Chapter 1

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VOL. 1 SEPTEMBER 9, 1897. NO. 44

The Armenians in Turkey are becoming restless once more.

They say they have waited long enough for the promised reforms, and as the Sultan has made none of the proposed changes, they have once again shown their hatred for him and his rule by resorting to that most cowardly of weapons, a dynamite bomb.

One day last week all Constantinople was alarmed by the noise of several loud explosions.

It was soon found that dynamite bombs had been thrown into the windows of the Government Council House. The entire building was shaken to its foundations, the roof torn off, and the walls badly damaged.

A meeting of ministers in the Grand Vizier's office had been proposed for the hour at which the explosion took place, and it was supposed that the cowardly assassins had intended to murder the Turkish officials while they were attending to their duties. Happily the meeting had been postponed, and therefore but little harm was done beyond the damage to the building.

The people had hardly recovered from their horror over the wrecking of the Council House when word was brought that an attempt had been made to blow up the Ottoman Bank.

Just a year ago an attack was made on the Bank, and on that occasion its officers were so unprepared for an attack that the Armenians gained possession of the building, and held it against the soldiers for several hours.

The Ottoman Bank of Turkey has charge of the public funds, so it is to the interest of the Government to see that it is well protected. Since the Armenian attack, therefore, there has not only been a special guard on duty to protect the bank, but men stationed at the doors to inspect every person who entered, and prevent any suspicious-looking characters from gaining access to the main building.

These precautions probably saved many precious lives, for, on the same afternoon that the bomb was thrown a man was seen entering the bank who was so extraordinarily fat that the watchers became suspicious of him.

They refused to let him enter the main building, and taking him into a little side room set apart for the purpose, they searched him.

They found, as they had suspected, that his great size was due to a huge dynamite bomb, which he was trying to conceal under his robes. In Turkey many of the people have not adopted the European dress of coat and trousers, but still cling to their long loose robes.

As soon as the bomb was discovered it was carefully put into water, the man was arrested, and the bank closed its doors, an extra guard of soldiers being sent for to protect it.

The news of the attempt on the bank was followed by the calling out of the palace guard and the closing of all the entrances to the palace.

A rumor was then spread abroad that another bomb had been found within the palace grounds, and that yet another had been found that was intended to blow up the Police Headquarters.

When the news of these various outrages was noised abroad the people were panic-stricken.

Crowds of Turks rushed from their homes, anxious to defend their city and their Sultan, and, armed with sticks, they hurried through the streets, not knowing where to go, or what to do first.

Alarmed lest their good intentions should lead them into acts of violence, and that Constantinople would be plunged into the horrors of riot and mob rule, the police and patrols ordered the men back to their homes, severely clubbing those who were slow to obey.

Soon the streets were given over to the soldiers, and not a soul was to be seen abroad but those connected with the guards and patrols.

When the streets were cleared, the police made a search of the Armenian quarter, and many suspicious characters were arrested.

The certainty that these outrages were the work of Armenians has roused the Mohammedan population to fresh fury, and a repetition of the massacres of last year is feared.

The better class of Armenians in Constantinople denounce the shameful deeds, and are enraged at the men who have once more turned the wrath of the Turks against the unhappy Christians in the Sultan's domains.

There is a feeling of great uneasiness throughout the city, the Turks fearing that more dynamite bombs will be thrown, and the Armenians that the mob will take a hideous vengeance for the outrage.

In the midst of all this danger and confusion, the foreign ambassadors are endeavoring to arrange for the treaty of peace between Greece and Turkey.

The peace negotiations seem, however, to be at a standstill.

The protests of Greece against Germany's proposal that her treasury be controlled until the war indemnity should be paid, finally aroused England to action.

It was further proposed, if you remember, that the Turkish troops were not to be withdrawn from Thessaly until the last pound had been paid; it was also suggested that a regiment or two at a time should leave, as the debt was paid off, but that Thessaly should be held by the Turks as a guarantee that Greece would pay.

The other Powers, apparently forgetting that they had sent ultimatums to Turkey on this subject, finally agreed that the Turkish troops should stay; but England refused point-blank to listen to any such scheme.

Lord Salisbury, the English Prime Minister, said that whether the war indemnity be paid or not, the Turkish troops must at once leave Thessaly. He declared firmly that he would permit no other settlement of the question, and that rather than allow the Turks to remain longer on Greek soil, England would break up the concert of the Powers, and take the consequences.

