The Güegüence; A Comedy Ballet in the Nahuatl-Spanish Dialect of Nicaragua

Part 4

Chapter 43,772 wordsPublic domain

The Governor remains, however, uncertain about the truth, and requests a similar private talk with Güegüence's younger son, Don Ambrosio. The latter tells a very different story, asserting that all his father's boasts were lies, and that he is, in fact, a poor, old, thieving ragamuffin. Güegüence, who overhears him, rails at him as a disgrace to the family; and Don Forcico assures the Governor, in very clear terms, that Don Ambrosio has none of Güegüence's blood in his veins.

[Sidenote: p. 40.]

[Sidenote: p. 42.]

To settle the question, Güegüence proposes to show the Governor the contents of his tent-shop, and has the two boys bring it forward and raise the sides. He then offers the Governor several impossible things, as a star, which is seen through the tent, and an old syringe, which he suggests might be profitably applied to the Royal Council. As the Governor replies roughly, Geügüence at once changes the subject to a laudation of the remarkable skill of Don Forcico in many vocations. The Governor is interested and proposes to inquire of Don Forcico himself as to the truth of this. The latter repeats the boasts, and on the Governor inquiring as to whether he knows some diverting dances, with his father and his brother, he dances a ballet.

[Sidenote: p. 46.]

[Sidenote: p. 48.]

The Governor wishes to see another ballet, which the three perform, also; and this is followed by two others, in which the Governor and Alguacil also take part.

[Sidenote: p. 50.]

[Sidenote: p. 52.]

[Sidenote: p. 54.]

[Sidenote: p. 56.]

[Sidenote: p. 58.]

[Sidenote: p. 60.]

[Sidenote: p. 62.]

Following these the Governor asks for the masquerade of the _macho-raton_, or the mules. They are led in by Don Forcico, and march around the stage. Güegüence avails himself of this auspicious moment to ask for the hand of the Lady Suche-Malinche, the Governor's daughter. The Governor sends the Alguacil for the Chief Secretary, who returns with Suche-Malinche and other young women. The Secretary describes what an elegant costume is expected of the son-in-law of the Governor, and the latter suggests that Güegüence has cast his eyes too high. The old man explains that it was not for himself, but for Don Forcico, that the request was made, and pretends to feel quite badly about the marriage. He, nevertheless, brings up the young women, one by one, who are rejected by Don Forcico, with very uncomplimentary remarks, until Suche-Malinche comes forward, who pleases him, and with whom he is married. The Governor then suggests that Güegüence treat the Council with some Spanish wine. This the old man does not find it convenient to understand, and when he can no longer escape, and is at a loss where to obtain the liquor, is relieved by Don Forcico, who has secured it in a questionable manner.

[Sidenote: p. 64.]

[Sidenote: p. 66.]

[Sidenote: p. 68.]

The mules, that is, the masqueraders who represent them, are then brought up, and as Güegüence examines first one and then another, they give him opportunity for a series of extremely broad jokes and vulgar allusions.

Finally, the loads are placed on the mules, the boys mount them and move off, while Güegüence, having offered his wine to the Governor, the Secretary, the Registrar and the Alguacil, who each in turn tell him to be off, leaves the stage shouting to his sons that they will all have a rouse that will cost them nothing.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] E. G. Squier, _The States of Central America_, p. 317 (London, 1858).

[2] The conquest of Nicaragua is described by Oviedo, _Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XXIX, cap. XXI, and Herrera, _Decadas de Indias_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, and see Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, cap. X.

[3] "_Nicaragua_ es lo mismo que _Nica anahuac_, aqui estan los Mexicanos ò Anahuacos." Fray Francisco Vasquez, _Cronica de la Provincia de Guatemala_, Parte II, Lib. V, cap. I (Guatemala, 1716). The form _Nicarao_, adopted by Dr. Berendt, is certainly corrupt, as the termination of a proper name in _ao_ is not found in correct Nahuatl. Squier's term _Niquirans_ was adopted by him from a misreading of Oviedo, and has no authority whatever; so, also, his attempted discrimination between Chorotegans and Cholotecans, as both these are forms of the same word.

