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THE GREAT ROUND WORLD AND WHAT IS GOING ON IN IT

Vol. 1 JUNE 3, 1897 No. 30. [Entered at Post Office, New York City, as second class matter]

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VOL. 1 JULY 8, 1897. NO. 35

England has been spending a very busy week celebrating the Queen's Jubilee.

On such occasions, when the attention of the world is centred upon a country, it seems to be the custom to publish startling rumors, to keep up the excitement.

The Jubilee has been no exception to this rule. The wildest reports have been circulated.

One account declared that the Queen was totally blind, and would not be able to enjoy any of the festivities prepared in her honor.

This was promptly contradicted, but was soon revived with the addition that the story was "strictly true," but that London was hushing it up until the Jubilee was over.

Following closely on the heels of this came a new story, that Queen Victoria was about to abdicate. This story stated that the Prince of Wales would not be crowned King while his mother lived, but would occupy the throne.

Abdication is the act of giving up or relinquishing the right to hold an office. It is the same as resigning, but the word is almost without exception used in the case of a sovereign or ruler of a country.

Abdication should be an act of free will on the part of the person who resigns.

Queen Liliuokalani claims that she is still the rightful Queen of Hawaii, because, though she signed an act of abdication, she says, she did not do it of her own free will, but was forced to sign by the present government of the islands.

As to the story of Queen Victoria's abdicating: she is now seventy-eight years old, and she may well be wearied with the cares of government, but she cannot abdicate unless Parliament is willing that she shall do so.

England has, in the past, had many troubles brought upon her by unwise, weak, or wicked kings, and when James II. fled to France the English people felt they had had enough ill treatment at the hands of kings, and determined to take away absolute power from future kings.

The people had some cause to be afraid of too much power in the hands of the king at that time, for James II. was the son of Charles I., who had so mismanaged the country that the people finally had him beheaded. He was also the brother of Charles II., who had been called to the throne after the death of Cromwell, and who had spent the years of his reign in every kind of folly and wickedness. The English people made up their minds to stand no nonsense from James; so, when he showed himself utterly incapable of ruling the country, the nobles invited William of Orange, the husband of James' daughter Mary, to occupy the throne.

When his last hope was gone, and he saw that he would be obliged to fly the country, James showed the people how wise they had been to get rid of him.

He had dissolved Parliament and disbanded the army, so that there was no form of government in the country, no army to preserve order, and, as he thought, no possibility of calling a government together, because he had thrown the Great Seal into the Thames River, without which and his signature, as he supposed, no acts would be legal.

James II., sworn to protect and preserve the rights of the English people, tried by these acts to hand them over to anarchy and mob-rule.

But Cromwell had given the people some lessons in governing without the help of kings, and so Parliament overcame these difficulties, as you will see if you read the history of England.

Because of the difficulties the King had caused, Parliament passed certain new laws, limiting the power of the sovereign.

The sovereign of England therefore rules subject to the will of the people, and it is said that the British government is one of the most perfect forms of republican government existing.

The Jubilee festivities began Sunday, June 20th, the actual sixtieth anniversary of the Queen's accession to the throne. This was celebrated by thanksgiving services throughout the entire kingdom and its colonies; the Queen and her family, the Members of Parliament, and the officials throughout the kingdom and the colonies, attending divine service.

On Monday Her Majesty went to Buckingham Palace, her London residence, and received the notable foreigners who had come to do her honor, and the officers of her various governments throughout the world.

Tuesday was the day of the great procession, when the Queen rode in state through London to take part in the public thanksgiving at St. Paul's Cathedral.

This service was held on the steps of the Cathedral, the Queen remaining in her carriage, surrounded by her family, her guests, and the soldiers--joining in the service of praise with her people.

It must have been an impressive ceremony--in the midst of a vast throng of princes, nobles, and soldiers in splendid uniforms, this quiet little old lady in black, listening with bowed head to the prayers, and then raising her face to smile on her people. The prayers being over, the crowds, that had silently watched the service, with one voice joined in the fine old anthem, "God Save the Queen."

