iii. 3) quotes from Diodorus a long passage on the early religion of

Egypt, prefacing it with the remark that Diodorus’s account of the subject was more concise than that of Manetho.

286 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, viii. 27. Tertullian says that Isis wore a wreath of the corn she had discovered (_De corona_, 7).

287 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2.

288 See above, p. 45, and vol. i. p. 232.

289 H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 647; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 277.

290 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ p. 649. Compare E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 216.

291 H. Brugsch, _loc. cit._

292 Herodotus, ii. 59, 156; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13, 25, 95; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, ii. 1. 3; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 212. See further W. Drexler, _s.v._ “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 443 _sq._

_ 293 Anthologia Planudea_, cclxiv. 1.

_ 294 Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta_, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1878), No. 1028, pp. 437 _sq._; _Orphica_, ed. E. Abel (Leipsic and Prague, 1885), pp. 295 _sqq._

295 W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 448 _sqq._

M100 Refinement and spiritualization of Isis in later times: the popularity of her worship in the Roman empire. Resemblance of Isis to the Madonna.

296 Otho often celebrated, or at least attended, the rites of Isis, clad in a linen garment (Suetonius, _Otho_, 12). Commodus did the same, with shaven head, carrying the effigy of Anubis. See Lampridius, _Commodus_, 9; Spartianus, _Pescennius Niger_, 6; _id._, _Caracallus_, 9.

297 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 373-385; J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_ (Leipsic, 1885), iii.2 77-81; E. Renan, _Marc-Aurèle et la fin du Monde Antique_ (Paris, 1882), pp. 570 _sqq._; J. Reville, _La religion romaine à Rome sous les Sévères_ (Paris, 1886), pp. 54-61; G. Lafaye, _Histoire du culte des divinités d’Alexandrie_ (Paris, 1884); E. Meyer and W. Drexler, _s.v._ “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 360 _sqq._; S. Dill, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_2 (London, 1899), pp. 79 _sq._, 85 _sqq._; _id._, _Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius_ (London, 1904), pp. 560 _sqq._ The chief passage on the worship of Isis in the West is the eleventh book of Apuleius’s _Metamorphoses_. On the reputation which the goddess enjoyed as a healer of the sick see Diodorus Siculus, i. 25; W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 521 _sqq._ The divine partner of Isis in later times, especially outside of Egypt, was Serapis, that is Osiris-Apis (_Asar-Ḥāpi_), the sacred Apis bull of Memphis, identified after death with Osiris. His oldest sanctuary was at Memphis (Pausanias, i. 18. 4), and there was one at Babylon in the time of Alexander the Great (Plutarch, _Alexander_, 76; Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii. 26). Ptolemy I. or II. built a great and famous temple in his honour at Alexandria, where he set up an image of the god which was commonly said to have been imported from Sinope in Pontus. See Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 83 _sq._; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 27-29; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ iv. 48, p. 42 ed. Potter. In after ages the institution of the worship of Serapis was attributed to this Ptolemy, but all that the politic Macedonian monarch appears to have done was to assimilate the Egyptian Osiris to the Greek Pluto, and so to set up a god whom Egyptians and Greeks could unite in worshipping. Serapis gradually assumed the attributes of Aesculapius, the Greek god of healing, in addition to those of Pluto, the Greek god of the dead. See G. Lafaye, _Histoire du culte des divinités d’Alexandrie_, pp. 16 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 589; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 195 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 237 _sq._

298 The resemblance of Isis to the Virgin Mary has often been pointed out. See W. Drexler, _s.v._ “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 428 _sqq._

299 W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 430 _sq._

300 Th. Trede, _Das Heidentum in der römischen Kirche_ (Gotha, 1889-1891), iii. 144 _sq._

301 On this later aspect of Isis see W. Drexler, _op. cit._ ii. 474 _sqq._

M101 Osiris interpreted as the sun by many modern writers.

302 P. E. Jablonski, _Pantheon Aegyptiorum_ (Frankfort, 1750-1752), i. 125 _sq._

303 Diodorus Siculus, i. 11. 1.

304 See p. 116, note 2.

305 See Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, bk. i.

_ 306 Saturn._ i. 21. 11.

307 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 10 and 51; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), iii. 353; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, pp. 782 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 113 _sq._; J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, pp. 11 _sq._ Strictly speaking, the eye was the eye of Horus, which the dutiful son sacrificed in behalf of his father Osiris. “This act of filial devotion, preserved to us in the Pyramid Texts, made the already sacred Horus-eye doubly revered in the tradition and feeling of the Egyptians. It became the symbol of all sacrifice; every gift or offering might be called a ‘Horus-eye,’ especially if offered to the dead. Excepting the sacred beetle, or scarab, it became the commonest and the most revered symbol known to Egyptian religion, and the myriads of eyes, wrought in blue or green glaze, or even cut from costly stone, which fill our museum collections, and are brought home by thousands by the modern tourist, are survivals of this ancient story of Horus and his devotion to his father” (J. H. Breasted, _op. cit._ p. 31).

308 E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, i. 467; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 p. 8.

_ 309 Isis et Osiris_, 52.

_ 310 De errore profanarum religionum_, 8.

M102 The later identification of Osiris with Ra, the sun-god, does not prove that Osiris was originally the sun. Such identifications sprang from attempts to unify and amalgamate the many local cults of Egypt.

311 Lepsius, “Über den ersten ägyptischen Götterkreis und seine geschichtlich-mythologische Entstehung,” in _Abhandlungen der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, 1851, pp. 194 _sq._

312 The view here taken of the history of Egyptian religion is based on the sketch in Ad. Erman’s _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 351 _sqq._ Compare C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 79 _sq._

M103 Most Egyptian gods were at some time identified with the sun. Attempt of Amenophis IV. to abolish all gods except the sun-god. Failure of the attempt.

313 On this attempted revolution in religion see Lepsius, in _Verhandlungen der königl. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, 1851, pp. 196-201; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 74 _sq._, 355-357; _id._, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 76-84; H. Brugsch, _History of Egypt_ (London, 1879), i. 441 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Aegyptische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1884), pp. 396 _sqq._; _id._, _Die Religion der alten Agypter_, pp. 20-22; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 35-43; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 84-92; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 316 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 68-84; J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 264-279; A. Moret, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and London, 1912), pp. 41-68. A very sympathetic account of this remarkable religious reformer is given by Professor J. H. Breasted (_Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, pp. 319-343). Amenophis IV. reigned from about 1375 to 1358 B.C. His new capital, Akhetaton, the modern Tell-el-Amarna, was on the right bank of the Nile, between Memphis and Thebes. The king has been described as “of all the Pharaohs the most curious and at the same time the most enigmatic figure.” To explain his bodily and mental peculiarities some scholars conjectured that through his mother, Queen Tii, he might have had Semitic blood in his veins. But this theory appears to have been refuted by the discovery in 1905 of the tomb of Queen Tii’s parents, the contents of which are of pure Egyptian style. See A. Moret, _op. cit._ pp. 46 _sq._

M104 Identification with the sun is no evidence of the original character of an Egyptian god. M105 The solar theory of Osiris does not explain his death and resurrection.