[4] "The hypothesis of a migration from Nicaragua and Cuscatlan to Anahuac is altogether more consonant with probabilities, and with traditions, than that which derives the Mexicans from the north."--E. G. Squier. _Notes on Central America_, p. 349. It is difficult to understand how Mr. Squier could make this statement in the face of the words of Herrera and so many other writers.

[5] "La Gente de esta tierra decia, que havia descendido de la Mexicana; su Trage, i Lengua, era casi, como el de Mexico."--Herrera, Decada III, Lib. V, Cap. XII. "Dicèn, que huvo en los tiempos antiguos, en Nueva España una gran Seca, por lo qúal se fueron por aquella Mar Austral à poblar à Nicaragua."--Id. Dec. III, Lib. IV, cap. VII. Torquemada, specifically quoting the traditions obtained from the oldest natives, states that the Nicaraguans came from Anahuac at no remote epoch.--_Monarquia Indiana_, Lib. III, cap. XL. See, also, Gomara, _Hist. de las Indias_, cap. 206.

[6] Prof. Buschmann, who obtained these names in a garbled form from Ternaux-Compans' translation of Oviedo, gave them up as insoluble, while recognizing their value as indicating the wanderings of the Nicaraguans. "Unglücklicherweise," he says, "sind jene zwei Namen von so ungünstigem Gehalte, das ich nichts aus ihnen hervorlocken kann."--_Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 768 (Berlin, 1852).

[7] The careless statement of the historian Herrera, that it was only the Chorotegans who had such books, can be corrected from his own volumes, and also from the explicit words of Oviedo and Gomara. Compare Herrera, Dec. III, Lib. IV, cap. VII, with Oviedo, _Hist. de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. I, and Gomara, _Hist. de las Indias_, cap. 202.

[8] The word _mánkeme_ is a derivative from _[chi]imá_, the head, whence the Chapanec _d[chi]ämä_, the ruler or head man, and _mand[chi]ämä_, master, chief, in which word _ma_ is a possessive prefix, and _n_ a particle, sometimes relative, sometimes euphonic, of exceedingly frequent use in this tongue. It may be compared to the Nahuatl _in_.

[9] This latter, or a portion of them, inhabiting a hilly country south of Masaya, were called _Dirians_, from the Mangue word _diri_=, a hill, a name which has improperly been extended to the whole tribe.

[10] The "compulsive" form of the verb _choloa_, to run away, is _chololtia_, to cause to run away, to drive out. No doubt the name of Cholula (Cholollan) in Mexico is of the same derivation, but it arose from a different, though similar, historical event.

[11] Torquemada appears to have been the first to make this guess; and it has recently been advocated by Dr. Valentini, _The Olmecas and the Tultecas_, p. 20 (Worcester, 1883), and was also sanctioned by Dr. Berendt.

[12] In a note to his translation of Oviedo's _Nicaragua_.

[13] The proper spelling is "Chapanec." It is not an Aztec word, but from the Mangue tongue, in which _Chapa_ means the ara, or red macaw, their sacred bird. The name was derived from that of the lofty peak on which their principal town in Chiapas was situated--_chapa niiu_, the ara of fire.

[14] In Mr. Bancroft's _Native Races of the Pacific States_, Vol. V, p. 659.

[15] The contrary of this has been very positively stated by Dr. Valentini (_ubi supra_). The only evidence he brings forward is the word _calachuni_, for chieftain, applied by Gil Gonzalez to one of the rulers in Nicaragua. This is, no doubt, the Maya _halach uinic_, holy man, but Gonzalez wrote in 1522, and this word was adopted by the Spaniards in 1518, during Grijalva's expedition to Yucatan, as the accounts show, and was promiscuously applied, just as _cacique_, _canoe_, etc., from the Haytian dialect. A careful analysis of all the native words in Oviedo's account of Nicaragua does not show a single Maya affinity.

