Chapter 7

It is difficult to assess the practical results of public messages such as the one mentioned above. They certainly made more impact than protests sent by Churches to the authorities. S. Lattes is of the following opinion:

"Also, as might have been expected, when the first anti-Semitic measures were taken by the Germans and the Vichy government, many authoritative voices, Catholic and Protestant, were raised in demonstration of their sympathy towards the Jews... These written manifestos had hardly any practical effect, but they were a display of true courage and by their distribution exercised a deep influence on the conscience of the French. They also afforded moral encouragement to the Jewish victims." [340]

L. Poliakov gives the following account of the results of the public appeal, made by Rev. Boegner in the name of his Church, and he also gives an interesting analysis of what moved the ordinary Protestant to help the Jews:

"A picturesque little town of 2,000, Chambon-sur-Lignon lies at the foot of Mont-Lisieux, in the centre of a little plateau almost exclusively inhabited by Huguenots. The word Huguenot immediately calls to mind the thousands of victims of persecution who, escaping from France in the 17th century, settled in Prussia, the Netherlands and the United States. One section, however, instead of leaving their country, fled to the savage region of Velay. Protected by practically impassable ravines, they hid in the woods, and remained faithful to their religion. Only in the 19th century were they able to resume their religious worship openly. This period of persecution has made them deeply pious, melancholic and austere; they are suspicious of any authority but unquestioningly follow their pastors. It is here that they have preserved almost intact the customs and virtues of the past centuries. <148> immediately after the terrible raids of July 1942, Pastor Boegner, President of the Federation of Protestant Churches of France, issued an appeal to all this followers, asking them to do everything in their power to help the Jews. The appeal was heeded. Nearly every Sunday the pastors of Chambon, Mazet and Fay-Le-Froid, exhorted their congregations to renewed efforts. The country-people never tried to evade their responsibility. The persecutions which their own grand-parents had suffered were still alive in their memory. They provided food and lodging for the persecuted; in certain small hamlets in the area there was not a single farm which did not give shelter to a Jewish family... On the evening, at the hotel May, I witnessed a spectacle typical of the whole region of Chambon: a social worker arrived with several children whose parents had either been deported or were in hiding in Marseille. They huddled together in fear, in a corner of the room. A couple of country people first came in. 'We should like a little girl of eight or ten,' explained the woman. Little Miriam is called. 'Would you like to go with this uncle and auntie?' Intimidated, the little girl does not answer, but she was muffled up in blankets and carried into the sledge; and so she left for a home where, until the end of the war, she would live a simple, healthy life with temporary foster parents. And as if by sleight of hand, all the other children were taken care of in the same way." [341]

Perhaps France was the only occupied country where an official Protestant organization rendered direct and practical help to the persecuted Jews. The Cimade [342] was a Protestant Youth organization which sent teams of young Protestants into the camps, in order to render relief to the internees. Miss Madeleine Barot, general secretary of the Cimade, states: "All racialism is inadmissable from the Christian point of view. It was necessary to give tangible signs of this conviction, to alert public opinion, to protest to the responsible authorities, to mobilize the forces of <149> Protestantism, and, above all things, to help those who suffered most." [343] The first relief team was installed in the camp of Curs. It was partly justified to the police by the presence of a number of baptized internees, who were registered as Protestants. "Our work was labelled as 'Protestant assistance', which was of a great help, though we ourselves did not even consider for one moment restricting our help to the Protestants." [344] Thanks to the financial support of the Ecumenical Committee for Aid to Refugees, Geneva, the number of rations to be distributed in Gurs could be increased. [345] In 1941, teams were also placed in the caps at Rivesaltes, Brens, le Recebedou, and Nexon. In the spring of 1942, the Cimade opened four houses (at Chambon-sur-Lignon, Tarascon, le Tarn and Marseilles) for the accommodation of old or sick people and women with little children, who were permitted to leave the concentration camp if an authorized organization took charge of them. The Swedish Church and the World Council of Churches rendered financial aid. [346]

