Symbolik. II. p. 200. The bird on the coins is not an eagle but a raven (Mionnet Descr. planche 60), the _comes iripodum_.

1140 One hundred and twenty stadia from Croton, Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. p. 1098 C. Justin. XX. 1. Etym. Mag. in Ἀλιαῖος.

1141 Ap. Strab. VI. p. 265 C.

1142 On the statue of Aristeas in the market-place of Metapontum, by the side of the statue of Apollo, see Herod. IV. 15. and on a brass laurel-tree in the same place, Athen. XIII. p. 605 C. In the temple of Apollo, Plutarch περὶ τοῦ μὴ χρᾶν 8.

_ 1143 Caulonia_ in Italy is also remarkable for this worship, the ancient coins of which town exhibit Apollo bearing a laurel, or a bow, with a stag.

1144 Thucyd. VI. 3. ΑΡΧΑΓΕΤΑ ΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ, on the coins of Tauromenium and Enna. As to _Sicily_, there was a temple of Apollo Temenites Pythius at Syracuse, Cic. Verr. IV. 53. Steph. Byz. in Συρακοῦσαι. comp. Ælian. V. H. I. 18. Letronne Topographie de Syracuse, p. 26. Göller de Situ Syrac. p. 59. also of Apollo Δαφνίτας, Etymol. p. 250. 38. At Gela there was a colossal statue of Apollo in front of the town, Timæus apud Diod. XIII. 107. Apollinarian rites of the Erbitæans and their colony Alæsa, Diod. XIV. 16. Inscript. ap. Castelli, p. 109 sqq. At Lilybæum, according to the coins, Apollo Libyrtius near Pachynum. Macr. Sat. I. 17. The month Dalius in Sicily, Castelli Prol. 73.

1145 Inscription at Olympia, ap. Pausan. V. 22. 2.

1146 Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. Also at Myrina in Æolis. Comp. ch. 2. § 7.

_ 1147 Orchomenos_, p. 327 sqq.

1148 A similar tradition in Sinope, Philostephanus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 953. Diod. IV. 71.

1149 Herod. IV. 32. See also Homer. Hymn. VII. 29.

1150 X. 5. 4.

1151 See above, ch. 1. § 3.

1152 Thus I write for Ἀμάδοκος in Paus. I. 4. 4. and Λαοδόκος, ib. X. 23. 3. on account of the _Laodice_ of Herodotus. Herodotus VIII. 39. mentions, on a similar occasion, the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous.

1153 Scholl. Apoll. Rh. II. 675. unless Cluver. Germ. Ant. I. p. 16, is right in correcting Κελτοὺς for Δελφούς.

1154 See the beautiful fragment in prose in Himerius Orat. XIV. 10. with which Cicero de N. D. III. 23. agrees; see Heindorf’s note. It is to this ode, perhaps, that the words of Plutarch refer, De Mus. 14. δῆλον ἐκ τῶν χορῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς προσῆγον μετ᾽ αὐλῶν τῷ θεῷ, καθάπερ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀλκαῖος ἔν τινι τῶν ὕμνων ἱστορεῖ.

1155 In this part occurred what Pausanias X. 8, 5. cites from the προοίμιον ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα of Alcæus, that the water of Castalia came from the Cephisus.

1156 Diod. II. 47. where the period is alone falsely stated. That the harvest begins at the rising of the Pleiades, is stated by Hesiod. Op. et D. 381. Compare the story in Eratosth. Catast. 29.

1157 Tischbein I. 8. 9. with the correct explanation of Italinsky. As in the vase in Tischbien IV. 8. the tripod is represented as standing beside the figure, which is a certain proof that Apollo is in question.—Nevertheless, some very distinguished antiquarians are still of opinion that the figure is _Triptolemus_, and not Apollo; indeed the _Instituto di corrispondenza Archeologica_ at Rome has lately published a painted vase (I. Distrib. pl. 4.), in which Τριπτολεμος is written by this figure in the same position, and with the same accompaniments; whence it seems to me probable that, in antiquity, the ideas attached to this composition were not fixed. A vase in Millin I. 46. represents Apollo Daphnephorus attended by a Hyperborean in the Arimaspian costume.

1158 Paus. X. 5. 5.

1159 XXI. 3.

1160 Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133. Steph. quotes from a supposed oracle of a prophetess named Asteria, that the inhabitants and priests of Delos came from the Hyperboreans.

1161 Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35. Antig. Caryst. 61. p. 111. ed. Beckmann. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

1162 Herod. IV. 35. Opis and Hecaërgus, according to Pseudo-Plato Axioch. pag. 371. A. Servius ad Æn. XI. 858. The circumstance of the θήκη of these virgins being turned to the east shows that it was of the Cretan time, since the Dorians laid their dead to the east, the Ionians to the west. See book IV. ch. 1. § 2.

1163 περφέρεες, also ἀμαλλοφόροι and ὑλοφόροι. See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 19. Rhoer ad 1 and Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 283.

1164 Dodona was Hyperborean, according to Etymol. M. in Δωδωναῖος.

1165 Plutarch de Musica 14.

1166 According to Herodotus and Callim. ad Del. 281. cf. Plin. H. N. IV. 26. Mela III. 5. Salmasius considers the gifts as θυμάτων ἀπαρχαὶ, _prosiciæ hostiarum_, with Mela; but they were doubtless _primitiæ frugum_, Exerc. Plin. p. 147.

1167 No weight can be laid on the particular road, as Pausanias I. 31. 2. mentions one which touches Attica, where also there were rites or sanctuaries, τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων, Chrysost. Epist. ad Tit. Rom. 3. vol. XI. p. 744 E. ed. Montfaucon. See below, § 6.

1168 Heyne Excurs. ad Æn. IV. 2. He also comes to Delos in the spring.

1169 Tischbein II. 12. Compare the coins of Chalcedon ap. Valliant. et Theupoli. A commentary is furnished by the beginning of Callimachus’ hymn to Apollo.

1170 Above, ch. 1. § 2.

1171 Herod. IV. 13. The statement of Herodotus is exactly confirmed by a fragment of Aristeas in Tzetz. Chiliad. VII. 144. which may be genuine. In v. 688. for καὶ σφᾶς ανθρωπους should be written καὶ φᾶς᾽ ἀνθρώπους (φασί).

1172 Φοιβόλαμπτος. The Issedones were first mentioned by Alcman, who called them Ἀσσέδονες, Steph. Byz. in Ἰσσήδονες. He also mentioned the Rhipæans, Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1312.

1173 Ap. Steph. Byz. in Ὕπερβόρεοι.

1174 The two last points are likewise mentioned by Hellanicus ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 305. Later authorities on this point I pass over.

1175 Herod. IV. 25.

1176 Olymp. III. 14. cf. Olymp. VIII. 41. Pyth. X. 31. Isthm. V. 22.

1177 Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 284.

1178 This is considered by Voss as the original notion, who supposes the whole fable of the happy Hyperboreans to be an invention of Spanish sailors, Ad Virg. Georg. II. p. 381. _Weltkunde_, Jena Journal Quart. II. p. 20, 29. sqq.: on the Griffins ib. Quart. IV. His opinions have been implicitly followed by Uckert, Géographie, vol. II. p. 237.

1179 See particularly Apollon. Rh. IV. 284. who, according to the Scholia, follows Æschylus.

1180 Boreas, according to Sophocles ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. carried Orithyia.

Ὕπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς, Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς, Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον.

1181 Hellanicus ubi sup. Simonides and Pindar ap. Strab. XV. p. 1038 B. Æschyl. Choëph. 371.

1182 Pyth. X. 56.

1183 Compare the αἴθρια στέφη, Suidas in στέφος—τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων κομιζόμενα, ὡς ἀεὶ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τιθέμενα. Cratinus ap. Hesych. in v. Bekker. Anecd. p. 355. 30. Classical Journal vol. VI. p. 369.

1184 Ap. Ælian. N. A. XI. 1. compare Creuzer Vet. Historic. fragm. p. 85. This Hecatæus still believed in the real existence of the Hyperboreans, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 615. Steph. Byz. in Καραμβύκαι.

1185 Comp. Callim. fragm. 187. Bœus and Simmias ἐν Απόλλωνι ap. Anton. Liber, c. 20. Tzet. zes Chil. VII. 144. v. 677. (compare Brunck Anal. vol. II. p. 525.) Gesner comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. II. p. 33.

1186 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1688. lin. 14.

1187 Mela and Plin. ubi sup. cf. Hellanic. ubi sup. It is remarkable that this custom of leaping from high rocks occurs, in precisely the same manner as among the Hyperboreans, in Scandinavian legends. See Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, p. 486.

1188 De Nat. Deor. III. 23.

1189 So also Etymol. M. in νόμοι κιθαρ. p. 607. Referred to _music_ (from νόμος, a strain) by Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 42. Procl. Chrestom. p. 282. 13. in Gaisford’s Hephæstion.

1190 Pyth. IX. 64. Boeckh. Explic. p. 324.

_ 1191 Orchomenos_, p. 348.

1192 The Parrhasian Apollo on mount Lycæum (Paus. VIII. 38. 2.) was originally the Apollo Nomius.

1193 Cicero de Div. I. 57. 130. from Heraclides Ponticus.

1194 Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 500. partly from Bacchylides, Pherecydes fragm. 42. ed. Sturz.

1195 Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 514. cf. Schol. II. α. 766.

1196 Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 8. cf. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. § 16. Cyrill. adv. Julian, p. 542.

1197 The statement that Pythagoras placed at Delphi on a grave an inscription of these words, “Apollo the son of Silenus,” is a confused and fabulous story of late times, Porphr. ubi sup. The wild olive was sacred to Apollo Nomius, according to Theocritus XXV. 20; and he was considered the author of a kind of epilepsy, Hippocrat. de Morbo Sacro, p. 303.

1198 Below, ch. 8. § 15.

1199 Hesiod. fragm. 21. ed. Gaisford.

1200 Paus. VIII. 30.

1201 Apollo is represented with a crown of ears on his head, in a gem in Lippert’s Dactyliothek I. p. 62. No. 145. Sometimes also on coins there is only a grain of corn with symbols of Apollo, _e.g._, on those of Hephæstia and Abdera.

1202 Σμίνθοι ἀρουραῖοι, Æschylus ap. Ælian. Hist. An. XII. 15.

1203 Strabo XIII. p. 604. Schol. II. α. 89. Ælian ubi sup. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1302. Apollo bears a mouse in his hand on a coin of Hadrian, belonging to Alexandria Troas Mionnet. tom. II. p. 644. A painted vase in Tischbein II. 17. probably refers to the sacred mice of a Smintheum; concerning which see Heraclid. Pont. ap. Strab. ubi sup. According to Pollux IX. 6. 84. the Argives had a mouse on their coins (as an emblem of Apollo); Eckhel has none of this kind; Mr. Payne Knight’s collection contains a very small ancient gold coin with this type. See Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, § 128. note.

1204 Strabo XIII. p. 613.

1205 Philochorus ap. Schol. Vulg. ad Od. XX. 155. cf. ad XXI. 258.

1206 Plutarch Dion. 23.

1207 Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 7, 12. de Pyth. Orac. 12. Symp. Quæst. III. 10.

