The Growth of Parliament and the War with Scotland (1216-1307)

Part 9

Chapter 93,948 wordsPublic domain

The King of England, after the Feast of S. John the Baptist, came to Scotland, and having listened to the pleas in support of their right of those who claimed the Scottish throne, caused forty persons to be elected, twenty from England and twenty from Scotland, to examine those pleas with diligent care, the final decision being postponed to the following Michaelmas. When the aforesaid date arrived, after careful discussion, Edward, with the consent of all, adjudged the kingdom without reservation to John Balliol, who was descended from the eldest daughter of David, King of the Scots. Robert Bruce, between whom and the aforesaid John decision lay, after the claims of the others had been dismissed, although one degree nearer in descent, yet was descended from the second daughter of David. John, on the Feast of S. Andrew the Apostle following, was crowned, seated on the royal stone in the Church of Canons Regular at Scone. After the coronation, coming to the King of England, who was keeping the Festival of the Nativity of our Lord at Newcastle-on-Tyne, he did homage in these words: "My lord, lord Edward, King of England, I, John Balliol, King of Scotland, acknowledge myself your liege vassal for the whole kingdom of Scotland, with its appurtenances and all belonging to it, which kingdom I hold and claim by right to hold hereditarily, from you and your heirs, Kings of England, as regards life and limb and earthly honour, against all men who live and die." And the King received homage in the aforesaid form, saving his own or another's right. And when King John had done homage, the King of England restored to him without delay the kingdom of Scotland in full with all its appurtenances.

THE OUTBREAK OF WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE (1293).

+Source.+--_Walter of Hemingburgh's Chronicle_, vol. ii., pp. 40 _et seqq._ (English Historical Society Publications.)

In the year of our Lord 1293 a shameful quarrel arose between the English seamen of the Cinque Ports and French seamen from Normandy, in this wise. A certain ship from the Cinque Ports touched at a port in Normandy and remained there several days; one day two sailors from this vessel were going to draw pure water from a spring in the neighbourhood, when they chanced to meet some Norman sailors, who so irritated them that they had recourse to abuse and then to blows; finally weapons were drawn, and one of them was killed; the other fled, and betook himself with his companions to the ship, where he told what had happened and how the Normans were hard in pursuit. They sailed out on to the high seas, hoping there at least to escape, but the enemy followed so as to capture them. Evading their pursuers with difficulty, they told the news to the seamen in the Cinque Ports, and besought aid; nor did the rage of the Normans abate; for they secured reinforcements, and sought out English vessels on the seas. They happened on one occasion to fall in with six English ships, which they attacked; two of them they destroyed, hanging the men with dogs to the yard-arm, and thus sailed over the seas, making no difference between a dog and an Englishman. When tidings of this event were brought to the men of the Cinque Ports by those who had escaped, they straightway gathered together, and, grimly resolving to avenge the insult, sought out their enemies.

(A fierce naval engagement followed, in which the English were victorious.)

When Philip, King of France, received the news of this battle, although his brother Charles had been the cause of it, he sent to the King of England messengers who vehemently demanded that reparation should be made, that those responsible for the engagement should be given up for punishment, and that a great sum of money should be paid as compensation for loss to his merchants. To these demands our King prudently answered that he would reply through his own agents; and, by their mouth, asked the King of France, as his relative and lord, to appoint a day and place, where they might both agree to be present, to deliberate on the matter in a friendly fashion, and to do further whatever the state of the case demanded. The King of France did not accept this proposal, but, with the advice of his Barons, commanded the King of England, by writ, to appear in his Court on a certain day to answer for the above-mentioned damages. When the English King did not appear on the day appointed, it was decided and ordained by the Court of the King of France that he should be disseised of all his lands beyond the seas, and should be summoned to appear on another day, under pain of forfeiture of his whole continental possessions.