These were very brave words, and highly pleasing to the national pride and spirit of England, but the other Powers were indignant that England should take such a stand. They pretended to forget the angry despatches which they had sent on this very same subject, and the times they had refused to carry on further negotiations unless the Sultan consented to withdraw from Thessaly, and appeared to think that it was the duty of England to agree with them, no matter how often they changed their minds.

England alone seemed clearly to see that the consent of the Powers to this infamous scheme was only the result of the Sultan's wearisome delays, which after fourteen weeks of unprofitable haggling and bargaining have made the ambassadors anxious to get the matter settled one way or another, and be rid of the Sultan and his diplomacy.

England stated her reasons for refusing to agree with the other Powers. She said that the war indemnity demanded by Turkey was so large that Greece could never pay it, and that the Turkish occupation of Thessaly until the debt was settled really meant that Thessaly was to be ceded to Turkey.

As we have said, the English were very pleased over the stand Lord Salisbury had taken. It seemed to have been done just at the right moment, when the Powers, weary of the delay and anxious to have the Turkish army disbanded, would be ready to threaten Turkey with war if she did not immediately obey them.

This Turkish army is felt to be a very serious menace to Europe. The Sultan has an enormous number of soldiers now under arms, and moreover this army of his is a victorious army, proud of its strength, and anxious to have fresh opportunity to show its mettle and courage.

An uneasy feeling therefore prevails while this large force is kept under arms, as at any moment the Sultan may take it into his head to try and reconquer the Balkan provinces which he lost in the war with Russia.

Should he attempt such a thing Europe would be bound to go to the aid of the province, and the much-dreaded European war would result. Until the Turkish army is disbanded the peace of Europe cannot be assured.

It was felt, therefore, that Lord Salisbury had chosen a happy time for his protest, and that the Sultan must now be forced into doing what is right.

Unfortunately, Lord Salisbury, while he is a very clever statesman, has not the courage of his own opinions. He can think out a clever plan which would be of the greatest benefit to his country, and though in the beginning he will try with great firmness to enforce it, he cannot stand up against strong opposition. He has time and again abandoned some excellent policy, and veered completely round, when he has met strong opposition.

Much anxiety was felt in London on the present occasion lest he should not be able to maintain the firm stand he had taken on the Greek question. This anxiety grew keener when it was found that the other Powers were opposed to him. His party and his friends did their best to persuade him to remain firm, and for a time it seemed as though nothing could shake his resolution. At last the unwelcome news was given out that the British ambassador in Constantinople had received instructions from Lord Salisbury to accept the peace proposals of the Turks, and allow them to remain in Thessaly until the debt should be paid off.

Lord Salisbury's reason for yielding is rumored to be that the five ambassadors, representing France, Germany, Russia, Austria, and Italy, were ready to sign the first treaty without waiting for the consent of England.

This is said to have alarmed the British Prime Minister, and made him fear that the other Powers would combine against England if he persisted in his determination, and so he weakly deserted Greece; and the Turks will remain in Thessaly until the war indemnity is paid.

It is, however, stated that the British, French, and Russian ambassadors have all sent word to their governments that it is quite impossible for Greece to pay the sum demanded by Turkey.

Steps are therefore being taken to induce the Sultan to accept a smaller sum, but the chances are that his success in securing Thessaly will make Abdul Hamid refuse to take a piaster less. He will be sure to think that if he only holds out long enough he will get everything he asks for.

In Athens the people are not at all willing to accept the proposed treaty.

At a mass-meeting the other night a resolution was prepared and sent to the King, asking him to reject the treaty and resume the war.

The general feeling throughout Greece is, however, against a continuance of war.

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The news from India is of a gloomy character.

Fresh revolts have occurred on the frontier of Afghanistan. A tribe, the Afridis, has joined the rebellion against the British rule.

The disaffection of this tribe, which numbers about twenty thousand first-class hill-fighters, is most serious to the British cause. It is not its strength that alarms the English, however, but that the English army in India has been largely recruited from the Afridis, and so the rebels are not confined to the enemy that has to be faced, but numbers of them are found in the very regiments that are being sent to the front to quell the disturbance.

The Afridis have until now been most loyal to the Government, and were looked upon as safeguards in case the rebellion assumed a more serious form. During the Afghan war this tribe held the Khyber Pass for the British, and did them great service, as this pass is the main mountain route in the north between Afghanistan and Hindustan.

A revolt of the Afridis was the event most to be feared by the British, and it now appears to have taken place.

A large force of tribesmen entered into Khyber Pass, attacked the forts which guarded it, and unfortunately were successful in capturing them. The force of British soldiers at hand was not strong enough to drive them back, and they were able to swarm into the Pass in great numbers and possess themselves of it.