1208 Æginetica, p. 27. The Apollo Ἠλεῖος at Argos (Paus. VIII. 46. 2.) is hardly a Ἤλιος.

1209 The Trœzenian Ὦρος (Paus. II. 30. 6.) was probably a god of the seasons, and afterwards the sun; but ὥρα and the Ægyptian Horus cannot surely have any etymological connexion.

1210 Herod. VI. 97. Pseudo-Plat. Axioch. p. 371 A. comp. Æsch. Pers. 206.

1211 See below, ch. 6. § 10. [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

1212 Eurip. Phaeth. fr. 2. Matthiæ. Ἀπόλλω δ᾽ ἐν βροτοῖς σ᾽ ὀρθῶς καλεῖ Ὅστις τὰ σιγῶντ᾽ ὀνόματ᾽ οἶδε δαιμόνων.

1213 Fragm. 48. The same doctrine was followed by Apollodorus (Macrob. Sat. I. 17.) and Philochorus, according to whom there was a Helius-Apollo among the Tritopatores, ap. Strab. XIV. p. 655.

1214 C. 24. It is only the following narration which is taken from the Bassarides of Æschylus; comp. Timotheus περὶ κοσμοπούας ap. Euseb. Scalig. p. 4.

1215 This fact refers to the actual worship of the sun in Thrace, Sophocles in Tereo ap. Schol. Il. XV. 705.

1216 The passages in which he is considered as the god of the sun, a fragment in J. Diaconus, and a hymn, are of the latest date. The Sibylline oracle in Zosimus II. 6. where Apollo is called Helius, is of the Alexandrine age; likewise the strange hymn in Brunck’s Analecta, vol. II. p. 518. is of very late date. Moreover, the coins, in which Apollo is represented with rays round his head, are, as far as I can discover, all of the age of the emperors.

1217 The Apollo γενέτωρ of Delos was probably so called with a fixed though obscure reference, like the Apollo πατρῷος, which the Orphic philosophers in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. also explained to be _progenitor_ in general. See above, ch. 2. § 15.

_ 1218 Orchomenos_, p. 383. compare Schwarz Miscell. Polit. hum. p. 89. Creuzer Symbolik, vol. III. p. 166.

1219 Od. XV. 402. cf. III. 280. XI. 171. Il. XXIV. 759. Artemis kills women for him, as in Pindar Pyth. V. 10. On Artemis and Apollo, as gods of death, see Nast’s Opusc. Lat. P. 11. n. 12. p. 293 sqq.

1220 Ἕκατος, ἑκάεργος, ἑκηβόλος, ἑκατηβελέτης, ἀφήτωρ.

1221 Il. IV. 508. VII. 21.

1222 XV. 308. XVI. 703.

1223 See Pind. Pyth. IV. 86.

1224 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. Del. 13.

1225 Homer represents Aphrodite as the protector of Æneas and antagonist of Diomed, and Ares in battle for the Trojans, in a disadvantageous light; and describes, with evident irony, the weakness of the goddess, and the brutal confidence of the god. In like manner, Diana and the river-god Scamander sometimes play a very undignified part. Apollo, alone, always maintains his dignity.

1226 Il. XXI. 464. cf. XXIV. 40. ᾧ οὔτ᾽ ἂρ φρένες εἰσίν ἐναίσιμοι.

1227 Il. XXIV. 606.

1228 Od. XI. 517.

1229 Il. VIII. 227. He overcomes Phorbas in a boxing-match, Eurytus in a contest of archery, to which the latter had challenged all the gods; hence he is in general supposed to preside over contests with the cæstus (Il. XXIII. 660. Plutarch. Quæst. Symp. VIII. 4); and amongst the Dorians, who loved the sports of the field, was particularly considered as a patron of archery and huntsmen. Il. XXIII. 872. Soph. Œd. C. 1091. Pollux V. 5. 39.

1230 Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον, καὶ σὺ μὲν τοὺς αἰτίους Πήμαινε, καὶ σφᾶς ὄλλυ᾽ ὥσπερ ὀλλύεις. Fragm. 79. ed. Gaisfoid. Compare Blomfield ad Æsch. Agam. 66. Gloss.

1231 Ἀπὸ σ᾽ ὀλέσειεν Ἄρτεμίς τε χὠπόλλων, Fragm. 16. ed. Welcker.

1232 Æschyl. Agam. 1091. Plato Cratyl. p. 405. and Eurip. Phaeth. (above, p. 306. note m. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “wont to destroy them,” starting “Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον.”]) allude to the same derivation.

1233 Hermann _Ueber das Wesen der Mythologie_, p. 107.

1234 Pausan. I. 43. 7. Anthol. Palat. VII. 154. On a coin of Prusia Apollo is represented with a scourge in his hand, Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 482.

1235 Herod. III. 52. Walpole’s Travels, p. 541. In an Asiatic inscription of the cod. Sherard. these fines are called ἱεραὶ δραχμαί.

1236 Agamem. 55.

1237 Gellius N. A. V. 12.

1238 Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1446.

1239 Plut. Quæst. Græc. 24.

1240 Plut. de Ει 21. p. 246. de Defect, Orac. 7. p. 309. non posse suav. vivi sec. Epicur. 23. p. 124. Perhaps, likewise, the Apollo Philesius should be referred to this head.

1241 Ἀκήσιος. Paus. VI. 24, 5. ἀκέστωρ, Eurip. Androm. 900.

1242 Ἐπακούριος, Paus. VIII. 32-41. 5.

1243 Ἀλεξίκακος, ibid. I. 3. 3. Aristoph. Pac. 420. Compare Visconti, Museo Pio-Clement. I. p. 27.

1244 Ἀποτροπαῖος, Orac. ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. 27. Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 547. No. 38. Stuart’s Antiquities of Athens, vol. I. p. 25. called προστάτης, in the colonies on the Pontus, above, ch. 2. § 6. comp. Soph. Trach. 208. with Hermann’s note. He is invoked in his character of Προστατήριος to avert nightly terrors, in Soph. Elec. 638; in Aj. 187 he keeps off madness; in Eurip. Herc. Fur. 821, the fury. Πύθιοι καὶ σωτήριοι θέοι. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1693.

1245 Pind. Pyth. v. 63. cf. IV. 270. Aristoph. Plut. 8. Soph. Œd. T. 149. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 72. See, however, Il. XVI. 527. He was called Λοίμιος at Lindus, Macrob. Sat. I. 17. _Medicus_ at Rome about 416 A.U.C. Ἰατρὸς, Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1206.

1246 Demosth. in Mid. ubi sup.

1247 Il. v. 401, 899. with Schol. Venet. cf. Od. IV. 232. Aristarchus considered Apollo and Pæon in Homer as identical, yet Hesiod distinguishes them in the fragment in Eustath. ad Od. p. 1493. Schol. Min. ad 1. (cf. Hemsterhuis in Gaisford’s Poetæ Min. p. 551), and perhaps also in Brunck’s Analecta, vol. I. p. 67.

1248 Hom. Hymn, ad Apoll. Pyth. Eurip. Ion 128, 140. Pindar’s Pæan in the Fragments.

1249 Proclus apud Phot. ἰδίως ἀπέκειτο τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι.

1250 Hom. Hymn. 272, 320.

1251 Proclus ubi sup. Hesych. In Soph. Œd. T. 152. a song of a chorus resembling a pæan has these words; Φοῖβος—σωτήρ θ᾽ ἵκοιτο καὶ νόσου παυστήριος. cf. Schol. ad v. 114. et Suid. in ἰηίων.

1252 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 21. Næniæ and pæans opposed to one another. Eurip. Iph. T. 183. The god of death was honoured with no pæan. Æsch. Niob. Frag. 5. Pæans to Hades, the Furies, &c. are an oxymoron; see Monk ad Eurip. Alc. 431.

1253 Comp. the pæans of the Spartans at the Gymnopædia for the battle of Thermopylæ. Etymolog. Mag. p. 243, 4. Apollo and Artemis, gods of victory, Soph. Trach. 207.

1254 See Æschyl. Theb. 250. The ὀλυλυγμὸς (_ululatus_) which is here mentioned was in part the ἐλελεῦ, which according to Plutarch Thes. 22. occurred in singing the pæan and at the libation (in this passage σπένδοντες is evidently the right meaning). Hence Apollo is called ἐλελεὺς in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. From this also comes the ἐλελίζειν which Xenophon often mentions, but distinguishes it from the pæan, and represents it as performed to Enyalius or Ares, Anab. I. 8. 18. cf. V. 2. 14. Hell. II. 4, 17.

1255 Callim. Apoll. 113. Apoll. Rhod. II. 710. cf. Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etym. Mag. in ἰηίε.

1256 Thuc. VII. 44. cf. IV. 43.

1257 Æsch. Again. 99.

1258 Eurip. Hippol. 1373. Æsch. ap. Stob. Serm. p. 121.

1259 Æsch. Agam. 518.

1260 Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 352.

1261 Dieuchidas in Megaricis ap. Schol. Aristophan. Vesp. 870. Harpocrat. In Tegea (derived from Sparta) Paus. VIII. 53. I. 2.

1262 Above, ch. 4. § 2.

1263 Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. comp. Varro ap. Porphyr. ad Horat. Carm. IV. 6. 28. _ex responso sui (Pythii) oraculi in viis publicis urbis suæ Athenienses statutis altaribus sacrificare Apollini instituerunt et Agyeum appellare_. Also Eurip. Ion 186. to which Eustath. ad Il. p. 166. Rom. refers. Varro is probably followed by Euanthius De Tragœdia et Comœdia: _Athenienses cum Apollini Nomio vel_ Ἀγυιαίῳ (as Osann. Auctar. Lex. p. 82. corrects), _i.e._ _pastorum vicinorumque_ (read _vicorumque_) _præsidi deo constructis aris festum carmen solenniter cantarent_.

1264 Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 870. Thesm. 496. Eq. 1317. Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 634. Harpocrat. Hesych. Helladius ap. Phot. cod. 279. p. 1596. Plautus Mercat. IV. 1. 9. Steph. Byz. in ἀγυιὰ, also Otto de Diis Vialibus, et Zoëga De Obeliscis p. 210. The Agyieus often occurs on coins, instead of other emblems of Apollo, where numismatic writers have not recognised the symbol. See the coins of Apollonia in Epirus, Aptera in Crete, Megara, Byzantium, Oricus, Ambracia, where the statue is surrounded with fillets.

1265 Eurip. Ion. ubi sup.

1266 κυισσᾶν ἀγυιὰς, Demosth. ubi sup. and Stephens’s Thesaurus, ed. Lond. vol. I. p. 1048.

1267 Ἀβέλιος, the Cretans and Pamphylians, Hesych. in v. Comp. Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in θάβακον, Koen ad Greg. Corinth. p. 354. ed. Schæfer. βέλα ἥλιος καὶ αὐγὴ, a Laconism according to Hesychius.

