Part I, and in Thiðreks Saga--practically also in the Edda, since

Reginn is represented as a smith. Again, (4) both in the ballad and in Norse prose authorities Sigurðr breaks the smith's anvil, though the circumstances are quite different. It is doubtful whether we should connect the eating of Fáfnir's heart, which enabled the hero to understand the birds, with the German story that he became invulnerable by bathing in the dragon's blood. Further, we have seen that the awakening of the valkyrie in Sigrdrífumál has practically nothing in common with the rescue of the maiden (Kriemhild) from the dragon related in the ballad (Part II). Lastly, it is to be observed that though the hero's father has the same name (Sigemund) in all authorities, there is great discrepancy as to his childhood. In the Edda he is posthumous but knows his parentage, in the Nibelungenlied he is brought up at his father's court, in the ballad, Part I, he leaves his home and goes to the smithy, in Part II and Thiðreks Saga he does not know his parentage--in the latter indeed he is a foundling and suckled by a hind. It will be seen that this part of the story is permeated throughout by the supernatural and marvellous.

From the time of the hero's arrival at the Burgundian court we may take the Nibelungenlied for the German version, while the Norse one is best represented by the poems from the fragmentary Sigurðarkviða I to Atlamál. For the earlier portion we have also to use Völsunga Saga and the prose Edda in place of certain poems which are lost (cf. p. 13). In this part of the story the elements common to the two versions are far more numerous and striking. (1) Sigurðr comes to the Rhineland (Worms in the German version) and marries a sister (Guðrún, Kriemhild) of King Gunnarr (Gunther). (2) Sigurðr in supernatural disguise wins Brynhildr for Gunnarr. (3) Sigurðr again in supernatural disguise sleeps with Brynhildr and takes from her a ring[216]. (4) Brynhildr quarrels with Sigurðr's wife, and the latter shows her the ring[216]. (5) Brynhildr bitterly resents the treatment she has received and devises the hero's death. (6) Sigurðr is killed by treachery; but the versions differ in regard to the perpetrator of the deed. (7) The hero's widow is for a long time irreconcilable, but eventually is married to Atli (Etzel). (8) Gunnarr with Högni and many others are invited to Atli's home. (9) The gold is sunk in the Rhine. (10) Gunnarr and Högni are captured alive and the rest killed in Atli's land. (11) A demand for the gold is made and refused. (12) Gunnarr and Högni are killed.

It will be seen that the supernatural is here confined to (2) and (3); indeed these are almost the only incidents in which it occurs in this part of the story. There is a difference between the two versions in regard to the character of the supernatural disguise. In the Norse version, where the two incidents are combined, Sigurðr and Gunnarr have exchanged forms; in the German Gunther is present in both cases, though Siegfried, who has rendered himself invisible, is the real actor. Several other important differences between the two versions have already been noted (p. 13 f.). In addition to these each version has of course many characters and incidents peculiar to itself.

Of the discrepancies enumerated on p. 13 f. the fifth is by far the most important, since Kriemhild's revenge for Siegfried forms the central motif of the second half of the Nibelungenlied. In the Norse version no such central motif is to be found. In the prose piece Dráp Niflunga Atli's conduct is attributed to revenge for the death of Brynhildr, while in Völsunga Saga it is ascribed to his lust for Sigurðr's gold. But in the poems themselves no real explanation is given, and the connection between this part of the story and that relating to Sigurðr is scarcely more than a personal one--viz. that Guðrún, Gunnarr and Högni figure in both. This however is a phenomenon for which parallels are to be found in other heroic stories, e.g. those of Beowulf and Weland. It is now held--and doubtless rightly--by the majority of scholars that the unity of interest imparted to the Nibelungenlied by the motif of Kriemhild's revenge is a later improvement on the somewhat disconnected story given in the Edda. For our present purpose however the question is immaterial, since it is not contended that this part of the story is of mythical origin.

In spite of the discrepancies noted above it cannot be denied that the two versions contain a remarkable number of identical features in this part of the story--a fact which renders all the more striking the very slight amount of agreement in the part dealing with the hero's early adventures. Unless all analogies are misleading the conclusion to which we are driven is that the original story began more or less where the Nibelungenlied begins, and that the hero's youthful adventures are later accretions, such as we see gathering round the childhood or ancestry of other heroes, e.g. Biarki (cf. p. 120). We may add also the cases of Starkaðr, Hagen in Kûdrûn and perhaps Witege (cf. p. 135). They appear to be derived, in part at least, from folk-tales. One of these--affecting probably only the Norse version--may be identified with the Scandinavian story of Svipdagr and Menglöð (cf. p. 12), a variety perhaps of that of the Sleeping Beauty. Another is that of the forest dwarf who forges or preserves a magical sword. We may note that in Thiðreks Saga the smith is called Mimir, a name which recalls Saxo's Mimingus (cf. p. 133)[217]. The story of the treasure-guarding dragon may also be included in this category, though strictly perhaps it belongs rather to popular belief than to folk-tale. From the fact that some of these elements are common to both versions we may probably infer that the process of accretion had begun before the story reached the North. Yet there do seem to be some indications of a reflex influence[218]--from the North or some region exposed to Northern influence--upon the development of the story in Germany.

