Part 1

Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Emmy and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.(www.pgdp.net)

_FIVE CENTS._

THE GREAT ROUND WORLD AND WHAT IS GOING ON IN IT

Vol. 1 JUNE 10, 1897 No. 31. [Entered at Post Office, New York City, as second class matter]

Subscription $2.50 per year $1.25 6 months

WILLIAM BEVERLEY HARISON. PUBLISHER NO. 3 AND 5 WEST 18TH ST. NEW YORK CITY

=Copyright, 1897, by WILLIAM BEVERLEY HARISON.=

* * * * *

=PREMIUM LIST=

In connection with our offer of any BICYCLE you wish for 100 new subscriptions, we have prepared a

=Premium Catalogue=

This contains a list of selected articles which will be given to those who may obtain a smaller number of subscriptions

* * * * *

Those who fail to secure the necessary number for the bicycle may make selection from this catalogue.

* * * * *

=Copy mailed on receipt of 5c.=

* * * * *

=THE GREAT ROUND WORLD= =3 & 5 West 18th St, New York City=

* * * * *

AS A =SPECIAL INDUCEMENT=

for our subscribers to interest others in "The Great Round World," we will give to each subscriber who sends us $2.50 to pay for a year's subscription to a new name, a copy of

=Rand, McNally & Co.= =1897 Atlas of the World.=

=160 pages of colored maps from new plates, size 11 1/2 x 14 inches, printed on special paper with marginal index, and well worth its regular price - - - - $2.50.=

Every one has some sort of an atlas, doubtless, but an old atlas is no better than an old directory; countries do not move away, as do people, but they do change and our knowledge of them increases, and this atlas, made in 1897 from =new= plates, is perfect and up to date and covers every point on

=The Great Round World.=

Those not subscribers should secure the subscription of a friend and remit $5 to cover it and their own. A copy of the atlas will be sent to either address.

* * * * *

GREAT ROUND WORLD, _3 and 5 West 18th Street, · · · · · · · ·New York City._

* * * * *

=LIBRARIANS=

will please note that the subscription price of THE GREAT ROUND WORLD--to libraries--is $1.75 per year.

* * * * *

=S.T.A. Vertical Writing Pens=

=PRICES:=

=Per Gross, $1.00; Per Dozen= (samples), =10 Cents=

Vertical writing demands a commercial pen. The "S.T.A." pens are strictly a commercial pen, made after the famous models designed by John Jackson, originator of the

_System of Upright Writing._------

The desirability of teaching children, boys especially, to write with such a pen as they will use in after life will be recognized by every good teacher.

_Introduced into the Schools of Denver, Colo., and elsewhere._

* * * * *

=THE · FIRST · BOUND · VOLUME=

OF

="The Great Round World"=

(Containing Nos. 1 to 15)

IS NOW READY.

Handsomely bound in strong cloth, with title on side and back. Price, postage paid, $1.25. Subscribers may exchange their numbers by sending them to us (express paid) with 35 cents to cover cost of binding, and 10 cents for return carriage. Address

=_3 and 5 West 18th Street,- - - -New York City._=

* * * * *

VOL. 1 JUNE 10, 1897. NO. 31

The great event of the week has been the action of the Senate in passing the Morgan Bill, recognizing the belligerency of Cuba.

Belligerency, as you doubtless remember, means being engaged in legitimate warfare.

The resolution was passed by a vote of 41 to 14.

The Morgan Bill, which was a joint resolution of both houses, was also brought up in the House of Representatives, but nothing was done with it. Speaker Reed was careful that it should not be brought to a vote, for it is understood that the President will not take any decided steps in Cuban matters until Mr. Calhoun returns from Havana, and he is able to learn the true state of affairs from him.

The Speaker and certain members of the House of Representatives will therefore endeavor to keep the resolution from being voted on until the President's views have been learned, so that there may be no such trouble as there was with Mr. Cleveland last December over the Cuban question. We told you about this on page 213 of the first volume of THE GREAT ROUND WORLD.

The resolution, as passed by the Senate, reads:

_"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That a condition of public war exists between the Government of Spain, and the Government proclaimed and for some time maintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the United States of America shall maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the United States."_

A great many people are sorry that the Senate has passed the resolution. They insist that those who are in favor of helping Cuba are foolish people, who do not realize that this resolution, if indorsed by the House of Representatives, and approved by the President, will plunge the country into war with Spain.

They declare that it is only an outburst of Jingoism, which should be promptly crushed.

_Jingoism_ has become such a common word in politics to-day, that it may amuse you to know just how it came into use, and what it means.