1268 The jocular etymology of Plato from πολεῖν, and the absurd one from ἀπολὺς, mentioned by Cicero de Nat. Deor. II. 27. Plutarch, de Ει 9. p. 228 (because Apollo was τὸ ἓν, De Iside 76. p. 207). cf. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. and others in the Etymol. M., I may be excused from examining.

1269 Maittaire, p. 152, 264.

1270 Festus in v. Comp. Schneider, Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12.

1271 There appear to be two radical forms, having nearly the same meaning, from which the word ΑΠΕΛΛΩΝ might be derived. First ϜΕΛ or ϜΕΛϜ, VOLVO, “to roll,” “to press together,” and ΕΛ, “to push, strike, drive,” &c. Ἐλάσαι, ἐλαύνειν, &c., are evidently derivatives of this ΕΛ; from which it is probable that ἀπέλλων or ἀπόλλων is derived, as Homer constantly uses ϝέλϝω, but ἐλάσαι, &c., as well as Ἀπόλλων, without the digamma.

1272 See Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. 833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 301.

1273 Aesch. Suppl. 222. Pindar Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 243. De Exilio 17. p. 386. _Apollo sanctus_, Cicero Tusc. Quaest. IV. 34. Montfaucon Inscript. vol. I. pl. 52. No. 10. The term φοιβονομεῖσθαι was used of the Thessalian diviners, when they lived apart on the ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι, Plutarch, de Ει.

1274 Plutarch. de Def. Orac. 2.

1275 Theophrast. de Lapid. 37.

1276 Compare φοῖβον ὕδωρ Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. v. 1009.

1277 Sturz. de Lingua Macedonica.

1278 Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. Eurip. Alcest. 22.

1279 Aesch. Theb. 696, 865. Eurip. ap. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 246. λοιβαὶ νεκύων φθιμένων ἀοιδαὶ ἃς ὁ χρυσοκόμας Ἀπολλων οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, which Hermann has received in Eurip. Suppl. 999. Hesych. in ἀκερσεκόμης. Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. p. 31.

1280 Paus. X. 14. 4. The names of the chief priestesses were here registered, Plutarch. Pericl. 21.

1281 Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For Athens see above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”] On the sanctity of the wolf there, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

1282 Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et ad Æsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch. de Sol. Anim. 9. p. 155. Hesych. in λυκοκτόνος. Paus. II. 9. 7.

1283 Il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. Liber. c. 28. Ælian. H. A. X. 14. Aristoph. Av. 516. [The translators conceive that nothing more is meant in the passage of Homer than that Apollo flew swiftly as a hawk flies swiftly.]

1284 Od. XV. 525. Apollo γυπαιεὺς, “the god of vultures,” was worshipped on the top of a hill near Ephesus, Conon, Narr. c. 35. There was also a kind of wolf called κίρκος, Oppian. Cyneg. III. 304.

1285 Æsch. Theb. 147. καὶ σὺ, Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ, λύκειος γενοῦ στρατῷ δαΐῴ, where see Blomfield. Comp. Agam. 1266, and Soph. Œd. T. 203. Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ τὰ σὰ βέλεα. In a milder sense in Æsch. Suppl. 694. Soph. Œd. T. 920. Elect. 656. in which last tragedy Apollo throughout appears as armed with his highest and noblest attributes. See particularly v. 1379.

1286 See Voss on Virgil’s Georg. p. 408. Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I. p. 417.

1287 Il. IV. 101, 119. cf. Heyne.

1288 See Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Pyth. 266.

1289 Schol. Soph. Elect. 6.

1290 Perhaps the Apollo ἔναυρος in Hesych. in v. belongs to this class of attributes. Also there were temples of Apollo on the promontories of _Leucæ_, _Leucatas_.

1291 Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 Otherwise Ælian. H. A. IV. 4. Apostol. XII. 18. comp. above, p. 287. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “twelve days and nights,” starting “Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35.”]

1292 Apostol. XII. 21.

1293 Among the moderns see Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. § 124. Gail Philologue, tom. I. p. 300, (comp. Boissonade in Millin’s Magasin Encyclopédique, tom. 118. p. 346.) where Λοξίας is brought into connexion with Λυκεῖος. It seems to me probable that the word Λοξίας first expressed the oblique position of the archer, who always has ὄμματα λοξά.

1294 Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2.

1295 Theopompus apud Polyb. XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 39. p. 398. Paus. VIII. 38. 5. On the ἄβατον see Amphis ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron. II. 1 p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed. Muncker.

1296 Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Ζεὺς βασιλεὺς was worshipped at Delphi, Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and also Ζεὺς εὔυπνος, Hesych. in v. Perhaps, too, the god Ἐλωὸς, whom Hesychius (in v.) calls the Doric Hephæstus, may be the real Zeus; a conjecture which is confirmed by the circumstance that the temples of Zeus at Dodona and in Laconia were called Ἑλλὰ, Hesych. in v. cf. in Ἔλα. That this Elous might have been originally derived from the El or Eloha of the people of Israel, I do not deny; but it is an etymology which leads to nothing but hopeless and uncertain conjecture.

1297 Ἕκατος Διὸς υἱὸς, Aleman ap. Hephæst. p. 66. ed. Gaisf.

1298 Æsch. Eumen. 19. 616. compare the ἱέρειαι in Macrobius Sat. V. 22. Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 791. Soph. El. 660.

1299 Concerning the exception of the Messenians see above, p. 151. note t, [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Terpander,” starting “I mention Eumelus.”] and for his birthplace at Tegyra above, ch. 2. § 11. Apollo was also said to have been born at Amphigenia in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. and there was a temple of Latona, Strab. VIII. p. 349. Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. ed. Schellenberg.

1300 Ἐν χρόνῳ, _i.e._ “time was requisite for his birth;” “some time elapsed before Apollo could be born,” Pindar ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 383. ed. Potter.

1301 Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. comp. Hygin. Fab. 54.

1302 Fragm. Prosod. I. p. 587. ed. Boeckh.

1303 Pindar ibid.

1304 Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 36. 273.

1305 Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. Boeckh. This ode must then have been written before the earthquake in Olymp. 72. 3. see Herod. VI. 98. which confirms the assertion of Dissen that Isthm. I. 4. is not alluded to, since this poem, as the same critic shows, was written after Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, again, had no knowledge of the earthquake which took place at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war (Thucyd. II. 8.), and Thucydides had never heard of the other, which occurred before his time, nor read the statement of Herodotus. Comp. Mucian. apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78. Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 11. &c.

1306 Above, ch. 2. § 13.

1307 Pausan. I. 18. 5. VIII. 21. 2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. IV. 35. The confusion of Eileithyia and Fate, by Olen, is only a supposition of Pausanias.

1308 Pausan. IX. 27. 2.

1309 Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 308.

1310 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 16. 19. Callim. Del. 206. compare the map of the island in Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. I. pl. 31.

1311 See Æschyl. Eumen. 9. Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. Eurip. Ion 169. Iphigen. Taur. 1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261.

1312 Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. Hom. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. ad Eurip. Ion. 932. Ælian. V. H. v. 4. Hygin. Fab. 53. 140. Catull. XXXIV. 8. For the palm as an emblem of Delos on Greek vases, see Tischbein I. 24. Il. 12.

1313 Strabo X. p. 486, &c.

1314 A fabulous reason is given by Callimachus, Fragm. 9. Hygin. fab. 247.

1315 When four days old, according to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 1252. Macrob. Sat. 1. 17.

1316 Clearchus of Soli in Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etymol. Mag. in Ἰήϊε, where for ἥλιον read Ἀπόλλωνα. comp. Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p. 834. This legend agrees with the compositions on the Greek vase in Tischbein III. 4. The plane-tree occurs also in Theophrast. Hist. Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at the Villa Albani, Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 212.

1317 Apoll. Rh. II. 707. comp. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

1318 Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 2.

1319 Comp. Hygin. fab. 140.

1320 Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17. The fountain there spoken of, and not that of Castalia, is the one which the serpent was supposed to haunt. Comp. Hesych. in Τοξίου βοῦνος; a mound erected over the Python, in a ravine near Delphi, which is sometimes placed at Sicyon, Paus. II. 7. 7.

1321 Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. (where also Δελφύνης is in the MS.) Dionys. Perieg. 441. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An ἡμίθηρ κόρη, according to later writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3.

1322 Lucian de Astrol. 23. The symbol of the goat is connected with the Python (since Αἴξ is called a child of the Python, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 12.), also a river Αἰγᾶς, and the πεδίον Αἰγαῖον at Delphi (Hesiod ap. Steph. Byz.), and the ὀμφαλὸς Αἰγαῖος, Hesych. in v. cf. Pausan. X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. 26. The same animal was likewise sacred to Apollo at Elyrus in Crete (above, ch. 1. § 5.) and Tylissus; in the coins of which town Apollo is represented with a goat’s head in his hand. At Delos the altar Κερατὼν, or Κεράτινος, was made of goat’s horns by Apollo while a boy, Plutarch. Thes. 21. de Solert. Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same story was told of the Κεραιστὴς τόπος at Miletus (Callim. ap. Etym. Mag. 584. 10.), where there was a strange story of a he-goat which gave milk. It cannot be doubted that the goat was originally one of the unclean animals of the worship of Apollo.

1323 Apollo, according to Simonides (ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 52. 39.), slew the monster with an hundred arrows (as an explanation of ἑκατηβελέτης). The battle is represented on the coins of Croton; see Eckhel Num. Anecdot. plate I. No. 13.

1324 Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. 7.

1325 See in particular Boeckh de Metr. Pind. III. 4. p. 182. Pollux IV. 10. 81. calls the performance ἄχορον αὔλημα Πύθιον.

1326 Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 12. p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422. also alludes to the burning of the καλιὰς, which he calls σκηνή.

_ 1327 Orchomenos_, p. 220.

1328 In Plutarch de Def. Orat. 14. read ἔφοδος ᾗ αἱ Ὀλεῖαι (also in Hesych. in αἰόδα) τὸν ἀμφιθαλῆ κόρον ἡμμέναις δᾳσὶν ἄγουσιν for ἔφοδος μὴ αἰόλα δὲ τὸν, the women having the same name as those of Orchomenus, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 38. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 166.

1329 Above, ch. 1. § 2; and on the different tradition of Tarrha, ib. § 5.

1330 In a verse of Sophocles, cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14. Alcestis said of Apollo, οὑμος δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς μύλην, “_My husband led him to the mill._” The name of the tragedy seems to have been Ἄδμητος; see the words of Plutarch ubi sup. A tragedy, I say; for, although Hermann (Præf. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) thinks that the line is from a satiric drama, the verses quoted in Schol. Pind. Pyth. IV. 221. which appear to be from the same play, are evidently of a tragic complexion. On the imitation of the servitude of Apollo, see also the words of Plutarch ib. 15. αἵ τε πλάναι καὶ ἡ λατρεία τοῦ παιδὸς οἵ τε γιγνόμενοι περὶ τὰ Τέμπη καθαρμοί.

1331 Hesych. in Ἀδμήτου κόρη.

1332 See particularly Æschyl. Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest. 10. Apollod. I. 9.

1333 See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1231. (but the Scholion Ἀδμήτου λόγον, &c. has nothing to do with this point), and Zenob. Prov. Ἀδμήτου μέλος.