314 P. Le Page Renouf, _Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion_2 (London, 1884), p. 113.

315 The late eminent scholar C. P. Tiele, who formerly interpreted Osiris as a sun-god (_History of Egyptian Religion_, pp. 43 _sqq._), afterwards adopted a view of his nature which approaches more nearly to the one advocated in this book. See his _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 35 _sq._, 123. Professor Ed. Meyer also formerly regarded Osiris as a sun-god; he now interprets him as a great vegetation god, dwelling in the depths of the earth and causing the plants and trees to spring from it. The god’s symbol, the _ded_ pillar (see above, pp. 108 _sq._), he takes to be a tree-trunk with cross-beams. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_, i. p. 67, § 57 (first edition, 1884); _id._, i.2 2. pp. 70, 84, 87 (second edition, 1909). Sir Gaston Maspero has also abandoned the theory that Osiris was the sun; he now supposes that the deity originally personified the Nile. See his _Histoire ancienne_4 (Paris, 1886), p. 35; and his _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. (Paris, 1895), p. 130. Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge also formerly interpreted Osiris as the Nile (_The Gods of the Egyptians_, i. 122, 123), and this view was held by some ancient writers (Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 32, 34, 36, 38, 39). Compare Miss M. A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904), p. 29. Dr. Budge now explains Osiris as a deified king. See his _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, vol. i. pp. xviii, 30 _sq._, 37, 66 _sq._, 168, 254, 256, 290, 300, 312, 384. As to this view see below, pp. 158 _sqq._

M106 The death and resurrection of Osiris are more naturally explained by the annual decay and growth of vegetation.

316 For the identification of Osiris with Dionysus, and of Isis with Demeter, see Herodotus, ii. 42, 49, 59, 144, 156; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 13, 35; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13, 25, 96, iv. 1; _Orphica_, Hymn 42; Eusebius, _Praepar. Evang._ iii. 11. 31; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ xi. 287; _id._, on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 166; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 212; Διηγήματα, xxii. 2, in _Mythographi Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), p. 368; Nonnus, _Dionys._ iv. 269 _sq._; Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28; Ausonius, _Epigrammata_, 29 and 30. For the identification of Osiris with Adonis and Attis see Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἀμαθοῦς; Damascius, “Vita Isodori,” in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, ed. Im. Bekker (Berlin, 1824), p. 343_a_, lines 21 _sq._; Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 9. p. 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; _Orphica_, Hymn 42. For the identification of Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus see Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, iii. 23 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 448); Plutarch, _Quaestiones Conviviales_, iv. 5. 3; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 19, p. 16 ed. Potter.

317 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 7. According to Professor Ed. Meyer, the relations of Egypt to Byblus were very ancient and close; he even suggests that there may have been from early times an Egyptian colony, or at all events an Egyptian military post, in the city. The commercial importance of Byblus arose from its possession of the fine cedar forests on the Lebanon; the timber was exported to Egypt, where it was in great demand. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. xix, 391 _sqq._

318 Herodotus, ii. 49.

319 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35.

320 Osiris, Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus were all resolved by him into the sun; but he spared Demeter (Ceres), whom, however, he interpreted as the moon. See the _Saturnalia_, bk. i.

M107 Osiris was sometimes interpreted by the ancients as the moon.

321 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 41.

322 On Osiris as a moon-god see E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 19-22, 59, 384 _sqq._

323 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 13, 42.

_ 324 Ibid._ 18, 42. The hieroglyphic texts sometimes speak of fourteen pieces, and sometimes of sixteen, or even eighteen. But fourteen seems to have been the true number, because the inscriptions of Denderah, which refer to the rites of Osiris, describe the mystic image of the god as composed of fourteen pieces. See E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 126 _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 386 _sq._

325 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8.

326 A. S. Gatschet, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_ (Washington, 1890), p. lxxxix.

327 S. R. Riggs, _Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography_ (Washington, 1893), p. 16.

328 R. F. Kaindl, _Die Huzulen_ (Vienna, 1894), p. 97.

329 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 43.

_ 330 Ibid._ 43.

_ 331 Ibid._ 20, 29.

332 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 43; _id._, _Quaest. Conviv._ viii. 1. 3. Compare Herodotus, iii. 28; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xi. 10; Mela, i. 9. 58.

333 Herodotus, ii. 47; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 8. As to pigs in relation to Osiris, see _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 24 _sqq._

334 P. J. de Horrack, “Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys,” _Records of the Past_, ii. (London, N.D.) pp. 121 _sq._; H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, pp. 629 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 389. “Apart from the fact that Osiris is actually called _Āsār Aāḥ_, _i.e._ ‘Osiris the Moon,’ there are so many passages which prove beyond all doubt that at one period at least Osiris was the Moon-god, that it is difficult to understand why Diodorus stated that Osiris was the sun and Isis the moon” (E. A. Wallis Budge, _op. cit._ i. 21).

335 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 59.

M108 The identification of Osiris with the moon appears to be based on a comparatively late theory that all things grow and decay with the waxing and waning of the moon.

336 According to C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 79) the conception of Osiris as the moon was late and never became popular. This entirely accords with the view adopted in the text.

337 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 221.

338 Macrobius, _Comment. in somnium Scipionis_, i. 11. 7.

339 Aulus Gellius, xx. 8. For the opinions of the ancients on this subject see further W. H. Roscher, _Über Selene und Verwandtes_ (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 61 _sqq._

340 John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, edited by A. Allardyce (Edinburgh and London, 1888), ii. 449.

341 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 306 _sq._

M109 Practical rules founded on this lunar theory. Supposed influence of the phases of the moon on the operations of husbandry.

342 Palladius, _De re rustica_, i. 34. 8. Compare _id._ i. 6. 12; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 321, “_omnia quae caeduntur, carpuntur, tondentur innocentius decrescente luna quam crescente fiunt_”; _Geoponica_, i. 6. 8, τινὲς δοκιμάζουσι μηδὲν φθινούσης τῆς σελήνης ἀλλὰ αὐξανομένης φυτεύειν.

343 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), iii. 144, quoting Werenfels, _Dissertation upon Superstition_ (London, 1748), p. 6.

344 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_3 (Berlin, 1869), § 65, pp. 57 _sq._ Compare J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), ii. 595; Montanus, _Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbräuche und deutscher Volksglaube_ (Iserlohn, N.D.), p. 128; M. Prätorius, _Deliciae Prussicae_ (Berlin, 1871), p. 18; O. Schell, “Einige Bemerkungen über den Mond im heutigen Glauben des bergischen Volkes,” _Am Ur-quell_, v. (1894) p. 173. The rule that the grafting of trees should be done at the waxing of the moon is laid down by Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xvii. 108). At Deutsch-Zepling in Transylvania, by an inversion of the usual custom, seed is generally sown at the waning of the moon (A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen Siebenbürgens_, Hermannstadt, 1880, p. 7). Some French peasants also prefer to sow in the wane (F. Chapiseau, _Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_, Paris, 1902, i. 291). In the Abruzzi also sowing and grafting are commonly done when the moon is on the wane; timber that is to be durable must be cut in January during the moon’s decrease (G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_, Palermo, 1890, p. 43).

345 P. Sébillot, _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1882), ii. 355; L. F. Sauvé, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), p. 5; J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, iii. 150; Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” _Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnichen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat_, vii. (1872) p. 47.

