Part III.), notwithstanding the admirable work of the French pacifist

school.

[2] The _Matin_ newspaper recently made a series of revelations, in which it was shown that the master of a French cod-fishing vessel had, for some trivial insubordinations, disembowelled his cabin-boy alive, and put salt into the intestines, and then thrown the quivering body into the hold with the cod-fish. So inured were the crew to brutality that they did not effectively protest, and the incident was only brought to light months later by wine-shop chatter. The _Matin_ quotes this as the sort of brutality that marks the Newfoundland cod-fishing industry in French ships.

Again, the German Socialist papers have recently been dealing with what they term "The Casualties of the Industrial Battlefield," showing that the losses from industrial accidents since 1871--the loss of life during peace, that is--have been enormously greater than the losses due to the Franco-Prussian War.

[3] "The Interest of America in International Conditions." New York: Harper & Brothers.

[4] That is to say, all this was to have taken place before 1911 (the book appeared some years ago). This has its counterpart in the English newspaper feuilleton which appeared some years ago entitled, "The German Invasion of 1910."

[5] See letter to the _Matin_, August 22, 1908.

[6] In this self-seeking world, it is not reasonable to assume the existence of an inverted altruism of this kind.

[7] This is not the only basis of comparison, of course. Everyone who knows Europe at all is aware of the high standard of comfort in all the small countries--Scandinavia, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland. Mulhall, in "Industries and Wealth of Nations" (p. 391), puts the small States of Europe with France and England at the top of the list, Germany _sixth_, and Russia, territorially and militarily the greatest of all, at the very end. Dr. Bertillon, the French statistician, has made an elaborate calculation of the relative wealth of the individuals of each country. The middle-aged German possesses (on the established average) nine thousand francs ($1800); the Hollander _sixteen thousand_ ($3200). (See _Journal_, Paris, August 1, 1910).

[8] The figures given in the "Statesman's Year-Book" show that, proportionately to population, Norway has nearly three times the carrying trade of England.

[9] See citation, pp. 14-15.

[10] Major Stewart Murray, "Future Peace of the Anglo-Saxons." London: Watts and Co.

[11] _L'Information_, August 22, 1909.

[12] Very many times greater, because the bullion reserve in the Bank of England is relatively small.

[13] Hartley Withers, "The Meaning of Money." Smith, Elder and Co., London.

[14] See pp. 75-76.

[15] See note concerning French colonial policy, pp. 122-124.

[16] Summarizing an article in the _Oriental Economic Review_, the San Francisco _Bulletin_ says: "Japan at this moment seems to be finding out that 'conquered' Korea in every real sense belongs to the Koreans, and that all that Japan is getting out of her war is an additional burden of statesmanship and an additional expense of administration, and an increased percentage of international complication due to the extension of the Japanese frontier dangerously close to her Continental rivals, China and Russia. Japan as 'owner' of Korea is in a worse position economically and politically than she was when she was compelled to treat with Korea as an independent nation." The _Oriental Economic Review_ notes that "the Japanese hope to ameliorate the Korean situation through the general intermarriage of the two peoples; but this means a racial advance, and through it closer social and economic relations than were possible before annexation, and would probably have been easier of accomplishment had not the destruction of Korean independence embittered the people."

[17] Spanish Four per Cents. were 42-1/2 during the war, and just prior to the Moroccan trouble, in 1911, had a free market at 90 per cent.

F.C. Penfold writes in the December (1910) _North American Review_ as follows: "The new Spain, whose motive force springs not from the windmills of dreamy fiction, but from honest toil, is materially better off this year than it has been for generations. Since the war Spanish bonds have practically doubled in value, and exchange with foreign money markets has improved in corresponding ratio. Spanish seaports on the Atlantic and Mediterranean teem with shipping. Indeed, the nature of the people seems changing from a _dolce far niente_ indolence to enterprising thrift."

[18] London _Daily Mail_, December 15, 1910.

[19] "Traité de Science des Finances," vol. ii., p. 682.

[20] "Die Wirtschafts Finanz und Sozialreform im Deutschen Reich." Leipzig, 1882.

[21] "La Crise Économique," _Revue des Deux Mondes_, March 15, 1879.

[22] Maurice Block, "La Crise Économique," _Revue des Deux Mondes_, March 15, 1879. See also "Les Conséquences Économiques de la Prochaine Guerre," Captaine Bernard Serrigny. Paris, 1909. The author says (p. 127): "It was evidently the disastrous financial position of Germany, which had compelled Prussia at the outbreak of the war to borrow money at the unheard-of price of 11 per cent., that caused Bismarck to make the indemnity so large a one. He hoped thus to repair his country's financial situation. Events cruelly deceived him, however. A few months after the last payment of the indemnity the gold despatched by France had already returned to her territory, while Germany, poorer than ever, was at grips with a crisis which was to a large extent the direct result of her temporary wealth."

[23] "Das Deutsche Reich zur Zeit Bismarcks."

[24] The figures of German emigration are most suggestive in this connection. Although they show great fluctuation, indicating their reaction to many factors, they always appear to rise after the wars. Thus, after the wars of the Duchies they doubled, for the five years preceding the campaigns of 1865 they averaged 41,000, and after those campaigns rose suddenly to over 100,000. They had fallen to 70,000 in 1869, and then rose to 154,000 in 1872, and what is more remarkable still, the emigration did not come from the conquered provinces, from Schleswig-Holstein, Alsace or Lorraine, but from Prussia! While not for a moment claiming that the effect of the wars is the sole factor in this fluctuation, the fact of emigration as bearing on the general claim made for successful war demands the most careful examination. See particularly, "L'Émigration Allemande," _Revue des Deux Mondes_, January, 1874.

[25] The Montreal _Presse_, March 27, 1909.

[26] Speech, House of Commons, August 26, 1909. The New York papers of November 16, 1909, report the following from Sir Wilfrid Laurier in the Dominion Parliament during the debate on the Canadian Navy: "If now we have to organize a naval force, it is because we are growing as a nation--it is the penalty of being a nation. I know of no nation having a sea-coast of its own which has no navy, except Norway, but Norway will never tempt the invader. Canada has its coal-mines, its gold-mines, its wheat-fields, and its vast wealth may offer a temptation to the invader."

[27] The recent tariff negotiations between Canada and the United States were carried on directly between Ottawa and Washington, without the intervention of London. Canada regularly conducts her tariff negotiations, even with other members of the British Empire. South Africa takes a like attitude. The _Volkstein_ of July 10, 1911, says: "The Union constitution is in full accord with the principle that neutrality is permissible in the case of a war in which England and other independent States of the Empire are involved.... England, as well as South Africa, would best be served by South Africa's neutrality" (quoted in _Times_, July 11, 1911). Note the phrase "independent States of the Empire."

[28] _Times_, November 7, 1911.

[29] The London _World_, an Imperialist organ, puts it thus: "The electoral process of reversing the results of the war is completed in South Africa. By the result of last week's contests Mr. Merriman has secured a strong working majority in both Houses. The triumph of the Bond at Cape Town is no less sweeping than was that of Het Volk at Pretoria. The three territories upon which the future of the subcontinent depends are linked together under Boer supremacy ... the future federated or uniformed system will be raised upon a Dutch basis. If this was what we wanted, we might have bought it cheaper than with two hundred and fifty millions of money and twenty thousand lives."

[30] A Bill has been introduced into the Indian Legislative Council enabling the Government to prohibit emigration to any country where the treatment accorded to British Indian subjects was not such as met with the approval of the Governor-General. "As just treatment for free Indians has not been secured," says the London _Times_, "prohibition will undoubtedly be applied against Natal unless the position of free Indians there is ameliorated."

[31] Britain's total overseas trade for 1908 was $5,245,000,000, of which $3,920,000,000 was with foreigners, and $1,325,000,000 with her own possessions. And while it is true that with some of her Colonies Britain has as much as 52 per cent. of their trade--_e.g._, Australia--it also happens that some absolutely foreign countries do a greater percentage even of their trade with Britain than do her Colonies. Britain possesses 38 per cent. of Argentina's foreign trade, but only 36 per cent. of Canada's, although Canada has recently given her a considerable preference.

[32] West Africa and Madagascar.

[33] It is a little encouraging, perhaps, for those of us who are doing what we may towards the dissemination of saner ideas, that an early edition of this book seems to have played some part in bringing about the change in French colonial policy here indicated. The French Colonial Ministry, for the purpose of emphasizing the point of view mentioned in _Le Temps_ article, on two or three occasions called pointed attention to the first French edition of this book. In the official report of the Colonial Budget for 1911, a large part of this chapter is reprinted. In the Senate (see _Journal Officiel de la République Française_, July 2, 1911) the Rapporteur again quoted from this book at length, and devoted a great part of his speech towards emphasizing the thesis here set out.

[34] A financier to whom I showed the proofs of this chapter notes here: "If such a tax were imposed the output would be _nil_."

[35] A correspondent sent me some interesting and significant details of the rapid strides made by Germany in Egypt. It had already been stated that a German newspaper would appear in October, 1910, and that the official notices of the mixed courts have been transferred from the local French newspapers to the German _Egyptischer Nachrichten_. During the years 1897-1907, German residents in Egypt increased by 44 per cent., while British residents increased by only 5 per cent. Germany's share of the Egyptian imports during the period 1900-1904 was $3,443,880, but by 1909 this figure reached $5,786,355. The latest German undertaking in Egypt was the foundation of the Egyptische Hypotheken Bank, in which all the principal joint-stock banks of Germany were interested. Its capital was to be $2,500,000 and the six directors included three Germans, one Austrian, and two Italians.

