Part 9

_De Fonte_'s Address to _Gibbons_ as the Owner, represented so on this Occasion to serve the Purpose, though the Vessel seems to have been _Alexander Shapley_'s, implies that he understood, or took the Advantage on finding they had been trading with the _Indians_, that they had two Purposes in their Undertaking, to discover a Passage, and to trade. As to the first, _de Fonte_ tells him he had an Order to make a _Prize of any People seeking a West or North-west Passage_, speaking in general Terms, not of them only, so concealing the Advice he had received as to their particular undertaking of this Discovery; nor could it be peculiarly understood as to the Subjects of _England_, for the _Danes_ also, to their immortal Honour, had before attempted the same Discovery; and in Consequence let him know that the Part he was in was of the Dominions of the Crown of _Spain_, as his Commission could be of no Force beyond the Extent of that Dominion. _De Fonte_'s Address likewise implied, that as he would consider them only as Traders, that he would not make Prisoners of them on that Account; but expected after this Adventure that others would learn to keep nearer home, for Fear of falling into a like Accident, and meeting not with the same favourable Treatment. Nevertheless he takes effectual Measures to embarrass them on their Return, and obliges them to stay no longer in those Parts, as he takes from them what _de Fonte_ calls a small Present of Provisions, which he had no Need on, but he knew they might, and as to which, the Affair of Provisions, he gave such an Attention to, through the Course of his Voyage; and though small what he accepted in respect to the Subsistance of those he had with him, yet as the Sequel will shew, was afterwards the Occasion of infinite Distress to the _Boston_ People. The Gift in return, which is pompously mentioned at twelve Hundred Pieces of Eight, when we consider the Price Things bore of this Sort where he purchased it, in _Peru_, as he estimates by Pieces of Eight, the Manner of Valuation in those Parts, would not be to _Gibbons_ a Hundred Pounds Sterling; and the Present to the Seamen must be considered as in lieu of these Provisions; and by this Means of mutual Presents countenanced what was absolutely extorted by Force, as was the Case with _Shapley_, as to his Charts and Journals, which he would not have parted with, but constrained through Fear; and by his _English_ Seamen _de Fonte_ could let them know that the Provisions, Charts, and Journals would be acceptable. He executed his Design in this Manner, that if the _Boston_ People returned there could be no proper Foundation for the Court of _England_ to take Umbrage at his Proceeding.

The Generosity of _de Fonte_ so exceeding what their Present and the Charts and Journals could be worth, would be considered as to make them some Satisfaction for their Disappointment; for the Fears they had been put into, and their being detained there; the Gift of Wine, might be from a Respect to _Major General Gibbons_, as an Officer, whom _de Fonte_ stiles modest, tho' he might perceive it to be the Effect of his Uneasiness on being thus intercepted. In all other Respects, what he gave was a Debt which the Crown of _Spain_ would pay, would be considered as Money advanced in their Service; a Sum of no Consideration with them, as he had met with these People, procured their Charts by which they got into the Secret, by what Way they had advanced so far, and probably very particular Charts and Journals of the other Voyagers whom _Gibbons_ was acquainted with; and he would endeavour to be furnished with all Materials which he could probably procure before that he set out. It would be greatly commended by the Court of _Spain_ the artful Management of _de Fonte_ in distressing these People, and not with a seeming Intention, and giving an absolute Discouragement to other Adventurers, who would be afraid of falling into the _Spaniards_ Hands, whom it would be supposed constantly frequented those Parts.

_De Fonte_ only mentions the Issue of this Affair, what would be immediately necessary for the Court to know; he mentions no intervening Circumstances, nor what Time there was between their Examination and the Presents, whether he or they sailed first, but it must be supposed they were more than a Day together, and that _de Fonte_ would see them out of those Parts, as, if they had staid longer, they might probably have supplied themselves well with Provisions, and proceeded further; but as they were circumstanced, they would be put under a Necessity to set out for home, would be glad to leave him the first Opportunity; and as _de Fonte_ seems to be waiting for a Wind, which he had the sixth of _August_, and it had in the interim been fair for the _Boston_ People, they were certainly gone before that _de Fonte_ set out on his Return.