1334 Eubemerus ap. Minut. Felic. c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. Germ. Ant. p. 168. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 16.

1335 Several coins appear to represent this lustration; _e.g._, one of Chalcedon, in Mionnet, No. 88; one of Perinthus, ibid. No. 329; see also those of Alexandria Troas in Mionnet, Nos. 109, 115, 116.

1336 Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. III. 96.) who drew his information from Hesiod. Hesiod related this tradition in the part of the Ἠοῖαι or catalogue which treated of the daughters of Leucippus, one of whom is said to have been the mother of Æsculapius. Tzetzes ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Compare Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apollod. III. 10. 4. I. 9. 15. Diod. IV. 71. Excerpt. p. 546. ed. Wesseling. Orph. Argon. 176, also Eurip. Alcestis, and Asclepiades in the Scholia. The _religious_ tradition is given by Anaxandridas the Delphian in Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (περὶ τῶν συληθέντων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθημάτων, Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and Plutarch, perhaps from the same authority. Those who in Iliad I. 399. wrote καὶ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων, attributed his banishment to a rebellion against Zeus. See also Æschylus ap. Plutarch de Exilio 17.

1337 Il. XXI. 443. θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Thus also Pherecydes and the others. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, from an epic poet. Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the whole verse; Ἀδμὴτῳ πάρα θητεῦσαι μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.

1338 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 611; see the very confused account in Eratosth. Catast. 29. with Schaubach’s note. p. 110.

1339 Odyss. XI. 580 Pausan. III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclæan throne) X. 11. 1. Pind. Pyth. IV. 90.

1340 Διὸς νημερτέα βουλὴν, Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 132. comp. Hymn. Merc. 471, 533.

1341 Ælian. V. H. XI. 5. Also sacrifices of cakes at Athens, Harpocration and Hesychius in ἔνθρυπτα, Suidas in ἔνθρυπτος Ἀπόλλων. comp. Hemsterhuis ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. Bipont.

1342 See above, ch. 2. § 2.

1343 Aristot. in Δηλίων πολίτεια ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 13. Timæus ap. Censorin. de die nat. 2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). Compare Macrobius Sat. III. 6. Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. Porphyr. de Abstinent. II. 28. (see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus Vit. Pythagor. 5. 7. Cyrillus in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Concerning the horn altar, see above, p. 325, note d. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “inner sanctuary,” starting “Lucian de Astrol. 23.”]

1344 Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. The first-fruits of the year were also carried round at the Attic Thargelia, Hesychius in Θαργήλια.

1345 Schol. Pindar. Argum. p. 298. ed. Boeckh.

1346 See particularly Crates ap. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Suidas in εἰρεσιώνη. Menecles ap. Suid. in διακόνιον. cf. in προηποσία. Thes. 22. Apostal. Prov. XXI. 24.

1347 Also the χύτρα ἀθάρησ καὶ ἔτνους, which was used at this festival, referred more to the gods of husbandry.

1348 The ancient Greeks considered the winter as the season when the gods of the infernal regions were predominant, and a state of impurity existed; while they looked on spring and summer as a pure and sacred season.

1349 Meursii Græcia Feriata in Θαργήλια. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 106. An historical tradition respecting the first φαρμακὸς, from a work of Istrus περὶ τῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπιφανειῶν, is preserved in Harpocration and Etymol. Magn. in v.

1350 Parthen. Erot. 9. Hesychius in Θαργήλια ad fin. where the correction of Hemsterhuis is disapproved by Welcker on Schwenck’s Mythologische Andeutungen, p. 341.

1351 Archilochus fragm. 46. ed. Gaisford.

1352 Servius ad Æn. III. 57. from Petronius. Apollo Delphinius was worshipped there, Strabo IV. p. 179 B.

1353 See the verses of Hipponax in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in Athen. IX. p. 370 A. and his testimony in Plutarch de Musica 8. comp. Hesychius in κραδίης.

1354 Above, ch. 2. § 10.

1355 Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps there was a local tradition that the Python was killed in Sicyon; see above, p. 324, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “supplied from the Styx,” starting “Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17.”]

1356 Plutarch. Thes. 18. The number is evident from the context.

1357 In order to show the correspondence between the sacred seasons at Athens and Delphi, it should be remarked that at the latter place the nine months of spring, summer, and autumn were sacred to Apollo, and during them the sacrifice was accompanied by the pæan; while the three winter months were sacred to Bacchus, and hence in them the dithyramb was played at the sacrifices (Plutarch. de Ei 9. p. 229.); and that in Athens also the festivals of Bacchus were celebrated between Poseideon and Elaphebolion, and those of Apollo during the other months.

1358 See Æginetica, page 152. That the _testamentum Epictetæ_ belongs to Thera, is proved by Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.

1359 Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argument.

1360 See particularly Callisthenes and Anaxandridas (the same person who is mentioned above) in Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. Thucydides V. 1. cf. 18. 24. also places the Pythian festival at the end of Elaphebolion. The first passage has been often misunderstood (_e.g._ by Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 193.): its meaning is, “_The annual armistice remained suspended; there was again war, until the Pythian games._” Without going further into the complicated inquiry concerning the time of the Pythia, and without denying that in later ages the festival was transferred to autumn, I think that the arguments in the text fully justify me in assuming that the celebration of the victory over the Python (which celebration was the chief subject of the Pythia) took place in spring.

1361 This is plain from the fable of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14. [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

1362 Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. 2. p. 342. de Ei 17. p. 238. Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. 767. Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. p. 243. ed. Reisk. comp. Valckenaer de Aristobulo Judæo § 37. p. 13.

1363 Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. Apollod. fragm. p. 413. 415. ed. Heyn. It is probably a fiction that Socrates was born on the former, Plato on the latter day.

1364 The κωπὼ of the Daphnephoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. 987.) has some resemblance to the εἰρεσιώνη, or olive-branch, which was also carried round at the Thargelia (Suidas in v.), and is also called a ἱκετηρία, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725.

1365 The Athenians, according to Proclus as above, honoured the seventh day as Ἀπολλωνιακὴ, δαφνηφοροῦντες καὶ τὸ κανοῦν ἀποστρέφοντες (ἐπιστέφοντες Scalig.) καὶ ὑμνοῦντες τὸν θεόν.

1366 Pontedera Antiq. p. 208. According to Scaliger Emend. Temp. vol. I. p. 54, this was anciently the beginning of the year; which is denied by Petavius Doctrin. Temp. I. 34. p. 42. compare Dodwell de Cyclis V. 12. p. 256.

1367 Above, ch. 4. § 2. It was then probably that the festival of the Theophania was celebrated, Herod. I. 51.

1368 Concerning which see above, ch. 1. § 2. ch. 2. § 12. 14. ch. 3. § 1. And for the ancient octennial Pythian games see Demetrius of Phalerum in Eustathius ad Od. γ’. p. 1466. ed. Rom. Schol. Med. ad Od. γ’. p. 267.

1369 This too, as well as the olive-branch, was always borne by a παῖς ἀμφιθαλὴς, a boy who had both parents alive.

1370 See a verse from an epic poet quoted by Plutarch, Præc. Reip. ger. 19. p. 178. Ἥκομεν οἱ κτείναντες, ἀπότρεπε λοιγὸν, Ἄπολλον.

1371 Æsch. Choeph. 1035. Eumen. 43. στέμματα Δελφικά. Suidas in Ἐμπεδοκλῆς.

1372 Eumen. 326.

1373 Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. This expiation is also represented on several vases; see Tischbein II. 16. and more completely in Millin Vases II. 68. Monumens inédits I. 29. where see the accurate explanation. Orestes sits, half kneeling, on the ὄμφαλος, covered with a net, exactly as Æschylus describes it: by his side are Athene and the Furies; next the tripod is the sacred laurel, with fillets, and votive tablets; and by it is Apollo, standing, with a laurel chaplet, and his mantle thrown back; the spirit of Clytæmnestra and Pylades in the background. On a vase in the British Museum (No. 102), Orestes is represented as kneeling, with a sword in his hand, and a travelling cap thrown from his head, before an altar; woollen fillets, in the form of a chain, fall from one arm; Apollo, with a branch of laurel and a patera in one hand, stands by him; and in the other, as it appears, a pair of shears, with which he is going to cut off a lock of his hair. See also Museo Pio Clementino, V. pi. 22.

1374 Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 268. The purification of Orestes was likewise referred to the very ancient temple of Apollo at Trœzen; in front of which there was a building called the _tent of Orestes_ (σκηνὴ Ὀρέστου); where he lived secluded from the world, until he was purified, And from the materials used in the purification (what Homer calls λύματα), which were buried close by, a laurel was said to have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. 11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, ch. 2. § 8. It was also supposed to have been performed at Rhegium; see the passages quoted above, p. 278, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “rites and festivals,” starting “Respecting the ablutions.”] The ἐνιαυτισμὸς, or seclusion of Orestes, took place in Parrhasia, according to Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1678.

1375 Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. Sturz.

1376 In later times the ephetæ decided cases of unpremeditated and justifiable homicide in the Palladium, Delphinium, Prytaneum, and Phreattys: while the Areopagus, the court for murder, was separate: but in early times these aristocratic judges appear to have sat in _all_ the five courts, each armed with _full_ jurisdiction. Demosth. in Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες, according to Pollux VIII. 125. Philochorus (ap. Maxim. Proœm. ad S. Dionys. Areop. p. 19. fragm. ed. Siebel.) gives the same number for the Areopagites, _i.e._, as they were before the time of Solon.

1377 Pollux ubi sup. This explains how the Areopagus might be of great antiquity (Aristot. Polit. II. 8. 2. &c), and yet _never_ have been mentioned by Draco, who only spoke of the ephetæ, Plutarch, Solon. 29.

1378 Suidas in ἀπενιαυτίσαι. Hesychius in ἀπενιαυτισμὸς. Schol. Eurip. Hippol. 35. and see Barnes’s note. The term of banishment was always called ἐνιαυτὸς (Apollod. II. 8. 3. cf. III. 4. 2.), and was generally eight years (an ἐνναετηρὶς) in ancient times (see below, ch. 11. § 9.); but at Athens it was probably undetermined.

1379 Ἐὰν θέλωσι Demosth. ubi sup.

1380 Ἐὰν γνῶσιν οἱ πεντήκοντα καὶ εἷς ἄκοντα κτεῖναι ibid. cf. Pantænet. p. 983. 15. in Nausimach. p. 991. 3. where Reiske’s alteration is wrong. See also particularly the θεσμοί in the speech of Demosthenes against Aristocrates. Plato, too, would have expiation and purification only in the case of involuntary homicide, de Leg. IX. p. 869. It was against every principle of law for the relations to compound for a wilful murder (see Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocrin. p. 1330. extr.); and thus, too, the case in Il. VI. 632. is mentioned as an exception. See, however, Apollod. II. 7. 6.

