Chapter 1

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VOL. 1 JULY 21, 1897. NO. 38

England is preparing to send an expedition into the Soudan to reconquer the province of Dongola, which was lost during the revolt of the Mahdi in 1881-85.

Many of you have probably heard all about the Soudan war, in which the brave General Gordon lost his life. But that you may understand the matter fully, it will perhaps be as well to go over it again.

The Soudan is a vast tract of land in Africa, the boundaries of which are not very clearly defined. Roughly speaking, it extends from the Atlantic Ocean on the west to Abyssinia (King Menelik's country) on the east; and from the desert of Sahara on the north, southward to the Guinea Coast and the Congo Basin.

Part of this country was owned by Egypt. If you look at the map you will see that Egypt borders on the Soudan.

The portion of the Soudan owned by Egypt comprised Lower and Upper Nubia, the White Nile region, and the territories around the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, Dongola being one of these Soudanese provinces.

Egypt is now a dependency of Turkey, and is ruled by a Khedive, who is a subject of the Sultan. Egypt pays a yearly tribute to Turkey.

In 1859 the building of the Suez Canal was begun. This canal extends across the Isthmus of Suez, and connects the Mediterranean Sea with the Red Sea, opening a waterway between Europe and Asia.

To accomplish the enormous task of building the canal it was necessary to have a great deal of money.

France subscribed one-half, and the Khedive of Egypt the other half.

But Egypt was not rich enough to advance such a large sum, so after a while the Khedive sold the shares he owned in the Suez Canal Company to the British Government, and the canal was then owned half by England and half by France.

Having such a heavy financial interest in the country (the cost of the canal was about one hundred million dollars), both England and France were anxious to have some control of the government of Egypt to prevent any legislation that might be hurtful to the development of their enterprise.

For some years England and France exercised a joint supervision over Egypt, but later it was arranged so that England assumed sole charge.

Much was done by England to develop the natural resources of the country, and all went well until the rebellion of the Mahdi in 1881.

The Mahdi claimed to be a Moslem prophet.

The prevailing religion of Egypt and its provinces is Mohammedanism.

Now the Mohammedans believe that a great prophet, or Mahdi, will come to lead them. Under his generalship they expect to gain possession of the whole world.

More than one ambitious man has come forward and claimed to be the Mahdi.

Whenever such a leader has appeared the people have flocked to his standard, and through blind faith that success must attend their cause under his leadership, have done some brave deeds.

The most important of all the Mahdis was the chief who came forward in 1881, declared himself to be the long-expected prophet, called the people to his standard, and, taking the field against the British and Egyptian troops, overthrew the Egyptian power in the Soudan.

At first the rising of this new Mahdi was not considered serious, but after a time the rebellion assumed such serious proportions that it became evident that Egypt alone could no longer hold her provinces in the Soudan.

She appealed to England for help, and in 1884 the famous General Gordon was sent out by the British Government to help the Khedive.

There were many military posts scattered throughout the Soudan, and the object of General Gordon's mission was to relieve these garrisons, and withdraw them safely from the troubled territory.

General Gordon was known as "Chinese" Gordon, on account of a brilliant campaign he made in China, for which he was decorated with the yellow jacket and peacock feather by the Emperor of China. He was chosen to go to the aid of the Khedive because he had had long experience in Egypt, having been in the service of the Khedive as Governor-General of the Provinces of the Equator from 1874 to 1876, and of the Soudan from 1877 to 1879.

The story of the stand he made against the forces of the Mahdi at Khartoum, and of the long-delayed expedition which was sent to his relief, are among the saddest annals of modern history.

Khartoum was the capital of the Soudan, and an important commercial center.

General Gordon was forced to make a stand here against the Mahdi, and was besieged in Khartoum from March, 1884, to January, 1885. The city which had held out so bravely was at last taken by storm and General Gordon killed. The relief expedition which he had been expecting and hoping for arrived just two days after the city had fallen.

With the fall of Khartoum the Egyptian power in the Soudan was overthrown.

Lord Wolseley made a campaign against the Mahdi's forces, but it was too late.

The Soudanese were lost to Egypt. A strong effort is now being made to reconquer them.

The British officers in the Egyptian army have been ordered back to duty, and it is said that action will be taken in a few weeks. It is expected that the Mahdists will fight to the death, but they will not be as powerful this time as they were before, as they are now no longer united. The tribes south of Khartoum are in open revolt against the Mahdists, and a part of their forces will have to be detached to quell them.

* * * * *

The news from India is still very discouraging.

A fresh outbreak has occurred on the outskirts of Calcutta. Eight thousand workers employed in the silk mills on the Hoogly River have started for Calcutta to help the rioters.

The troops at Barrakpur, fifteen miles north of Calcutta, have been ordered out to intercept the strikers, and prevent their advance upon the city. They are also carefully guarding the bridges which span the Hoogly River. This river is one of the mouths of the Ganges.

While the immediate cause of the outbreak was the quarrel over the mosques, about which we told you last week, it seems that the anger against Europeans is really due to the measures which have been taken to stamp out the plague.

In India there are many races of people who, while they all live under the same rule, have each their own special habits and customs.

These curious customs are rigidly observed. Some must not drink milk, some must not touch lard, none of them must eat food prepared by persons who are not of their religion, and many of them must not leave their own country.

If they neglect these customs they are said to lose caste--which means that they lose their social position among their special tribe, family, and friends.

To lose caste is a very serious thing to a native of India.

Europeans are, as a rule, very careful not to offend the natives in these matters, and are most particular to observe all the customs in regard to caste. But at the time of the plague it was not possible to exercise this care.