In the Ecclesiastical History of _New England_, by the Reverend _Cotton Mather_, published at _London_ in 1702, in Folio, in his Account of wonderful Sea Deliverances, Book the sixth, is _The wonderful Story of Major Gibbons_.

'Among remarkable _Sea Deliverances_, no less than three several Writers have published that wherein Major _Edward Gibbons_ was concerned. A Vessel bound from _Boston_ to some other Parts of _America_, was, through the Continuance of contrary Winds, kept so long at Sea, that the People aboard were in extreme straits for Want of Provision, and seeing that nothing here below could afford them any Relief, they looked upwards unto Heaven, in humble and fervent Supplications. The Winds continuing still as they were, one of the Company made a sorrowful Motion that they should, by a _Lot_, single out _One_ to die, and by Death to satisfy the ravenous Hunger of the rest. After many a doleful and fearful Debate upon this Motion, they came to a Result, that _it must be done_! The _Lot_ is cast; one of the Company is taken; but where is the Executioner that shall do the terrible Office upon a poor Innocent? It is a Death now to think who shall act this bloody Part in the Tragedy: But before they fall upon this involuntary and unnatural Execution, they once more went unto their zealous _Prayers_; and, behold, while they were calling upon God, he answered them, for there leaped a mighty Fish into their Boat, which, to their double Joy, not only quieted their outrageous Hunger, but also gave them some Token of a further Deliverance: However, the Fish is quickly eaten; the horrible _Famine_ returns, the horrible Distress is renewed; a black Despair again seizes their Spirits: For another Morsel they come to a second _Lot_, which fell upon another Person; but still they cannot find an Executioner: They once again fall to their importunate Prayers; and, behold, a second Answer from above; a great Bird lights, and fixes itself on the mast; one of the Men spies it, and there it stands until he took it by the Wing with his Hand. This was a second _Life from the Dead_. This Fowl, with the Omen of a further Deliverance in it, was a sweet Feast unto them. Still their Disappointments follow them; they can see no Land; they know not where they are: Irresistable Hunger once more pinches them: They have no Hope to be saved but by _a third Miracle_: They return to another _Lot_; but before they go to the Heart-breaking Talk of slaying the Person under _Designation_, they repeat their Addresses unto the God of Heaven, their former _Friend in Adversity_; and now they look and look again, but there is nothing: Their Devotions are concluded, and nothing appears; yet they hoped, yet they staid, yet they lingered: At last one of them spies a Ship, which put a new Hope and Life into them all: They bear up with their Ship; they man their Longboat; they go to board the Vessel, and are admitted. It proves a _French_ Pyrate: Major _Gibbons_ Petitions for a little Bread, and offers all for it; but the Commander was one who had formerly received considerable Kindnesses of Major _Gibbons_ at _Boston_, and now replied chearfully, Major _Gibbons_, not an Hair of you, or your Company, shall _perish if it lies in my Power to_ preserve _you_. Accordingly he supplied their Necessities, and they made a comfortable End of their Voyage.'