The leaders of the Cimade permanently kept in touch with the Rev. Marc Boegner so that he, when he intervened with the Vichy Government, could make proposals which corresponded with the actual situation in the camps. [347]

After mass deportations had begun, the members of the Cimade became more and more involved in "illegal" activities. The Secretariat of the Cimade at Nimes provided false identity cards. "We set up a record by once producing fifty identity cards in one night." [348] Several members of the Cimade were active as guides, bringing refugees through the mountains to safety in Switzerland. "According to my estimations, we helped to evacuate about four hundred persons, from August, 1942, until December, 1943." [349] After the Swiss Government had ordered that refugees who had illegally entered into Switzerland be returned to France [350] the Rev. M. Boegner obtained in Berne the agreement that non-Aryans coming from France for whom he had given personal guarantee, would be admitted. [351] <150>

24 YUGOSLAVIA

On April 5, 1941, Yugoslavia concluded a treaty of friendship with Moscow, and within hours Belgrade was bombed by the German air force. Yugoslavia was dismembered by the Nazis. The north-eastern part, the Backa basin, with 20,000 Jews, came under Hungarian annexation. Old Serbia, where 12,000 Jews lived, came under German occupation. In Croatia, with 21,000 Jews, a puppet regime was established. The Bulgarian-annexed territory of Yugoslavia (Serbian Macedonia) contained between 7,000 to 8,000 Jews. Before the war, Yugoslavia harboured some 70,000 Jews. Fifty-five thousand of them were murdered. [352]

The greatest non-Roman Catholic Church in Yugoslavia is the Serbian Orthodox Church. Much smaller Churches are: the Reformed Christian Church of Yugoslavia and the Slovak Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession in Yugoslavia. None of these Churches replied to my circular letter. The persecution of Orthodox Serbs matched the persecution of Jews, both in cruelty and fanaticism. [353] I hardly found any material about the attitude of the Churches in Yugoslavia; only the following quotations can be mentioned:

"High Orthodox and Catholic circles were unanimous in condemning anti- Jewish propaganda. Early in 1940, the Serbian Patriarch Gavrilo, while visiting a synagogue near Belgrade, deplored religious persecution, and the official Catholic organ die Donau condemned racialism. In October, the Patriarch of Sarajevo expressed to representatives of the Jewish community his sympathy for their sufferings." [354] "At the end of May (1943), some Jews who were still living in Zagreb under the protection of the Archbishop, were seized one night and deported, before the churchman could intervene to save them." [355] <151> "Contrary to what we know about the attitude of the Catholic and Protestant Churches on the Jewish question, we have only meagre knowledge of the aid and comfort rendered by the Orthodox Churches in Nazi-subjugated Europe. [356] Nazi persecution of the Orthodox faith was not checked by the minor hesitation the Nazis showed in their dealings with the other Christian denominations. A few enlightening examples of a deeply humane attitude in some of the conquered countries rend the mist surrounding the tragedy into which these unhappy lands were thrust. Thus it is known that the heads of the Yugoslavian Orthodox Church bravely protested against the atrocities perpetrated on the Jews and exhorted priests and people to abstain from participating in the outrage of Nazis and Ustasa (Croation Fascists) alike." [357]

25 GREECE

a. Salonika

Greece was overrun by the Germans on April 6, 1941; the armistice was signed on April 23, 1941. There were three separate occupation zones: Italy was assigned the territory comprising "old Greece", with Athens as capital, and the Ionian islands; Bulgaria occupied Western Thrace and Greek Eastern Macedonia; Germany had a narrow belt of Eastern Thrace bordering on Turkey, along with the Salonika harbour and the island of Crete. A puppet government, seated in Athens, functioned in both Italian and German zones. About 13,000 Jews lived in the Italian zone, but the number of Jewish inhabitants in German dominated territory was over 55,000. In March, 1943, the Jews of Salonika were put in a concentration camp. From the middle of March, through May, deportation trains rolled from Salonika to Auschwitz. About 46,000 Jews were deported. [358]

Friedman is of the opinion that "the Greek Orthodox Church, always a power in the political life of the country, used its considerable influence to oppose anti-Jewish laws, and, later, to help rescue the victims. The humblest papas of remote villages as well as the highest dignitaries of the Church enlisted in the crusade to help Jews". [359] <152>

It is doubtful, however, whether any Church in any country had a "considerable influence" with the German occupying forces. The Church did not, and probably could not, prevent the extermination of the great majority of the Jews of Greece.