346 The rule is mentioned by Varro, _Rerum Rusticarum_, i. 37 (where we should probably read “_ne decrescente tendens calvos fiam_,” and refer _istaec_ to the former member of the preceding sentence); A. Wuttke, _l.c._; Montanus, _op. cit._ p. 128; P. Sébillot, _l.c._; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 511, § 421; W. J. A. von Tettau und J. D. H. Temme, _Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens_ (Berlin, 1837), p. 283; A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 386, § 92; L. Schandein, in _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_ (Munich, 1860-1867), iv. 2, p. 402; F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven_ (Münster, i. W. 1890), p. 15; E. Krause, “Abergläubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in Berlin,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xv. (1883) p. 91; R. Wuttke, _Sächsische Volkskunde_2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 369; C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), p. 259. The reason assigned in the text was probably the original one in all cases, though it is not always the one alleged now.

347 F. S. Krauss, _op. cit._ p. 16; Montanus, _l.c._; Varro, _Rerum Rusticarum_, i. 37 (see above, note 2). However, the opposite rule is observed in the Upper Vosges, where it is thought that if the sheep are shorn at the new moon the quantity of wool will be much less than if they were shorn in the waning of the moon (L. F. Sauvé, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 5). In the Bocage of Normandy, also, wool is clipped during the waning of the moon; otherwise moths would get into it (J. Lecœur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_, Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887, ii. 12).

348 Father Lejeune, “Dans la forêt,” _Missions Catholiques_, xxvii. (1895) p. 272.

349 S. Johnson, _Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland_ (Baltimore, 1810), p. 183.

350 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_, p. 306.

351 Thomas Tusser, _Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry_, New Edition (London, 1812), p. 107 (under February).

352 Fairweather, in W. F. Owen’s _Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar_ (London, 1833), ii. 396 _sq._

353 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,3 § 65, p. 58; J. Lecœur, _loc. cit._; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_, p. 511, § 422; Th. Siebs, “Das Saterland,” _Zeitschrift für Volkskunde_, iii. (1893) p. 278; Holzmayer, _op. cit._ p. 47.

354 H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), ii. 719 _sq._

355 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 402.

M110 The phases of the moon in relation to the felling of timber.

356 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 37. 4; Varro, _Rerum Rusticarum_, i. 37; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 190; Palladius, _De re rustica_, ii. 22, xii. 15; Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iii. 10. 3; Macrobius, _Saturn._ vii. 16; A. Wuttke, _l.c._; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_, iv. 2, p. 402; W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebräuche_2 (Marburg, 1888), p. 58; L. F. Sauvé, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 5; F. Chapiseau, _Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_, i. 291 _sq._; M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 630; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_, p. 306; G. Amalfi, _Tradizioni ed Usi nella peninsola Sorrentina_ (Palermo, 1890), p. 87; K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 559. Compare F. de Castelnau, _Expédition dans les parties centrales de l’Amérique du Sud_ (Paris, 1851-1852), iii. 438. Pliny, while he says that the period from the twentieth to the thirtieth day of the lunar month was the season generally recommended, adds that the best time of all, according to universal opinion, was the interlunar day, between the old and the new moon, when the planet is invisible through being in conjunction with the sun.

357 J. Lecœur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_, ii. 11 _sq._

358 Mrs. Leslie Milne, _Shans at Home_ (London, 1910), p. 100.

359 Letter of Mr. A. S. F. Marshall, dated Hacienda “La Maronna,” Cd. Porfirio Diaz, Coah., Mexico, 2nd October 1908. The writer gives instances confirmatory of this belief. I have to thank Professor A. C. Seward of Cambridge for kindly showing me this letter.

360 Letter of Mr. Francis S. Schloss to me, dated 58 New Cavendish Street, W., 12th May 1912. Mr. Schloss adds that “as a matter of practical observation, timber, etc., should only be felled when the moon is waning. This has been stated to me not only by natives, but also by English mining engineers of high repute, who have done work in Colombia.”

361 O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), p. 125.

362 Montanus, _Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbräuche und deutscher Volksglaube_, p. 128.

M111 The moon regarded as the source of moisture.

363 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviv._ iii. 10. 3; Macrobius, _Saturn._ vii. 16. See further, W. H. Roscher, _Über Selene und Verwandtes_ (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 49 _sqq._

364 Plutarch and Macrobius, _ll.cc._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 223, xx. 1; Aristotle, _Problemata_, xxiv. 14, p. 937 B, 3 _sq._ ed. I. Bekker (Berlin).

365 Macrobius and Plutarch, _ll.cc._

366 L. F. Sauvé, _Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_, p. 5.

367 Above, p. 136.

368 M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, iii. 630.

M112 The moon, being viewed as the cause of vegetable growth, is naturally worshipped by agricultural peoples.

369 E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford, 1892) p. 495. In his remarks on the origin of moon-worship this learned and philosophical historian has indicated (_op. cit._ i. 493 _sqq._) the true causes which lead primitive man to trace the growth of plants to the influence of the moon. Compare Sir E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_2 (London, 1873), i. 130. Payne suggests that the custom of naming the months after the principal natural products that ripen in them may have contributed to the same result. The custom is certainly very common among savages, as I hope to show elsewhere, but whether it has contributed to foster the fallacy in question seems doubtful.

The Indians of Brazil are said to pay more attention to the moon than to the sun, regarding it as a source both of good and ill. See J. B. von Spix und C. F. von Martius, _Reise in Brasilien_ (Munich, 1823-1831), i. 379. The natives of Mori, a district of Central Celebes, believe that the rice-spirit Omonga lives in the moon and eats up the rice in the granary if he is not treated with due respect. See A. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 231.

370 E. A. Budge, _Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, on recently-discovered inscriptions of this King_, pp. 5 _sq._; A. H. Sayce, _Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_, p. 155; M. Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 68 _sq._, 75 _sq._; L. W. King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London, 1899), pp. 17 _sq._ The Ahts of Vancouver Island, a tribe of fishers and hunters, view the moon as the husband of the sun and as a more powerful deity than her (G. M. Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of Savage Life_, London, 1868, p. 206).

M113 Thus Osiris, the old corn-god, was afterwards identified with the moon. M114 The doctrine of lunar sympathy. M115 Theory that all things wax or wane with the moon. The ceremonies observed at new moon are often magical rather than religious, being intended to renew sympathetically the life of man.

371 This principle is clearly recognized and well illustrated by J. Grimm (_Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 594-596).

372 D. F. A. Hervey, “The Mentra Traditions,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (Singapore, 1883), p. 190; W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_ (London, 1906), ii. 337.

373 Rev. J. Grant (parish minister of Kirkmichael), in Sir John Sinclair’s _Statistical Account of Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1791-1799), xii. 457.

374 A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Nord-deutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche_ (Leipsic, 1848), p. 457, § 419.

375 Tacitus, _Germania_, 11.

376 Caesar, _De bello Gallico_, i. 50.

377 Herodotus, vi. 106; Lucian, _De astrologia_, 25; Pausanias, i. 28. 4.

378 Thucydides, vii. 50.

379 Le capitaine Binger, _Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée_ (Paris, 1892), ii. 116.

380 Mungo Park, _Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa_5 (London, 1807), pp. 406 _sq._

381 W. Smythe and F. Lowe, _Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para_ (London, 1836), p. 230.

382 Father G. Boscana, “Chinig-chinich,” in _Life in California, by an American_ [A. Robinson] (New York, 1846), pp. 298 _sq._

383 Merolla, “Voyage to Congo,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. 273.

384 H. Schinz, _Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic, N.D.), p. 319.

385 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 274.