In addition to folk-tales we must take into consideration also a tendency which is often associated with them--the desire to account for an obscure name. This seems to be the most reasonable explanation of the names _Nibelung_ and _Nibelunge_ in the first part of the German epic and _Nybling_ in the ballad--all denoting the original owners of the treasure. We have seen that in the Norse version, as well as in the latter half of the Nibelungenlied, _Niflungar_ means the Burgundians. May we not suppose that it was really a dynastic name[219] like _Scyldungas_, _Uffingas_, _Merewioingas_? In that case of course _hodd Niflunga_ (_hort der Nibelunge_) ought to mean the family treasure of the Burgundian kings. But is it quite certain that Atlakviða does not use it in this sense? That it is identified with Fáfnir's treasure in later authorities may be due to subsequent German influence. As for the fact that the name _Nibelunge_ is used for the Burgundians only in the second half of the German epic, may not this spring from some stylistic peculiarities of the 'common foundation'? It is not necessary to suppose that the latter was all the work of one author or even of one generation.

In dealing with questions such as these we cannot hope to get beyond a reasonable hypothesis, since the paucity of common features between the two versions admits of few definite conclusions. But from the time when the hero arrives at the Burgundian court the case is quite different. In spite of certain discrepancies there is no difficulty in determining the main outline of the story. Even in the most important point of all--the true cause of the hero's death--the two versions are really in full agreement. Gutthormr does the deed in one version, Hagen in the other; but in both alike it arises out of the bitter resentment cherished by Brynhildr, owing to the deception which has been practised upon her. We have seen that this motif is incompatible with the current mythological interpretation of the story. But more than this, it is plainly not a motif derived from mythology at all, but from real life.

It must not be overlooked that the Brynhildr and Högni of the Norse version are in the nature of character-studies. Both appeal to our sympathies, though we do not approve of the actions which they commit or allow. Here we are in a region of thought as alien as possible to that of the folk-tale. But it is also alien to that period of thought, which was most open to the influence of folk-tales, the period which we have called Stage III in the history of German poetry. In such a period the person who destroyed the hero must necessarily be a villain as black as Hell. Between the instigator of the deed and the perpetrator, who by this time was Hagen--whether this was so originally or not is immaterial--the choice was made, not unnaturally in the circumstances, in favour of the latter, while the former was allowed, awkwardly enough, to drop out of the story. Thus the peculiarities of the German version may be explained quite naturally as modifications of an earlier form similar to the other--modifications necessitated by the conditions under which heroic poetry was preserved in Germany. The effect produced is somewhat similar to that which would be obtained by converting a modern problem play into a popular melodrama.

The conclusion then to which we are brought is that the supposed traces of myth, so far as they have any foundation at all, are due to late accretions to the story, while the central motif in both versions alike is by no means of a mythical character, but essentially human. Consequently the story of Sigurðr stands quite on a line with the other stories of the Heroic Age. Most of them contain elements which may be interpreted as mythical; but these elements are always most prominent in the latest forms of the story. It must not escape notice that those scholars who most strongly uphold the mythical interpretation base their arguments chiefly on such works as the Seyfridslied and Thiðreks Saga af Bern. The explanation is that myth is a growth which requires time to develop. Even Beowulf is no real exception to the general rule, for in the latter part the hero is probably confused with a namesake whose story may have been of considerable antiquity, while the only character in the poem who is quite clearly of mythical origin is the first ancestor of the Danish royal family[220].

FOOTNOTES:

[195] _Danmarks Heltedigtning_, p. 248 ff. With this subject I have already dealt in _The Origin of the English Nation_, p. 287 f.

[196] Saxo (p. 11 f.) records several incidents of which we know nothing from other sources. He represents Skiöldr (_Scioldus_) as a reformer of the laws, but not as the first king.

[197] This is stated only in Ynglinga Saga (cap. 5); but the question to be asked is whether it is likely that such a combination would be invented in late times.

[198] From Deor's Elegy and the picture on the Franks casket in the British Museum it is clear that almost all the main features of the second part of the story were known in England. Reminiscences of the first part occur in the medieval German poem _Herzog Friedrich von Schwaben_.

[199] It is usually connected with O. Norse _vél_, 'contrivance,' 'artifice.'