At the end of February, 1943, two lawyers turned to Genadius, Bishop of Salonika, and submitted to him a Memorandum concerning the danger threatening the Jews. Bishop Genadius immediately went to Dr. Merten, who was in charge of all civilian affairs in Salonika, and protested, in the name of his Christian faith, against the preparations for the transports. Replying hypocritically, Dr. Merten stated: "I expected this step of yours, but all your efforts are in vain, for the orders are official and no intervention can change them". [360] Mr. Moissis, a Jewish lawyer in Athens, commented:

"The attitude of Genadios, Bishop of Salonika, was excellent. He submitted a vehement protest to the military commander of the Macedonian capital who had issued the order of deportation, in March, 1943, in which Bishop Genadios characterized the order as inhuman and anti-Christian. During the deportations, he secretly received Chief Rabbi Koretz and other representatives of the Jewish community, and it was at his residence that the meeting took place of Rabbi Koretz and the Greek Prime Minister, John Rallis, who had come to Salonika especially, and solely, in order to save the Jewish population." [361]

As soon as the measures against the Jews started, desperate appeals were addressed to Damaskinos, Archbishop of Athens and Primate of all Greece, by the Jews of Salonika, begging him to mediate with the representatives of the Reich in order to prevent their extermination. [362] Greek delegations went to see the Archbishop asking him to intervene. Archbishop Damaskinos, who shared the feelings of his followers, asked to see Altenburg, the representative of the Reich. He expressed to him the anguish of the Greek people at his inhuman and anti-Christian measure, and asked for his intervention to stop persecution. <153> Altenburg replied that the Jewish question was of capital importance to National Socialism; that it was dealt with by the central administration and that, consequently, he, personally, could do nothing on behalf of the Jews of Greece. Actually, he shared the opinion that this measure should be taken, and should be applied to Jews throughout Greece. In spite of all protests, Jews of Greek nationality should be forced to go to Poland, while those of other nationalities should be returned to their countries of origin. The Archbishop asked: "Why should Jews of Greece, who are of Spanish nationality, go to Spain, and those of Italian nationality to Italy, whereas, Jews of Greek nationality should be sent to Poland rather than be allowed to stay in Greece?" Annoyed by this question, Altenburg refused to answer, except to say that Jews of Greek nationality were sent to Poland 'to work'. "If they are sent to Poland 'to work', 'the Archbishop asked, why are women, children and aged people also sent?" "Because it is cruel to separate the families; if they are united they will have a better life", the representative of the Reich replied. Another strong appeal to the German representative, based on the claims of a humane and Christian civilization, was made by the Archbishop. Altenburg vaguely replied that he would try to ease the strictness of the measure.

The extermination of the Jews of Salonika, however, continued unabated; the anguish of the Greeks increased. Greek organizations from all the towns sent appeals to the Archbishop of Athens who received an incessant stream of protestations and appeals from the Jewish organizations of Larissa, Chalkis, Volos and Verria, declaring their solidarity with the Jews of Salonika. The Archbishop decided again, to convey this general concern to the German authorities. He invited the representatives of the chief intellectual Institutions and of the scientific and professional organizations in the Archbishopric, to join with him. Under the auspices of the Church, they addressed a strong protest to the Greek Prime Minister, and to the representative of the Reich. The memorandum sent to the Prime Minister was as follows: <154>

Athens, March 23, 1943. Mr. Constantine Logotheropoulos, Prime Minister,

In Town.