386 H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 330.

387 John H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 142.

388 J. G. Kohl, _Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen_ (Dresden and Leipsic, 1841), ii. 279. Compare Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten_ (St. Petersburg, 1854), pp. 142 _sq._; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 595, note 1. The power of regeneration ascribed to the moon in these customs is sometimes attributed to the sun. Thus it is said that the Chiriguanos Indians of South-Eastern Bolivia often address the sun as follows: “Thou art born and disappearest every day, only to revive always young. Cause that it may be so with me.” See A. Thouar, _Explorations dans l’Amérique du Sud_ (Paris, 1891), p. 50.

389 W. Woodville Rockhill, “Notes on some of the Laws, Customs, and Superstitions of Korea,” _The American Anthropologist_, iv. (Washington, 1891), p. 185.

M116 Attempts to eat or drink the moonlight.

390 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), i. 14 _sq._

M117 The supposed influence of moonlight on children: presentation of infants to the new moon.

391 George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p. 37.

392 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 58.

393 Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuchatel, 1912-1913), i. 51.

M118 Infants presented to the moon by the Guarayos Indians of Bolivia and the Apinagos Indians of Brazil.

394 A. d’Orbigny, _Voyage dans l’Amérique Méridionale_, iii. 1re Partie (Paris and Strasburg, 1844), p. 24.

395 F. de Castelnau, _Expédition dans les parties centrales de l’Amérique du Sud_ (Paris, 1850-1851), ii. 31-34.

M119 The presentation of infants to the moon is probably intended to make them grow. M120 Baganda ceremonies at new moon.

396 J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda.” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 63, 76; _id._, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911) pp. 235 _sq._ In the former passage the part of the king’s person which is treated with this ceremony is said to be the placenta, not the navel-string.

M121 Baleful influence supposed to be exercised by the moon on children.

397 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), p. 49.

398 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Conviviales_, iv. 10. 3. 7.

399 J. B. von Spix und C. F. Ph. von Martius, _Reise in Brasilien_ (Munich, 1823-1831), i. 381, iii. 1186.

400 J. Jamieson, _Dictionary of the Scottish Language_, New Edition edited by J. Longmuir and D. Donaldson (Paisley, 1879-1882), iii. 300 (_s.v._ “Mone”).

M122 Use of the moon to increase money or decrease sickness.

401 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Munich, 1848-1855), ii. 260; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_, ii. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 131; W. Henderson, _Folk-lore of the Northern Counties of England_ (London, 1879), p. 114; C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), p. 257; W. Gregor, _Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 151.

402 C. R. Conder, _Heth and Moab_ (London, 1883), p. 286.

403 P. Sébillot, _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1882), ii. 355.

404 A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 387, § 93.

_ 405 Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_ (Chemnitz, 1759), p. 447.

406 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 302. Compare J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 596.

407 R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Huzulen,” _Globus_, lxxvi. (1899) p. 256.

M123 Osiris personated by the king of Egypt.

408 See above, vol. i. pp. 16 _sq._, 48 _sqq._, 110, 114, 170 _sq._, 172 _sqq._, 176 _sqq._, 179 _sqq._, 285 _sqq._, 288 _sqq._

409 See above, pp. 97 _sq._, 101 _sq._

M124 The Sed festival celebrated in Egypt at intervals of thirty years.

410 A. Moret, _Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 235-238. The festival is discussed at length by M. Moret (_op. cit._ pp. 235-273). See further R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der Aegypter_, i. 161-165; Miss M. A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, pp. 32-34; W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_ (London, 1906), pp. 176-185. In interpreting the festival I follow Professor Flinders Petrie. That the festival occurred, theoretically at least, at intervals of thirty years, appears to be unquestionable; for in the Greek text of the Rosetta Stone Ptolemy V. is called “lord of periods of thirty years,” and though the corresponding part of the hieroglyphic text is lost, the demotic version of the words is “master of the years of the Sed festival.” See R. Lepsius, _op. cit._ pp. 161 _sq._; W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, No. 90, line 2 (vol. i. p. 142); A. Moret, _op. cit._ 260. However, the kings appear to have sometimes celebrated the festival at much shorter intervals, so that the dates of its recurrence cannot safely be used for chronological purposes. See Ed. Meyer, _Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1908), pp. 43 _sq._ (_Abhandlungen der königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften vom Jahre 1907_); _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. xix. 130.

411 This was Letronne’s theory (R. Lepsius, _op. cit._ p. 163).

412 See above, pp. 24 _sqq._, 34 _sqq._

413 This was in substance the theory of Biot (R. Lepsius, _l.c._), and it is the view of Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie (_Researches in Sinai_, pp. 176 _sqq._).

414 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 180.

M125 Intention of the Sed festival to renew the king’s life.

415 A. Moret, _Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique_, pp. 255 _sq._

M126 The king identified with the dead Osiris at the Sed festival.

416 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 181.

417 A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 240; Miss M. A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, pp. 33 _sq._, with the slip inserted at p. 33; W. Flinders Petrie, _op. cit._ p. 184.

418 A. Moret, _op. cit._ p. 242.

419 Miss M. A. Murray, _op. cit._, slip inserted at p. 33.

420 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 183.

421 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _l.c._ As to the king’s name (Khent instead of Zer) see above, p. 20, note 1.

422 J. Capart, “Bulletin critique des religions de l’Égypte,” _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, liii. (1906) pp. 332-334. I have to thank Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie for calling my attention to this passage.

M127 Professor Flinders Petrie’s explanation of the Sed festival.

423 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_, p. 185. As to the Coptic mock-king see C. B. Klunzinger, _Bilder aus Oberägypten, der Wüste und dem Rothen Meere_ (Stuttgart, 1877), pp. 180 _sq._; _The Dying God_, pp. 151 _sq._ For examples of human sacrifices offered to prolong the lives of kings see below, vol. ii. pp. 219 _sqq._

M128 Alexandre Moret’s theory that at the Sed festivals the king was supposed to die and to be born again.

424 A. Moret, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), pp. 187-190. For a detailed account of the Egyptian evidence, monumental and inscriptional, on which M. Moret bases his view of the king’s rebirth by deputy from the hide of a sacrificed animal, see pp. 16 _sqq._, 72 _sqq._ of the same work. Compare his article, “Du sacrifice en Égypte,” _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, lvii. (1908) pp. 93 _sqq._ In support of the view that the king of Egypt was deemed to be born again at the Sed festival it has been pointed out that on these solemn occasions, as we learn from the monuments, there was carried before the king on a pole an object shaped like a placenta, a part of the human body which many savage or barbarous peoples regard as the twin brother or sister of the new-born child. See C. G. Seligmann and Margaret A. Murray, “Note upon an early Egyptian standard,” _Man_, xi. (1911) pp. 165-171. The object which these writers take to represent a human placenta is interpreted by M. Alexandre Moret as the likeness of a human embryo. As to the belief that the afterbirth is a twin brother or sister of the infant, see above, vol. i. p. 93, and below, pp. 169 _sq._; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 82 _sqq._

Professor J. H. Breasted thinks that the Sed festival is probably “the oldest religious feast of which any trace has been preserved in Egypt”; he admits that on these occasions “the king assumed the costume and insignia of Osiris, and undoubtedly impersonated him,” and further that “one of the ceremonies of this feast symbolized the resurrection of Osiris”; but he considers that the significance of the festival is as yet obscure. See J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_ (London, 1912), p. 39.

M129 Osiris personated by the king of Egypt. M130 How did the conception of Osiris as a god of vegetation and of the dead originate? M131 While Adonis and Attis were subordinate figures in their respective pantheons, Osiris was the greatest and most popular god of Egypt. M132 The personal devotion of the Egyptians to Osiris suggests that he may have been a real man; for all the permanent religious or semi-religious systems of the world have been founded by individual great men. M133 The historical reality of Osiris as an old king of Egypt can be supported by modern African analogies.