[200] Waldhere, I 2 f.; Thiðreks Saga, cap. 23 etc.

[201] In Thiðreks Saga, cap. 30, Weland flies away in a garment which he has made from feathers collected for him by his brother Egill. It is thought by some that the engraver of the Franks casket had the same story in mind, since a figure catching birds is represented behind the form of Beaduhild.

[202] It is commonly held that this account has been influenced somehow by the story of Weland. If so it is a valuable illustration of the process discussed in p. 119 ff. above. But the view seems to me somewhat far-fetched.

[203] Waldhere is the only English poem which mentions Weland as the father of Widia; but I cannot admit that there is any ground for supposing this poem to have had a different origin from the rest (cf. p. 57 f.). The variant forms _Widia_--_Wudga_ may be explained by English sound-laws, while _Niðhad_, whatever its explanation, occurs also in Deor's Elegy.

[204] Saxo (p. 158 ff.) connects the story with the reign of Frotho III (Fróði the Peaceful), and this may be an ancient feature, as Fruote von Tenemarke appears as one of Hetel's chief men in Kûdrûn.

[205] "Ein Bild des unaufhörlichen, allgemeinen, aber nie entschiedenen Kampfes entgegengesetzter Mächte, des Aufgangs und des Niedergangs, des Entstehens und Vergehens, des Seins und Nichtseins" (Müllenhoff, _ZfdA._ XXX 229). Prof. Sijmons (_Grundriss_, III 711, where this interpretation is quoted with approval) regards the story as 'tiefsinnig.' I confess the interpretation is too deep for my comprehension. A totally different view is taken in Panzer's _Hilde-Gudrun_, where the origin of the story is traced to a folk-tale (p. 250 ff.). It seems to me that this theory is open to somewhat the same objection as the other, namely that it is founded too much upon features peculiar to one or other version. At the same time I doubt whether Wate's original connection with the story can be properly inferred from Wids. 21 f. The influence of folk-tales is clear enough in both versions of the story, but I think it is secondary.

[206] From a passage in Lamprecht's _Alexander_ (v. 1321), a work of the twelfth century, it appears that Hagen (Högni) was killed in the earlier German version of the story.

[207] For the endless battle there are a number of parallels; cf. Panzer, _op. cit._, p. 327 ff. (also Pausanias, I 32. 3, with Mr Frazer's note).

[208] There is also a Polish version which has several peculiarities of its own but shows no special affinity with the form of the story found in Thiðreks Saga.

[209] The early North German version of this story, represented by the Annals of Quedlinburg (cf. p. 37, note), apparently made Eormenric perish in the fight.

[210] It is held by many that this name was originally connected with _Wascono lant_, an early German name for Aquitaine (Gascony) and that the introduction of the Vosges (_Wasgunberg_) was later and due to the confusion of two similar names. But, if there has been any such confusion at all, chronological considerations render it far more probable that the transference was in the reverse direction.

[211] Among the exceptions mention may be made especially of an interesting paper by Prof. Mogk in _Neue Jahrbücher_, I pp. 68-80.

[212] It is stated however that Seyfrid thought that it belonged to the dragon. Hence this story is often connected with the Norse version.

[213] The only German evidence worth consideration is the fact that certain rocks in the Taunus and the Palatinate are called the 'bed' or 'chair of Brynhildr' (_lectulus Brunnihilde_, _Brinholdestul_) in medieval documents. But I do not see how these names can prove anything more than the popularity of the story. In all lands it is customary to adopt such names from remarkable characters, whatever their origin may be. We may think of the cave of Frederic Barbarossa at Berchtesgaden or the numerous places called after Robin Hood in England.

[214] Helgakv. Hund. I 48, Atlamál 88. In the former case the name is used quite generally, like _Ylfingar_ in the same poem. In the latter _Hniflungr_ is the name of Högni's son.

[215] There was of course another heroic character of the same name; but this does not meet the objection.

[216] On both these occasions the Nibelungenlied mentions also a girdle.

[217] It seems likely that Mímir was the dwarf's original name and that Saxo has given him a name which properly belonged to his sword; cf. the phrase _Hoddmímis holt_ (Vafðr. 45), etc.

[218] E.g. the name Schilbung and the references to Norway. The story of Sigemund and the dragon also belongs to a maritime region.

[219] Cf. Skaldsk. 42: "Gunnarr and Högni are called Niflungar and Giúkungar."

[220] Cf. Schütte, _Oldsagn om Godtjod_, pp. 35-38, where it is well pointed out that all the clearest cases of myth in early Teutonic records belong to stories dealing with the origin of nations or dynasties. "Den eneste udtrykkelige Myte, der udenfor specielt religiøse Gøremål har været episk frugtbar i Folkevandringstiden er Ophavsmyten."