The King of England, fearing a disturbance--having been warned to that effect by some of his friends--did not come in person, but sent his brother, the lord Edmund, Earl of Leicester, on each occasion, with letters empowering him to do whatever was required by justice. When the latter appeared with a sufficient mandate on behalf of the King of England, the French Barons did not receive him, but in the Royal Court adjudged Gascony, and all the lands of the King of England, forfeited for contempt. The lord Edmund himself, then, in hope of peace, carried on divers negotiations with the King of France; so that it was commonly said that our King would marry the sister of the King of France, and by that means a settlement be arrived at. Meanwhile the Seneschal of the King of England in Gascony refused to allow the officers of the King of France to enter in to take possession of the Duchy, and a great dispute took place; thereupon the King of France, summoning the lord Edmund to his presence, asked him, as a friend and as the mediator on behalf of peace, to allow him to possess himself of four or five cities only--Bordeaux, Bayonne, Langon, and Marmande--and this in the hope of peace, for he said he could not sign a treaty of peace unless his Barons saw the sentence of their Court carried into effect; he promised, on his honour as a King, that complete peace would follow if this request were granted. Edmund, saying that he could not dare to take it upon himself so to do, asked to be allowed to seek the opinion and consent of the King of England himself. Edward, placing full reliance on his brother's words, replied by letters patent to the effect that he was content with and would abide by whatever his brother thought should be done regarding the matter in his name. When these letters had been received and reported to the King of France, the King promised in all good faith, and by his word as a King, that he would restore everything in full peace after a short time, according to his vow. Edmund, guilelessly trusting him, and ensnared by the royal promise, did not demand security, believing that the royal word must be of more value than any safeguard whatever; and he wrote immediately to the Seneschal of Gascony, ordering him to give seisin of the cities to the officers of the King of France. Thereupon the French introduced into Gascony first a few men, then a large number, by stealth, and finally a great army, openly. The lord Edmund, being informed of this, and fearing rebellion, asked the King of France to remember his promise and to forbid it; but the King replied: "Wait a little, until the forty days have passed, when I shall restore all." When that time was completed, the lord Edmund again brought the matter before him, only to receive the immediate reply that a decision of his Court and judgment by twelve peers could not be revoked without their consent; then, changing his attitude to one of scorn, Philip departed.

The lord Edmund ... secretly and in haste left the Court, and, coming to England to his brother the King, recounted everything in order, not without great anguish of mind, saying that he had been guilty of folly and self-deception. But the King, although disturbed in mind by the news, yet gently comforted his brother, and, hastily summoning his nobles and John, King of Scotland, held a Parliament at London, in which he narrated in their presence the whole course of events, and sought their advice and assistance, saying that he himself intended, even had he no greater following than one boy and one horse, to prosecute his rights to the death, and to take vengeance on Philip for his insults; but the magnates replied unanimously that they would follow him to life or to death.... The King, thus secure of assistance from his own subjects, sent two brethren of the Order of Friars Preachers with letters of presentation to the King of France, to renounce his homage to the said King.

WRITS OF SUMMONS TO THE PARLIAMENT OF 1295.

1. SUMMONS OF THE ARCHBISHOP AND CLERGY.

+Source.+--_Report on the Dignity of a Peer_, App. I., p. 67.

The King to the venerable father in Christ, Robert, by the same grace, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England, greeting.

Even as that most equable law, established by the farseeing wisdom of the fathers of the Church, exhorts us to remember and ordains that what concerns all should be approved by all, so it is evident that common dangers should be provided against by remedies devised in common. You know, doubtless, for it is, we believe, generally noised abroad throughout the world, that the King of France has fraudulently and deceitfully deprived us of our land of Gascony, and wickedly detains it from us. And now, not content with the aforesaid fraud and wickedness, he has collected a great fleet and a warlike body of soldiers, with which he has made hostile advance against our kingdom and the inhabitants thereof, with intent, if his power correspond to the detestable iniquity of his intentions, utterly to drive the English tongue from out the land. Since, therefore, missiles which are foreseen do less destruction, and since your personal affairs, like those of your fellow-subjects in this kingdom, are greatly affected by this matter, we enjoin you, by the faith and love with which you are bound to us, to be present in person at Westminster on the Sunday after Martinmas this approaching winter; and premonish the Prior and chapter of your cathedral, the Archdeacons, and the whole body of clergy, to send with you the Prior and Archdeacons in person, and one suitable Proctor from the chapter and two from the clergy, provided with full and sufficient authority from the said chapter and clergy, to treat, ordain, and take all necessary measures, together with ourselves and the other prelates and inhabitants of our kingdom, to meet the dangers and plots directed against us as aforesaid.