There are nine other Accounts, in each of which the Places the Persons were bound to are particularly mentioned. In this Account (the Design being only to shew the wonderful Deliverance of _Gibbons_) Dr. _Mather_ could not mention the Place to which the Voyage had been made in any other Manner, than _to some other Parts of America_, which hath an exact Correspondence with the Voyage in which Major _Gibbons_ was intercepted by _de Fonte_; for that Voyage was properly to several Parts, not being to one particular Part of _America_; which Parts were, at that Time, nameless. It is said further, that their Misfortune was occasioned by contrary Winds. _De Fonte_ had a fair Wind from the sixth of _August_ to the fifth of _September_, and for a longer Time, so contrary to the _Boston_ Ship; afterwards they had the Wind again contrary, when they came into the Ocean, being North-west or to Westward of it, as they could see no Land; the Land expected to be seen may be supposed the Land of _Newfoundland_, or they were to Eastward and Southward of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_: And which Account of the Weather is agreeable to the Time of the Year that they were there, the latter End of _September_, or Beginning of _October_, being the Equinoctial Gales. Also as to the Fish which must have been a Sturgeon, which Fish frequently jump into Boats; and shews, as the Boat was out, that they had then moderate Weather, but contrary; though a hard Gale succeeded, as one of the Birds of Passage, which are also then going to Southward, was blown off the Coast and tired, rested on the Mast. Far be it from me to reckon these as mere Accidents, and not the Assistances of the Almighty, but a Relief which the Almighty sent them by Contingencies which are natural: And as to the Ship, which was a _French_ Pirate, she had probably come with a fresh Wind out of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_, and Standing to Eastward of _Sables_ to clear that Island and _Nautuchet_, for which she had a fair Wind; and it is said the Commander had an Acquaintance with Major _Gibbons_, and received Favours from him at _Boston_; but I must add an Anecdote, to shew that there might also be another Reason assigned, which would not be suitable to be published with that Account; _Alexander Shapley_ had used to hold a Correspondence with these Kind of Gentry, as is evident from a severe Censure on him on that Account, recorded in the Council Book at _Boston_. It was a _Ship_ that Major _Gibbons_ was in when intercepted by _de Fonte_; and this Account also mentions a Ship. After the Death of _Major Gibbons_, his Family, according to the Account of a very ancient Gentlewoman at _Boston_, removed to _Bermuda_; which Lady, who was near ninety Years of Age, had some traditional Account of the _Major_ having been such a Voyage to discover a new Way to the _East Indies_, and suffered much from the Snow and Ice, went through a great many Hardships, and, she said, she thought it was from _Boston_ that he set out. The Persons discovered by Mons. _Groseliers_, at what he calls an _English_ Settlement, near Port _Nelson_, as it is now termed, were _Benjamin_ the Son of Captain _Zachary Gillam_, and some others, from _Boston_, who were the same Year taken to _Canada_, whose Journal of that Voyage the Author hath seen, and this Circumstance is mentioned in it, which Persons have been mistaken for Major _Gibbons_ and his Company.

'We arrived at the River _Parmentiers_ the 11th of _August_ 86 Leagues, and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships the 16th of _August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where we found all Things well, and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had, in our Absence, treated our People with great Humanity, and Capt. _de Ronquillo_ answered their Civility and Justice.'

We have been before told, that the Admiral went sixty Leagues up _Los Reyes_, which I take to be the whole Distance between the Entrance of _Los Reyes_ to _Conosset_ in Lake _Belle_; and if we transpose the above Words, 'arrived at _Parmentiers_ the eleventh of _August_, and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ eighty-six Leagues on board our Ships the sixteenth of _August_,' then we have the Distances respecting every Part of _de Fonte_'s Course thro' Land, from _Los Reyes_ to _Conosset_ sixty Leagues, from _Conosset_ to Lake _de Fonte_ _eighty-six Leagues_, from the Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ to the Streight of _Ronquillo_ one Hundred and sixty Leagues, from the Entrance of the Streight of _Ronquillo_ to the Sea thirty-six Leagues. The Time that _de Fonte_ was passing down the River of _Parmentiers_, and the Time he took to return, are equal, which is plainly owing to his being obliged to wait the Tides for getting over the Falls both Ways. The sixth of _July_ they had entered the Lake _de Fonte_, and by the fifteenth were through the Streights of _Ronquillo_, and at the _Indian_ Town the seventeenth, so they were eleven Days from their Entrance into the Lake _de Fonte_; but in their return the same Way only five, favoured by a strong Current which the Wind occasioned to set into the Lake, and having as much Wind as they could fly before, and now came directly back; whereas in their Passage out they had made some Delays. The Course to _Conosset_ being nearest North-east, I compute it to be in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118° 2´ from _London_. The Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ (supposing the Course of the River _Parmentiers_ and from _Conosset_ East North East) in Lat. 59° 4´. Long. 113°. The Entrance of the Streights of _Ronquillo_ East North East, in Lat. 61 Deg. 8 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 48 Min. the Course through the Streights to enter the Sea North by East, such Entrance to be in Lat. 62 Deg. 48 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 2 Min. which Course must be consistent with _de Fonte_'s Account that a strong Current set in, as by this Course such Current must be accelerated, if it set to the Southward, by the Wind from the Northward, or if it was from the Southward, would be opposed in going to the Northward.