The Greek people have recently learned, with great surprise and grief, that the German military occupation forces in Salonika have begun the gradual expulsion of Jews living in Greece, and that the first groups of displaced Jews are already en route to Poland. The grief of the Greek people is even deeper because: 1. According to the spirit of the armistice terms all Greek citizens were to be treated equally by the occupation forces, irrespective of religion and race. 2. Greek Jews not only have been valuable contributors to the financial progress of the country, they generally have been loyal and have shown full understanding of their duties as Greek citizens. They have shared in the common sacrifices on behalf of their Greek mother country, being among the first to join in the struggle of the Greek nation to defend its historical rights. 3. The well-known loyalty of the Jews living in Greece already rules out any claim that they participated in actions likely to endanger the security of the Military Forces of Occupation. 4. In the conscience of the Nation, the children of our common Mother Greece are regarded as being an integral part of the Nation, entitled to enjoy all the privileges of the national community, independently of any religious or dogmatic differences. 5. Our holy religion repudiates any racial or religious distinctions, supremacy or inferiority, stating that 'there is neither Jew nor Greek' (Gal. 3, 28), and condemns every tendency to create distinctions on grounds of racial or religious differences. 6. The sharing of a common fate, both in days of glory and in periods of national disaster, has produced unbreakable bonds between all Greek citizens of every race. We are well aware of the deep opposition between the new Germany and the Jews, nor do we intend do defend or criticize international Jewry and its activities in the sphere of the political and financial problems of the world. We are only interested in, and concerned with, the lives of 60,000 fellow-citizens. We deeply appreciate their noble feelings, brotherly disposition, progressiveness, economic activities, and, above all, their incontestable love for their country during the long periods we have lived together. As a proof of this last statement, we point to the great number of Greek- Jewish sacrifices offered, without complaint or hesitation, on the altar of duty for our common homeland. We are sure that the Government and the people of Greece are agreed on this matter. We are confident that you have already taken the necessary steps to plead with the Occupation Forces, to defer this painful measure of the expulsion of Jews living in Greece. We are hopeful that you already have pointed out to the highest authorities that such treatment of the Greek Jews - cruel in comparison with what happened to the Jews of other nationalities - makes this measure even more unjust, and thus morally inadmissible. <155> If they pretend that these measures are taken for security reasons, an adequate solution should be possible. Preventive measures could be taken, such as the confinement of the males only (except aged men and children) in a place in the country, under the supervision of the Occupation Forces. Thus, security will be protected even against imaginary dangers, and the Jews of Greece will not suffer the adversities of the expulsion. The Greek people will be ready, if asked, to give their full guarantee for a measure taken on behalf of their brothers in distress. We hope the Occupation Forces will understand the senselessness of the persecution of Greek Jews, who are considered the most peaceful, loyal and productive elements in our country. If, however, the Germans insist, against every hope, on their policy of expulsion, we think that the Government, as the holder of the remaining political power in our country, should take a firm stand against these actions. It should be made clear that full responsibility for this injustice will lie with the foreigners. Let no one forget that all acts committed during this difficult period, even those committed against our will and beyond our power, will one day be examined by our Nation; it will ascertain the responsibility of everyone. On that day of National judgment, the moral responsibility of those in authority, who have failed to express by some courageous gesture the unanimous anguish and protest of the Nation against all actions which are derogatory to our unity and pride, such as the expulsion of the Jews, will weigh heavily. [363]

Yours Truly, Damaskinos, Archbishop of Athens and Primate of all Greece.

The memorandum was signed by the president of the Greek Academy; the rectors of the University and the Polytechnic Institute; the chairman of the Association of writers, painters and artists; lawyers, surgeons, industrialists, and chambers of commerce.

It should be noted that the memorandum mentions six reasons why the Jews should not be deported; only one of them is strictly religious; four reasons stress that the Jews were loyal citizens of Greece and that they belonged to the nation. <156> The Archbishop and his friends did not intend "to defend or criticize international Jewry and its activities in the sphere of the political and financial problems of the world". It is not clear whether they really meant this or tried to appeal to the mind of the addressee. At all events, the remark is regrettable.

Another memorandum was sent to the Representative of the Reich. It read as follows:

Athens, March 24, 1943. To His Excellency the Representative of the Reich for Greece, Mr. Guenther Altenburg,

In Town.