1381 On this point more will be found below, in ch. 11. § 9. In this place I only observe, with reference to the assertion of Lobeck (de Præc. Myst. II. p. 6.), “that all expiations in the heroic mythology were invented by the historians,” that, according to _Arctinus_ (Æthiopis ap. Prod. Chrestom. comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyrnæo p. 61.), Achilles, after the murder of Thersites, fled to Lesbos, to be there expiated by Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo and Diana. It may indeed be shown from the Scholia to Il. XXIV. 484. that the original reading in this passage was not ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἀφνειοῦ, but ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἁγνίτεω, “_in the house of the expiator, or purifier_.” See Lobeck’s Aglaophamus, vol. I. p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351.

1382 Above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”]

1383 Below, § 17.

1384 See Book III. ch. 11. § 4.

1385 Æschyl. Eum. 62.

1386 Theocrit. Id. XXIV.

1387 Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sapient. 14.

1388 Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Compare also the fact mentioned in the first spurious Epistle of Æschines, p. 658. ed. Reisk.

1389 Hesych. in v.

1390 See Casaubon ad Theophrast. Char. 16.

1391 Hence Manto is also called Daphne; and one of the sons of Priam, a prophet, was named αἴσακος, _i.e._ a laurel-bough, Apollod. III. 12. 5. cf. Hesych. in v.

1392 Tischbein I. 33. Millin. Vases, tom. I. pl. 6.

1393 Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. XIX. 86. διὰ τὸ κουροτρόφον τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος. Compare Eustathius p. 683. 40. ed. Bas. Hesych. in κορυθαλία, where the olive-branch is so called. See also Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. II. p. 161.

1394 Ἀλήθεια is often used in oracles to signify the confirmation by events of the prediction; thus Antiphon wrote a treatise περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας, _i.e._ on the fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is called ἀληθὴς by Tryphiodorus v. 641. where see Wernicke’s note. Diviners were called by the Spartans καταλαθισταὶ, Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p. 113.

1395 See particularly Plin. jun. Epist. V. 6.

1396 Above, ch. 1. § 2.

1397 Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Hyginus fab. 203. where see Muncker’s note. It is also related to have taken place at Amyclæ, at Claros, and also on the banks of the Ladon; the latter on account of Apollo Oncæus. In several coins of Metapontum, _e.g._, on two in the Paris cabinet, Apollo is represented as placing or planting a laurel on a low altar; and he is frequently drawn with a laurel in his hand, sometimes bound with woollen fillets.

1398 See Od. IX. 200. XX. 278. Pausan. I. 21. 9.

1399 See particularly Od. XVI. 403. and Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 394. compare Ælian V. H. III. 43, 44. Diod. V. 67. Harpocration in θεμιστεύειν, &c. Themis was worshipped, together with Apollo, at Delphi (which also seems to be stated in the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in θέμις), and in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67.

1400 Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed. Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. 111. also appears to a certain degree to praise the simplicity of the Delphic oracles, as also Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. 11.

1401 Hom. Hymn. 24. Æsch. Choëph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. Plutarch. Num. 9.

1402 See Plato de Rep. IV. p. 179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. Bekker.

1403 The divination from dreams is also opposed by Euripides (Iphig. Taur. 1264) to the prophecies of Apollo; and he also refers to it the combat between the goddess Γαῖα and Phœbus.

1404 All regular divination was of an early date, according to Pausan. I. 43. 3.

1405 Above, ch. 2. § 14.

1406 Hymn. Hom. III. 213, 544. Sophocl. Ed. T. 965. Alexander’s Δελφικὰ. ap. Steph. Byz. in Πάρνασσος, Paus. X. 6. 1. comp. Plin. H. N. VII. 57.

1407 Μάντεις Πυθικοὶ at the sacrifice, Eurip. Androm. 1107, 1116. see above, ch. 2. § 12. ch. 3. § 2.

1408 Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 45, and Schol. Etym. Magn. p. 455. 51. Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zenobius V. 75. Steph. Byz. in Θρία. compare Hesychius in the obscure gloss Θριὼ, and the vase in Millingen’s Diverses Peintures 29. Κλῆροι at Delphi are also mentioned by Plutarch de Ει 16.

1409 Il. I. 602. Hesiod. Scut. 200; and see Heinrich’s note. So also on the chest of Cypselus, with the verses in Paus. V. 18. 1, and Pindar Nem. V. 24.

1410 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 200. Pindar Fragm. 115. ed. Boeckh. Apollo himself, as a boy, is represented dancing on a tripod in a coin of Cos (Mionnet tom. III. p. 401).

_ 1411 Orchomenos_, p. 381.

1412 See, _e.g._ Athen. XIV. p. 636 E. Hence the κίθαρος was a fish sacred to Apollo, Apollod. Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn.

1413 See the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. But even there the lyre is frequently confounded with the cithara (the _seven-stringed_ in v. 51, which proves that this hymn is later than the time of Terpander). Comp. Apollod. III. 10. 2, where Apollod. is said to receive the pipe (σύριγξ) also from Mercury, and Eratosth. Catast. 24. The Æolian lyric poets made frequent mention of this fable, and hence it frequently occurs in Horace.

1414 Pyth. V. 63.

1415 Fragm. Pæan. 2. ed. Boeckh.

1416 The frequent use of music in medicine in the most ancient times is certainly not a fiction; thus Apollo, when a player on the cithara and an ἰατρόμαντις, has offices nearly allied to one another, Æsch. Suppl. 261. Eumen. 62.

1417 Paus. X. 7. 2. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. 3. he was himself the καθαρτής.

1418 Plutarch de Music. 42.

1419 Diog. Laert. VIII. 24. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c.

1420 Hence no flute-player was allowed to enter the temple of Tennes the son of Apollo, Diod. V. 83.

1421 This fable, and the various representations of it in ancient art, are well known. See Bœttiger in Wieland’s Attisches Museum, vol. I. p. 285. Visconti Museo Pio-Clementino V. 4. Millin. Vases vol. I. pl. 6. The accompaniments in the plate given by Tischbein IV. 6. show that Phrygia, those in I. 33. and Millingen pl. 6. that Delphi is meant.

1422 Il. X. 13. The passage XVIII. 495. cannot be considered as equally ancient, see Eustathius and the Venetian Scholiast.

1423 Hesiod. Scut. 281.

1424 Athen. XIV. p. 624 B. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6. Fragm. 86.

1425 See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. and the commentators.

1426 Boeckh ad Pindar. Fragm. p. 292.

1427 Alcman. Fragm. 38. ed. Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14.

1428 Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch. de Mus. 15. The same musician also composed the νόμος Πολυκέφαλος in honour of Apollo, Plut. ib. 7. Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. XII. p. 345.

1429 See the author’s History of Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6.

1430 Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. τὸ Πύθιον, Athen. XII. p. 538 F.

1431 Or _perfect_ (τέλειοι αὐλοὶ), Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. ed. Meibom.

1432 Paus. II. 22. 9. X. 9. 3.

1433 Paus. IX. 29. 3. Philochorus ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1163. 57. ed. Rom.

1434 Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. II. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the temple of Apollo). comp. Propertius II. 10. 8. A θρῆνος Ἀργεῖος is mentioned by Aristides Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is only his poetical father (Apollod. I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eustathius); but his mother Psamathe and his brother Psamathus must have some meaning. With the ceremony mentioned in the text was connected a festival called _Arnis_ or _Cynophontis_, at which a number of dogs were publicly slaughtered. Ælian. N. A. XII. 34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Conon ubi sup. Athen. III. p. 99 F. The dog, as was frequently the case in ancient mythology, evidently represents Sirius, and generally the scorching heat of summer, so fatal to all vegetation. It appears, therefore, that they destroyed the emblem of that power by which the death of Narcissus was occasioned.

1435 Hesiod ap. Eustath. ubi sup.

1436 Hom. Il. XVIII. 569. Hesiod ubi sup. Euripides ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619 C.

1437 See Stanley ad Æsch. Agam. 123. The proper name was perhaps οἶτος Λίνου, and the first words αἶ Λίνε.

1438 Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. Il. ubi sup.

1439 Barbarian Αἴλινοι in Eurip. Orest. 1402.

1440 Schol. Apoll. I. 1135.

_ 1441 Orchomenos_, p. 293.

1442 Æsch. Pers. 1059 (where it is a melancholy tune to the lamentations of the chorus) and Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791.

1443 Æsch. Pers. 941. and Schol. Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. 54.

1444 Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in Μαριανδυνῶν θρῆνος.

1445 Pollux IV. 10. 76.

1446 II. 79. comp. Clearchus ap. Hesych. Pollux ubi sup.

1447 Eustath. ad Il. A. 20. The name Cinyras was changed so as to resemble Κινυρός. The love which Apollo bore him (Pind. Pyth. II. 16. cf. Schol. Theocrit. I. 109) merely signifies that he was fond of music.

1448 Paus. X. 7. 2. Concerning the antiquity of the musical contests at Delphi see Plutarch Sympos. II. 4. 1. p. 83. Demetrius Phalereus quoted above, p. 338, note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote on page 337 to “earliest times arranged,” starting “Concerning which see above.”] Philostrat. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. VI. 10.

1449 Proclus ap. Phot. Χρυσόθεμις ὁ Κρὴς πρῶτος στολῇ χρησάμενος ἐκπρεπεῖ, καὶ κιθάραν ἀναλαβὼν εἰς μίμησιν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος μόνος ᾖσε νόμον.

1450 Suidas in νόμος κιθαρῳδός.

1451 Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. comp. Apoll. Rhod. I. 537.

1452 Proclus ubi sup.

1453 Plutarch de Music. 4. from Timotheus.

1454 See the passages quoted by Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. ed. Harl. It was also called _versus Deliacus_, if the reading in Atilius Fortunatus, p. 2690. ed. Putsch. is correct. At _Miletus_ also there were ancient hexameter hymns to Apollo and Zeus, which were attributed to Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, 165. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 647.

1455 Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. XVI. 432. Syncellus Chronogr. p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. ed. Harles.

1456 Plutarch de Music. 5.

1457 The hymns of Terpander were, like the most ancient songs, partly in hexameter metre, ἔπη (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. Proclus ubi sup.): yet Terpander was the first to introduce a great variety of metre.

1458 The reason of Thamyris the Thracian being called the son of Philammon (Paus. IV. 33), is probably the near neighbourhood of the Delphians and Thracians of Parnassus.

1459 Il. I. 473. cf. XXII. 391.

1460 Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. IV. p. 179. XI. p. 503 E. from Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. 1. Hence τελεσίερος, Hesych. in v.

1461 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 sqq. In Delos also pæans were sung round the altars, Eurip. Herc. Fur. 690.

1462 Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The passage of Athenæus XIV. p. 631 C. if properly written, does not refer to that point. There was always a person named ἐξάρχων who accompanied the song on an instrument. Thus Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. Gaisford. αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλόν Λέσβιον παιήονα (_after_ the time of Terpander), Vit. Sophocl. μετὰ λύρας τοῖς παιανίζουσιν ἐξῆρχε. Compare the verses on the chest of Cypselus quoted above, p. 349. note 2.

1463 Plutarch de Ει 16.

1464 Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25.

1465 See Menander de Encom. p. 27. ed. Heeren.

1466 Il. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. 18.

1467 Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. and Simonides ap. Athen. V. p. 181 B. Plutarch Sympos. IX. 15. explained by Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. p. 597.