425 It is maintained by the discoverer of the tomb of Osiris at Abydos, Monsieur E. Amélineau, in his work _Le Tombeau d’Osiris_ (Paris, 1899) and by Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge in his elaborate treatise _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, in which the author pays much attention to analogies drawn from the religion and customs of modern African tribes.

426 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 43 _sqq._; J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 29 _sq._; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 41 _sqq._ The affinity of the Egyptian language to the Semitic family of speech seems now to be admitted even by historians who maintain the African origin of the Egyptians.

M134 The spirits of dead kings worshipped by the Shilluks of the White Nile. Sacrifices to the dead kings.

_ 427 The Dying God_, pp. 17 _sqq._ The information there given was kindly supplied by Dr. C. G. Seligmann, who has since published it with fuller details. See C. G. Seligmann, _The Cult of Nyakang and the Divine Kings of the Shilluk_ (Khartoum, 1911), pp. 216-232 (reprint from _Fourth Report of the Wellcome Tropical Research Laboratories, Gordon Memorial College, Khartoum_); W. Hofmayr, “Religion der Schilluk,” _Anthropos_, vi. (1911) pp. 120-131; Diedrich Westermann, _The Shilluk People, their Language and Folk-lore_ (Berlin, preface dated 1912), pp. xxxix. _sqq._ In what follows I have drawn on all these authorities.

M135 Worship of Nyakang, the first of the Shilluk kings.

428 C. G. Seligmann, _The Cult of Nyakang_, p. 221.

429 D. Westermann, _The Shilluk People_, p. xlii.

430 D. Westermann, _l.c._

M136 The spirit of Nyakang supposed to manifest itself in certain animals.

431 W. Hofmayr, “Religion der Schilluk,” _Anthropos_, vi. (1911) pp. 123 _sq._; C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 230; D. Westermann, _op. cit._ p. xliii.

432 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ pp. 229 _sq._

433 W. Hofmayr, _op. cit._ p. 125.

M137 The deified Nyakang seems to have been a real man. Relation of Nyakang to the creator Juok.

434 W. Hofmayr, _op. cit._ p. 123. This writer spells the name of the deified king as Nykang. I have adopted Dr. Seligmann’s spelling.

435 Diederich Westermann, _The Shilluk People, their Language and Folklore_ (Berlin, preface dated 1912), pp. xlii, xliii. Mr. Westermann gives the names of the demi-god and the god as Nyikang and Jwok respectively. For the sake of uniformity I have altered them to Nyakang and Juok, the forms adopted by Dr. C. G. Seligmann.

436 C. G. Seligmann, _The Cult of Nyakang and the Divine Kings of the Shilluk_ (Khartoum, 1911), p. 220.

437 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 231.

M138 The belief in the former humanity of Nyakang is confirmed by the analogy of his worship to that of the dead Shilluk kings.

438 W. Hofmayr, _op. cit._ p. 125. “It must be remembered that the due growth of the crops, _i.e._ of the most important part of the vegetable world, depends on the well-being of the divine king” (C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 229).

439 C. G. Seligmann, _op. cit._ p. 227.

M139 Comparison of Nyakang with Osiris. M140 The spirits of dead kings worshipped by the Baganda of Central Africa.

440 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 283.

441 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 113, 282.

442 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 110, 282, 285.

443 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 104, 252 _sq._; L. F. Cunningham, _Uganda and its People_ (London, 1905), p. 226.

M141 Tombs of the dead kings of Uganda.

444 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 104-107, _id._, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 129; _id._, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _ibid._, xxxii. (1902) pp. 44 _sq._ Compare L. F. Cunningham, _Uganda and its People_ (London, 1905), pp. 224, 226.

M142 Ghosts of the dead kings of Uganda supposed to adhere to their lower jawbones and their navel-strings, which are accordingly preserved in temples dedicated to the worship of the kings.

445 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 109 _sq._

446 Above, p. 147.

447 Rev. J. Roscoe, “Kibuka, the War God of the Baganda,” _Man_, vii. (1907) pp. 164 _sq._; _id._, _The Baganda_, pp. 235 _sq._

M143 The temples of the dead kings of Uganda.

448 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 110-112, 283 _sq._

449 Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) pp. 129 _sq._; _id._, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _ibid._, xxxii. (1902) p. 45.

M144 Oracles given by the dead kings of Uganda by the mouth of an inspired prophet.

450 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 283.

451 Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 130; _id._, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _ibid._, xxxii. (1902) p. 46; _id._, _The Baganda_, pp. 283-285.

M145 Visit paid by the living king to the temple of his dead father. Human victims sacrificed in order that their ghosts might serve the ghost of the dead king.

452 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 112, 284.

453 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 112. It may be worth while to quote an early notice of the worship of the Kings of Uganda. See C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_ (London, 1882), i. 208: “The former kings of the country appear also to be regarded as demi-gods, and their graves are kept with religious care, and houses are erected over them, which are under the constant supervision of one of the principal chiefs of the country, and where human sacrifices are also occasionally offered.” The graves here spoken of are no doubt the temples in which the jawbones and navel-strings of the dead kings are kept and worshipped.

M146 The souls of dead kings worshipped in Kiziba.

454 Hermann Rehse, _Kiziba, Land und Leute_ (Stuttgart, 1910), pp. 4-7, 106 _sqq._, 121, 125 _sqq._, 130. Among the totems of the people are the long-tailed monkey (_Cercopithecus_), a small species of antelope, the locust, the hippopotamus, the buffalo, the otter, dappled cows, and the hearts of all animals. The members of the clan which is charged with the duty of burying the king’s body have for their totem the remains of a goat that has been killed by a leopard. See H. Rehse, _op. cit._ pp. 5 _sq._

M147 The worship of ancestral spirits among the Bantu tribes of Northern Rhodesia.

455 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia_ (London, 1911), pp. 80 _sq._

456 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia_, pp. 82 _sq._

457 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ pp. 84 _sq._

M148 The worship of ancestral spirits is apparently the main practical religion of all the Bantu tribes. M149 The worship of ancestral spirits among the Bantu tribes of South Africa.

458 Rev. James Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of South African Tribes,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 286. Compare _id._, _Light in Africa_2 (London, 1890), p. 191.

459 G. McCall Theal, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. (1901) pp. 399 _sq._ With regard to the ghost who controls lightning see Mr. Warner’s notes in Col. Maclean’s _Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs_ (Cape Town, 1866), pp. 82 _sq._: “The Kafirs have strange notions respecting the lightning. They consider that it is governed by the _umshologu_, or ghost, of the greatest and most renowned of their departed chiefs; and who is emphatically styled the _inkosi_; but they are not at all clear as to which of their ancestors is intended by this designation. Hence they allow of no lamentation being made for a person killed by lightning; as they say that it would be a sign of disloyalty to lament for one whom the _inkosi_ had sent for, and whose services he consequently needed; and it would cause him to punish them, by making the lightning again to descend and do them another injury.”

460 G. McCall Theal, _op. cit._ vii. 400.

M150 Sacrifices to the dead among the Bantu tribes of South Africa.

461 Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), pp. 88-91.

M151 Worship of the dead among the Basutos.

462 Rev. E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), pp. 248-250.

M152 Worship of the dead among the Thonga.