Writing of "Home Sickness among the Emigrants" (the _London World_, July 19, 1910), Mr. F.G. Aflalo said:

"The Germans are, of all nations, the least troubled with this weakness. Though far more warmly attached to the hearth than their neighbors across the Rhine, they feel exile less. Their one idea is to evade conscription, and this offers to all continental nations a compensation for exile, which to the Englishman means nothing. I remember a colony of German fishermen on Lake Tahoe, the loveliest water in California, where the pines of the Sierra Nevada must have vividly recalled their native Harz. Yet they rejoiced in the freedom of their adopted country, and never knew a moment's regret for the Fatherland."

[36] According to a recent estimate, the Germans in Brazil now number some four hundred thousand, the great majority being settled in the southern states of Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná, and Santa Catharina, while a small number are found in Sao Paulo and Espirito Santo in the north. This population is, for the most part, the result of natural increase, for of late years emigration thither has greatly declined.

In Near Asia, too, German colonization is by no means of recent origin. There are in Transcaucasia agricultural settlements established by Würtemberg farmers, whose descendants in the third generation live in their own villages and still speak their native language. In Palestine, there are the German Templar Colonies on the coast, which have prospered so well as to excite the resentment of the natives.

[37] London _Morning Post_, February 1, 1912.

[38] _North American Review_, March, 1912. See also citation, p. 15.

[39] April, 1912.

[40] "Germany and the Next War," by Gen. Friedrich von Bernhardi. London: Edwin Arnold, 1912.

[41] See, notably, the article from Admiral Mahan, "The Place of Power in International Relations," in the _North American Review_ for January, 1912; and such books of Professor Wilkinson's as "The Great Alternative," "Britain at Bay," "War and Policy."

[42] "The Valor of Ignorance." Harpers.

[43] For an expression of these views in a more definite form, see Ratzenhofer's "Die Sociologische Erkenntniss," pp. 233, 234. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1898.

[44] Speech at Stationer's Hall, London, June 6, 1910.

[45] "The Strenuous Life." Century Co.

[46] _McClure's Magazine_, August, 1910.

[47] Thomas Hughes, in his preface to the first English edition of "The Bigelow Papers," refers to the opponents of the Crimean War as a "vain and mischievous clique, who amongst us have raised the cry of peace." See also Mr. J.A. Hobson's "Psychology of Jingoism," p. 52. London: Grant Richards.

[48] _North American Review_, March, 1912.

[49] "The Interest of America in International Conditions." New York: Harper & Brothers.

[50] It is related by Critchfield, in his work on the South American Republics, that during all the welter of blood and disorder which for a century or more marked the history of those countries, the Roman Catholic priesthood on the whole maintained a high standard of life and character, and continued, against all discouragement, to preach consistently the beauties of peace and order. However much one may be touched by such a spectacle, and pay the tribute of one's admiration to these good men, one cannot but feel that the preaching of these high ideals did not have any very immediate effect on the social progress of South America. What has effected this change? It is that those countries have been brought into the economic current of the world; the bank and factory and railroad have introduced factors and motives of a quite different order from those urged by the priest, and are slowly winning those countries from military adventure to honest work, a thing which the preaching of high ideals failed to do.

[51] "To-day and To-morrow," p. 63. John Murray.

[52] Since the publication of the first edition of this book there has appeared in France an admirable work by M.J. Novikow, "Le Darwinisme Social" (Felix Alcan, Paris), in which this application of the Darwinian theory to sociology is discussed with great ability, and at great length and in full detail, and the biological presentation of the case, as just outlined, has been inspired in no small part by M. Novikow's work. M. Novikow has established in biological terms what, previous to the publication of his book, I attempted to establish in economic terms.

[53] Co-operation does not exclude competition. If a rival beats me in business, it is because he furnishes more efficient co-operation than I do; if a thief steals from me, he is not co-operating at all, and if he steals much will prevent my co-operation. The organism (society) has every interest in encouraging the competitor and suppressing the parasite.

[54] Without going to the somewhat obscure analogies of biological science, it is evident from the simple facts of the world that, if at any stage of human development warfare ever did make for the survival of the fit, we have long since passed out of that stage. When we conquer a nation in these days, we do not exterminate it: we leave it where it was. When we "overcome" the servile races, far from eliminating them, we give them added chances of life by introducing order, etc., so that the lower human quality tends to be perpetuated by conquest by the higher. If ever it happens that the Asiatic races challenge the white in the industrial or military field, it will be in large part thanks to the work of race conservation, which has been the result of England's conquest in India, Egypt, and Asia generally, and her action in China when she imposed commerical contact on the Chinese by virtue of military power. War between people of roughly equal development makes also for the survival of the unfit, since we no longer exterminate and massacre a conquered race, but only their best elements (those carrying on the war), and because the conqueror uses up _his_ best elements in the process, so that the less fit of both sides are left to perpetuate the species. Nor do the facts of the modern world lend any support to the theory that preparation for war under modern conditions tends to preserve virility, since those conditions involve an artificial barrack life, a highly mechanical training favorable to the destruction of initiative, and a mechanical uniformity and centralization tending to crush individuality, and to hasten the drift towards a centralized bureaucracy, already too great.

[55] One might doubt, indeed, whether the British patriot has really the feeling against the German that he has against his own countrymen of contrary views. Mr. Leo Maxse, in the _National Review_ for February, 1911, indulges in the following expressions, applied, not to Germans, but to English statesmen elected by a majority of the English people: Mr. Lloyd George is a "fervid Celt animated by passionate hatred of all things English"; Mr. Churchill is simply a "Tammany Hall politician, without, however, a Tammany man's patriotism." Mr. Harcourt belongs to "that particular type of society demagogue who slangs Peers in public and fawns upon them in private." Mr. Leo Maxse suggests that some of the Ministers should be impeached and hanged. Mr. McKenna is Lord Fisher's "poll-parrot," and the House of Commons is the "poisonous Parliament of infamous memory," in which Ministers were supported by a vast _posse comitatus_ of German jackals.

[56] Speech at Stationers' Hall, London, June 6, 1910.

[57] I have in mind here the ridiculous furore that was made by the British Jingo Press over some French cartoons that appeared at the outbreak of the Boer War. It will be remembered that at that time France was the "enemy," and Germany was, on the strength of a speech by Mr. Chamberlain, a quasi-ally. Britain was at that time as warlike towards France as she is now towards Germany. And this is only ten years ago!

[58] In his "History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe," Lecky says: "It was no political anxiety about the balance of power, but an intense religious enthusiasm that impelled the inhabitants of Christendom towards the site which was at once the cradle and the symbol of their faith. All interests were then absorbed, all classes were governed, all passions subdued or colored, by religious fervor. National animosities that had raged for centuries were pacified by its power. The intrigues of statesmen and the jealousies of kings disappeared beneath its influence. Nearly two million lives are said to have been sacrificed in the cause. Neglected governments, exhausted finances, depopulated countries, were cheerfully accepted as the price of success. No wars the world had ever before seen were so popular as these, which were at the same time the most disastrous and the most unselfish."

[59] "Be assured," writes St. Augustine, "and doubt not that not only men who have obtained the use of their reason, but also little children who have begun to live in their mother's womb and there died, or who, having been just born, have passed away from the world without the Sacrament of Holy Baptism, must be punished by the eternal torture of undying fire." To make the doctrine clearer, he illustrates it by the case of a mother who has two children. Each of these is but a lump of perdition. Neither has ever performed a moral or immoral act. The mother overlies one, and it perishes unbaptized. It goes to eternal torment. The other is baptized and saved.

[60] This appears sufficiently from the seasons in which, for instance, _autos da fé_ in Spain took place. In the Gallery of Madrid there is a painting by Francisco Rizzi representing the execution, or rather the procession to the stake, of a number of heretics during the fêtes that followed the marriage of Charles II., and before the King, his bride, and the Court and clergy of Madrid. The great square was arranged like a theatre, and thronged with ladies in Court dress. The King sat on an elevated platform, surrounded by the chief members of the aristocracy.

Limborch, in his "History of the Inquisition," relates that among the victims of one _auto da fé_ was a girl of sixteen, whose singular beauty struck all who saw her with admiration. As she passed to the stake she cried to the Queen: "Great Queen, is not your presence able to bring me some comfort under my misery? Consider my youth, and that I am condemned for a religion which I have sucked in with my mother's milk."

[61] _Spectator_, December 31, 1910.

[62] See quotations, pp. 161-162, from Homer Lea's book, "The Valor of Ignorance."

[63] Thus Captain d'Arbeux ("L'Officier Contemporaine," Grasset, Paris, 1911) laments "la disparition progressive de l'idéal de revanche," a military deterioration which is, he declares, working the country's ruin. The general truth of all this is not affected by the fact that 1911, owing to the Moroccan conflict and other matters, saw a revival of Chauvinism, which is already spending itself. The _Matin_, December, 1911, remarks: "The number of candidates at St. Cyr and St. Maixent is decreasing to a terrifying degree. It is hardly a fourth of what it was a few years ago.... The profession of arms has no longer the attraction that it had."

[64] "Germany and England," p. 19.

[65] See the first chapter of Mr. Harbutt Dawson's admirable work, "The Evolution of Modern Germany." T. Fisher Unwin, London.

[66] I have excluded the "operations" with the Allies in China. But they only lasted a few weeks. And were they war? This illustration appears in M. Novikow's "Le Darwinisme Social."