In 1877, during the Russo-Turkish war, there was a very strong party in England which was in favor of helping the Turks against the Russians. They urged the Government, which was under Lord Beaconsfield (the great Disraeli), to go to the aid of the Turks, and make war on the Russians, who were advancing on Turkey, and it was feared might take the city of Constantinople.

The outcry for this legislation became so strong that men's minds were full of it. Every paper had something to say on the subject, in every pulpit and every theatre allusions were made to the absorbing topic of the hour, and it seemed as if war must be the outcome. In the midst of this excitement a song appeared, the words of which ran:

"We don't want to fight, but, by Jingo, if we do, We've got the ships, we've got the men, we've got the money too. We've fought the Bear before, and while we're Britons true, The Russians shall not have Constantinople!"

This verse so exactly suited the feelings of the people that they went wild over it. It was sung everywhere, until finally the mere whistling of the air was enough to rouse a frenzy of patriotism and a thirst for war.

One day, during a heated discussion in Parliament, a member alluded to a previous speaker, who had declared himself in favor of supporting Turkey, as "one of the 'by-Jingo-if-we-do' party."

From that moment the war party was christened the Jingo party, the men who belonged to it were called Jingoes, and the platform of the party was "_Jingoism_."

The Russo-Turkish war came to an end, but the word lived on, and now, twenty years after, we find it in use in our own country, and applied to our own politics. The word has in fact become a part of our language, and is incorporated in our modern dictionaries.

The quieter people insist that there is a great deal of Jingoism in the United States Senate to-day, and that the people who clamor for the recognition of Cuba are Jingoes, who want war with Spain. Many people think that the proper course for us to pursue is to let Spain settle her own affairs her own way.

Every one is most anxious to know what the President intends to do about Cuba.

It is asserted that he is not at all in favor of the Morgan resolution. He wants to end the war, but he does not think that is the right way to go about it. It is said that he will endeavor to bring about a peaceful settlement of the matter by suggesting that the Cubans be given the right of absolute self-government, in return for a sum of money which they shall pay to Spain for her expenses of the war.

If these friendly offices are not accepted, it is said that the President will intervene in a more determined way.

In the mean while the House of Representatives has also voted in favor of the Relief Fund for the unhappy Americans in Cuba.

The proper means of distributing the Fund has been considered, and it has been decided that supplies of food and clothing shall be purchased here, and sent to Cuba. When the supplies reach Cuba their distribution will be left in the hands of Consul-General Lee.

A complication has unfortunately arisen, which may delay the giving out of the relief for a little while.

When it was found that there were some 1,200 American sufferers in Cuba who needed immediate help, our Government approached the Spanish Government to see if any objection would be made to the sending of relief.

Spain, as we have already told you, gave us to understand that there would be no objection whatever, and the State Department was pleased to find that no obstacles would be put in the way of the good work.

When the manner of giving the relief was discussed in the Cabinet, it was decided that as supplies were so scarce in Cuba, and the prices asked for provisions so high, it would be better to purchase the supplies in this country, load a ship with them, and send them over.

A difficulty immediately arose. Spain has placed certain Custom-House duties on this class of goods. Our Government sent to the Spanish representative, and asked that these duties be remitted, as the goods were not being sent for sale, but for charity.

The Spanish officers said they were extremely sorry to be unable to oblige us, but declared that they had not the power to remit the duties.

They said that such action could only be taken by the Spanish Cortes (the Congress) or by a special decree of the Crown.

They said that owing to the annoyance felt by Spain over the passing of the Morgan resolution, it would not be safe to ask the Cortes for any such concession. Such a request would be likely to raise a storm about Cuban affairs that might overthrow the Ministry, and encourage Carlist uprisings.

The Spanish Minister declared that it would be just as dangerous to ask for a Royal Decree. The enemies of the Government would rise against it, and insist on a change of Ministry.

Whether this statement is true or false, it puts us in the very unpleasant position of having to pay a large part of our Relief Fund to the Spanish Customs, or to keep our poor countrymen waiting for the help they so sorely need until the matter can be arranged.

The Spaniards say that when they offered to help us in distributing the Fund they had no idea but that the supplies would be purchased in Cuba.

While this tariff affair is annoying and distressing us, other difficulties have been cleared out of the way of getting the supplies to Cuba by the generous action of the owners of the Ward line of steamers.

One of the directors of this line called at the State Department in Washington, and offered the Government the use of one of its steamers to carry the food and provisions to the starving Americans in Cuba.

The offer was most gladly accepted, and the ship will carry food, clothing, and medicine to the unhappy little island which was once so proudly called "the Pearl of the Antilles."

The steamer will also be used to bring back to this country those Americans who desire to leave Cuba.

It is said that the Spanish army is very much opposed to the idea of the American Consuls giving out the relief.