463 Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuchâtel, 1912-1913), ii. 347.

464 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 385.

465 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 344.

466 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 385.

467 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 348 _sq._

468 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 341.

469 H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 346.

M153 Sacrifices to dead chiefs among the Basutos and Bechuanas.

470 A. Merensky, _Beiträge zur Kenntnis Süd-Afrikas_ (Berlin, 1875), p. 130.

M154 Worship of the dead among the Zulus.

471 Rev. H. Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, i. (Natal, Springvale, etc., 1868) pp. 1 _sq._

472 Rev. Joseph Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_ (London, 1857), p. 159.

473 Rev. J. Shooter, _op. cit._ p. 161.

M155 Sacrifices and prayers to the dead among the Zulus.

474 Rev. Lewis Grout, _Zulu-land, or Life among the Zulu-Kafirs_ (Philadelphia, N.D.), pp. 137, 143-145.

M156 A native Zulu account of the worship of the dead.

475 “That is, they suggest to the Itongo [ancestral spirit, singular of Amatongo], by whose ill-will or want of care they are afflicted, that if they should all die in consequence, and thus his worshippers come to an end, he would have none to worship him; and therefore for his own sake, as well as for theirs, he had better preserve his people, that there may be a village for him to enter, and meat of the sacrifices for him to eat.”

476 Rev. Henry Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, Part ii., _Amatongo or Ancestor Worship as existing among the Amazulu, in their own words, with a translation into English_ (Natal, Springvale, etc., 1869), pp. 144-146.

M157 The worship of the dead among the Herero of German South-West Africa. Ancestral spirits (_Ovakuru_) worshipped by the Herero.

477 Missionar J. Irle, _Die Herero, ein Beitrag zur Landes- Volks- und Missionskunde_ (Gütersloh, 1906), pp. 72 _sq._

478 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 73.

_ 479 Ovakuru_, the plural form of _Mukuru_.

480 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 74.

481 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 75. The writer tells us (_l.c._) that the Herero name for the good celestial God, whom they acknowledge but do not worship, is common, in different forms, to almost all the Bantu tribes. Among the Ovambo it is Kalunga; among tribes of Loango, the Congo, Angola and Benguela it is Zambi, Njambi, Ambi, Njame, Onjame, Ngambe, Nsambi; in the Cameroons it is Nzambi, etc. Compare John H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), pp. 246 _sq._: “We have found a vague knowledge of a Supreme Being, and a belief in Him, very general among those tribes on the Congo with which we have come into contact.... On the Lower Congo He is called _Nzambi_, or by His fuller title _Nzambi a mpungu_; no satisfactory root word has yet been found for _Nzambi_, but for _mpungu_ there are sayings and proverbs that clearly indicate its meaning as, most of all, supreme, highest, and _Nzambi a mpungu_ as the Being most High, or Supreme. On the Upper Congo among the Bobangi folk the word used for the Supreme Being is _Nyambe_; among the Lulanga people, _Nzakomba_; among the Boloki, _Njambe_; among the Bopoto people it is _Libanza_.... It is interesting to note that the most common name for the Supreme Being on the Congo is also known, in one form or another, over an extensive area of Africa reaching from 6° north of the Equator away to extreme South Africa; as, for example, among the Ashanti it is _Onyame_, at Gaboon it is _Anyambie_, and two thousand miles away among the Barotse folk it is _Niambe_. These are the names that stand for a Being who is endowed with strength, wealth, and wisdom by the natives; and He is also regarded and spoken of by them as the principal Creator of the world, and the Maker of all things.... But the Supreme Being is believed by the natives to have withdrawn Himself to a great distance after performing His creative works; that He has now little or no concern in mundane affairs; and apparently no power over spirits and no control over the lives of men, either to protect them from malignant spirits or to help them by averting danger. They also consider the Supreme Being (_Nzambi_) as being so good and kind that there is no need to appease Him by rites, ceremonies or sacrifices. Hence they never pray to this Supreme One, they never worship Him, or think of Him as being interested in the doings of the world and its peoples.”

482 J. Irle, _op. cit._ p. 77. Mr. Irle’s account of the religion of the Herero or Ovaherero is fully borne out by the testimony of earlier missionaries among the tribe. See Rev. G. Viehe, “Some Customs of the Ovaherero” _(South African) Folk-lore Journal_, i. (Cape Town, 1879) pp. 64 _sq._: “The religious customs and ceremonies of the Ovaherero are all rooted in the presumption that the deceased continue to live, and that they have a great influence on earth, and exercise power over the life and death of man. This influence and power is ascribed especially to those who have been great men, and who become _Ovakuru_ after death. The numerous religious customs and ceremonies are a worshipping of the ancestors.” Further, Mr. Viehe reports that “the Ovaherero have a slight idea of another being (Supreme being?) which differs greatly from the _Ovakuru_, is superior to them, and is supposed never to have been a human being. It is called _Karunga_.... _Karunga_ does only good; whilst the influence of the _Ovakuru_ is more feared than wished for; and, therefore, it is not thought necessary to bring sacrifices to _Karunga_ to guard against his influence.” He is situated so high, and is so superior to men “that he takes little special notice of them; and so the Ovaherero, on their part, also trouble themselves little about this superior being” (_op. cit._ p. 67 note 1). Similar evidence is given by another missionary as to the belief of the Herero in a superior god Karunga and their fear and worship of ancestral spirits. See the Rev. H. Beiderbecke, “Some Religious Ideas and Customs of the Ovaherero” _(South African) Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (Cape Town, 1880) pp. 88 _sqq._

M158 The worship of the dead among the Ovambo.

483 Hermann Tönjes, _Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission_ (Berlin, 1911), pp. 193-197.

M159 The worship of the dead among the Wahehe of German East Africa.

484 E. Nigmann, _Die Wahehe_ (Berlin, 1908), pp. 22 _sq._ The writer does not describe the Wahehe as a Bantu tribe, but from the characteristic prefixes which they employ to designate the tribe, individual tribesmen, the country, and so forth (_op. cit._ p. 124) we may infer that the people belong to the Bantu stock.

485 E. Nigmann, _Die Wahehe_, pp. 23 _sq._

486 E. Nigmann, _op. cit._ p. 35.

487 E. Nigmann, _op. cit._ p. 39.

488 E. Nigmann, _op. cit._ pp. 24 _sqq._, 35 _sqq._

M160 The worship of the dead among the Bahima of Ankole, in Central Africa.

489 Rev. J. Roscoe, “The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) pp. 108 _sq._ The supreme god Lugaba is no doubt the same with the supreme god Rugaba worshipped by the Bahimas in Kiziba. See above, p. 173. With regard to the religion of the Baganda the same authority tells us that “the last, and possibly the most venerated, class of religious objects were the ghosts of departed relatives. The power of ghosts for good or evil was incalculable” (_The Baganda_, p. 273).

M161 The worship of dead chiefs or kings among the Bantu tribes of Northern Rhodesia.

490 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia_, p. 83.

491 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ p. 11.

492 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ p. 292.

493 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ pp. 294 _sq._

494 J. H. West Sheane, “Wemba Warpaths,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. xli. (October, 1911) pp. 25 _sq._

M162 Among these tribes the spirits of dead chiefs or kings are thought sometimes to take bodily possession of men and women or to be incarnate in animals.

495 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _The Great Plateau of Northern Nigeria_, p. 83.

496 C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, _op. cit._ p. 84.

M163 Belief of the Barotse in a supreme god Niambe.