[67] The most recent opinion on evolution would go to show that environment plays an even larger rôle in the formation of character than selection (see Prince Kropotkin's article, _Nineteenth Century_, July, 1910, in which he shows that experiment reveals the direct action of surroundings as the main factor of evolution). How immensely, therefore, must our industrial environment modify the pugnacious impulse of our nature!

[68] See citations, pp. 161-166, notably Mr. Roosevelt's dictum: "In this world the nation that is trained to a career of unwarlike and isolated ease is bound to go down in the end before other nations which have not lost the manly and adventurous qualities." This view is even emphasized in the speech which Mr. Roosevelt recently delivered at the University of Berlin (see London _Times_, May 13, 1910). "The Roman civilization," declared Mr. Roosevelt--perhaps, as the _Times_ remarks, to the surprise of those who have been taught to believe that _latifundia perditere Romam_--"went down primarily because the Roman citizen would not fight, because Rome had lost the fighting edge." (See footnote, p. 237.)

[69] "The Valor of Ignorance." Harpers.

[70] See M. Messimy's Report on the War Budget for 1908 (annexe 3, p. 474). The importance of these figures is not generally realized. Astonishing as the assertion may sound, conscription in Germany is not universal, while it is in France. In the latter country every man of every class actually goes through the barracks, and is subjected to the real discipline of military training; the whole training of the nation is purely military. This is not the case in Germany. Very nearly half of the young men of the country are not soldiers. Another important point is that the part of the German nation which makes up the country's intellectual life escapes the barracks. To all practical purposes very nearly all young men of the better class enter the army as one year volunteers, by which they escape more than a few weeks of barracks, and even then escape its worst features. It cannot be too often pointed out that intellectual Germany has never been subjected to real barrack influence. As one critic says: "The German system does not put this class through the mill," and is deliberately designed to save them from the grind of the mill. France's military activities since 1870 have, of course, been much greater than those of Germany--Tonkin, Madagascar, Algeria, Morocco. As against these, Germany has had only the Hereros campaign. The percentages of population given above, in the text, require modification as the Army Laws are modified, but the relative positions in Germany and France remain about the same.

[71] _Vox de la Naçión_, Caracas, April 22, 1897.

[72] Even Mr. Roosevelt calls South American history mean and bloody. It is noteworthy that, in his article published in the _Bachelor of Arts_ for March, 1896, Mr. Roosevelt, who lectured Englishmen so vigorously on their duty at all costs not to be guided by sentimentalism in the government of Egypt, should write thus at the time of Mr. Cleveland's Venezuelan message to England: "Mean and bloody though the history of the South American republics has been, it is distinctly in the interest of civilization that ... they should be left to develop along their own lines.... Under the best of circumstances, a colony is in a false position; but if a colony is a region where the colonizing race has to do its work by means of other and inferior races, the condition is much worse. There is no chance for any tropical colony owned by a Northern race."

[73] June 2, 1910.

[74] See an article by Mr. Vernon Kellogg in the _Atlantic Monthly_, July, 1913. Seeley says: "The Roman Empire perished for want of men." One historian of Greece, discussing the end of the Peloponnesian wars, said: "Only cowards remain, and from their broods came the new generations."

Three million men--the élite of Europe--perished in the Napoleonic wars. It is said that after those wars the height standard of the French adult population fell abruptly 1 inch. However that may be, it is quite certain that the physical fitness of the French people was immensely worsened by the drain of the Napoleonic wars, since, as the result of a century of militarism, France is compelled every few years to reduce the standard of physical fitness in order to keep up her military strength, so that now even three-feet dwarfs are impressed.

[75] I think one may say fairly that it _was_ Sydney Smith's wit rather than Bacon's or Bentham's wisdom which killed this curious illusion.

[76] See the distinction established at the beginning of the next chapter.

[77] M. Pierre Loti, who happened to be at Madrid when the troops were leaving to fight the Americans, wrote: "They are, indeed, still the solid and splendid Spanish troops, heroic in every epoch; one needs only to look at them to divine the woe that awaits the American shopkeepers when brought face to face with such soldiers." He prophesied _des surprises sanglantes_. M. Loti is a member of the French Academy.

[78] See also letter quoted, pp. 230-231.

[79] "Patriotism and Empire." Grant Richards.

[80] "For permanent work the soldier is worse than useless; his whole training tends to make him a weakling. He has the easiest of lives; he has no freedom and no responsibility. He is, politically and socially, a child, with rations instead of rights--treated like a child, punished like a child, dressed prettily and washed and combed like a child, excused for outbreaks of naughtiness like a child, forbidden to marry like a child, and called "Tommy" like a child. He has no real work to keep him from going mad except housemaid's work" ("John Bull's Other Island"). All those familiar with the large body of French literature, dealing with the evils of barrack-life, know how strongly that criticism confirms Mr. Bernard Shaw's generalization.

[81] September 11, 1899.

[82] Things must have reached a pretty pass in England when the owner of the _Daily Mail_ and the patron of Mr. Blatchford can devote a column and a half over his own signature to reproaching in vigorous terms the hysteria and sensationalism, of his own readers.

[83] The _Berliner Tageblatt_ of March 14, 1911, says: "One must admire the consistent fidelity and patriotism of the English race, as compared with the uncertain and erratic methods of the German people, their mistrust, and suspicion. In spite of numerous wars, bloodshed, and disaster, England always emerges smoothly and easily from her military crises and settles down to new conditions and surroundings in her usual cool and deliberate manner.... Nor can one refrain from paying one's tribute to the sound qualities and character of the English aristocracy, which is always open to the ambitious and worthy of other classes, and thus slowly but surely widens the sphere of the middle classes by whom they are in consequence honored and respected--a state of affairs practically unknown in Germany, but which would be to our immense advantage."

[84] "Der Kaiser und die Zukunft des Deutschen Volkes."

[85] See also the confirmatory verdict of Captain March Phillips, quoted on p. 291.

[86] "My Life in the Army," p. 119.

[87] I do not think this last generalization does any injustice to the essay, "Latitude and Longitude among Reformers" ("Strenuous Life," pp. 41-61. The Century Company).

[88] See for further illustration of the difference and its bearing in practical politics Chapter VIII., Part I., "The Fight for the Place in the Sun."

[89] See Chapter VII., Part I.

[90] Aristotle did, however, have a flash of the truth. He said: "If the hammer and the shuttle could move themselves, slavery would be unnecessary."

[91] "Facts and Comments," p. 112.

[92] Buckle ("History of Civilization") points out that Philip II., who ruled half the world and drew tribute from the whole of South America, was so poor that he could not pay his personal servants or meet the daily expenses of the Court!

[93] I mean by credit all the mechanism of exchange which replaces the actual use or metal, or notes representing it.

[94] Lecky ("Rationalism in Europe," p. 76) says: "Protestantism could not possibly have existed without a general diffusion of the Bible, and that diffusion was impossible until after the two inventions of paper and printing.... Before those inventions, pictures and material images were the chief means of religious instruction." And thus religious belief became necessarily material, crude, anthropomorphic.

[95] "Battles are no longer the spectacular heroics of the past. The army of to-day and to-morrow is a sombre gigantic machine devoid of melodramatic heroics ... a machine that it requires years to form in separate parts, years to assemble them together, and other years to make them work smoothly and irresistibly" (Homer Lea in "The Valor of Ignorance," p. 49).

[96] General von Bernhardi, in his work on cavalry, deals with this very question of the bad influence on tactics of the "pomp of war," which he admits must disappear, adding very wisely: "The spirit of tradition consists not in the retention of antiquated forms, but in acting in that spirit which in the past led to such glorious success." The plea for the retention of the soldier because of his "spirit" could not be more neatly disposed of. See p. 111 of the English edition of Bernhardi's work (Hugh Rees, London).

[97] See quotations, pp. 161-166.

[98] The following letter to the _Manchester Guardian_, which appeared at the time of the Boer War, is worth reproduction in this connection:

"SIR,--I see that 'The Church's Duty in regard to War' is to be discussed at the Church Congress. This is right. For a year the heads of our Church have been telling us what war is and does--that it is a school of character; that it sobers men, cleans them, strengthens them, knits their hearts; makes them brave, patient, humble, tender, prone to self-sacrifice. Watered by 'war's red rain,' one Bishop tells us, virtue grows; a cannonade, he points out, is an 'oratorio'--almost a form of worship. True; and to the Church men look for help to save their souls from starving for lack of this good school, this kindly rain, this sacred music. Congresses are apt to lose themselves in wastes of words. This one must not, surely cannot, so straight is the way to the goal. It has simply to draft and submit a new Collect for war in our time, and to call for the reverent but firm emendation, in the spirit of the best modern thought, of those passages in Bible and Prayer-Book by which even the truest of Christians and the best of men have at times been blinded to the duty of seeking war and ensuing it. Still, man's moral nature cannot, I admit, live by war alone; nor do I say with some that peace is wholly bad. Even amid the horrors of peace you will find little shoots of character fed by the gentle and timely rains of plague and famine, tempest and fire; simple lessons of patience and courage conned in the schools of typhus, gout, and stone; not oratorios, perhaps, but homely anthems and rude hymns played on knife and probe in the long winter nights. Far from me to 'sin our mercies,' or to call mere twilight dark. Yet dark it may become; for remember that even these poor makeshift schools of character, these second-bests, these halting substitutes for war--remember that the efficiency of every one of them, be it hunger, accident, ignorance, sickness, or pain, is menaced by the intolerable strain of its struggles with secular doctors, plumbers, inventors, schoolmasters, and policemen. Every year thousands who would once have been braced and steeled by manly tussles with small-pox or diphtheria are robbed of that blessing by the great changes made in our drains. Every year thousands of women and children must go their way bereft of the rich spiritual experience of the widow and the orphan."