The Pass once taken, they had the temerity to offer to treat with the British for peace, and promise to go peaceably back to their homes if the soldiers should be withdrawn from all the forts on the frontier.

The British Government is incensed that the tribesmen should be so little afraid of the power of the English arms, and has determined to conquer this rebellious tribe, and give it a lesson in obedience that will not soon be forgotten.

Now that the outbreak has assumed such a serious form, every one is trying to discover a reason for the rebellion. Some think that the Sultan of Turkey is at the root of the matter, and that he has caused the news of his victory over the Greeks to be spread broadcast throughout the whole Mohammedan race, thereby creating the impression that the power of Europe has been shaken, and in this way has given the natives of Hindustan an idea that it is an excellent opportunity for them to try to throw off the hated European sovereignty.

Another rumor is that the Ameer of Afghanistan has incited the tribes to rebel, and that he is secretly giving them his support and assistance.

All the revolting tribes dwell on the borders of Afghanistan, and it is known for a fact that the Ameer distributed among the native Indian regiments a book of treasonable character, telling them all about the Jehad or Holy War. This war, according to the Mohammedan belief, is to be undertaken by the Moslems against the Christians, and is to result in the spreading of the Mohammedan faith throughout the world.

The circulation of these books excited the natives very much, and it is thought had a great deal to do with their present restless and rebellious spirit.

The Indian Government therefore sent a message to the Ameer protesting against the further circulation of this book, and accusing him of exciting the tribes to rebel, and then of allowing his subjects to take part with them against the English.

The Ameer sent a prompt reply in which he denied that any of his subjects had been concerned in the recent troubles.

He said that his soldiers should never be used to fight against the British, and that if any of the tribes under his rule are guilty of joining in a rebellion against his friend the Queen, it is without his knowledge or consent. He insisted that none of his people would have dared to join the rebels openly, for fear of his severe displeasure.

In addition to this letter to the British Government, he has issued an order to his subjects, forbidding them to join the rebels.

Notwithstanding this, the British officers in India place no reliance on the Ameer's protestations, and still believe that he is directing the operations of the troops on the frontier.

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Spain is still sorrowing for the loss of her Prime Minister, Señor Canovas.

This great statesman was buried with all the honors which his patriotism merited. The public buildings were all draped in black, all business was suspended in Madrid during the ceremonies, and all honor was paid to his memory, the Queen Regent sending personal messages of sympathy to his widow, and ordering the court to go into mourning for him for three days.

Kings and princes cannot give expression to their feelings as private individuals do; they have their public duties to perform, and therefore no matter how sincere their grief they are not at liberty to shut themselves away from the world and mourn their loss.

When a member of a royal family dies, the sovereign orders that a certain number of days or weeks shall be observed as days of mourning. During this time the whole court is dressed in black or the color that is used as mourning in that special country. In France, purple used to be the color of the court mourning; in China they use white. The servants as well as the ladies and gentlemen of the sovereign's household all wear the mourning color, and during the period set apart for the days of mourning no dinners or festivities of any sort are given, no persons are received or presented at the court, and the king and court retire into private life.

As soon as the appointed time is passed, the mourning garments are laid aside, and the gaieties are resumed as if nothing had happened to interrupt them.

As a rule, a court only goes into mourning for a relative of the sovereign or a member of the reigning family. It is most unusual for a court to be ordered to mourn for a person who is not of the royal blood, and that the Spanish court has been ordered to pay this mark of respect to Señor Canovas shows the high esteem in which he was held.

The cowardly assassin who murdered the Prime Minister has suffered the penalty of his infamous crime. He was tried, found guilty of his dreadful deed, and put to death.

The Queen Regent has had to choose another Prime Minister in Canovas' stead, and this has been a hard task for her. In Canovas she lost her best friend and constant adviser, and his place was not easily filled.

On the death of Señor Canovas, General Azcarraga, by virtue of his office of Minister of War, assumed the duties of the Prime Minister, and it is upon him that the Queen's choice has fallen. General Azcarraga is supposed to be thoroughly in sympathy with Señor Canovas' plans for Cuba, and to be prepared to carry them out.

He is said to approve of the way Weyler has been conducting the war, and intends to keep him as Captain-General of Cuba.

It is reported that when the news of Señor Canovas' death reached Havana, General Weyler at once offered to resign his position, well knowing that if Señor Sagasta was made Prime Minister in Canovas' place there would be a new Captain-General in Cuba within the month.