1468 Lucian. de Saltat. 16.

1469 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 162. πάντων δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φωνὰς καὶ κρεμβαλιαστὺν Μιμεῖσθαι ἴσασιν. Κρεμβαλιαστὺς means extravagant gestures, such as clapping of hands, striking of castanets, &c.

1470 See Plut. Thes. 21. Callim. Hymn. Del. 317. with Spanheim’s note. The leader of the dance was called γερανουλκὸς (Hesych. in v.) Blows also were given, and hence the expression Δήλου κακὸς βωμὸς (Hesych. in v.); and there were also various turnings and windings, παραλλάξεις and ἀνελίξεις (Dicæarchus apud Plut. ubi sup.): when at rest, the chorus stood in a semicircle, with leaders at the two wings, Pollux IV. 4. 101.

1471 Athen. XIV. p. 630. Compare the extant fragments of the pæans of Pindar.

1472 Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. That the hyporcheme was native in Sparta may be seen from Pindar Fragm. 8. p. 603. ed. Boeckh.

1473 Plutarch de Music. 10. where for ΜΑΡΩΝΑ καὶ Κρητικὸν ῥυθμὸν should probably be written ΠΑΙΩΝΑ. A fragment of a pæan in pæons in Aristot. Rh. III. 7. 6.

1474 It is called ἁβρόν τι μέλος by Bacchylides.

1475 Pind. Olymp. XIV. 12. and the Schol.

1476 There was at Delos an ancient statue, according to Plutarch de Music. 14. which Tectæus and Angelion appear to have imitated (Pausan. IX. 35. I.); whose work is perhaps copied in the Gem in Millin’s Galerie Mythologique, p. 33. No. 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. The Graces had a flute, a lyre, and a pipe in their hands. There was another ancient statue (ξόανον) at Delos, which was referred to Erysichthon, Plutarch, Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

_ 1477 Orchomenos_, p. 182. and see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. ed. Brunck.

1478 Also the Hyacinthia in the Amyclæum, Strab. VI. p. 278. Hyacinthus was the son of Amyclas and of Diomede the daughter of Lapithas (so named from the Lapithæum in the neighbourhood), according to Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas is mentioned, instead of Hyacinthus, by Simmias περὶ μηνῶν, ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμύκλα.

_ 1479 Orchomenos_, p. 327. The month Hyacinthus was also introduced into Sicily by the Ægidæ, Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74.

1480 Hyacinthus is himself called Καρνεῖος in Coluthus Rapt. Hel. 237.

1481 Paus. II. 35. 4.

1482 Paus. III. 19. cf. IV. 33. 5.

1483 Hesychius in Πολύβοια; and see below, ch. 10. § 3.

1484 A worship of the dead was also offered to the πάρθενοι Ὕακινθίδες of Athea.

1485 Eurip. Hel. 1490.

1486 Crowns of ivy were given at the Hyacinthia, according to Aristot. ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. Hence perhaps the Κισσεὺς Ἀπόλλων of Æschylus ap. Macrob. ibid. with Lobeck’s correction ad Soph. Aj. 814. See Classical Journal XIX. p. 111.

1487 Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 201. has properly followed Dodwell on this point, whose arguments also convince me.

1488 Hesych. Σταφυλοδρόμοι τινὲς τῶν Καρνεατῶν παρορμῶντες τοὺς ἐπὶ τρύγῃ. A different account is given in Bekker’s Anecd. p. 305.

1489 Clemens of Alexand. (Str. I. p. 349.) infers from two verses of the ancient poem Europia that Apollo was also represented at Delphi as a κίων ὑψηλός; but they prove nothing; for the high column, on which arms and trophies were hung, was certainly not the god himself.

1490 Called Κουρίδιος, Hesych. in v. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54. Apostol. II. 54.

1491 Paus. III. 11. Perhaps this was the regular form of the Carnean Apollo, Paus. III. 26. 5.

1492 Above, p. 195. note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “before conquered,” starting “Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12.”]

1493 Aristides ap. Steph. Byz. comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. p. 266. Apostol. XVIII. 28. and the coins of Tenedos (Mionnet tom. II. p. 671.); those of Pitana (tom. II. p. 627. No. 722.) of Iasos (tom. III. p. 352.), and particularly those of Thyateira (Buonarotti Medaglie Antiche IX. 9.), in which the symbol of the axe is variously combined with Apollo.

1494 The latter god was called by the title of Χρυσαορεὺς (Strab. XIV. p. 660.); and consequently the epithet χρυσάωρ, as applied to Apollo, originally (_e.g._ in Il. V. 509. see Heyne’s note, and ad Apollod. p. 274.) signified his golden armour, although Pindar (Pyth. V. 104.) uses it for the golden ornaments of his cithara; but in an oracle of Bacis it is again applied to Artemis, _i.e._ to the _armed_ goddess (Herod. VIII. 77. compare Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad Hom. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh Explic. Pind. p. 293.)

1495 Travels in Greece, vol. II. p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-relievi della Grecia, Roma 1812. The Apollo upon the Capitoline Puteal appears to be a copy, but a far more modern copy, of the same original. The same shape of Apollo may be also observed in the reliefs with the carrying off of the tripod.

1496 Pind. Pyth. V. 42. There was also shown at Tegea a gilt Apollo by Cheirisophus a Cretan, see Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, vol. II. p. 25.

1497 Tryphiodor. 643. and see book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concerning the Δελφικὴ μάχαιρα see Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and Hesychius in v. Compare Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos also they used a sacred μάχαιρα, tempered in the water of Cydnus, Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 41. p. 368.

1498 In this temple also there was a wooden statue of Apollo, θύϊος (probably θύϊνος) Ἀπόλλων, Hesychius.

1499 For this account see a paper _Ueber den Apollon des Kanachos_, in the Kunstblatt for 1821, No. 16. This also serves to confirm the conjecture of Visconti that the bas-relief of the Museo Pio-Clementino V. 23. represents Menelaus dedicating the arms of Euphorbus to the Didymæan Apollo; for the god upon the pillar has nearly the form in question. To the copies of this Apollo many might now be added.

1500 Strab. VII. p. 319 B. comp. Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. 18.

1501 Pausan. I. 4. 3. The reader should guard against supposing with Visconti (Museo Pio-Clementino tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. p. 93.) that these statues of Apollo in temples had the elegant proportions and light character of the later works of art.

1502 Æginetica, p. 106. Concerning the ancient statues of Apollo see also Winckelmann’s Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. note. vol. III. p. 548.

1503 This important statement is given in Aristides Fragm. ap. Mai. Vet. Script. Nov. Syll. I. 3. p. 41. It has first explained fully the epigram of Antipater to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck Analect. vol. II. p. 14. No. 30.

1504 A statue of Apollo by Myron is mentioned by Cicero in Verr. II. 4. 43.

_ 1505 E.g._ those of Mytilene, Croton, and also those of Philip the First.

_ 1506 E.g._ the head in the Louvre, No. 133. Catalogue de Clarac.

1507 A bronze found at Argos, of the same character, is mentioned by Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, tom. IV. p. 161. Heads having a great resemblance to the Belvedere Apollo occur in many collections, some of which have even more heroic forms.

1508 Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In a coin of Thessalonica the Pythian Apollo is represented in this position, with the laurel in his right hand, the cithara beside him, and the bow at his feet (Mionnet No. 396.); similar to those of Germe, Apollonia in Mysia, Chalcedon, and Cos.

1509 The statue of this class in the Museo Pio-Clementino I. tav. 13. is, according to Vis conti’s conjecture, a copy of the Palatine Apollo of Scopas, Plin. N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This form of the Apollo Musagetes was most in vogue in the time of Nero. There is a remarkable statue of this god described and figured by Raffei in his _Ricerche sopra un Apolline delta villa Albani_. He is represented as sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod covered with a skin, with his right hand on his knees (to be kissed, as was the custom in temples); in his left hand is a serpent; and his feet rest upon a _cortina_, also covered with a skin: by the side of this is a lion’s skin; the hair is interwoven with laurel leaves, and falls in a broad cluster over the back. The style is neither very ancient nor good, but the symbols and position are singular in many respects.

1510 See Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 423. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. p. 153.) on this subject.

1511 Above, ch. 3. § 7. and book III. ch. 9. § 16.

1512 Porph. Vit. Pythag. 41. According to Aristoxenus apud Diog. Laert. VIII. 21. he received the fundamental doctrines of his philosophy from Themistocleia, a Pythian priestess. See Fabric. Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86.

1513 One of the important parts of the Pythagorean worship was the _pæan_, which was sung to the lyre, in spring-time, by a person sitting in the midst of a circle of listeners: this was called the κάθαρσις, or purification. See Schol. Ven. Il. XXII. 391. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. 32. This is evidently an application of ancient rites of the worship of Apollo. The Pythian oracle likewise commanded the Greeks of Lower Italy to sing pæans in the spring as a means of atonement. Aristoxenus p. 93. ed. Mahn. apud Apollon. Hist. Mir. 40.

1514 See Creuzer’s _Symbolik_.

1515 Pindar. Nem. VI. 42. IX. 4. Compare Hymn. Homer. XXVII. 14. and the ἀρὰ Ἀμφικτυόνην in Æschin. Ctesiph. p. 70. 36. Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου καὶ τᾶς Λατὸς καὶ τᾶς Ἀρτάμι[τος] in the great Delphian inscription in Boeckh No. 1688. The whole family was also in the temple at Cirrha, Pausan. X. 36. 7.

1516 See above, ch. 7. § 6.

1517 Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At Sparta also Apollo Pythaëus was joined with Latona and Artemis, Pausan. III. 11.

1518 Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 133. The Artemis Cnagia at Sparta came from Crete, according to Pausan. III. 18. 3. Amnisian nymphs of Artemis, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1519 Above, p. 342, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “thirst for revenge,” starting “On this point.”]

1520 Antonin. Liberal. c. 1.

1521 Inscription in Walpole’s Travels, p. 578. ὑδροφόρος Ἀρτέμιδος Πυθίης.

1522 Above, ch. 2. § 3.

1523 Σαρπηδονία in Cilicia, Strab. XIV. p. 676.

1524 Hyginus fab. 186. Whether the Artemis of Rhegium (Thuc. VI. 44.) came from Delphi (above, ch. 3. § 5.) or from Eubœa (where she was worshipped under the name of Προσηώα at Artemisium, of Amarynthia, near Eretria, on mount Cotylæum, and all along the Euripus, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 188.) is uncertain.

1525 Herod. IV. 33. where the worship of the Hyperborean Artemis is also ascribed to the Thracian and Pæonian women. Compare Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 936. The Hymn of Olen, Pausan. V. 1.4. represented Demeter Ἀχαιία as coming from the land of the Hyperboreans to Delos; but the Achæan Demeter cannot be meant; and therefore I would write ΑΦΑΙΑ, as Artemis was called in Ægina. The ἀποδημίαι of Artemis in the Argive legend (Menander de Encom. 4. p. 38. ed. Heeren) perhaps referred to this.

1526 See Callim. Hymn. Del. 292. Melanopus of Cume ap. Pausan. ubi sup. cf. I. 43. 4. Etymol. Mag. p. 641. 56. Concerning Οὖπις, see the English edition of Stephens’ Thesaurus, vol. I. part 4. p. 551.