497 Eugène Béguin, _Les Ma-rotsé_ (Lausanne and Fontaines, 1903), pp. 118 _sq._

M164 The worship of dead kings among the Barotse.

498 Eugène Béguin, _Les Ba-rotsé_, pp. 120-123. Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 306 _sq._

M165 Thus the worship of dead kings has been an important element in the religion of many African tribes. M166 Perhaps some African gods, who are now distinguished from ghosts, were once dead men.

499 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 271.

500 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 290, 291. In the worship of Mukasa “the principal ceremony was the annual festival, when the king sent his presents to the god, to secure a blessing on the crops and on the people for the year.” (J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ p. 298).

M167 The human remains of Kibuka, the war-god of the Baganda.

501 Rev. J. Roscoe, “Kibuka, the War God of the Baganda,” _Man_, vii. (1907) pp. 161-166; _id._, _The Baganda_, pp. 301-308. Among the personal relics of Kibuka kept in his temple were his genital organs; these also were rescued when the Mohammedans burned down his temple in the civil wars of 1887-1890. They are now with the rest of the god’s, or rather the man’s, remains at Cambridge.

M168 Thus it is possible that Osiris and Isis may have been a real king and queen of Egypt, perhaps identical with King Khent and his queen.

502 This consideration is rightly urged by H. Schäfer as a strong argument in favour of the antiquity of the tradition which associated the grave of Osiris with the grave of King Khent. See H. Schäfer, _Die Mysterien des Osiris in Abydos_ (Leipsic, 1904), pp. 28 _sq._

503 One of the commonest and oldest titles of Osiris was Chent (Khent)-Ament or Chenti (Khenti)-Amenti, as the name is also written. It means “Chief of those who are in the West” and refers to the Egyptian belief that the souls of the dead go westward. See R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, p. 727; H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 617; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 23, 103 _sq._; J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, pp. 38, 143 (who spells the name Khenti-Amentiu); E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 31 _sq._, 67. “Khenti-Amenti was one of the oldest gods of Abydos, and was certainly connected with the dead, being probably the ancient local god of the dead of Abydos and its neighbourhood. Now, in the Pyramid Texts, which were written under the VIth dynasty, there are several mentions of Khenti-Amenti, and in a large number of instances the name is preceded by that of Osiris. It is quite clear, therefore, that the chief attributes of the one god must have resembled those of the other, and that Osiris Khenti-Amenti was assumed to have absorbed the powers of Khenti-Amenti. In the representations of the two gods which are found at Abydos there is usually no difference, at least not under the XVIIIth and XIXth dynasties” (E. A. Wallis Budge, _op. cit._ i. 31). However, it would be unsafe to infer that the resemblance between the name of the god and the name of the king is more than accidental.

M169 Suggested parallel between Osiris and Charlemagne.

504 W. E. H. Lecky, _History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne_, Third Edition (London, 1877), ii. 271.

M170 The question of the historical reality of Osiris left open. M171 Essential similarity of Adonis, Attis, and Osiris. M172 The superiority of the goddesses associated with Adonis, Attis, and Osiris points to a system of mother-kin. M173 Mother-kin and father-kin. The Khasis of Assam have mother-kin, and among them goddesses predominate over gods and priestesses over priests.

505 I have adopted the terms “mother-kin” and “father-kin” as less ambiguous than the terms “mother-right” and “father-right,” which I formerly employed in the same sense.

_ 506 The Khasis_, by Major P. R. T. Gurdon, I.A., Deputy Commissioner Eastern Bengal and Assam Commission, and Superintendent of Ethnography in Assam (London, 1907).

507 “The Khasi saying is, ‘_long jaid na ka kynthei_’ (from the woman sprang the clan). The Khasis, when reckoning descent, count from the mother only; they speak of a family of brothers and sisters, who are the great grandchildren of one great grandmother, as _shi kpoh_, which, being literally translated, is one womb, _i.e._ the issue of one womb. The man is nobody” (P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_, p. 82). “All land acquired by inheritance must follow the Khasi law of entail, by which property descends from the mother to the youngest daughter, and again from the latter to her youngest daughter. Ancestral landed property must therefore be always owned by women. The male members of the family may cultivate such lands, but they must carry all the produce to the house of their mother, who will divide it amongst the members of the family” (_op. cit._ p. 88). “The rule amongst the Khasis is that the youngest daughter ‘holds’ the religion, ‘_ka bat ka niam_.’ Her house is called, ‘_ka iing seng_,’ and it is here that the members of the family assemble to witness her performance of the family ceremonies. Hers is, therefore, the largest share of the family property, because it is she whose duty it is to perform the family ceremonies, and propitiate the family ancestors” (_op. cit._ p. 83).

508 Sir C. J. Lyall, in his Introduction to _The Khasis_, by Major P. R. T. Gurdon, pp. xxiii. _sq._ Sir C. J. Lyall himself lived for many years among the Khasis and studied their customs. For the details of the evidence on which his summary is based see especially pp. 63 _sqq._, 68 _sq._, 76, 82 _sqq._, 88, 106 _sqq._, 109 _sqq._, 112 _sq._, 121, 150, of Major Gurdon’s book. As to the Khasi priestesses, see above, vol. i. p. 46.

M174 Again, the Pelew Islanders have mother-kin, and the deities of their clans are all goddesses.

509 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_ (Berlin, 1885), pp. 35 _sq._ The writer calls one of these kins indifferently a _Familie_ or a _Stamm_.

510 J. S. Kubary, “Die Todtenbestattung auf den Pelau-Inseln,” _Original-Mittheilungen aus der ethnologischen Abtheilung der königlichen Museen zu Berlin_, i. (Berlin, 1885) p. 7.

511 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 40.

512 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 20-22. The writer says that the family or clan gods of the Pelew Islanders are too many to be enumerated, but he gives as a specimen a list of the family deities of one particular district (Ngarupesang). Having done so he observes that they are all goddesses, and he adds that “this is explained by the importance of the woman for the clan. The deity of the mother is inherited, that of the father is not” (_op. cit._ p. 22). As he says nothing to indicate that the family deities of this particular district are exceptional, we may infer, as I have done, that the deities of all the families or clans are goddesses. Yet a few pages previously (pp. 16 _sq._) he tells us that a village which contains twenty families will have at least forty deities, if not more, “for some houses may have two _kalids_ [deities], and every house has also a goddess.” This seems to imply that the families or clans have gods as well as goddesses. The seeming discrepancy is perhaps to be explained by another statement of the writer that “in the family only the _kalids_ [deities] of the women count” (“_sich geltend machen_,” J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 38).

513 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 33 _sq._, 63; _id._, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 16.

514 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 15-17, 22, 25-27.

515 From the passages cited in the preceding note it appears that this was Kubary’s opinion, though he has not stated it explicitly.

516 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 28 _sq._

M175 This preference for goddesses is to be explained by the importance of women in the social system of the Pelew Islanders.

517 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 38. See also above, p. 204, note 4.

518 J. Kubary, _l.c._

519 See the statement of Kubary quoted in the next paragraph.

520 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 39.

521 See the statement of Kubary quoted in the next paragraph.

M176 The high position of women in the Pelew Islands has also an industrial basis; for they alone cultivate the taro, the staple food of the people.