[99] Captain March Phillips, "With Remington." Methuen. See pp. 259-60 for Mr. Blatchford's confirmation of this verdict.

[100] And here as to the officers--again not from me but from a very Imperialist and militarist quarter--the London _Spectator_ (November 25, 1911), says: "Soldiers might be supposed to be free from pettiness because they are men of action. But we all know that there is no profession in which the leaders are more depreciated by one another than in the profession of arms."

[101] Professor William James says: "Greek history is a panorama of war for war's sake ... of the utter ruin of a civilization which in intellectual respects was perhaps the highest the earth has ever seen. The wars were purely piratical. Pride, gold, women, slaves, excitement were their only motives."--_McClure's Magazine_, August, 1910.

[102] "Britain at Bay." Constable and Co.

[103] See quotation from Sir C.P. Lucas, p. 111-12.

[104] See details on this matter given in Chapter VII., Part I.

[105] London _Morning Post_, April 21, 1910. I pass over the fact that to cite all this as a reason for armaments is absurd. Does the _Morning Post_ really suggest that the Germans are going to attack England because they don't like the English taste in art, or music, or cooking? The notion that preferences of this sort need the protection of _Dreadnoughts_ is surely to bring the whole thing within the domain of the grotesque.

[106] I refer to the remarkable speech in which Mr. Chamberlain notified France that she must "mend her manners or take the consequences" (see London daily papers between November 28 and December 5, 1899).

[107] Not that a very great period separates us from such methods. Froude quotes Maltby's Report to Government as follows: "I burned all their corn and houses, and committed to the sword all that could be found. In like manner I assailed a castle. When the garrison surrendered, I put them to the misericordia of my soldiers. They were all slain. Thence I went on, sparing none which came in my way, which cruelty did so amaze their fellows that they could not tell where to bestow themselves." Of the commander of the English forces at Munster we read: "He diverted his forces into East Clanwilliam, and harassed the country; killed all mankind that were found therein ... not leaving behind us man or beast, corn or cattle ... sparing none of what quality, age, or sex soever. Beside many burned to death, we killed man, woman, child, horse, or beast or whatever we could find."

[108] In "The Evolution of Modern Germany" (Fisher Unwin, London) the same author says: "Germany implies not one people, but many peoples ... of different culture, different political and social institutions ... diversity of intellectual and economic life.... When the average Englishman speaks of Germany he really means Prussia, and consciously or not he ignores the fact that in but few things can Prussia be regarded as typical of the whole Empire."

[109] "International Law." John Murray, London.

[110] Lord Sanderson, dealing with the development of international intercourse in an address to the Royal Society of Arts (November 15, 1911), said: "The most notable feature of recent international intercourse, he thought, was the great increase in international exhibitions, associations, and conferences of every description and on every conceivable subject. When he first joined the Foreign Office, rather more than fifty years ago, conferences were confined almost entirely to formal diplomatic meetings to settle some urgent territorial or political question in which several States were interested. But as time had passed, not only were the number and frequency of political conferences increased, but a host of meetings of persons more or less official, termed indiscriminately conferences and congresses, had come into being."

[111] January 8, 1910.

[112] March 10, 1910.

[113] "The German Government is straining every nerve, with the zealous support of its people, to get ready for a fight with this country" (_Morning Post_, March 1, 1912). "The unsatiated will of the armed State will, when an opportunity offers, attack most likely its most satiated neighbors without scruple, and despoil them without ruth" (Dr. Dillon, _Contemporary Review_, October, 1911).

[114] I have shown in a former chapter (Chapter VI., Part II.) how these international hatreds are not the cause of conflict, but the outcome of conflicts or presumed conflicts of policy. If difference of national psychology--national "incompatibility of temper"--were the cause, how can we explain the fact that ten years since the English were still "hating all Frenchmen like the devil," and talking of alliance with the Germans? If diplomatic shuffling had pushed England into alliance with the Germans against the French, it would never have occurred to the people that they had to "detest the Germans."

[115] The German Navy Law in its preamble might have filched this from the British Navy League catechism.

[116] In an article published in 1897 (January 16) the London _Spectator_ pointed out the hopeless position Germany would occupy if England cared to threaten her. The organ, which is now apt to resent the increased German Navy as implying aggression upon England, then wrote as follows: "Germany has a mercantile marine of vast proportions. The German flag is everywhere. But on the declaration of war the whole of Germany's trading ships would be at our mercy. Throughout the seas of the world our cruisers would seize and confiscate German ships. Within the first week of the declaration of war Germany would have suffered a loss of many million pounds by the capture of her ships. Nor is that all. Our Colonies are dotted with German trading-houses, who, in spite of a keen competition, do a great deal of business.... We should not, of course, want to treat them harshly; but war must mean for them the selling of their businesses for what they would fetch and going home to Germany. In this way Germany would lose a hold upon the trade of the world which it has taken her many years of toil to create.... Again, think of the effect upon Germany's trade of the closing of all her ports. Hamburg is one of the greatest ports of the world. What would be its condition if practically not a single ship could leave or enter it? Blockades are no doubt very difficult things to maintain strictly, but Hamburg is so placed that the operation would be comparatively easy. In truth the blockade of all the German ports on the Baltic or the North Sea would present little difficulty.... Consider the effect on Germany if her flag were swept from the high seas and her ports blockaded. She might not miss her colonies, for they are only a burden, but the loss of her sea-borne trade would be an equivalent to an immediate fine of at least a hundred million sterling. In plain words, a war with Germany, even when conducted by her with the utmost wisdom and prudence, must mean for her a direct loss of a terribly heavy kind, and for us virtually no loss at all." This article is full of the fallacies which I have endeavored to expose in this book, but it logically develops the notions which are prevalent in both England and Germany; and yet Germans have to listen to an English Minister of Marine describing their Navy as a luxury!

[117] Here is the real English belief in this matter: "Why should Germany attack Britain? Because Germany and Britain are commercial and political rivals; because Germany covets the trade, the Colonies, and the Empire which Britain now possesses.... As to arbitration, limitation of armament, it does not require a very great effort of the imagination to enable us to see that proposal with German eyes. Were I a German, I should say: 'These islanders are cool customers. They have fenced in all the best parts of the globe, they have bought or captured fortresses and ports in five continents, they have gained the lead in commerce, they have a virtual monopoly of the carrying trade of the world, they hold command of the seas, and now they propose that we shall all be brothers, and that nobody shall fight or steal any more,'" (Robert Blatchford, "Germany and England," pp. 4-13).

[118] "Facts and Fallacies." An answer to "Compulsory Service," by Field-Marshal Earl Roberts, V.C., K.G.

[119] Discussing the first edition of this book, Sir Edward Grey said: "True as the statement in that book may be, it does not become an operative motive in the minds and conduct of nations until they are convinced of its truth and it has become a commonplace to them" (Argentine Centenary Banquet, May 20, 1910).

[120] Lecky, "History of the Progress of Rationalism in Europe."

[121] I do not desire in the least, of course, to create the impression that I regard the truths here elaborated as my "discovery," as though no one had worked in this field before. Properly speaking, there is no such thing as priority in ideas. The interdependence of peoples was proclaimed by philosophers three thousand years ago. The French school of pacifists--Passy, Follin, Yves Guyot, de Molinari, and Estournelles de Constant--have done splendid work in this field; but no one of them, so far as I know, has undertaken the work of testing in detail the politico-economic orthodoxy by the principle of the economic futility of military force; by bringing that principle to bear on the everyday problems of European statecraft. If there is such an one--presenting the precise notes of interrogation which I have attempted to present here--I am not aware of it. This does not prevent, I trust, the very highest appreciation of earlier and better work done in the cause of peace generally. The work of Jean de Bloch, among others, though covering different ground from this, possesses an erudition and bulk of statistical evidence to which this can make no claim. The work of J. Novikow, to my mind the greatest of all, has already been touched upon.

[122] "Turkey in Europe," pp. 88-9 and 91-2.

It is significant, by the way, that the "born soldier" has now been crushed by a non-military race whom he has always despised as having no military tradition. Capt. F.W. von Herbert ("Bye Paths in the Balkans") wrote (some years before the present war): "The Bulgars, as Christian subjects of Turkey exempt from military service, have tilled the ground under stagnant and enfeebling peace conditions, and the profession of arms is new to them."

"Stagnant and enfeebling peace conditions" is, in view of subsequent events, distinctly good.

[123] I dislike to weary the reader with such damnable iteration, but when a British Cabinet Minister is unable in this discussion to distinguish between the folly of a thing and its possibility, one _must_ make the fundamental point clear.

[124] This Appendix was written before the Balkan States fell to fighting one another. It is scarcely necessary to point out that the events of the last few days (early summer 1913) lend significance to the argument in the text.

[125] See p. 390.

[126] _Review of Reviews_, November, 1912.

[127] In the _Daily Mail_, to whose Editor I am indebted for permission to reprint it.