The soldiers insist that the food and money should be turned over to the Spanish authorities, who should have full charge of the distribution.

If the stories about dishonest officials in Cuba are true, it is to be feared that very little of our $50,000 would find its way to our countrymen if it were managed as the Spaniards wish.

* * * * *

The inquiry into the Ruiz case is going on.

The Spaniards have received Mr. Calhoun very politely, and have shown him much attention.

While they do not appear to be putting any difficulties in the way of his investigations, it is evident that they do not intend to help him find out anything about the matter.

When the inquiry began, the officials declared to Mr. Calhoun that they did not know that Dr. Ruiz was an American. General Lee would not allow such a statement as this to pass; he insisted that the Spaniards were perfectly well aware of the fact, because he himself had informed them of it.

The next stumbling-block was the disappearance of a Spanish witness who could have proved that the officials knew all about the fact of Dr. Ruiz's nationality. All the witnesses who do appear are in such fear of the consequences of speaking the truth that Mr. Calhoun has great difficulty in getting any information at all.

The news of the recognition of the belligerency of Cuba by the Senate has been carefully kept from the people of Havana, and the Spanish Government is eagerly waiting to see what the President will do.

The Morgan Resolution appears to have annoyed Spain very much, and the Relief Fund is considered as an insult to Spain.

It is openly said that the Government ought not to allow it to be distributed.

It has been feared that the Spanish in Cuba might attack the American Consuls, and endeavor to prevent the supplies from reaching the right people.

It is to be hoped that they will not attempt anything so foolish as that, for they will speedily learn that they have made a grave mistake. President McKinley declares that he will protect the Americans who are in Cuba, and if the Spaniards interfere, he may feel it his duty to show them, by force of arms, that the United States can and will protect her citizens.

Mr. Calhoun expects to remain another ten days in Cuba, and on his return we may hope for some solution of the difficulty.

* * * * *

The report that Russia has persuaded Turkey to grant an Armistice proved to be true.

On the 18th of May the Czar of Russia sent a letter to the Sultan, asking him in very polite and friendly terms to grant a cessation of hostilities.

The Sultan replied in the same friendly manner, and said that on receipt of the Czar's letter he had ordered the Turkish generals to stop fighting. He said that he was very willing that the Powers should arrange a settlement of his difficulty with Greece.

The next day an Armistice was signed, which bound all the land and sea forces of both nations to keep the peace for seventeen days.

A commission was appointed to decide on a strip of land between the two armies, which should be regarded as neutral ground, and across which neither army should be allowed to advance during the continuance of the armistice.

The Armistice has not found favor with the Turks; they are grumbling very much at it. They do not want to withdraw from Greece until they have reached Athens itself.

The most open of these grumblers are being sent back to Turkey under escort, and the priests who are with the army have been ordered to teach the soldiers to be obedient, and to listen to the commands of the Sultan.

In spite of the Armistice there is still some fighting going on. The Greek Government has sent word to the Powers protesting against it, and also against the way the Turks are destroying and robbing the villages in Thessaly.

During the Armistice the Powers will do their best to arrange the terms of peace, but, as we have already told you, the victorious Turk is going to be a very difficult person to deal with, and the Powers find they now have very little influence with him.

It is said that the Sultan is not willing to have the Powers interfere at all, and has sent word to the Greeks that his general, Edhem Pasha, can arrange the terms of peace with them.

The Greeks, however, replied that they had put the case in the hands of the Powers, and therefore could not treat with Edhem Pasha.

The Powers are annoyed that Turkey should try to put them aside, but this is probably but a foretaste of what the Sultan will do, now that he feels himself of importance in Europe.

There was for a time some difficulty in getting all the Powers to agree about the terms for peace, but word reaches us that Germany has at last given her approval to the note of the Powers, and that it has been despatched to the Sultan.

The exact wording of the note has not been made public, but it is said that its tone is very mild and friendly.

The note is said to object to the Turkish demand for Thessaly, and while it agrees that Greece should pay some money to Turkey for the expenses of the war, it declares that the sum asked for is much too large.

It is impossible to guess what the Sultan's answer will be, and in truth he appears to be in a very unpleasant position himself in regard to the matter.

The victories of their army have so excited the Turkish people that they are murmuring against the dictation of the Powers, and declare that the Government showed weakness in granting an Armistice before the Greeks had agreed to give up Thessaly and pay the sum demanded.

So threatening have the people become, that the Sultan has doubled the patrols in Constantinople, and is taking great precautions to guard his own palace.

He gives as his reason for doing so that the Armenian National Festival is about to occur, and he is afraid of an outbreak that would cause fresh Armenian troubles.