_De Fonte_ proceeds to give an Account of the good Estate in which he found all Things on his Return; mentions the Honesty and Humanity of the Natives, and the prudent Conduct of Captain _Ronquillo_, who answered their Civility and Justice. For they had, during the Time of _de Fonte_'s Absence, procured, by dealing with the Natives, Store of good Provisions to salt, Venison, Fish; also one Hundred Hogsheads of _Indian_ Maiz; besides the Service this would be of on their Return, procured pursuant to _de Fonte_'s Order, it employed the People, with the other necessary Work about the Ships after so long a Run, and kept them from brangling with the Natives. The Natives were also employed to their Interest, which preserved them in good Humour; and a Justice in dealing preserved their Friendship.

'The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_, on the Lake _Belle_, from Captain _Bernarda_, dated the 11th of _August_, where he sent me Word he was returned from his cold Expedition, and did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Streight; for the Natives had conducted one of his Seamen to the Head of _Davis_ Streight, which terminated in a fresh Lake, of about 30 Mile in Circumference, in the 80th Degree of North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it, besides the North-west from that Lake the Ice was so fixed, that from the Shore to 100 Fathom of Water, for ought he knew from the Creation; for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, near the North and South Poles: He writ further, that he had sailed from _Basset_ Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by East, to the 79th Degree of Latitude, and the Land trended North, and the Ice rested on the Land.'

The Orders _Bernarda_ received were to sail up a River North and North East, North and North West, which River I suppose to have emptied itself near to _Los Reyes_ into the South-east Part of the _South Sea_; and it is not uncommon, in _America_, that two great Rivers should have their Entrances contiguous to each other; and I suppose _Conabasset_, afterwards called _Basset_, to be in Lat. 58 Deg. 10 Min. to the Westward of _Los Reyes_ in Long. 122 Deg. 9 Min. from _London_. The Course up the River _Haro_ North 14 Deg. West; and as _Conosset_ is laid down in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118 Deg. 2 Min. the Distance from _Basset_ to _Conosset_ is one Hundred and seventy-seven Miles; the Course North 46 Deg. West. The Letter by the first Messenger was dated the 27th of _June_, and is received the fourth Day, as he could not come a direct Course, we may suppose he travelled fifty Miles a Day, which is an extraordinary Allowance, the greatest Part by Water, and Light most of the Night. We know he would go Part by Water in Lake _Belle_, and Lake _Belle_ issuing its Waters both by _Los Reyes_ and the River _Parmentiers_, must receive some considerable Influx of Waters by which it is formed, as well as to give a constant Supply of the Waters that issue from it, and which must be principally or only from the Northward, for it cannot be supposed to receive its Waters from the Southward, and discharge them there again, and which the Messenger would make Use of as soon as possible, and come down Stream. The second Messenger, who is expresly mentioned to be an _Indian_, is nine Days a coming. But _Bernarda_ mentions nothing as to his Ship or People in this Account, only says he is returned from his cold Expedition, therefore probably he sent away the _Indian_ as soon as he could after he entered the River, which ran into the _Tartarian_ Sea, in Lat. 61. If this was the Case, we may suppose that the Waters which came into the Lake _Belle_ head a great Way up in the Country.