[16] The chief asked Gonzalez if, at the end of the world, the earth would be overturned, or would the sky fall? How large are the stars, why they move, and what keeps them in their courses? When, and how do the sun and moon change their brightness? Why is the night dark and the winter cold, since light and warmth are so much better? (Herrera, Decad. III, Lib. IV, cap. V.)

[17] The leading authorities on the antiquities of Nicaragua are E. G. Squier, _Nicaragua, Its People, Scenery and Monuments_, together with his numerous other works pertaining to Central America; and the reports of Dr. Earl Flint and Dr. J. F. Bransford, to the Smithsonian Institution. Dr. Habel and Dr. Berendt also made numerous investigations, but their reports have not appeared in adequate detail.

[18] See his essay, _Remarks on the Centres of Ancient American Civilization in Central America, and their Geographical Distribution, in the Bulletin of the American Geog. Soc. No. 2, 1876._

[19] _Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. V.

[20] The older writers have left scant information about these idioms. Oviedo preserved thirty or forty Nahuatl words, most of which have been analyzed by Buschman; and Benzoni, in a brief passage, notes the identity of the Nicaraguan and Mexican. "Chiamano li Signori Tutruane, il pane tascal, and le galline totoli, and occomaia tanto vuol dire como aspetta un poco e al infirmita mococoua and al ballare mitote." _La Historia del Mondo Nuovo_, p. 103. It is said that a _Doctrina_ was printed in the Mangue; but the only work on that tongue I know of is the _Apuntamientos de la Lengua Mangue_, by Don Juan Eligio de la Rocha (MS. Masaya, 1842) a fragment of which is in my possession.

Dr. S. Habel, who visited Nicaragua in 1865, in spite of the greatest efforts, was unable to find a single person speaking Nahuatl; they told him it was all forgotten.--_Archæological and Ethnological Investigations in Central and South America_, p. 24 (Washington, 1878).

[21] The superior position of the Nahuatl among the Nicaraguan languages was noted by Benzoni, in his visit to that country, as early as about 1550. He observes: "Parlano in Nicaragua quatro lenguaggi, pero la meglio è la Messicana, laquale si stende piu di mille e cinquecento miglia di paese and è la piu facile da imparare."--_Istoria del Nuovo Mondo_, p. 103 (Venetia, 1565).

[22] "Una mezcla de Castellano y Mexicano, que ni en uno ni en otro idioma se entiende."--_Compendio del Arte de la Lengua Mexicana_, pp. 93, 202.

[23] Speaking of the natives of Nicaragua and Honduras, Father Francisco Vasquez says: "Muchos de aquellos Indios por la comunicacion que tienen con gente ladina de las estancias vecinas alcanzan mucho de la lengua Castellana."--_Historia de la Provincia de Guatemala._ Parte II, Lib. V, Trat. I, Cap. 1 (Guatemala, 1716).

[24] This verse is from a song by Dr. Gollena, a highly appreciated poet of Guatemala, who has written, but I believe never published, some poems in the Nicaraguan dialect.

[25] Oviedo, _Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. XI. Precisely this baile, or one altogether like it, is described by Diego Duran as common in Mexico in his day (about 1580). He writes: "Tambien usaban bailar al rededor de un volador alto vistiendose como pájaros y otras veces como monas volaban de lo alto de el dejandose venir por unas cuerdas que en la punta de este palo estan arolladas, desliándose poco à poco por un bastidor que tiene arriba," etc.--_Historia de las Indias de Nueva España._ Tomo II, p. 232 (Mexico, 1880).

[26] _Historia del Nuovo Mondo_, fol. 103 (Venetia, 1565). Benzoni gives a wood cut exhibiting the dances, but it is not instructive. Another traveler, François Coreal, claimed to have visited Nicaragua about 1680, and also describes the native dances, but in words so similar to Benzoni that it is an evident plagiarism.--_Relation des Voyages de François Coreal aux Indes Occidentales_, Tome I, p. 88 (Amsterdam, 1722).

[27] Thomas Gage, _A New Survey of the West Indies_, p. 234 (4th Ed. London, 1699).