INDEX

Acceleration, Law of, relation to sociology, 197, 220 Adam, Paul, advocate of war, 216 Aflalo, F.G., home-sickness among emigrants, 132, 133 Africa, South: gold-mines of, as motive of Boer War, 125; position of trade in, in event of war, 126 Alsace-Lorraine, annexation of, 45-49 America. _See_ United States America, South: financial development of, 78, 245; folly of aggression in States of, 244; British methods of enforcing financial obligations in, 303 Annexation: of Alsace-Lorraine and value of, to Germany, 45-49; Alsace-Lorraine, financial aspect, 98; Bosnia and Herzegovina, effect on Austria, 303 Arabia and internal wars, 232 Argentine international trade, 78 Aristotle: on slavery, 269; the State, 296 Armagh, Archbishop of, advocate of war, 166 Armament, Armaments: _United Service Magazine_ quoted on limitations of, 18; Bernhardi school, 257; motives of, 330; justification of, 344 Asia Minor: protection of German interest in, 147; benefit of, to Britain if under German tutelage, 149 Asquith, Mr.: on Canadian Navy, 113; "color problem," 116, 117 Austria, annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 303 _Autos da fé_ in Spain, 208

Bachmar, Dr. F., on union of Germany and South Africa, 24 Bacon on nature of man, 58 Balfour, Mr. A.J., on independence of the Colonies, 114-115 Bank of England: position of, if Germany invaded England, 56-57; helped by Bank of France, 318 Banking: Withers on interdependence necessary in, 59-61. _See also_ Finance Barracks, Mr. R. Blatchford on moral influence of, 259-260 Barrès, M., advocate of war, 216 Baty, Mr. T., social "stratification" and business, 323-325 Beaulieu, Paul, on French indemnity, 94 Belgium economic security, 43-44 _Berliner Tageblatt_, 255 Bernhardi: on defence of war, 158-159; war advocates and school of, 257; on tactics and "pomp of war," 285; policy of, 342 Bertillon, Dr., on relative individual wealth in nations, 36 Biermer, Professor, on Protectionist movement in Germany, 95 Birrell, Mr. Augustine, 367 Bismarck: and Machiavelli's dictum as to policy of a prudent ruler, 41; and the French indemnity, 91; his surprise at the recuperation of France after the war, 96-97 Blatchford, Mr. Robert, 18, 177, 178, 215, 216, 259-260, 316, 349, 357 Block, Maurice, on French indemnity, 98 Blum, Hans, 98 Boer War: motives of, 115; results of, 116; cost of, 128 Bosnia and Herzegovina. _See_ Austria Bourget, Paul, advocate of war, 216 Brazil, international trade of, 78 Britain: possibility of being "wiped out" in twenty-four hours, 21-22; conquest of, a physical impossibility, 30; Sir C.P. Lucas's policy of colonial government, 111; position of, with regard to "ownership" of Colonies, 115; attitude of, with regard to German trade in Asia Minor, 147-148; Prussianization of, 258; contrast between, and Ancient Rome, 276; position of, with regard to her independent States, 300-301; cause of hostility towards Germany, 315; what the world has to learn from Imperial development of, 380-381; the real exemplar of the nations, 380-382 Brunetière, advocate of war, 216 Bülow, Prince von, on Germany's "rage for luxury," etc., 215-216

Caivano, Tomasso, 230-231 Canada: English merchant in, 35; England's trade with, 75; effect of acquisition of, by Germany, 109; the question of "ownership" of, 112; Sir Wilfrid Laurier on Canadian Navy, 113; war record, 227 Capital. _See_ Finance Catholics and Protestants, 205 Chamberlain, Mr. Joseph, 310 Charles II. of Spain, 208 Churchill, Mr. Winston; dictum of, on war, 345-346; on German Navy "luxury," 346-348 Colonies: no advantage gained by conquest of, 32-33, 109-111; commercial value of, 107; Sir C.P. Lucas on Britain's policy of colonial government, 111-112; and national independence, 112; _Volkstein_ on colonial neutrality in warfare, 114; Britain's "ownership" of, 115; administrative weaknesses of, 117-119; fiscal position of, 119-121; false policy of conquest of, 121; Méline régime and advantages of independent administration of French, 123-124; impossibility of "possession" of, 135; how Germany exploits her, 135; economic retribution on, 301-302 Colonies, Crown, 33, 111-119 Commerce: definition of, 71; deterioration of international incident to war, 240. _See also_ Trade Community, what constitutes well-being of a, 173-175 Competition: methods of industrial, 11; impossibility of destruction of, 31-34; and co-operation, 185 Confiscation, the impossibility of, 63-64 Conqueror, policy of, in regard to wealth and territory, 34-36 Conquest: _Blackwood's Magazine_ in defence of, 19-20; impossibility of, from point of view of trade, 30-31; of Colonies, no advantages gained by, 32-33; alleged benefits of, disproved by prosperity of small States, 39-40; no advantage gained by, in modern warfare, 44-45, 110; advantage of, in ancient and medieval times, 51-54; alleged benefits of, disproved, 99-101; unable to change national character of conquered territory, 135-136; inadequate value of present methods of, 135; lessening rôle of, in commerce, 139-143; paradox of London police force applied in relation to, 144; where it has benefited nations, 145; effect of co-operation as a factor against, 195; enervating effects of, on Romans, 238; Spain ruined by glamour of, 242-247; co-operation taking place of, 244-248; changed nature of, 283; warlike nations the victims of, 272; logical absurdity of, summed up, 378-382. _See also_ War Conscription: and the peace ideal, 219; in France and Germany, comparison between, 225-226; how it might work in England, 258-260 Co-operation and competition, 185-186; the effects of, in international relations, 194; taking place of conquest, 247-249; advantages of, allied to force, 265-266; of States and Nationalism, 312 Courtesy in international relations, 374 Cox, Sir Edmund C., 351 Credit: in its relation to war, 30-31; definition of, 277 Critics, arguments of, against "The Great Illusion," 358-359 Cuba, War of, financial effect of, to Spain, 241

_Daily Mail_, 45-49, 214-215, 253, 330 D'Arbeux, Captain, 214 Dawson, Harbutt, 256 Defence: Navy League on, 345; the necessity of, 346; problem of, considered, 353 Demolins, Edmond, 258 Déroulède, advocate of war, 216 Dervishes, appreciation of, as fighters, 289; W.H. Steevens quoted on, 289-290 Despot, financial embarrassment of the, 273-274 Despotism, the reasons for poverty of, 274 Dilke, Sir Charles, 116 Domination. _See_ Conquest Dreyfus case, _Times_ quoted on, 250-252 Duel, survival and abandonment of, 201-204

Economics. _See_ Finance Emigration, statistics of, for Germany, 100 Emotion, need for the control of, 377 Empiricism the curse of political thinking, 262 England. _See_ Britain Environment, the rôle of, in the formation of character, 218

Faguet, advocate of war, 216 Farrar, Dean, advocate of war, 166 Farrer, 42 Fian, Dr., 208 Finance: interdependence of credit-built position of, on German invasion, 31; investment secure in small States, 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43; in its relation to industry, 54-56; position of Bank of England on German invasion, 56-58; effect on bank rate of financial crisis in New York, 58-59; effect of repudiation in South American States, 77-78; why repudiation is unprofitable, 78-79; cause of bank crisis in United States, 79; Withers's appreciation of English bankers, 80; Lavisse on Germany's financial crisis, 96; the meaning of "the money of a nation," 172; physical force replaced by economic pressure, 269; economic and physical force in their relation to money, 273; British methods of enforcing financial obligations in South America, 303; organization of capital, 318; Bank of England helped by Bank of France, 318; internationalization of, 318-319; why a Western bank ceased to be robbed, 337-338; _Spectator_ quoted on economic interdependence, 356-357. _See also_ Wealth Fisher, Admiral, 350 Fleet. _See_ Navy Force: the diminishing factor of, 185, 263; co-operation and the advantage of, 263; justification of, by police, 264-265; replaced by economic pressure, 269; in its relation to slavery, 269-270; the general domination of, 270-271; Herbert Spencer quoted on limitation implied by physical, 271-272; difference between economic and physical, 273-275 France: Max Wirth on her position ftper Franco-German War, 95; Bismarck on, 97-98; standard of comfort in, higher than in Germany, 101; financial superiority of, 102; colonial administration of the Méline régime, 121-124; supposed benefit of "expansion" to, 139-143; a more military nation than Germany, 225-226; conscription in, 226; physical results of Napoleonic wars in, 238; cause of failure of expansion in Asia, 240; stigmatized by _Times_ in Dreyfus case, 250-252; Mr. Chamberlain on, 310; position of the statesman in, 370 Franco-German War: position of France after, 95-99; Bismarck on, 97-98; alleged benefit of, to Germany, 99; some difficulties resulting from, in Germany, 100-106; no advantage gained by, to Germany, 252-253 Fried, A., 316-317 Friendship in international relations, 374; general question of, 374-377 Froude, 311