The Queen was escorted to and from the cathedral by the most brilliant array of princes this century has seen. Thirty-six princes, representing nearly every monarch on earth, rode three by three to escort Victoria.

Before leaving Buckingham Palace to go to St. Paul's, the Queen sent a message of thanks to every part of her vast empire. Arrangements had been made that Her Majesty should personally despatch these telegrams; wires had been laid and everything arranged, so that when she pressed the button in the palace the telegrams were sent forth to her colonies, straight from the royal hand. In three hours replies had been received from all but three of the forty-three colonies to which her message had been despatched.

The Jubilee celebrations were continued through the week, with state dinners and concerts, and an address from the Parliament on Wednesday; a visit to Eton College, the royal school, on Thursday; a review of the fire brigades on Friday, and of the navy on Saturday. A pretty busy week for a person of seventy-eight years.

The celebration was considered very remarkable as a demonstration of naval and military strength.

Fifty thousand troops marched in line on Tuesday, and at the naval review England was represented by more war-vessels than any other power possesses.

Troops had been sent from British colonies in Asia, Africa, North and South America, and Oceanica. From all quarters of the globe people of many races, colors, and languages came together to acknowledge Victoria as their Queen.

The Jubilee week must have been a proud season for Englishmen--they had a fine opportunity to show the world the power of their great empire.

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The Irish members of Parliament persisted in their refusal to join in the Jubilee ceremonies.

When it was proposed in the House of Commons that an address of congratulation be sent to the Queen, the Irish members made a scene.

They protested against any message being sent, unless it contained a statement that during the sixty years of Victoria's reign Ireland had been subject to much suffering and deprived of her rights, and that therefore the Irish members of Parliament were dissatisfied and unable to join in the celebrations.

The House of Commons would not entertain this, and a motion was passed that the address should be sent to the Queen.

The Irish members continued their protests after the vote had been taken, declaring it false and absurd to present the address when it did not express the sentiment of the House, but only of a portion of it.

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Captain Boycott has just died. You are probably familiar with the name, and with the meaning of the word "boycott," but it may interest you to know what a very young word it is, only seventeen years old, having been coined in 1880, and that it derives its origin from this very Captain Boycott who has just passed away.

He was a captain in the English army. After a while he sold out his commission, and settled down as a farmer in Connemara, Ireland. He became the agent of an Irish landlord named Lord Erne, and it was his duty to manage the estate, see to the sowing and gathering of crops, keep the houses on the property in repair, and collect the rents from the tenants.

The Irish had long been complaining that their rents were too heavy, and that their landlords did nothing for them in return for the money collected. There was a good deal of truth in these complaints; the landlords hardly ever went near their estates, and seemed to care only for the money they got from the tenants. The whole conduct of affairs was left in the hands of the agents, who were obliged to grind the money out of the tenants to supply the wants of their masters.

It does not appear that Captain Boycott was more severe than other agents, but he does seem to have been less in sympathy with the peasants.

There had been a long period of bad harvests followed by a famine, and the tenants could not pay their rents. They begged that their back rent might be forgiven them, and their future rents lowered.

All over Ireland similar demands were being made. Irish agitators, as they were called, were holding meetings all over the country, advising the peasants to make these demands. Among the men who addressed the people were Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, and Michael Davitt, all members of Parliament.

Excitement had run so high that the peasants had murdered several agents who refused their demands.

Mr. Parnell and his friends urged the people not to commit crimes, but to refuse to pay the rents demanded.

These leaders bade the people stop buying from, selling to, or working for any landlord who refused to listen to their demands, and to prevent others from having any dealings with them.

This is what is called "boycotting." Captain Boycott was its first victim. He not only refused to lower the rents, but, according to the story of the peasants, he reduced the wages of his laborers by a system of petty fines.

Acting on Mr. Parnell's advice, the laborers refused to work for him, and the tenants refused to have any dealings with him.