[28] Letter to the London _Athæneum_, 1856, p. 1537. Oviedo also states that the songs sung at certain _bailes_ were of an historical character, intended to recall the important incidents in personal and tribal history, "que les quedan en lugar de historia é memoria de las cosas pasadas."--_Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. XI.

[29] "Hay santos à quienes se hace el voto, en caso de enfermedad ú de desgracia de ir á _bailar_ ante su imagen, en tal pueblo, el dia de su fiesta, cuando le sacan procesionalmente."--Pablo Levy, _Notas Geograficas y Económicas sobre la Republica de Nicaragua_, p. 281 (Paris, 1873).

[30] "Welligt blijkt de geesteloosheid dezer menschen nit niets zoo zeer als uit hunne dansen, een vermaak, hetwelk trouwens vrij zeldzaam onder hen is. Bij het eentoonige geluid van een paar fluiten, en het kloppen op een hol blok hout, draaijen mannen en vrouwen afzonderlijk, langzaam en bedaard, in alle rigtingen herom, en schijnen veeleer diepe treurigheid dan vreugde aan den dag te leggen."--J. Haefkens, _Centraal Amerika_, p. 407 (Dordrecht, 1832).

[31] Such dances are the "bailes usados en el populacho, y que estan muy lejos de brillar por su desencia," referred to by Don Pablo Levy, _Notas_, etc., _sobre Nicaragua_, p. 294.

[32] The word _Loga_ is, I have no doubt, a corruption of the Spanish _loa_. The _loas_ in Spain were at first rhymed prologues to the plays, but later took a more dramatic form and "differed little from the farces that followed them." See George Ticknor, _History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii, pp. 527-529 (5th edition).

[33] "_Mosote._ Un casco ô gorra de cabuya teñida negra, con cola à trensa, usada en el baile de los _Chinegritos_."--Berendt, MSS.

[34] "_Guaca._ Montecillo de sepultura de los inhabitantes antiguos. Cueva; madriguera de animales. Hoyo subteraneo para madurar ô guardar frutas y verduras."--Berendt, MSS.

[35] _Nicaragua, Its People, Scenery and Monuments_, Vol. I, p. 340.

[36] _Narrative of Incidents on a Journey in Mexico, Guatemala and San Salvador_, pp. 384-6 (London, 1858). The Smithsonian Institution contains a good specimen of the Marimba.

[37] Arthur Morelet, _Voyage dans l'Amerique Centrale_, Tome II, pp. 42, 43 (Paris, 1857).

[38] _Archæological Researches in Nicaragua_, p. 75 (Washington, 1881).

[39] The most satisfactory discussion of native music is that by Theodore Baker, _Ueber die Musik der Nord Amerikanischen Wilden_ (Leipzig, 1882). Mr. Edwin A. Barber has also contributed some valuable articles on the subject.

[40] _The American Naturalist_, February, 1883.

[41] _Voyage dans l'Amerique Centrale_, Tom. II, p. 44.

[42] So little is understood about the system of the _cofradias_, and the point is one of so much importance in the study of the organization of Spanish ecclesiasticism in America, that it is worth while to explain it. They are created by the priest of a parish, in such number as he sees fit, and each bears the name of a saint or religious occurrence. Each should have, of male members, a major domo, a steward (_prioste_), and four or more appointees (_diputados_). They attend the priest, serve in the church, aid in the offices of religion, have a monthly mass, act as choristers, etc., at fixed periods. Of female members there should be the patroness (_patrona_ or _capitana_), and the _alguazila mayor_, each of whom should have two special attendants, and there should be other members. Their duties are to sweep the church, deck it with flowers when necessary, and aid the male members in their duty. Each _cofradia_ should have its strong box and financial resources, independently, and the major domo is expected to keep a book accounting for the funds. I have in my possession such a volume, in the Chapanec language, the _Libro de Cuentas de la Cofradia del Rosario_, 1796.