Gaevernitz. _See_ Schulze-Gaevernitz Germany: Mr. Harrison on effect of military predominance of, 6; Dr. Schulze-Gaevernitz on German Navy, 6; R. Blatchford on German attack, 18; Admiral von Koster on overseas interest of, 20-21; future demands of, with regard to Europe, 23; aims of Pan-Germanists, 43-44; the position of German citizen if Germany "owned" Holland, 44; value of Alsace-Lorraine to, 45-49; Withers quoted on commerce of, and English credit, 59; false theory of annihilation of, explained, 69; Lavisse on financial crisis in, 96; economic effect of aforesaid crisis, 97-99; progress of Socialism in, after war of 1870, 99; emigration statistics in, 100; financial position in regard to France, 102; political evolution of, before the war, 102; social difficulties in, resulting from Franco-German War, 103; failure of war from point of view of annexation and indemnity, 104; and the acquisition of Canada, 109-110; the case of colonial conquest, 118-121; if Germany had conducted the Boer War, 126-127; trade of, with occupied territory, 132; trade in Egypt, statistics of, 132; benefits of "ownership," fallacy of, 133; growth and expansion of, 140-143; methods of colonial exploitation, 140-142; protection of interests in Asia Minor, 147; commercial supremacy of, in undeveloped territory, 147-148; Sir H. Johnston on Germany's real object of conquest, 150; burden of Alsace-Lorraine, 176; R. Blatchford on policy of, 178; R. Blatchford in defence of, 215; "rage for luxury" in, 216; reputed military character of, disproved on investigation, 217-218; as type of a military nation, 225-226; conscription in, 225-226; wisdom of, in avoiding war, 226; Kotze scandal in, 252; no advantage gained by war of 1870, 252; growth of social democratic movement in, 254; _Berliner Tageblatt_ in praise of England as compared with, 255; progress owing to regimentation, 255-256; Mr. Harbutt Dawson on unified, 256-257; false idea of British hostility to, 310; cause of British hostility towards, 315; R. Blatchford on warlike preparations of, to destroy Britain, 316; Mr. Fried on heterogeneous nature of, 316-317; _North German Gazette_ on strikes in, and effects of co-operation, 319-320; _Morning Post_ on German aggression, 331; Mr. Churchill and German defence, 346; _Spectator_ on position of, if attacked by Britain, 347; Mr. Blatchford on reasons for attack by, 349; Sir E.C. Cox on British policy with regard to, 351; Anglo-German banquets, futility of, towards mutual understanding, 375 Giffen, Sir Robert, on cost of Franco-German War, 88, 93, 94 Goltz, von der, 178-179 "Great Illusion, The," history of, 365-366 Grey, Sir Edward, 358 Grubb, Mr. Edward, 7

Hague Conferences, cause of failures of, 368 Hamburg, annexation of, by Britain and probable result, 61-62 Harrison, Mr. Frederic: quoted on effect of Germany's predominance in military power, 6; quoted on naval defence and effect of invasion by Germany, 26-27; theories challenged, 28-33 Holland: economic security of, on invasion, 42-43; the case of the Hollander if Germany "owned" Holland, 44; greatness of, compared to Prussia, 255 Holy Sepulchre, fights between Infidels and Christians for, 206 Honour: Mr. Roosevelt on national, 202; consideration of general question of, 202-204 Human nature: alleged unchangeability of, 198-200; changes of manifestations in, 200, 201, 219, 220, 221, 361, 362-363 Hyndman, Mr. H.M., 308

Ideas, rationalization of, 367 Indemnity; Sir R. Giffen quoted on, from Franco-German War, 91; cost of same considered in detail, 88-91; practical difficulties of, 90-92; doubtful advantage of, to conqueror, 100-104; problems of, not sufficiently studied, 105 Individual, false analogy between nation and, 193, 297-301 Industrialism, cruelties of, 9, 10 Industry, relation of, to finance, 54-56 _L'Information_, 56 Intercommunication of States, 193-194 Interdependence: plea of, against war, 30-31; theory of, explained, 34-35; development of, 54-55; evolution of, 76-77; diminution of physical force owing to, 277-279; the vital necessity of, 379 International politics, obsolete conception of, Admiral Mahan on elements of, 170, 171, 172 Investment. _See_ Finance

James I. of Scotland, 208 James, Professor William, 165, 294 Japan, position of, as "owner" of Korea, 86 Johnston, Sir Harry H., 150

Kidd, Benjamin, 17, 18 Kingsley, Charles, 165 Kitchener, Lord, 200; W.H. Steevens' description of, 282 Korea, position of Japan as "owner" of, 86 Koster, Admiral von, 20, 21 Kotze scandal, the, and "rottenness" of German civilization, _Times_ on, 252 Kropotkin, Prince, 218

Labour: division of, explained from point of view of conquest, 53; in the modern world, 66 Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 113 Lavisse, 96 Law of Acceleration. _See_ Acceleration, Law of Law, natural, of man in relation to strife, 185 Lea, General Homer, 161, 212, 213, 234, 282 Lecky, 206, 210, 278, 377 Limborch, 208 Loti, Pierre, 242 Lucas, Sir C.P., 111

Machiavelli, 41 McDougal, Professor W., 308, 311 McKenzie, F.A., 75 Mahan, Admiral: quoted on international relations, 15, 16; quoted in criticism of "The Great Illusion," 170; quoted on elements of international politics, 171; quoted on world-politics, 320 _Manchester Guardian_ and peace, 287-288 Mankind: biological development of, 186; progress of, from barbarity to civilization, 199; psychological change in, 217; reasons for indisposition to fight in, 220; process of civilization of, 219-221; attitude of "average sensual man" towards peace, 371-372 Martin, T.G., 18 _Matin, Le_, 9, 10, 214 Maxse, Leo, 196, 219 Méline régime, the, in French Colonies, 121 Merchant adventurer, the case of, in sixteenth century, 108-109 Militarists, views of, on war, 178-179 Military force: when and where it may be necessary, 146; not essential to national efficiency, 243 Military support of Colonies. _See_ Colonies Military training, its influence on peace, 218-219 Moltke, von, 163 Money. _See_ Finance _Morning Post_, 304, 331 Mulhall on comparative standard of comfort in European countries, 36 Murray, Major, 41

Napoleonic wars, results of, 238 Nation, Nations: falseness of analogy between individual and a, 193, 297-299; honour of, 202; why warlike, do not inherit the earth, 224; warlike and unwarlike, 225, 227, 234; Canada least warlike, 234; power of a, not dependent on its army and navy, 240-241; reason for decay of military, 247-248; complexity of, 317-318; _Spectator_ on economic theories of, 319 National efficiency, relation to military power, 244 Nationalism and the co-operation of States, 312-313 Navy, British: _Times_ on powers of, 17; H.W. Wilson on necessity for powerful, 17; Admiral Fisher on supremacy of, 350 Northmen methods, 200 Norway: the carrying trade of, 74; no temptation to invade, Sir Wilfrid Laurier on, 113 Novikow, J., Darwinian theory of, 184

Owen, Mr. Douglas, 19 "Ownership." _See_ Possession

Pacifists: pleas of, 6, 7, 10-12; case of, 168; patriots and, 373 Pan-Germanists, aims of, 44 Patriots: Patriotism, national honour and, 204; modification of aims of, owing to interdependence, 211; General Lea on extinction of, in United States, 213; the religion of politics, 362; pacifists and, 373, 376 Peace: why propaganda has given small results, 10-12; psychological case for, 168-169; qualities necessary to preserve, 217; occupations which tend towards, 218-219; military training and, 219; attitude of "average sensual man" towards, 371-372 Penfold, F. C, 87 Philippines, financial effect of loss of, to Spain, 241 Phillips, Captain March, 291 Pitcairn, 208 Police Force, London, paradox of, applied in relation to conquest, 144, 145, 264 Politics, obsolete terminology of, 76 Portugal, cause of failure of expansion in Asia, 239-240 Possession: Sir J.R. Seeley on, 129; fallacious theory considered from German point of view, 133-134 Printing: results of invention of, 277-279; power of, 364 Prussia: cause of prosperity of, 246; agitation for electoral reform in, 254 _Public Opinion_, 81-87 Pugnacity: irrational nature of, 187-189; Professor William McDougal on, 308-309

_Referee_, 19 Regimentation, Germany's progress owing to, 255-256 Religion: early ideals of, 174-175; Critchfield on influence of Catholic priests in South American Republics, 175; struggles of, and the State, 181-182, 205-206, 207; beliefs no longer enforced by Government, 205; Lecky on wars of, 206-211; freedom of opinion in, 212; reason of cessation of wars of, 307; relation to politics of, 362-363 Renan, Ernest, 164-229 Repudiation. _See_ Finance Revenue, State, what becomes of, 48 Rizzi, Francisco, 208 Robertson, John M., 249 Rohrbach, Dr. P., 136 Roman civilization: Mr. Roosevelt on, 223; Sir J.R. Seeley on downfall and decay of, 237 Rome, Ancient: Sir J.R. Seeley on downfall and decay of, 237; slave society of, 269; contrast between, and Britain, 276 Roosevelt, Mr., 164, 201, 202, 222, 229, 231, 234, 262

Salisbury, Lord, 36 Samoa, the case of the Powers, 149 Sanderson, Lord, 324 Schulze-Gaevernitz, Prof. von, 6 Sea-Power, overseas trade, Benjamin Kidd on, 17-18. _See also_ British Navy Seeley, Sir J.R., 129, 237 Shaw, G.B., 250 Slavery, Slaves: society of, in Rome, 268; its relation to physical force, 269-270 Socialism, progress of, in Germany after War of 1870, 99 Soetbeer, 98 Soldier: R. Blatchford on character of, 259-260; Captain March Phillips on, 291-292; _Spectator_ on, 264; our debt to the, 293; boyish appeal of the, 293-294; the "poetic shelf" for the, 295 Spain: F.C. Penfold on progress of, since war, 87; failure of expansion of, in Asia, 240-241; Pierre Loti quoted in praise of troops, 242; military virtues of, 242; ruin of, by conquest, 246 Spanish American. _See_ America, South _Spectator_, 156, 209, 210, 292, 333-337, 347, 356 Spencer, Herbert, 271-272 State, States: analogy between individuals in, 194-195; division of, in relation to conflict, 196; ancient and modern, character of, 296; false analogy between, and a person, 298-301; independent nature of, 300-301; _Morning Post_ on the organism of, 304; heterogeneous elements of, 306; Professor McDougal on pugnacity of barbarous, 308-309; definition of, 313; reasons for lessening "rôle" of hostility among, 313-314; position of citizen of small, if he became citizen of a large, 321-322 States small: as prosperous as the Great Powers, 32, 40; investments secure in, 36, 37, 41; cause of prosperity of, 42-43 Statesmen: Major Murray on methods of, with regard to treaties, 41; Leo Maxse on character of English, 196 Steevens, W.H., 282, 289, 290, 291 Steinmetz, S.R., 160 Stengel, Baron von, 20, 162, 229 Story, General John P., 162 Switzerland: the commercial power of, 75; compared to Prussia, 255; position of British subject in, if threatened by Britain, 302