Witness the King at Wengham on the thirtieth day of September.

2. SUMMONS OF THE REPRESENTATIVES OF SHIRES AND TOWNS.

+Source.+--_Report on the Dignity of a Peer_, App. I., p. 66.

The King to the Sheriff of Northamptonshire.

Inasmuch as we wish to confer and treat with the Earls, Barons, and other nobles of our kingdom, in order to provide remedies against the evils threatening the kingdom in these days, and with that end in view have instructed them to come to us at Westminster on the Sunday after Martinmas this approaching winter, to treat, ordain, and take measures to meet the aforesaid dangers, we enjoin you firmly to cause to be elected without delay from the aforesaid county two knights, and from every city two citizens, and from every borough two burgesses, of those more discreet and ready to take pains, and to make them appear before us at the aforesaid time and place; provided that the said knights, by themselves, shall have full and sufficient power for themselves and the whole body of the aforesaid county, and the said citizens and burgesses, by themselves, for themselves and the whole body of citizens and burgesses, to carry out whatsoever shall be ordained by the advice of all, in regard to the aforesaid matters; provided that the business shall not remain undone through lack of these powers. And bring with you the names of the knights, citizens, and burgesses, and this writ.

Witness the King at Canterbury on the third day of October.

EVIL PRIESTS THE CAUSE OF THE PEOPLE'S RUIN.

+Source.+--_Chronicle of Lanercost_ (translated by Sir Herbert Maxwell in the _Scottish Historical Review_, vol. vii., pp. 283-284).

In like manner, as we know that it is truly written, that evil priests are the cause of the people's ruin, so the ruin of the realm of Scotland had its source within the bosom of her own Church, because, whereas they who ought to have led them (the Scots) misled them, they became a snare and stumbling-block of iniquity to them, and brought them all to ruin. For with one consent both those who discharged the office of prelate and those who were preachers, corrupted the ears and minds of nobles and commons, by advice and exhortation, both publicly and secretly, stirring them to enmity against that King and nation who had so effectually delivered them; declaring falsely that it was far more justifiable to attack them than the Saracens. Certain mercenary priests also, not really pastors, pretending to be dealers in wool, had crossed over to the country of the French at the preceding Feast of S. Lawrence (10th August, 1294), commissioned by their people to disclose this nefarious plot to the King (of France). These were the Bishops of St. Andrews and Dunkeld, who, according to the prophetic saying, "delighted the King by their wickedness and Princes by their fraud." For, not long afterwards, they succeeded in making them believe their falsehoods, and sent letters by their servants announcing that the King of France was most favourably inclined towards them, and that a huge fleet was setting sail with a large force of men, and with arms, horses, and provender. In corroboration whereof the Bishop of St. Andrews sent in advance to Berwick many new and valuable arms, and also most sumptuous pontifical vestments, all of which we know were seized and taken by the Bishop of Durham's sailors in the very mouth of that port.

Also, to confirm what was said by the Holy Job--"the vain man is puffed up by pride, and thinketh himself to be born as free as a wild ass's colt"--this foolish people, yielding credence to these rumours, turned fiercely upon all the English found within their borders, without regard to age or sex, station or order. For the authority of the Church, which was very oppressive, decreed that those rectors and vicars of churches who were of English origin should be ousted and expelled from the country by a given date; also the stipendiary priests were suspended and were sentenced to expulsion with their clerical compatriots. Moreover, the royal authority ejected monks from their monasteries, and unseated those who were in high office; it even forced laymen out of their own houses, confiscating under royal sasine[32] or taxing the goods found therein. Also the biting tongues of certain evil men, who either could not or dared not do injury by force, composed ballads stuffed with insults and filth, to the blasphemy of our illustrious Prince and the dishonour of his race; which, though they be not recorded here, yet will they never be blotted from the memory of posterity.

[32] A deed giving legal possession of land.

THE VOYAGE OF KYNGE EDWARDE (1296).[33]

+Source.+--_Archæologia_, vol. xxi., p. 478.

(The author of this English account of Edward's expedition is unknown; the minuteness of the detail would suggest its having been written by one who took part in the march.)