From ten to fifty cofradias were formerly attached to one church, but the modern curas complain that they can no longer be kept up. "Es verdad," exclaims the worthy presbyter Navarro, "que los Sres. Curas, mis antecessores, y yo, hemos procurado organizarlas de nuevo, pero es moralmente impossible."--_Memoria de la Parroquia de Villa Nueva_, p. 18. (Guatemala, 1868).

[43] See, for example, the _Rabinal-Achi, ou le Drame-Ballet du Tun_, in Kiche, published by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and the translation of the song of the Uluas of Nicaragua given by Pablo Levy.--_Notas sobre la Republica de Nicaragua_, p. 307 (Paris, 1873).

[44] "Il y en a qui font les sourds, d'autres les aveugles. Ils rient, ils crient, et font en un mot toute sorte de singeries."--_Voyages de François Coreal aux Indes Occidentales depuis 1666 jusqu'en 1697._ Tom. I, p. 88 (Amsterdam, 1722). Borrowed, probably, from Benzoni, who says the same.

[45] "Habia un baile y canto de truhanes en el cual introducian un bobo que fingia entender al reves lo que su amo le mandaba, trastocandole las palabras."--P. F. Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de la Nueva España_, Tomo II, p. 231 (Mexico, 1880).

[46] As Mr. George Ticknor very pointedly says, in speaking of the Spanish drama:--"Above all, it was necessary that it should be Spanish; and therefore, though its subject be Greek or Roman, Oriental or mythological, the characters represented were always Castilian, and Castilian after the fashion of the seventeenth century,--governed by Castilian notions of gallantry, and the Castilian point of honor."--_History of Spanish Literature_, vol II, p. 539 (5th edition).

[47] Speaking of the comedy, he says:--"Ihr wahrer allgemeiner Nutzen liegt in dem Lachen selbst, in der Uebung unserer Fähigkeit das Lächerliche zu bemerken; es unter allen Bemäntelungen der Leidenschaft und der Mode, es in allen Vermischungen mit noch schlimmern oder mit guten Eigenschaften, sogar in den Runzeln des feierlichen Ernstes, leicht und geschwind zu bemerken."--_Hamburgische Dramaturgie_, 29 Stück.

[48] _Tlatoani_ means, literally, "the speaker," from _tlatoa_, to speak, to ask, but it is translated by the Spanish lexicographers "gran señor." The chiefs were probably so called, from their right of speech in the assemblies. Benzoni gives something like this as the title of the Nicaraguan chiefs. "Chiamano li Signori Tutruane," which I suspect is a misprint for _Tattruani_.--_Istoria del Mondo Nuovo_, p. 103 (Venetia, 1565).

[49] Icazbalceta's discussion of the name may be found in his notes to the _Diálogos de Francisco Cervantes Salazar_, p. 181 (Mexico, 1875). Malinalli is the twelfth day of the Mexican month. According to Duran, the word means underbrush (_matorral_), and the prognostic was, that those born on that day should have an annual attack of sickness, like this underbrush, which dries up, or loses its leaves yearly.--_Historia de la Nueva España_, Tomo II, p. 261 (Mexico, 1880).

[50] See the rare work of Fray Joan Baptista (often spelled Bautista). _Advertencias para los Confessores de los Naturales_, vols. 107, 108 (Mexico, en el Convento de Sanctiago Tlatilulco, año 1600).

THE GÜEGÜENCE.

A COMEDY BALLET IN THE NAHUATL-SPANISH DIALECT OF NICARAGUA.

BAILE DEL GÜEGÜENCE

ó

MACHO-RATON.

PERSONAS.

EL GOBERNADOR TASTUANES. EL ALGUACIL MAYOR. EL GÜEGÜENCE. DON FORCICO. DON AMBROSIO. DOÑA SUCHI-MALINCHE. EL ESCRIBANO REAL. EL REGIDOR DE CANA.

THE BALLET OF THE GÜEGÜENCE;

OR,

THE MACHO-RATON.

DRAMATIS PERSONÆ.