It was harvest-time, but the crops were left rotting in the fields, because no one would lend a hand to gather them. The farm servants left the farm, and there was no one to feed the cattle or milk the cows. The country people round would sell neither food, clothes, nor medicines to any of the family.

The peasants cut Captain Boycott off from the rest of the world, and kept him thus isolated until the Government had to interfere.

A gang of laborers was sent down, under the escort of a troop of soldiers, and gathered in the crops, and when the work was done, under the protection of the soldiers, the Captain and his family were taken from their home and safely guarded until they reached Dublin.

In describing this most extraordinary affair there was no word which properly applied to it, and so the word "boycotting" was coined, after the man who first suffered from the system, and in the new editions of the dictionaries "boycott" and "boycotting" appear as regular words of the English language.

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We may have an Arbitration Treaty with England after all.

President McKinley is in favor of an understanding between England and the United States, and it is said that a new treaty has been prepared.

Sir Julian Pauncefote has refused to take any steps in the matter until the United States has made a formal offer to his Government, but it is understood that he is as much in favor of the arrangement as the President.

The new treaty will differ in many respects from the one prepared by Mr. Olney. It will be expressly stated that all matters relating to the Nicaragua Canal and the Monroe Doctrine shall not be included as subjects for arbitration. (For Monroe Doctrine, see p. 210.)

It is intended to find out the feeling of the Senate toward the measure before the new treaty is signed. A second refusal to ratify might make bad feeling between the two countries.

It is not expected that the new treaty will be sent to the Senate before December.

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The terms of peace between Turkey and Greece have not yet been agreed upon, nor has the amount of money which Greece must pay been finally decided.

It is rumored that it will be about twenty-three million dollars, which is the largest sum that Greece is able to pay. It is also reported that Turkey is now willing to give up Thessaly without further trouble.

This may be true, but Turkey is posting guns on the mountains that mark the frontier between Greece and Turkey, and is despatching additional troops there.

An announcement has also been made that the Sultan has formed twenty more cavalry regiments, and has raised the number of soldiers to be recruited for the Turkish army to seven hundred thousand, which gives him an immense number of fighting men at his command.

* * * * *

Little progress has been made with Cuban affairs, but they are still moving slowly forward.

The Liberal party in the Spanish Cortes has declared itself in favor of honest reforms in Cuba.

This party, which is led by Señor Sagasta, thinks that the reforms offered by Canovas, the Prime Minister, are not sufficient to pacify the insurgents. They think that a Commissioner should be sent out by Spain, to insure to the Cubans real home rule, and bring peace and prosperity back to the island.

The Liberals say that the first step in the direction of peace must be the recall of General Weyler, and that the horrors of his rule must be stopped at once.

Señor Comas, who had his ears boxed by the Duke of Tetuan, belongs to this Liberal party. His friends are still so incensed at this insult that they have issued a manifesto, refusing to have any relations with the Government so long as the Duke remains in power.

This disagreement in the Cortes is a very serious thing for Spain. At this moment, when there is so much dissatisfaction over the expenses of the Cuban war and constant fears of a Carlist rising are entertained, it is most necessary that the two parties should agree.

The fear of a Carlist rising is growing stronger. Only the other day a large store of rifles and ammunition was found in a house in Barcelona, one of the large cities of Spain. They had been stored there to be in readiness for the Carlists.

Don Carlos has announced that if he secures the throne of Spain, it is his intention to give home rule to Cuba; and the Spanish people are so tired of the war, and the taxes, poverty, and sorrow that it has brought with it, that this statement brought many friends to his cause.

General Woodford is known to have sympathized with the Cubans in their last struggle for liberty, and to have made some very severe speeches against Spain at that time.

The Madrid papers have mentioned this fact, and it is thought that the Queen Regent may object to his appointment.

In the mean while some strange plans have been offered as a solution of the difficulty.

From Washington comes a report that the Sugar Trust has offered to buy Cuba, and keep it as a vast sugar plantation.

Gomez is reported to have said that Cuba does not want the United States to go to war with Spain for her sake. All she asks is that she shall be granted belligerent rights, and be allowed to buy and ship her supplies without interference.