HERE FOLLOWETH THE VOYAGE OF KYNGE EDWARDE INTO SCOTLANDE, WITH ALL HIS LODGYNGS BRYEFLY EXPRESSED.

In the xxiiij yer of the raigne of King Edwarde, Ester daie was on the daie of the Annunciation of owre Lady, and on the Wednesdaie in the Ester weke beyng the xxviij day of Marche passed Kynge Edwarde the forenone the Ryver of Twede with v thousand horses coverid and xxx thousand fotemen, and laie that nyght in Scotland at the Priori of Calderstreme; and the Thursdaie at Hatton; and the Fridaie toke the towne of Barwyk upon Twede by force of armes withought tarieng. The Castell was geven up the same daie by the Lorde William Dowglas, whiche was in it and the Kynge in the said Castell all that nyght and his hoste in the towne, everi man in the house that he hath gotten, and the Kynge taried ther almoste a monthe. And on Saint Georges daie the xxiij day of Aprill cam newes to the Kynge that they of Scotland had besegeid the Castell of Dunbarre that longed to the Erle Patrik the whiche holded strongly with the Kynge of England. And on the Mundaie, the Kynge sente his men to areyse the siege, but before thei cam the Castell was geven up the same daie, and the Scottis wer in it when the Englishmen cam to it and did assige it with iij hostes on the Wednesdaie that they cam ther; and the Tuesdaie they that wer within sende owte privyly; and the Thursdaie and Fridaie cam the hoste of the Scottis ner them aboute none[34] to have raysid the siege of the Englisshmen, and when the Englisshmen se them come towarde them, then the Englysshmen ran to the Scottis and discomfite did them and did overcome them, and the chase did dure well x myles of waie untill it was evenyng; and ther died the Lorde Patrik of Greahm, a greate lord, and x thousand and lv by right accompte. And the same Fridaie cam the Kyng from Barwyk to goo to Dunbarre and laie that night at Coldynghm; the Saturdaie at Dunbarre; and the same daie they of the Castell gave over at the Kynges pleasure, and ther was in it therle of Acelelles,[35] the erle of Roos, therle of Monetet, Syr John Comyn of Bedvaasok,[36] the son of Syr Richard Suard, Syr William Saintler,[37] and iiij skore men of armes and vij skore fotemen. Ther taried the Kynge iij daies; the Wednesdaie Ascencion even the Kynge went to Hadyngton; the Sundaie after to Lowedere;[38] the Mundaie to Rokesbrough at the Graie Freres, the Kynge lodgeid ther Tuesdaie at the Castell, and the Kynge taried there xiiij daies. And the xv daie went to Gardeford;[39] the Thursdaie to Wiel;[40] the Fridaie to Castelton; the Sundaie bak ageyn to Wiell; the Mundaie to Gaydeford;[41] the Fridaie to Rokesbrough; the Mondaie after to Lowdere; the Tuesdaie to the Abbey of Neubattaill; the Wednesdaie to Edenbrough the abbey, and caused ther to be set up iij engyns castyng into the Castell day and night; and the v daie thei spake of pees; the viij daie the Kynge went to his bedde to Lunsta,[42] the engyns castyng stille before the castell. The Thursdaie wente to Estrevelyn,[43] and they that were in the castell ran away and left non but the Porter, which did render the keyes: and theder cam therle of Stradern to the pees; and the Kynge taried ther v daies. The Wednesdaie before Saint Johns daie the Kynge passed the Scottish se[44] and laid at Entrearde[145] his castell, the Thursdaie to Saynt Johns,[46] a metely goode towne, and ther abode Fridaie, Satordaie, and Sundaie, which was Saint John Baptist daie; the Mundaie went to Kynge Colowen Castell;[47] the Tuesdaie to Clony[48] castell, and ther abidde v daies; the Munday after to Entrecoit[49] Castell; the Tuesday to Forfar Castell, a good toune; the Friday after to Fernovell;[50] the Saturdaie to Monorous[51] castell and a good toune, and ther abidde Sundaie, Mondaie, and Tuesdaie; and ther cam to hym Kynge John of Scotlande to his mercy, and did render quietly the Realme of Scotlande, as he that had done amys.[52] Also ther cam to merci therle of Marre, therle of Bochan, Syr John Comyn of Badenasshe, and many oder. The Wednesdaie went to Kynge Carden, a faiour manour; the Thursdaie to the mountaigne of Glowberwy;[53] the Wedeninesdaie to a manour in the Dounes[54] amonge the mountaignes; the Saturdaie to the cyte of Dabberden,[55] a faire castell and a good towne upon the see, and taried ther v daies; and thedar was brought the Kynges enemy Syr Thomas Worhme,[56] Sir Hugh Saint John did take and xij with hym. The Fridaie after wente to Kyntorn[57] manner; the Saturdaie to Fyuin[58] Castell; the Sundaie to Banet[59] Castell; the Mundaie to Incolan[60] maner; the Tuesdaie in tentis in Lannoy[61] upon the ryver to Repenathe[62] maner in the counte of Morenue;[63] the Thursdaie to the cite of Deigm,[64] a good Castell and a good towne, and taried ther ij daies; the Sundaie to Rosers[65] Maner. The Kynge sente the same daie Syr John Cantelow, Syr Hugh Spencer and Syr John Hastynges to serche the countrey of Badenasshe, and sente the Bishopp of Dyresym[66] with his people over the mountaynes by another way then he wente hymselfe; the Mundaie he wente into Interkeratche,[67] wher ther was no more then iij houses in a rowe between too mountaignes. The Tuesdaie to Kyndroken[68] castell belongying to the erle of Marre, and ther taried Wednesdaie, Sainte Peturs daie, the first daie of Auguste; on Thursdaie to the hospitall of Kyncarden in the Marnes;[69] the Saturdaie to the citie of Breghem;[70] the Sundaie to the Abbey of Burbro-doche,[71] and it was said that the abbot of that place made the people beleve that there was but women and no men in Englande; the Mundaie to Dunde; the Tuesdaie to Balygernatthe,[72] the redde Castell; the Wednesdaie to Saint John of Perte; the Thursdaie to the Abbey of Loundos,[73] and taried ther the Fridaie, Seynt Lawrence daie. Saterdaie to the Cite of Saint Andrew, a castell and a good towne; the Sundaie to Merkynch, wher as is but the churche and iij houses. Mondaie to the abbey of Donffremelyn,[74] ther as all the moste of the Kynges of Scottes lieth. The Tuesdaie to Strevelyn, and taried ther Wednesdaie owre Lady daie; the Thursdaie to Lansen;[75] the Fridaie to Edenbrough, and ther taried Saturdaie; Sundaie to Hadyngton; Mundaie to Pikelton,[76] by Dunbarre; Tuesdaie at Coldyngham; Wednesdaie at Barwyk; and conquerid and serchid the Kyngdom of Scotland as is aforesaid in xxj wekys withought any more.