THE GOVERNOR TASTUANES. THE CHIEF ALGUACIL. THE GÜEGÜENCE. DON FORCICO, HIS ELDER SON. DON AMBROSIO, HIS YOUNGER SON. THE LADY SUCHI-MALINCHE. THE ROYAL SECRETARY. THE REGISTRAR.

6

BAILE DEL GÜEGÜENCE.

Se da principio bailando, y habla el

_Alguacil._

Matateco Dio mispiales, Señor Gobernador Tastuanes.

_Gobernador._

Matateco Dio miscuales quilis no pilse Capitan Alguacil Mayor ya tiguala neme?

_Alguacil._

Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^r Tastuanes.

Dan vuelta bailando y habla el

_Alguacil._

Matateco Dio mispiales, Señor Gobernador Tastuanes.

_Gobernador._

Matateco Dio miscuales quilis no pilce Capitan Alguacil Mayor: no pilces simocague campamento Señores principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua linar mo Cabildo Real. En primer lugar tecetales seno mesa de oro, seno carpeta de bordado, seno tintero de oro, seno pluma de oro, seno salvadera de oro, y no mas hemo papel blanco y paltechua sentar mo Cabildo Real.

Dan vuelta bailando y habla el

_Alguacil._

Matateco Dio mispiales, Señor Gobernador Tastuanes.

_Gobernador._

Matateco Dio miscuales quilis no pilces Capitan Alguacil Mayor.

7

THE COMEDY-BALLET OF GÜEGÜENCE.

(The Alguacil and Governor enter, dancing.)

_Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes.

_Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil; are you well?

_Alg._ At your service, Governor Tastuanes.

(They dance around the stage.)

_Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes.

_Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil: my son, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such pleasant matters of amusement to the Royal Court. It is a great shame that we have no golden table, no embroidered table-cloth, no golden inkstand, no pen of gold, no golden sand-box, not even white paper, and such like suitable things, for a session of the Royal Court.

(They dance around the stage.)

_Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes.

_Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil.

8

_Alguacil._

Ya lichua linar mo Cabildo Real. En primer lugar tecetales seno mesa de oro, seno carpeta de bordado, seno tintero de oro, seno pluma de oro, seno salvadera de oro, no mas hemo papel blanco y paltechua sentar mo Cabildo Real.

_Gobernador._

No pilces Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento Sres. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua seno la ronda quinquimagua licencia galagua no provincia real.

_Alguacil._

Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Srs. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua seno la ronda del Señor Gobernador Tastuanes.

Aqui se toca la ronda, dan vuelta bailando y habla el

_Alguacil._

Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, ya nemo niqui nistipampa, ya nemo niqui samo la ronda, son rastros y pedazos de cinchones rompidos de corage, sombrero de Castor rompido de corage, no mas hemo mantera de revoso, no mas hemo capotin colorado á sones panegua sesule Güegüence, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes.

_Gobernador._

No pilces Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} asamatimaguas consentidor, afrentador, ticino mo Cabildo Real.

_Alguacil._

Acaso no me de consentidor ticino mo Cabildo Real.

9

_Alg._ Something to amuse the Royal Court. It is a great shame that we have no golden table, no embroidered table-cloth, no golden inkstand, no pen of gold, no golden sand-box, not even white paper, and such like suitable things, for a session of the Royal Court.

_Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such matters, unless the patrol gives a permit to enter my royal province [for that purpose].

_Alg._ Yours to command, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect you. The leading men [shall give no] music, dances, songs, ballets, and such things, without [the permission of] the patrol of Governor Tastuanes.

(The patrol is sounded and they dance.)

_Alg._ Governor Tastuanes, I am here, as is proper, but the patrol is not; their girdles are in rags and tatters, and their hats smashed in from their frays, and we have not a single saddle cloth or red cloak better, perhaps, than that good-for-nothing Güegüence, Governor Tastuanes.

_Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, you must bring that pimp, that impudent fellow, that charlatan, before the Royal Court.

_Alg._ Perhaps that pimp and charlatan won't come with me to the Royal Court.

10

_Gobernador._