_Temps, Le_, 122 Territorial independence, Farrer on, 42 _Times_, the, 17, 232, 250, 252, 319, 331 Trade: T.G. Martin on Britain's carrying, 18; Admiral von Koster quoted on German overseas, 20-21; impossible to capture, by military conquest, 30-33; statistics of Britain's overseas, 120; diminishing factor of physical force in, 275-276. _See also_ Competition, Commerce, Industry Transvaal: treatment of British Indian in, before and after the war, 117-119; gold-mines of, as motives for Boer War, 125-127; national character of, still unchanged, 135 Treasury, Mr. D. Owen on what enriches, 19 Treaties, Major Stuart Murray on futility of, 41 Tribute, exaction of, an economic impossibility, 31 Tripoli, ineptitude of Italy in, 143

United States: Germans in, 133; General Lea and _Daily Mail_ on national ideals in, 214 _United Service Magazine_, 18

Venezuela: warlike character of, 227; Caivano on natives of, 230-231 Viking, the, our debt to, 293 _Volkstein_, 114

War: the case of, from militarist point of view, 6; cost of Franco-German War, 88-91; Bernhardi in defence of, 158; S.R. Steinmetz on the nature of, 160; General Homer Lee in defence of, 161-162; General Storey in defence of, 162; Baron von Stengel in defence of, 163; Moltke in defence of, 163; Roosevelt in defence of, 164-223; Professor James in defence of, 165; famous clergyman in defence of, 165-166; defence of, summarized, 166-167; the reason for, 177; Von der Goltz on nature of, 178; result of armed peace, 179; justification of defender of, 182; and the natural law of man, 185; the irrational aspect of, 191; _Spectator_ on means to an end, 209-210; Procurator of Russian Holy Synod on, 210; General Lea on its relation to commercial activities, 212; Captain d'Arbeux on military deterioration, 214; prominent advocates of, 216; pleas of military authorities, 223; General Homer Lea on military spirit, 223-224; advocates of, criticized, 229-230; the curse of, in South American Republics, 230; the question of just and unjust, 235-236; fundamental error of, 236; real process of, 237; Baron von Stengel's dictum, 238-239; national deterioration owing to, 239; effects of prolonged warfare, 245; changed nature of, 267; not now a physical but an intellectual pursuit, 281-282; General Homer Lea on nature of modern battles, 282; Bernhardi on tactics and "pomp of war," 285; radical change in methods of, 284-285; pleas of militarists analyzed, 286-287; _Manchester Guardian_ on moral influence of, 287; emotional appeal of, 288; Mr. Churchill on, 346. _See also_ Conquest Wealth: _Referee_ on, in time of war, 19; national, not dependent on its political power, 32; policy of conqueror with regard to, 33-34; the question of, in international politics, 36-39, intangibility of, 64. _See also_ Finance Wilkinson, Professor, 29, 298-299 Wilson, H.W., 17 Wirth, Max, 95 Witchcraft: belief in, 341; Lecky on, 377-378; folly of, from modern point of view, 378 Withers, Hartley, 59 _World_, the, 116

* * * * *

_By the Same Author_

The Great Illusion

A Study of the Relation of Military Power in Nations to their Economic and Social Advantages. 12mo. $1.00 _net_

Arms and Industry

A Study of the Foundations of International Polity

_In Preparation:_

The Citizen and Society

First Principles of their Relationship

* * * * *

"THE GREAT ILLUSION" AND PUBLIC OPINION

AMERICA

="New York Times," March 12, 1911.=

"A book which has compelled thought; a book full of real ideas deserves the welcome it has received. The author is enjoying the almost unlimited praise of his contemporaries, expressed or indicated by many men of eminence and influence, by countless reviewers who have lately hungered for a hero to worship.

"Moreover ... it certainly makes for genuine æsthetic pleasure, and that is all most of us ask of a book."

="The Evening Post," Chicago (Mr. Floyd Dell), February 17, 1911.=

"The book, being read, does not simply satisfy curiosity; it disturbs and amazes. It is not, as one would expect, a striking expression of some familiar objections to war. It is instead--it appears to be--a new contribution to thought, a revolutionary work of the first importance, a complete shattering of conventional ideas about international politics; something corresponding to the epoch-making 'Origin of Species' in the realm of biology.

"All of this it appears to be. One says 'appears,' not because the book fails completely to convince, but because it convinces so fully. The paradox is so perfect there must be something wrong about it!...

"At first glance the statement which forms the basis of the book looks rather absurd, but before it is finished it seems a self-evident proposition. It is certainly a proposition which, if proved, will provide a materialistic common-sense basis for disarmament....

"There is subject-matter here for ironic contemplation. Mr. Angell gives the reader no chance to imagine that these things 'just happened.' He shows why they happened and had to happen....

"One returns again and again to the arguments, looking to find some fallacy in them. Not finding them, one stares wonderingly ahead into the future, where the book seems to cast its portentous shadow."

="Boston Herald," January 21, 1911.=

"This is an epoch-making book, which should be in the hands of everyone who has even the slightest interest in human progress.... His criticism is not only masterly--it is overwhelming; for though controversy will arise on some of the details, the main argument is irrefutable. He has worked it out with a grasp of the evidence and a relentlessness of logic that will give life and meaning to his book for many a year to come."

="Life" (New York).=

"An inquiry into the nature and history of the forces that have shaped and are shaping our social development that throws more light upon the meaning and the probable outcome of the so-called 'war upon war' than all that has been written and published upon both sides put together. The incontrovertible service that Mr. Angell has rendered us in 'The Great Illusion' is to have introduced intellectual order into an emotional chaos."

GREAT BRITAIN.

="Daily Mail."=

"No book has attracted wider attention or has done more to stimulate thought in the present century than 'The Great Illusion.' Published obscurely, and the work of an unknown writer, it gradually forced its way to the front.... Has become a significant factor in the present discussion of armaments and arbitration."

="Nation."=

"No piece of political thinking has in recent years more stirred the world which controls the movement of politics.... A fervour, a simplicity, and a force which no political writer of our generation has equalled ... rank its author, with Cobden, among the greatest of our pamphleteers, perhaps the greatest since Swift."

="Edinburgh Review."=

"Mr. Angell's main thesis cannot be disputed, and when the facts ... are fully realized, there will be another diplomatic revolution more fundamental than that of 1756."

="Daily News."=

"So simple were the questions he asked, so unshakable the facts of his reply, so enormous and dangerous the popular illusion which he exposed, that the book not only caused a sensation in reading circles, but also, as we know, greatly moved certain persons high-placed in the political world.

"The critics have failed to find a serious flaw in Norman Angell's logical, coherent, masterly analysis."

=Sir Frank Lascelles (formerly British Ambassador at Berlin) in Speech at Glasgow, January 29, 1912.=

"While I was staying with the late King, his Majesty referred me to a book which had then been published by Norman Angell, entitled 'The Great Illusion.' I read the book, and while I think that at present it is not a question of practical politics, I am convinced that it will change the thought of the world in the future."

=R.A. Scott James in "The Influence of the Press."=

"Norman Angel in recent years has done more probably than any other European to frustrate war, to prove that it is unprofitable. He was probably the guiding spirit behind the diplomacy which checked the Great Powers from rushing into the Balkan conflict."

=J.W. Graham, M.A., in "Evolution and Empire."=

"Norman Angell has placed the world in his debt and initiated a new epoch of thought.... It is doubtful whether since the 'Origin of Species' so many bubbles have been burst, and so definitely plain a step in thought been made, by any single book."

=Mr. Harold Begbie in the "Daily Chronicle."=

"A new idea is suddenly thrust upon the minds of men.... It is hardly an exaggeration to say that this book does more to fill the mind with the intolerable weight of war, to convince the reasonable mind ... than all the moral and eloquent appeals of Tolstoy.... The wisest piece of writing on the side of peace extant in the world to-day."

="Birmingham Post."=

"'The Great Illusion,' by sheer force, originality, and indisputable logic, has won its way steadily forward, and made its author a person to be quoted by statesmen and diplomatists not only in England, but in France, Germany, and America."

="Glasgow News."=

"If only for the daring with which Mr. Angell's extraordinary book declares that the accepted ideas are so much moonshine, it would be a work to attract attention. When we add that Mr. Angell makes out a decidedly brilliant and arresting case for his contention, we have said sufficient to indicate that it is worth perusal by the most serious type of reader."

BRITISH COLONIAL OPINION.

=W.M. Hughes, Acting Premier of Australia, in a letter to the "Sydney Telegraph."=

"It is a great book, a glorious book to read. It is a book pregnant with the brightest promise to the future of civilized man. Peace--not the timid, shrinking figure of The Hague, cowering under the sinister shadow of six million bayonets--appears at length as an ideal possible of realization in our own time."