[33] In the identification of place-names in this passage, I have followed Professor Hume Brown, _Early Travellers in Scotland_, pp. 2-6.

[34] Noon.

[35] The Earl of Atholl.

[36] Badenoch.

[37] Sinclair.

[38] Lauder.

[39] Jedburgh.

[40] Whitekirk.

[41] Jedburgh.

[42] Linlithgow.

[43] Stirling.

[44] The River Forth.

[45] Auchterarder.

[46] Perth.

[47] Kinclavin Castle.

[48] Cluny.

[49] Inverquiech.

[50] Farnell.

[51] Montrose.

[52] Amiss.

[53] Glenbervie.

[54] Durris.

[55] Aberdeen.

[56] Warham.

[57] Kintore.

[58] Fyvie.

[59] Banff.

[60] (Inver) Cullen.

[61] Enzie.

[62] Balvenie.

[63] Moray.

[64] Elgin.

[65] Rothes.

[66] Durham.

[67] Innerquharanche.

[68] Kildrummy.

[69] Mearns.

[70] Brechin.

[71] Aberbrothock (Arbroath).

[72] Baledgarno.

[73] Lindores.

[74] Dunfermline.

[75] Linlithgow.

[76] Pinkerton.

THE SIEGE OF BERWICK (1296).

+Source.+--_Chronicle of Lanercost_ (translated by Sir Herbert Maxwell in the _Scottish Historical Review_, vol. vii., pp. 383-384).