Excellency, The undersigned are not seeking at present to interfere in any way in the questions of general tactics of the German forces in our country or elsewhere, but simply to submit certain views, regarding a question which is keeping the entire Greek population in suspense and anxiety; we are sure that you will examine these views in a spirit of benevolence and understanding. They concern the persecution of the Greek Jews of Salonika, who have long been legally under the jurisdiction of our country. Not only have they never given occasion for complaint, but on the contrary, they have always offered proof of earnest and sincere collaboration. In critical times, their acts of self-sacrifice and self-abnegation were apparent. We must add that the above mentioned Jews have never acted against our interests, even in the smallest matters; on the contrary, they have always felt a sense of responsibility towards the Greek majority. Most of them belong to the poorer classes. It should be noted that Greek Jews have quite a different mentality to that of the Jews living in Germany and have no knowledge whatsoever of the language of Poland where they are being sent to live. in addition to the above facts, we wish to add that during the long course of our history, ever since the era of Alexander the Great and his descendants, and through all the centuries of Greek Orthodoxy down to the present time, our relations with the Jewish people have always been harmonious. We believe therefore that, in your high office as ruler of our country during the present war, you will not hesitate to accept our present request and decide, even if provisionally, to suspend the expulsion of Greek Jews from Greece until the Jewish question can be examined in the light of a special and detailed investigation. Our present request is based upon the recent historical fact, that during the surrender of Salonika and, later, that of the whole of Greece, among the clauses of the protocol, the following is included: 'The Occupation forces promise to protect the life, the honour and the properties of the population'. Certainly this clause implies, that no persecution would be made against Greek subjects, on the account of religion and race, and that consequently the theory relating to racial or religious discrimination would not be applied in Greece. <157> This was further confirmed later by a clear declaration made by General Tsolakoglou, to whom the Occupation Forces had entrusted the Presidency of this country, and who stated explicitly: "There is no Jewish question in Greece and there never will be." "All Greeks occupied in peaceful work may rest assured that their honour, life and property are under protection of the Occupation Forces and of the Government. Excellency, some days ago the Berlin radio transmitted an article of a German reporter, which was a real hymn to the traditional quality of hospitality of the Greek people in all occasions, even in the cases of supposed enemies. What must be the anguish of these people, who have been infused by thousand years of Christianity and its message of love of one's neighbour, when they see their brothers tom away from their homeland. Especially, when, for many years they have embraced it with unlimited confidence and a spirit of irreproachable solidarity towards us. Excellency, in the name of the lofty ideas of the Greek spirit, and of the culture of your country, both of which have so powerfully influenced the whole world, we beg that the expulsion of our Jewish fellow-citizens be halted as soon as possible. We assure you that the whole Greek nation will sincerely appreciate a gesture of such historic importance.

Damaskinos. Archbishop of Athens and Primate of All Greece.

(This Memorandum was also signed by the leading citizens who had signed the Memorandum sent to the Prime Minister).

There are some dubious remarks in this Memorandum: "It should be noted that Greek Jews have quite a different mentality to that of the Jews living in Germany", and "In the name of the lofty ideas of the Greek spirit and of the culture of your country (Germany)". That does not alter the fact that much in the Memorandum is to be lauded.

Archbishop Damaskinos did not cease his activities. He again saw Altenburg asking for his intervention. Following the formation of the new Government of John Rallis, he briefed the new Prime Minister and asked him to discuss fully the question with the commander-in-chief of East-Europe, Marshal Loehr. At the same time he took the following steps: <158>

a. He requested the President of the International Red Cross in Greece to ask the Governments of the European countries, to interest themselves on behalf of the Jews of Greece, considering that their expulsion to Poland would mean total extermination. b. He negotiated with the International Red Cross to supply food for the kitchen established for the Jews of Salonika who had been put into a concentration camp. He then asked the Greek Government to furnish the necessary technical means. In fact, the kitchen started operating immediately. The Ministry of Social Welfare undertook its organization and the International Red Cross provided large supplies of food.