1527 Thus Apollo was called Ἐπόψιος, Hesychius.

1528 Thus Nemesis was also called Οὖπις, as in the inscription of Herodes Atticus.

1529 Palæphat. 52. Apostolius VI. 44.

1530 Sung among the Trœzenians, by whom Lyceia was worshipped, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 972.

1531 Od. XI. 171. Compare Il. VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The reason why she kills Ariadne (Od. XI. 324.) is explained by Pherecydes in the Scholia. Λέων γυναιξὶ (Il. XXI. 483.) probably only as a goddess of death, and not as Pausanias IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius explain it. Ἃ γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει κράτος in the Attic Scolion is ambiguous.

1532 Artemis in Homer is, in the first place, the complete image of her brother, as armed with a bow (ἰοχέαιρα, χρυσηλάκατος, τοξοφόρος Il. XX. 39, 71. XXI. 483. Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, &c.); as a beautiful and strong maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as killing women suddenly and without sickness (Il. VI. 428. XIX. 59. Od. XI. 171, 323. XV. 476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes mildly (Od. XV. 409. XVIII. 201.), at another time in anger (Il. VI. 205.); as punishing with death the children of Niobe (Il. XXIV. 606.) and Orion (Od. V. 123.); as κουροτρόφος, and therefore giving height to virgins (Od. XX. 71. cf. VI. 107.); as occasionally healing (Il. V. 447.); as honoured by choruses of singers, and herself leading the chorus (Il. XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. XXVII. 18.). Now, besides this, there is also the Arcadian notion of Artemis, the wood-nymph;, her chorus plays in the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she rejoices in wild boars and stags (VI. 104.); and thus, being armed with a bow, becomes a _huntress_ (Il. V. 51. XXI. 485.). The Ætolian Artemis, who requires θαλύσια (Il. IX. 533.), is again of a different kind.

1533 Pausan. IV. 13. 1.

1534 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 124.

1535 Apollod. I. 7. 4.

1536 Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. 108. ed. Meineke, &c.

1537 Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. At Melite in Phthia Artemis was, in some particular worship, called Ἄσπαλις, Ἀμειλήτη, Ἑκαέργη, Antonin. Liberal. 13.

1538 She was worshipped under the title of Δαφναία at Las, Pausan. III. 24. 6. and of Δαφνία at Olympia, Strab. VIII. p. 343.

1539 Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. Sophocl. Trach. 210. according to Seidler’s punctuation; above, p. 309, note h. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “in honour of Apollo,” starting “Proclus apud Phot.”]

1540 At Trœzen, Pausan. II. 31. 6.

1541 Above, ch. 6. § 3. Also προθυραία and προπυλαία, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 38.

1542 Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10. Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare above, p. 312, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is no such footnote number on that page.] Alcman used the form Ἀρτέμιτος, Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month Ἀρταμίτιος in Crete, Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in Sicily, see Castelli Proleg. ad Inscript. Sic. p. 69. Ἀρταμίτιος in Corcyra, according to inscriptions; Ἀρτεμιτία in Cyrene, Thrige Hist. Cyren. p. 218. Ἀρταμιτι in a Corcyræan inscription, Mustoxidi, Illustrazioni Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. comp. Chandler. Inscript. p. 82. No. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. 305. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρτεμίσιον.

1543 See Plato de Rep. p. 406. Strab. XIV. p. 635.

1544 Hesychius in Καλαοίδια.

1545 II. XVI. 183.

1546 Welcker ap. Dissen. Explic. Pind. p. 453.

1547 See the verses in Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523. cf. Pausan. X. 12. 1.

1548 Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. 1, 4. The temple was on the confines of Mantinca and Orchomenos 12. 3. It may be also seen from Polyæn. VIII. 34. that the Tegeates sent sacred processions to Artemis of Pheneus.

1549 Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. 8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes give a different account.

1550 Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. Compare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. 2. _Æginetica_, p. 31. Artemis was called, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν, the beautiful, ἁ καλὰ, Feder ad Æsch. Agam. p. 9.

1551 Callisto was called even by Hesiod the constellation of the Bear, Hygin. Poët. Astron. I. p. 356. Lactant. 6.

1552 It is easy to conceive that, as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi represented in the form of a wolf, so likewise the bear was made the symbol of Artemis by the Arcadians.

1553 The exceptions are few; for instance, perhaps, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, Pausan. VIII. 34. 3.

1554 Ap. Menand. de Encom. 3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. She was called Λυκοᾶτις on mount Mænalum, Paus. VIII. 36. 5. Κνακεᾶτις near Tegea, ib. 53, 5; Κεδρεᾶτις at Orchomenos, ib. 13. 2. (so named from a cedar on which the statue stood); Στυμφαλία at Stymphalus, ib. 22. 5. comp. Eustath. ad Il. II. p. 228. ed. Basil; Σκιαδῖτις at Scia, near Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. 5; Κνακαλησία and Κονδυλεᾶτις at Caphyæ, ib. 23. 3; Νεμιδία at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. 342; in Laconia Δερρεᾶτις, Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. in Δέρρα. The hymn to Artemis Derrhiatis, or Δερεᾶτις, was called Κάλαβις; there was also an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesychius. Καρυᾶτις at Caryæ, Paus. III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Καρύαι. Ἰσσωρία near Pitana, Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyæn. II. 1. 14. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and Hesychius (according to Pausanias the Artemis Issoria or Limnæa was not properly an Artemis, but Britomartis); Οἰνωᾶτις near Argos, Steph. Byz. in Οἴνη, Hesychius in Οἰνωᾶτις. Σαρωνὶς near Trœzen, Paus. II. 30. 7. Achæus tragicus ap. Hesych. in Σαρωνίς; Κορυφαία at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. Steph. Byz. in Κορυφαῖον (Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part II. p. 603. found, by means of an inscription, what are probably the ruins of the temple upon mount Coryphæum);—Ἀλφειαία at Letrini, Paus. VII. 22. 5; Κοκκόκα at Olympia, ib. V. 15. 4; Τρικλαρία at Patræ, ib. VII. 19. 1. (an united temple of three ancient κῶμαι); Ἀκταία at Pellene, Plutarch. Arat. 32.

1555 As Λιμνᾶτις at Tegea, Paus. VIII. 53. 5; at Epidaurus Limera, ib. III. 23. 6.; at Pitana, near Sparta, ib. 14. 2; at Λιμναία at Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; and particularly in the celebrated λιμναῖον, on the frontier of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. IV. 4. 31. Tacit. Ann. IV. 43. Hence, according to Strabo p. 362. the Limnæum in Laconia was derived. At Trœzen she was δέσποινα λίμνης and of the hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. 230. As Ἑλεία in Messene, Hesych. in ἐλεία, probably ἑλεία; and at Alorium, on the borders of Arcadia, Strabo VIII. p. 350. where for Ἠλείας should probably be written Ἑλείας.

1556 Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. IV. 35. 6.

1557 Paus. III. 29. 7.

1558 Under the title of ἡμερησία, Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes p. 132. ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 235. Polyæn. IX. 34. 6. Concerning this fountain, see Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. Mir. Auscult. p. 1102 B.

1559 Paus. V. 15. 4. At Byzantium also there was _in piscina templum Dianæ Luciferæ et Veneris Placidæ_, Dionys. de Thrac. Bosporo. In Samos also there was Artemis Χησιὰς and Ἰμβρασίη, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 228. Catullus calls her _amnium domina_, XXX. 12; Horace, _lætam foliis et nemorum coma_, Carm. I. 21. 5.—Apollonius Rhodius also calls her νηοσσόος, I. 569; Callimachus, λιμένεσσιν ἐπίσκοπος, Hymn. Dian. 39.

1560 Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paus. VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. Pind. Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad Nem. I. p. 350. Another temple of Artemis in this region is mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4.

1561 As is shown by Strabo, ubi sup. Comp. Demetrius Scepsius ap. Athen. VIII. p. 376 B.

1562 Paus. VIII. 41. 4.

1563 Strab. VI. p. 270. Creuzer’s Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, &c.

1564 Pind. Olymp. VI. 5. 6. See Boeckh Exp. Pind. p. 152. sq.

1565 Paus. V. 14. 5. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10.

1566 Paus. VI. 22. 5.

1567 Pind. Pyth. II. 7. comp. Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concerning the temple at Ortygia, see D’Orville’s Siculis, p. 196. and Boeckh, ibid. p. 243. The beautiful female heads on the tetradrachms of Syracuse, with the hair entwined with reeds, surrounded by four fishes, probably represent the river Artemis.

1568 Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. I. 117.

1569 Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 2.

1570 Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18.

1571 Pindar Nem. I. 1. calls Ortygia the resting-place of the Alpheus; and he too, perhaps, considers Artemis as the object of pursuit.

1572 See the excellent note of Dissen ad Pind. Nem. I. p. 350.

1573 Paus. VIII. 37. 2.

1574 See Paus. VIII. 10. 4. Callim. Hym. Dian. 107. She had the name of Ἐλαφιαία in Elis, Paus. VI. 225. Hence the Ἐλαφηβόλία (Anecd. Bekk. p. 249.), a festival widely extended (_e.g._ Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 267.) The symbol of the deer, however, appears to have been common to all the different branches of the worship of Artemis; thus there is in Mr. Payne Knight’s collection a coin in which she is represented bearing a stag’s horns, which he ascribes to Delos.

1575 Concerning human sacrifices to Artemis on the river Ameilichus, which were abolished by the worship of Dionysus Æsymnetes, at Patræ, see the description in Paus. V. 19. 1. Human sacrifices were also offered to the same goddess near Megalopolis, Tatian adv. Græcos I. p. 165 A. Compare Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, § 143.

1576 Λόμβαι. αἱ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι θυσιῶν ἄρχουσαι ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τὴν παιδιὰν σκευῆς, οἱ γὰρ φάλητες οὕτω καλοῦνται. Hesychius.

1577 Agam. 144.

1578 Εὐρίππα at Pheneus, Paus. VIII. 14. 4. ἱπποσόα, Pind. Olymp. III. 27. comp. Boeckh Expl. Pyth. II. 8. p. 244. Hence Artemis (χρυσήνιος) is frequently represented on vases in a chariot with horses; in Callimach. Hymn. Dian. 110. and in the bas reliefs of Phigaleia, she is attended by goats.

1579 Under the title of κορυθαλλία at the Tiassa, near Sparta, near the Cleta, Athen. IV. p. 139; also κουροτρόφος, φιλομείραξ, Diod. V. 73. (and see Wesseling’s note.) Paus. IV. 34. Hymn. Orph. XXXVI. 8. comp, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 6. These names may, however, be referred to the worship of Apollo; above ch. 8. § 7. She was worshipped under the general epithet of σώτειρα at Pegæ (Paus. I. 44. 7.), Megara (I. 40. 2.), Bœæ (III. 22. 9.), Pellene (VII. 27. 1.), Phigaleia (VIII. 39. 3.), and at Syracuse, as we know from its coins. Comp. Dorville’s Sicula, p. 327. sq.