When human lives were in danger the doctors did not try to find out what caste sick persons belonged to, but did what they thought best for them.

We know for ourselves, in our own families, that the rules of the Health Board in regard to sickness are not always agreeable to us.

We submit to having our invalids taken to hospitals when they have contagious diseases because we know that we must not endanger other lives.

Imagine, then, how the ignorant Indian natives must have felt, when, for reasons that they could not be made to understand, their sick were carried away by Europeans, and put into hospitals with people of every tribe and caste, all to be treated alike, and forced to eat the food prepared by foreigners.

They regarded the vigorous means which the Government took to stop the plague as a personal cruelty to them, and could not be brought to realize that everything was being done for their benefit.

Many educated Indians, who were perfectly able to understand that the Government measures were right and proper, pretended to side with the people, and, for the sake of stirring up the revolt, published articles in the papers, and circulated handbills denouncing the wickedness and cruelty of the British Government.

This course is likely to give England a great deal of trouble, for the people of India do not love the Europeans.

The telegrams say that there is no reason to fear the overthrow of the British Empire in India, because there are seventy-five thousand white troops in the peninsula, and they are fully able to keep order there.

It is thought that the discontent will lead to a series of outbreaks that will have to be put down by the soldiers, and which will increase the bitterness already existing between the Europeans and the natives.

* * * * *

The Turkish troubles are approaching a crisis.

We told you that the Sultan was doing all in his power to delay matters, in the hope that something might happen which would relieve the situation.

The Powers are, however, determined to settle the affair, so, finding they will submit to no more trifling, the Sultan has been forced to make a move.

He bade his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tewfik Pasha, inform the diplomats that it was useless for them to hold any further meetings, as he found it impossible to deprive his people of the fruits of their victory, and so could never agree to relinquish Thessaly.

Tewfik Pasha added that the Porte insisted that the line of the Turkish frontier should be established along the river Salammria, which would give Turkey the possession of Thessaly as far south as Larissa.

Having caused this announcement to be made, the Sultan had a circular prepared and sent to his ambassadors abroad, explaining the situation, and why he could not accept the frontier line as demanded by the Powers.

It appears that he is convinced that the Powers will not fight him, and so is determined to defy them and take his own course.

He is said to have remarked that if the Powers could not force Colonel Vassos and his handful of soldiers to obey them in Crete, it is not likely that they will be able to coerce the victorious army of Turkey.

The Powers are now entirely of one mind. Turkey must obey their wishes, and obey them quickly.

On hearing of the Sultan's action, Russia immediately protested, and the other Powers joined in a collective note to the Turkish Government, demanding that their terms of peace be complied with.

The note was very severe in its tone, and insisted that the frontier line between Greece and Turkey should be fixed according to the wishes of the Powers, and also that the Powers were determined that peace should be concluded without further delay.

It was at first intended that the note should fix a date by which the Sultan was bound to send his reply, and should state what the Powers would do in case their request was refused.

But the note that was sent contained neither of these clauses, and so the Sultan is not yet convinced that the Powers really mean to fight him if he remains obstinate.

The Sultan, who seems to be a very wily diplomat, has in the mean while been trying to find out the individual feelings of the Powers.

He sent notes to the various rulers, asking their friendly assistance in the settlement of the frontier question.

None of them gave him any encouragement or reason to suppose they would uphold him in case the matter was brought to an issue.

The Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria, having assured him of his friendship, advised him, in very plain language, to conclude peace on the terms dictated by the Powers.

He added: "The concert of the Powers is firm and united in its decisions. Therefore I request your Majesty to take my advice into earnest consideration."

The Sultan's great friend, Emperor William of Germany, has also intimated to him that it would be wise for him to obey the wishes of the Powers, and not resist the demand for the withdrawal of the Turkish troops from Thessaly.

The Russian sentiment is also strongly against Turkey. The official newspaper of St. Petersburg utters a warning to the Sultan that if he remains obstinate, the Powers will resort to decided measures to enforce obedience to their commands.

France has sent him a very decided refusal to interfere in the matter.

All this time Turkey has been pushing her war preparations forward, and is ready to take prompt action in case the peace negotiations should fall through; indeed, the Turks have already recommenced hostilities.

Two thousand Turks besieged the town of Kalabaka in Thessaly, the Greeks defending the place until they were overpowered.

A great number of the inhabitants fled to the mountains for safety, but those who were not fortunate enough to escape were cruelly massacred by the enemy.

* * * * *

The Powers have agreed upon the conditions for self-government in Crete.

A Christian Governor is to be appointed and an annual tribute of $50,000 is to be paid to Turkey.

The payment of the tribute will not be commenced until five years have passed, because Crete has been so laid waste by the war that she will not be in a position to pay her tribute until she has had time to recover.

The foreign troops are to remain on the island until a Cretan militia has been organized. This militia is to be commanded by European officers.

The Turkish troops that remain on the island are to be gradually withdrawn as peace is restored.

The Governor is to have the right to appoint and dismiss all government officials.

The Assembly, which will manage the affairs of the island, is to be composed of an equal number of Christians and Mohammedans.

The affairs of Crete seem thus to be happily settled. It is to be hoped that brave little Greece, who so recklessly went to her aid, may fare as well.

* * * * *

There is a report from Havana that General Weyler has at last been recalled to Spain. It has not so far been confirmed, and so may not be true, but it states that the Spanish Government, disgusted with Weyler's failure to pacify Santiago de Cuba, has determined to recall him.

Weyler is said to have declared that to conquer the rebellion he will need 200,000 more soldiers, and a fresh supply of money amounting to $200,000,000.