_Bernarda_ had Directions, after he left Lake _Valasco_, to sail one Hundred and forty Leagues West, and then four Hundred and thirty Leagues North East by East to seventy-seven Degrees of Latitude. _Bernarda_, in his Letter of the 27th of _June_ observes, there was a River eighty Leagues in Length, not comprehended in his Instructions or Orders, and emptied itself in the _Tartarian_ Sea; and says, in his Letter of the 11th of _August_, that he sailed from the Island _Basset_ North-east; with that Course, when he entered the _Tartarian_ Sea, in Latitude 61, his Longitude would be 116 Deg. he then begins the Course _de Fonte_ directed him, one Hundred and forty Leagues East North East; and he mentions on his Return he had steered that Course, keeping the Land aboard. So that _West_ and the Land trending _North East_, are Mistakes in the Publication in _April_; but the mentioning how the Land trended, shews he was then entering the Sea; for to talk of Land, with respect to a River, is absurd; and with the Course and Distance he steered would be in Lat. 63 Deg. 39 Min. and Long. 110 Deg. from _London_: Then he steers four Hundred and thirty-six Leagues North East and by East, and that brings him into Latitude 79 Deg. Long. 87 Deg. from _London_. But the Land trending North, and with Ice, which would be dangerous for the _Periagos_; and as the Land trended North, where he was appearing to him to be the nearest Part he could attain to to go to the Head of _Davis_ Streight; and as to the Distance over Land, and the Propriety of sending a Messenger, the _Indians_ would inform him; he sends a Seaman over with an _Indian_ to take a Survey of the Head of such Streights, by us called _Baffin_'s Bay; which Name was not at that Time generally received. Which Seaman reports, that it terminated in the eightieth Degree of Latitude, in a Lake of about thirty Miles in Circumference, with prodigious Mountains North of it, which indeed formed that Lake, or is a Sound, as that of Sir _James Lancaster_ and of _Alderman Jones_; and along the Shore, from the Lake North-west, the Ice was fixed, lying a great Distance out, which was very consistent with there being no Inlets there, the Waters from which would have set it off. The Distance that the _Indian_ and Sailor travelled would not exceed fifty Miles; and their mentioning the high Mountains to Northward imply, that they were in a more level Country where they were to take this View. Light all Night, the Snow off the Ground, and the Heighth of Summer there. It is no vain Conjecture to suppose that the Journey was practicable, even if performed all the Way by Land, and much easier, which is not the least improbable, if they had an Opportunity of making Part of it by Water. _Bernarda_ proceeding thus far in the _Tartarian_ Sea, and entering in Latitude 61, is no Way contradictory to the _Russian_ Discoveries; and by the _Tartarian_ Sea is meant, the Sea which washes the Northern Coasts of _Tartary_, and is supposed to extend round the Pole. Those Discoveries are agreeable to the _Japanese_ Map, as to the North-east Parts of _Asia_, and North-west Parts of _America_, brought over by _Kemper_, and in which Map there is expressed a Branch of the _Tartarian_ Sea or Gulph, extending to the Southward, agreeable to this Account of _de Fonte_. Who calls it, with respect to _Asia_, the North and East Part of the _Tartarian_ Sea. Which compared with what _de Fonte_ says, as to sailing down the River to the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, these Expressions cast a mutual Light on each other, and that the _Archipelagus of Saint Lazarus_ is a Gulph or Branch of the Sea, in the like Manner.

Places which are in one and the same Latitude, have not an equal Degree of Heat or Cold, or are equally fertile or barren, the Difference in these Respects chiefly consists in their Situation. The Country of _Labrador_, which is to Eastward of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, in Latitude 56, almost as high a Latitude as Port _Nelson_, is a Country capable of being improved by Agriculture, and would supply all the Necessaries of Life, though intermixed with rugged and craggy Mountains. The Winter's not so severe as in the more Southern Parts of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, as the Earth is not froze there, as it is in the same and lower Latitudes about that Bay: Also People have wintered in the _Labrador_, wearing only their usual Cloathing: Therefore drawing a Parallel between Port _Nelson_ and _Conosset_, as to the Infertility of one, therefore the other being in the same Latitude, could not produce Maiz to supply _Ronquillo_, is an Objection which hath no Foundation in it. The higher the Latitude the quicker is the Vegetation; and as _Indian Corn_ or _Maiz_ may be planted and gathered in three Months in lower Latitudes, it may be in an equal or less Time in higher Latitudes, in a good Soil. As to Port _Nelson_, or _York Fort_, in _Hudson_'s _Bay_, it is a low Country through which two large Rivers pass, with the Bay in Front, and nothing is certainly known of the more inland Parts.

The physical Obstacles that are produced against our giving Credit to this Account of _de Fonte_, from the Depth of the Falls at the Entrance of Lake _Belle_ in the River _Parmentiers_, and from the River _Bernarda_ passed up, are, from not understanding what is expressed by the Word Falls amongst the _Americans_. They mean by a Fall wherever there is the least Declivity of the Water; and the Fall of thirty-two Feet in the River _Parmentiers_, doth not mean a perpendicular Fall, as the Objector would have it understood, however ridiculous to suppose it, but eight gradual Descents, from the Beginning of which to the Extremity of the last there was a Difference of thirty-two Feet, and which became level or even at the Time of high Water.