=Sir George Reid, Australian High Commissioner in London (Sphinx Club Banquet, May 5, 1911).=

"I regard the author of this book as having rendered one of the greatest services ever rendered by the writer of a book to the human race. Well, I will be very cautious indeed--one of the greatest services which any author has rendered during the past hundred years."

FRANCE AND BELGIUM.

=M. Anatole France in "The English Review," August, 1913.=

"One cannot weigh too deeply the reflections of this ably reasoned work."

="La Petite République" (M. Henri Turot), 17 Décembre, 1910.=

"J'estime, pour ma part, 'La Grande Illusion' doit avoir, au point de vue de la conception moderne de l'économie politique internationale, un retentissement égal à celui qu'eut, en matière biologique, la publication, par Darwin, de 'l'Origine des espèces.'

"C'est que M. Norman Angell joint à l'originalité de la pensée le courage de toutes les franchises, qu'il unit à une prodigieuse érudition la lucidité d'esprit et la méthode qui font jaillir la loi scientifique de l'ensemble des événements observés."

="Revue Bleu," Mai, 1911.=

"Fortement étayées, ses propositions émanent d'un esprit singulièrement réaliste, également informé et clairvoyant, qui met une connaissance des affaires et une dialectique concise au service d'une conviction, aussi passionnée que généreuse."

=M. Jean Jaurès, during debate in French Chamber of Deputies, January 13, 1911; see Journal Officiel, 14 Janvier, 1911.=

"Il a paru, il y a peu de temps, un livre anglais de M. Norman Angell, 'La Grande Illusion,' qui a produit un grand effet en Angleterre. Dans les quelques jours que j'ai passés de l'autre côté du détroit, j'ai vu, dans les réunions populaires, toutes les fois qu'il était fait mention de ce livre, les applaudissements éclater."

GERMANY AND AUSTRIA.

="Kölnische Zeitung."=

"Never before has the peace question been dealt with by so bold, novel, and clear a method; never before has the financial interdependence of nations been shown with such precision.... It is refreshing to have demonstrated in this unsentimental, practical way the fact that as our financial interdependence increases war as a business venture necessarily becomes more and more unprofitable."

="Der Turmer" (Stuttgart).=

"This demonstration should clear the air like a thunderstorm.... It is not because the book brilliantly expresses what are in many respects our own views that we urge its importance, but because of its unanswerable demonstration of the futility of military power in the economic field."

="Königsberger Allgemeine Zeitung."=

"This book proves absolutely that conquest as a means of material gain has become an impossibility.... The author shows that the factors of the whole problem have been profoundly modified within the past forty years."

="Ethische Kultur" (Berlin).=

"Never has militarism been combated by economic weapons with the skill shown by Norman Angell.... So broad and comprehensive a grasp of the moral as well as the economic force, that the book is a real pleasure to read.... The time was ripe for a man with this keenness of vision to come forward and prove in this flawless way that military power has nothing to do with national prosperity."

=Professor Karl von Bar, the authority on International and Criminal Law, Privy Councillor, etc.=

"Particularly do I agree with the author in these two points: (1) That in the present condition of organized society the attempt of one nation to destroy the commerce or industry of another must damage the victor more perhaps than the vanquished; and (2) that physical force is a constantly diminishing factor in human affairs. The rising generation seems to be realizing this more and more."

=Dr. Friedrich Curtius.=

"The book will, I hope, convince everyone that in our time the attempt to settle industrial and commercial conflicts by arms is an absurdity.... I doubt, indeed, whether educated folks in Germany entertain this 'illusion' ... or the idea that colonies or wealth can be 'captured.' ... A war dictated by a moral idea, the only one we can justify, is inconceivable as between England and Germany."

=Dr. Wilhelm Ostwald, who has occupied chairs in several German Universities, as well as at Harvard and Columbia.=

"From the first line to the last 'The Great Illusion' expresses my own opinions."

=Dr. Sommer, Member of the Reichstag.=

"A most timely work, and one which everyone, be he statesman or political economist, should study ... especially if he desires to understand a peace ideal which is practical and realizable.... Without agreeing on all points, I admit gladly the force and suggestiveness of the thesis.... We on our side should make it our business, as you should on yours, to render it operative, to use the means, heretofore unrealized, of joint work for civilization. In rendering possible such joint work, Norman Angell's book must take a foremost place."

=Dr. Max Nordau.=

"If the destiny of people were settled by reason and interest, the influence of such a book would be decisive.... The book will convince the far-seeing minority, who will spread the truth, and thus slowly conquer the world."

=Dr. Albert Suedekum, Member of the Reichstag, author of several works on municipal government, editor of Municipal Year-Books, etc.=

"I consider the book an invaluable contribution to the better understanding of the real basis of international peace."

=Dr. Otto Mugdan, Member of the Reichstag, Member of the National Loan Commission, Chairman of the Audit Commission, etc.=

"The demonstration of the financial interdependence of modern civilized nations, and the economic futility of conquest, could not be made more irrefutably."

=Professor A. von Harder.=

"I agree that it is a mistake to wait for action as between governments; far better, as Jaurès proved the other day in the French Chamber, for the peoples to co-operate.... The book should be widely circulated in Germany, where so many are still of opinion that heavy armaments are an absolute necessity for self-defence."

FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC AUTHORITIES.

="American Journal of Political Economy."=

"The best treatise yet written on the economic aspect of war."

="American Political Science Review."=

"It may be doubted whether within its entire range the peace literature of the Anglo-Saxon world has ever produced a more fascinating or significant study."

="Economist" (London).=

"Nothing has ever been put in the same space so well calculated to set plain men thinking usefully on the subject of expenditure on armaments, scare and war.... The result of the publication of this book has been within the past month or two quite a number of rather unlikely conversions to the cause of retrenchment."

="Investors' Review" (London), November 12, 1910.=

"No book we have read for years has so interested and delighted us.... He proceeds to argue, and to prove, that conquests do not enrich the conqueror under modern conditions of life.... The style in which the book is written--sincere, transparent, simple, and now and then charged with fine touches of ironic humour--make it very easy to read."

="Economic Review" (London).=

"Civilization will some day acknowledge a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. Norman Angell for the bold and searching criticism of the fundamental assumptions of modern diplomacy contained in his remarkable book.... He has laid his fingers upon some very vital facts, to which even educated opinion has hitherto been blind."

="Journal des Economistes."=

"Son livre sera beaucoup lu, car il est aussi agréable que profond, et il donnera beaucoup à réfléchir."

="Export" (Organ des Centralvereins für Handelsgeographie).=

"By reason of its statement of the case against war in terms of practical politics and commercial advantage (=Real-und Handelspolitikers=), the keenness and the mercilessness of the logic by which the author explodes the errors and the illusions of the war phantasists ... the sense of reality, the force with which he settles accounts point by point with the militarists, this book stands alone. It is unique."

="The Western Mail."=

"A novel, bold, and startling theory."

MILITARY OPINION.

="Army and Navy Journal" (N.Y.), October 5, 1910.=

"If all anti-militarists could argue for their cause with the candour and fairness of Norman Angell we should welcome them, not with 'bloody hands to hospitable graves,' but to a warm and cheery intellectual comradeship. Mr. Angell has packed away in his book more common sense than peace societies have given birth to in all the years of their existence...."

="United Service Magazine" (London), May, 1911.=

"It is an extraordinarily clearly written treatise upon an absorbingly interesting subject, and it is one which no thinking soldier should neglect to study.... Mr. Angell's book is much to be commended in this respect. It contains none of the nauseating sentiment which is normally parasitic to 'peace' literature. The author is evidently careful to take things exactly as he conceives them to be, and to work out his conclusions without 'cleverness' and unobscured by technical language. His method is to state the case for the defence (of present-day 'militarist' statecraft), to the best of his ability in one chapter, calling the best witnesses he can find and putting their views from every standpoint so clearly that even one who was beforehand quite ignorant of the subject cannot fail to understand. Mr. Angell's book is one which all citizens would do well to read, and read right through. It has the clearness of vision and the sparkling conciseness which one associates with Swift at his best."

="The Army Service Corps Quarterly" (Aldershot, England), April, 1911.=

"The ideas are so original and clever, and in places are argued with so much force and common sense, that they cannot be pushed aside at once as preposterous.... There is food here for profound study.... Above all, we should encourage the sale of 'The Great Illusion' abroad, among nations likely to attack us, as much as possible."

="War Office Times" (London).=

"Should be read by everyone who desires to comprehend both the strength and the weakness of this country."

* * * * *

Transcriber's notes:

Punctuation has been normalized.

On page 33 "be yond" changed to "beyond." "... beyond saving the Mother Country...."

On page 72 "such and-such" changed to "such-and-such."

On page 190 "reationship" changed to "relationship." "... on basis of mutual profit the only relationship...."

On page 202 "porportion" changed to "proportion." "Our sense of proportion in these matters...."

On page 241 "real ze" changed to "realize." "... by the fact that she failed to realize this truth...."

On page 267 "anchronism" changed to "anachronism." "... it is an anachronism; it finds its justification in...."

On page 317 "indentification" changed to "identification." "... identification between a people and the acts...."

On page 340 "orginally" changed to "originally." "... our relative positions is just what it was originally...."

On page 359 "fanticism" changed to "fanaticism." "... Mohammedan fanaticism, Chinese Boxerism...."