The Turks have, however, set their hearts on regaining Thessaly, and the Sultan will have hard work to appease them if he agrees to the terms of the Powers. If he refuses, the Powers may declare war upon him.

It also seems likely that there may be trouble over Thessaly with the religious element. The Sultan has been informed by one of the old Sheiks, or Chiefs, that it is the will of Allah (the Moslem word for God) that Thessaly shall be reunited to Turkey.

If he listens to this, the followers of Mohammed may rise, and, unfurling the banner of the prophet, sweep over Thessaly, and take it from the hands of the Greeks, putting every one who opposes them to the sword.

Should the Sultan disregard this statement it is possible that the people may rise against him and demand a new Sultan.

Notwithstanding his successes, the Sultan is not lying on a bed of roses.

* * * * *

The Fur Seal question is being very actively discussed on all sides, and many interesting facts have been brought to light in connection with it.

Mr. David Starr Jordan, the President of the Leland Stanford University, wrote a very fine article on the subject which appeared in _The Forum_ last month.

He said that the shameful practice of killing the mother seals when they went to their feeding-grounds could be entirely stopped by a means much simpler than the making of a treaty with Great Britain. This means, he stated, has already been tried and found to be most satisfactory; it was in short, branding the skins of the female puppies.

To brand means to mark with a hot iron.

Branding is a practice in use among all cattle raisers, who are thus able to mark their beasts, and if they stray, can recognize and recover them.

In the West, when the owners round up their cattle to count and separate them, each man can tell his own stock by the brand. At the round-up, the young calves, which have been born since the last count, are also marked.

The branding of the seals is not for purposes of identification, but so to destroy the skin of the female seal that it will have no market value.

The seal puppies can be easily caught and handled. Last year three hundred and fifty of them were marked with a series of bars across the back, which had much the appearance of a huge face.

The hair will never grow again over the spot that has been burned, and the marks are made in all the best parts of the fur, so that the skin is utterly destroyed, and the seal is no longer worth killing.

The pups that had been branded were very carefully watched until they had quite recovered from their burns, and it was found that none of them had been injured by the branding, nor did their altered appearance seem to make any difference in their habits, nor in the friendliness of their tribe toward them.

* * * * *

The Dingley Tariff Bill was brought up in the Senate last week.

It promises to be a very long while before a vote is reached on this subject.

Senator Aldrich, who has charge of the bill in the Senate, explained its various portions with the greatest care.

He stated that it was the desire of the framers of the bill to assist the growth of agriculture, commerce, and manufacture, and that their one aim was to enable American industries to compete with those of foreign countries.

He went on to say that there was no desire to raise the rate of taxation on imports (or goods brought into this country) to such a height that people could no longer afford to deal in them, the idea was merely to fix the price at such a figure that foreign goods could not be sold for less money than native goods could be manufactured for.

The friends of the measure, Mr. Aldrich said, hoped in this way to encourage American industries, and increase the prosperity of the country.

There is much agitation in Europe over the Dingley Bill.

In the Italian Chamber of Deputies, the Minister of Foreign Affairs said the Government was watching the outcome of the Tariff Bill with the greatest interest.

He stated that the Government had called the attention of the United States to the injuries that Italian trade would suffer if the bill were passed.

He went on to say that while Italy did not intend to raise her tariff on American goods in return, she would undoubtedly levy heavy taxes on Americans doing business in Italy if the bill were passed.

The attitude of Germany is even more threatening than that of Italy.

The German Ambassador sent an official letter to Mr. Sherman, the Secretary of State, the other day, saying that the proposed duty on sugar is considered a violation of the commercial treaty between Germany and the United States.

He requested the Secretary of State to call the attention of Congress to the matter, and inform them that they will break the agreement with Germany if they pass this clause of the bill.

He added a little hint of the course his country will take in case the bill becomes law.

He said that in 1891 an arrangement had been made between Germany and the United States for the importation of German sugar to this country and the exportation of American pork to Germany.

He said in the plainest terms that if the Dingley Bill is passed in its present form, the German Government will break the agreement in regard to pork and other agricultural products from this country, and levy such a heavy tax on them that it will not pay us to export them, so that this trade with Germany will be ruined.

* * * * *

Mr. Havemeyer is now on trial in Washington for not answering the Senate's questions in 1894. It is said that if he is found guilty he may be sent to prison for a whole year, instead of merely for one month, as Mr. Chapman was.

It would seem as if the Trusts were not going to have it all their own way any longer. The Coal Trust is now to be looked into.

A referee has been appointed to take testimony about the so-called Coal Trust, to see if such a combination really exists. If it is found that there is indeed a Coal Trust, the Attorney-General will take proceedings against it, and, if possible, break it up.

The Coal Barons are of course fighting this action fiercely.