1580 Above, ch. 6. § 2, 3. ch. 9. § 2.

1581 Eurip. Hypsipyl. and Aristoph. Lemn. ap. Harpocrat. in ἀρκτεῦσαι. See _Orchomenos_, p. 309.

1582 Apostolius VIII. 19.

1583 Boeckh not. Crit. ad Pind. Olymp. XIII. 109. There was also at Miletus a festival of Artemis called Νηληὶς, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 287. ed. Hutten. There was also a temple of Artemis at Pygela, near Ephesus, which was said to have been built by Agamemnon, Strab. XIV. p. 639. Also on coins of Miletus, Mionnet Description, &c. tom. III. p. 186.

1584 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 225. Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. Jov. 77. Χιτώνη Ἄρτεμις, Steph. Byz. in v.; among the Ionians κιθωνέα (probably κιθωνέη) Ἄρτεμις Hesych. in v. Also Artemis Χιτώνεα at Syracuse, Athen. XIV. p. 629 E.

1585 Paus. I. 23. 9. I. 33. 1. cf. III. 17. 6. Eurip. Troad. 1462. sqq. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 173. Euphorion also placed the sacrifice of Iphigenia at Brauron, fragm. 81. ed. Meineke.

1586 The Argives, Stesichorus, and Euphorion, according to Paus. II. 22. 7. Antonin. Liber. 27. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183.

1587 Paus. III. 16. 6. Hygin. fab. 261. Comp. Creuzer’s Comment. Herod. p. 244. From this temple Helen was carried away, according to Plutarch Thes. 31. cf. Hygin. fab. 79; whose name reminds us of the Ἐλενηφοροῦντες of Artemis of Brauron.

1588 The διαμαστίγωσις was preceded by the φούαξιρ, ἡ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας σωμασκία τῶν μελλόντων μαστιγοῦσθαι, Hesychius. The word φούαξιρ appears to be derived from φούα, Laconian for φύα, and ἄξιρ or ἄξις contracted from ἄσκησις. See App. V. § 4. Comp. Hemsterhuis and Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 277. There were also other games at this festival, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1416. ἐπὶ Ἀλκίππου νικάσας τὸ παιδικὸν κέλητι Ἀρτέμιτι Ὀρθίᾳ.

1589 Plutarch. Arist. 17.

1590 Prod. Chrestomath. ap. Hephæst. Gaisford.

1591 Ap. Etym. Mag. in Ταυρόπολον.

1592 Paus. I. 43. 1.

1593 Theognis Paræn. 11. Dicæarch. Anagr. 88. Plutarch. Ages. 6. Etymol. Magn. p. 747. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. Siebelis ad Phanod. pp. 6. 9.

1594 See the confused account in Plutarch. Mulier. Virt. 7. Quæst. Græc. 21. Polyæn. VII. 49.

_ 1595 Orchomenos_, p. 311.

1596 Etym. Magn. p. 815, sq.

1597 Hygin. fab. 121. on the two Chryses.

1598 Uhden, Berlin Transactions for 1815, p. 63. Millingen Diverses Peintures, planche 51. Welcker ap. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 512. Compare Buttmann ad Sophod. Philoct. ad Argum. Metr. p. 57.

1599 The subject of a picture mentioned by Philostrat. Icon. 17. Dio Chrysost. Or. LIX. p. 577. 21.

1600 Millingen ibid, planche 50.

1601 Herod. IV. 87.

1602 Etym. Magn. ubi sup. Dionysius de Bosporo Thracio p. 22. ed. Hudson. Hesychius Milesius de Constantinopoli.

1603 Ammianus XXII. 8. Antonin. Liberal. 27. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. II. 25. Hemsterhuis ad Poll. IX. 12. p. 982.

1604 Herod. IV. 103. Comp. Scymnus Chius v. 88. Strab. VII. p. 508. XII. p. 535. Mannert’s Géographie, vol. IV. p. 279. (ed. 1820).

1605 See Callim. (fr. 417.) and Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. in Αἰθοπία, Hesychius in Αἰθιοπαῖδα.

1606 A temple of Artemis Orthosia at Teuthrania on the Caicus, Plutarch, de Fluv.; of the Tauric Artemis at Tmolia on the Pactolus, ibid.; of Artemis Orthia in Cappadocia, Paus. III. 16. 6.; and of Iphigenia at Comana, Dion Cassius XXXV. 11. Comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἄμανον, Plutarch de Fluv.; and particularly Strab. XII. p. 537. concerning Artemis Perasia at Castabala.

1607 Æschylus had divulged something relating to the mysteries in the Iphigenia, Eustratius ad Aristot Eth. Nic. III. 1. See above, § 4.

1608 Herod. III. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ταυροπόλιον. She was also there called Καπροφάγος, Hesychius in v. Compare Panofka Res Samiorum, p. 63.

1609 Strab. XIV. p. 639. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. The Tauropolium in the island of Icaria in the Persian bay (where Apollo Tauropolus was also worshipped) was probably not established till after the time of Alexander, Ælian. N. A. II. 9. Dionys. Perieg. 611.

1610 Liv. XLIV. 44. and coins. Also in the neighbourhood of Magnesia on the Sipylus, Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 60.

1611 Sophod. Aj. 174.

1612 See particularly Strab. V. p. 239. She is represented on coins sitting on an ox running, which Apollodorus explained of the periodic course of the goddess, with reference to the moon, p. 402. ed. Heyne. Comp. Etymol. M. in Ταυροπόλον. Apostolius XVIII. 23. See also Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Dian. 174, 187.

1613 Concerning the situation of which see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 87. Compare Caylus Mém. de l’Acad. tom. XX. pp. 428-441. Choiseul Gouffier Voyage pittoresque, tom. I. p. 191.

1614 Herod. II. 10. Artemis visited the son of the Cayster according to Callimachus fragm. 102. ed. Bentl.

1615 At Corinth, Paus. II. 2. 5. Alea, id. VIII. 23. 1. An Ephesium at Massilia, Strabo IV. pp. 179, 184. at the founding of which there was a priestess named Aristarche (compare the Ἀρισταρχεῖον of Artemis at Elis, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 47).

1616 Of a peculiar character also were the sacrifices of parsley and salt at Dætis in Ephesus, Etym. Mag. in Δαιτίς.

1617 The Megabyzi, so called as early as the time of Xenophon. Also Μύξος was a priest’s name, Apostol. V. 44. The servants of the goddess were, according to their different grades, called μελλιερῆς, ἱερῆς, and παριερῆς, according to Plutarch An Seni sit ger. Resp. 24. p. 130. ed. Hutten.

1618 πρωτοθρονίη , Paus. X. 38. 3.

1619 Latona is said to have given birth to her at Corissus in the Ephesia, Steph. Byz. in Κόρισσος.

1620 The union of Apollo of Colophon, of the Ephesian Diana, and of the Nemesis of Smyrna on coins of these cities in the time of the emperors is only a mutual compliment. In the speech of the Ephesians in Tacitus Annal. III. 61. there is evidently much inaccuracy. The Ἀπόλλων Ἀμαζόνιος in Paus. III. 25. 2. is a singular curiosity.

1621 Ἀμμὰς, ἡ τρόφος Ἀρτέμιδος. καὶ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ Ῥέα καὶ ἡ Δημήτηρ, Hesychius.

1622 Etymol. Mag. p. 511. 56. Gudian. p. 320. 26.

1623 See Lobeck, Aglaophamus, vol. II. p. 1166.

1624 Ap. Paus. VII. 2. 4. Fragm. Incert. 56. ed. Boeckh. See Callim. Hymn. Dian. 240. sqq. Paus. IV. 31. 6. Steph. Byz. in Ἔφεσος. cf. in Σίσυρβα, Κύννα. Etym. Mag. in Ἔφεσος. Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 56. p. 407. ed. Hutten. Hyginus fab. 223, 225. The contrary is stated in Eusebius Chron. n. 870. Ἀμαζόνες τὸ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ ἱερὸν ἐνέπρησαν.

1625 Moses’ Vases, plate 133.

1626 Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμαζ. According to Heraclides Ponticus 33. their settlements reached from Mycale to Pitane, Diod. III. 55. from Dionysius of Samos, Ephorus ap. Strab. XII. p. 550. cf. XIII. p. 623, &c. See Steph. Byz. in Ἀναία of a place called Anæa opposite Samos, where an Amazon of that name was buried. The inhabitants were called Ἀναΐται. Perhaps an Artemis Anaitis was here worshipped.

1627 Proposed by Tölken, Ueber das Bas-relief, &c. p. 210. and approved by Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 55.

1628 Paus. VII. 2. 5.

1629 Achill. Tat. Clitoph. VII. p. 431.

1630 Il. III. 185.

1631 Ap. Strab. XII. p. 819 C. fragm. incert. 57. p. 645. ed. Boeckh.

1632 Æschyl. Prometh. 723. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 370. Herod. IV. 110. Arrian Peripl. p. 16. Scymnus Chius v. 229. Creuzer Vet. Histor. Græc. p. 80. According to Schol. Apoll. ubi sup. (cf. 990.) there were in the πεδίον Δοίαντος in Phrygia (in the neighbourhood of Thermodon) three cities of the Amazons; not far off was Alcmonia (Acmonia Steph. Byz), where Harmonia produced the Amazons to Mars.

1633 Xenoph. Hell. III. 2. 19.

1634 Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 84. Paus. I. 26. 4. III. 18. 6.

1635 Heyne Antiquarische Aufsätze, vol. I. p. 109. Compare Paciaudi Monum. Pelop. vol. II. p. 13.

1636 See the coins in Mionnet tom. III. p. 137.

1637 VI. 22. 1. The Sicilian Greeks also celebrated to Artemis the effeminate Ionian dance. Pollux IV. 14, 104.

1638 Scylax, p. 39. Strab. XIV. p. 667. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. Cicero in Verr. I. 20. III. 21. Hesychius, Suidas, Photius, &c. in Περγαία θεός. Apostolius IX. 91. where for παναγαῖα read περγαία. At Perge also the Syrian Adonis was worshipped under the name of Aboba, Hesychius in Ἀβωβα.

1639 Represented on coins as a _signum informe_.

1640 For example, Artemis Κινδυὰς of Bargyliæ, Polyb. XVI. 12. 3; Artemis Ἑστιὰς; of Iasbus, ibid. ΑΣΤΙΑΣ Inscript. Chandler, p. 19. n. 57; the goddess of ἱερὰ κώμη; at Thyateira, called Ὀρεῖτις, Polyb. XXXII. 25. 11. Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 575; the Mysian Artemis, Paus. III. 20. 8. cf. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 116; the Astyrene Artemis under mount Ida, Strab. XIII. p. 606, 613; the Boritine Artemis of Lydia, Eckhel Doct. Num. vol. III. p. 121; Artemis Adrasteia in Lesser Phrygia, Harpocration in Ἀδράστεια, &c.

1641 Θυάδα, φοιβάδα, μαινάδα, λυσσάδα, Plut. de Superst. 9. p. 75.

1642 Athen. XIV. p. 636 A.

1643 From this temple was derived the Olympicum at Syracuse (see above,