The Morgan Resolution (for granting these rights) has not yet passed the House.

Some of the Senators who are anxious that it shall be passed declare that they will force the House to consider it, by putting off action on the Tariff Bill until the Cuban Resolutions are brought before the House.

* * * * *

It seems that the _Dauntless_ has met the usual fate of sinners.

She made a successful trip to Cuba after her release from custody, and, returning to this country, took on another forbidden cargo.

She escaped the cruiser _Vesuvius_ by hiding herself among the Florida Keys, but fate overtook her; her boiler burst while she was off Indian Key, and she was easily captured by the cutter _McLean_.

This time she will probably not escape so easily.

* * * * *

When the President sent the Hawaiian Annexation Treaty to the Senate, he sent with it a message, giving reasons why the annexation of Hawaii seems advisable.

His message stated that the idea of joining the two countries together is no new one, that all our dealings with the Sandwich Islands for the past three-quarters of a century have been leading toward this point, and that for seventy years the government of the Hawaiian Islands has leaned on the friendship of the United States, and annexation would be only the natural outcome of the existing relations.

The Treaty has been published. It provides, in addition to the clauses regarding the debt and the public lands (about which we told you last week), that all existing treaties between Hawaii and foreign nations shall cease, and that no further immigration of Chinese shall be allowed to Hawaii, nor shall any of the Chinamen at present living in the Hawaiian Islands be allowed to visit the United States.

These two clauses are objected to by both the Chinese and the Japanese. China declares that if Hawaii is annexed it will become a part of the United States, and protests that Chinamen living in Hawaii shall therefore have the same right to come to the United States that they have to journey from one State to another.

Japan has entered a formal protest against the annexation.

She claims that she has perpetual treaty rights with Hawaii; that is to say, that her treaties can never be ended. She declares that the Annexation Treaty must not have any clause cancelling existing treaties with other nations. Such a clause would seriously damage her interests.

This protest from Japan comes in some degree from injured feelings.

Japan complains that throughout her disagreement with Hawaii she recognized the interests of the United States, and caused copies of all papers relating to the matter to be sent from her embassy to this Government.

Despite this courtesy on her part, she was kept in complete ignorance of the Annexation Treaty. When rumors of such an arrangement reached her minister, he went to the State Department to make inquiries, and claims that Mr. Sherman did not give satisfactory answers, but seemed purposely trying to keep Japan in ignorance of the true state of the case.

Mr. Sherman replied to this protest that there can be no such thing as a perpetual treaty.

According to his point of view, a treaty, no matter how strongly drawn, must end when one of the countries that made it ceases to be a nation any longer. Should the Senate ratify the treaty, Hawaii will become a part of the United States, her life as a nation will be at an end, and her treaties will cease with her.

Mr. Sherman reminds Japan of the treaty between Japan and the United States that will go into effect in 1899, and which will give her the same privileges she had with Hawaii. He adds that if she is not content to wait the two years till the United States treaty begins, arrangements can be made to cover the intervening period.

* * * * *

There is a good deal of gossip over the fact that Mr. Sherman put his signature to the Annexation Treaty.

From various speeches in the Senate, and from statements in his memoirs, it was believed that he was strongly opposed to the annexation of Hawaii. It is rumored, indeed, that Queen Liliuokalani based her strongest hopes of regaining her throne on the belief that the Secretary of State was opposed to the treaty and would use his influence to prevent its being ratified.

Mr. Sherman, however, states that while he was opposed to such a step at one time, the trouble between Hawaii and Japan has caused him to change his mind, and he now thinks annexation will be most desirable for all parties concerned.

The ex-Queen of the Sandwich Islands, Liliuokalani, has also sent in her protest against the Treaty. She objects because "her people," as she calls the Hawaiians, have not been consulted, and also because no provision has been made for her.

This protest has been filed in the State Department, and will be attended to in due course.

Notice of our intentions with regard to Hawaii has been sent to the various foreign powers, and so far no other protest has been received.