522 J. S. Kubary, _Ethnographische Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Karolinen Archipels_ (Leyden, 1895), p. 159. On the importance of the taro or sweet potato as the staple food of the people, see _ib._ pp. 156 _sq._

M177 Both men and women in the Pelew Islands attain to power by posing as the inspired mouthpieces of the gods.

523 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 34.

524 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_, i. 30-35. The author wrote thus in the year 1883, and his account of the Pelew religion was published in 1888. Compare his work _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 81. Great changes have probably taken place in the islands since Kubary wrote.

M178 Parallel between the Pelew Islands of to-day and the religious and social state of Western Asia and Egypt in antiquity.

525 For some other parallels between the state of society and religion in these two regions, see Note IV. at the end of the volume.

M179 Mother-kin does not imply that the government is in the hands of women.

526 Compare E. Stephan und F. Graebner, _Neu-Mecklenburg_ (Berlin, 1907), p. 107 note 1: “It is necessary always to repeat emphatically that the terms father-right and mother-right indicate simply and solely the group-membership of the individual and the systems of relationship which that membership implies, but that they have nothing at all to do with the higher or lower position of women. Rather the opposite might be affirmed, namely, that woman is generally more highly esteemed in places where father-right prevails than in places where mother-right is the rule.”

M180 The inheritance of property, especially of landed property, through the mother certainly tends to raise the social importance of women, but this tendency is never carried so far as to subordinate men politically to women. M181 Thus while the Khasis and Pelew Islanders have mother-kin, they are governed by men, not by women.

527 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_, pp. 66-71. The rule of succession is as follows. A _Siem_, or king, “is succeeded by the eldest of his uterine brothers; failing such brothers, by the eldest of his sisters’ sons; failing such nephews, by the eldest of the sons of his sisters’ daughters; failing such grand-nephews, by the eldest of the sons of his mother’s sisters; and, failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his male cousins on the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. If there were no heirs male, as above, he would be succeeded by the eldest of his uterine sisters; in the absence of such sisters, by the eldest of his sisters’ daughters; failing such nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his sisters’ daughters; failing such grand-nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his mother’s sisters; and failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his female cousins on the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. A female _Siem_ would be succeeded by her eldest son, and so on” (_op. cit._ p. 71). The rule illustrates the logical precision with which the system of mother-kin is carried out by these people even when the intention is actually to exclude women from power.

528 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 35, 39 _sq._, 73-83. See also above, pp. 204 _sq._

529 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 34.

M182 The theory of a gynaecocracy and of the predominance of the female imagination in religion is an idle dream.

530 See A. H. Post, _Afrikanische Jurisprudenz_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic, 1887), i. 140 _sq._ Captain W. Gill reports that the Su-Mu, a Man-Tzŭ tribe in Southern China numbering some three and a half millions, is always ruled by a queen (_The River of Golden Sand_, London, 1880, i. 365). But Capt. Gill was not nearer to the tribe than a six days’ journey; and even if his report is correct we may suppose that the real power is exercised by men, just as it is in the solitary Khasi tribe which is nominally governed by a woman.

M183 But mother-kin is a solid fact, which can hardly have failed to modify the religion of the peoples who practise it.

531 The theory, or at all events the latter part of it, has been carefully examined by Dr. L. R. Farnell; and if, as I apprehend, he rejects it, I agree with him. See his article “Sociological Hypotheses concerning the position of Women in Ancient Religion,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904) pp. 70-94; his _Cults of the Greek States_ (Oxford, 1896-1909), iii. 109 _sqq._; and _The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 690. But I differ from him, it seems, in thinking that mother-kin is favourable to the growth of mother goddesses.

M184 Mother-kin and mother-goddesses in Western Asia.

532 The Lycians traced their descent through women, not through men; and among them it was the daughters, not the sons, who inherited the family property. See Herodotus, i. 174; Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (_Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. 461); Plutarch, _De mulierum virtutibus_, 9. An ancient historian even asserts that the Lycians were ruled by women (ἐκ παλαιοῦ γυναικοκρατοῦνται, Heraclides Ponticus, Frag. 15, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, ii. 217). Inscriptions found at Dalisandos, in Isauria, seem to prove that it was not unusual there to trace descent through the mother even in the third or the fourth century after Christ. See Sir W. M. Ramsay, “The Permanence of Religion at Holy Places in the East,” _The Expositor_, November 1906, p. 475. Dr. L. Messerschmidt seems to think that the Lycians were Hittites (_The Hittites_, p. 20). Scholars are not agreed as to the family of speech to which the Lycian language belongs. Some think that it was an Indo-European tongue; but this view is now abandoned by Professor Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 626).

533 W. Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_2 (London, 1903), p. 306. The hypothesis of the former existence of mother-kin among the Semites is rejected by Professor Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2, p. 360) and W. W. Graf Baudissin (_Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 46 _sq._).

M185 Mother-kin in ancient Egypt.

534 Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 1 _sq._ In spite of this express testimony to the existence of a true gynaecocracy in ancient Egypt, I am of opinion that the alleged superiority of the queen to the king and of the wife to her husband must have been to a great extent only nominal. Certainly we know that it was the king and not the queen who really governed the country; and we can hardly doubt that in like manner it was for the most part the husband and not the wife who really ruled the house, though unquestionably in regard to property the law seems to have granted important rights to women which it denied to men. On the position of women in ancient Egypt see especially the able article of Miss Rachel Evelyn White (Mrs. Wedd), “Women in Ptolemaic Egypt,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) pp. 238-256.

535 Herodotus, ii. 35.

M186 Marriages of brothers with sisters in ancient Egypt.

536 Sir Gaston Maspero, quoted by Miss R. E. White, _op. cit._ p. 244.

537 J. Nietzold, _Die Ehe in Ägypten zur ptolemäisch-römischen Zeit_ (Leipzic, 1903), p. 12.

538 A. Erman, _Ägypten und ägyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 221 _sq._; U. Wilcken, “Arsinoitische Steuerprofessionen aus dem Jahre 189 n. Chr.,” _Sitzungsberichte der könig. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, 1883, p. 903; J. Nietzold, _Die Ehe in Ägypten zur ptolemäisch-römischen Zeit_, pp. 12-14.

M187 Such marriages were based on a wish to keep the property in the family.

539 J. F. McLennan, _Studies in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), pp. 101 _sqq._ Among the Kocchs of North-Eastern India “the property of the husband is made over to the wife; when she dies it goes to her daughters, and when he marries he lives with his wife’s mother” (R. G. Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, London, 1859, i. 96).

540 This is in substance the explanation which Miss Rachel Evelyn White (Mrs. Wedd) gives of the Egyptian custom. See her paper, “Women in Ptolemaic Egypt,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) p. 265. Similarly Mr. J. Nietzold observes that “economical considerations, especially in the case of great landowners, may often have been the occasion of marriages with sisters, the intention being in this way to avoid a division of the property” (_Die Ehe in Ägypten_, p. 13). The same explanation of the custom has been given by Prof. W. Ridgeway. See his “Supplices of Aeschylus,” in _Praelections delivered before the Senate of the University of Cambridge_ (Cambridge, 1906), pp. 154 _sq._ I understand from Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie that the theory has been a commonplace with Egyptologists for many years. McLennan explained the marriage of brothers and sisters in royal families as an expedient for shifting the succession from the female to the male line; but he did not extend the theory so as to explain similar marriages among common people in Egypt, perhaps because he was not aware of the facts. See J. F. McLennan, _The Patriarchal Theory_, edited and completed by D. McLennan (London, 1885), p. 95.

M188 Thus the traditional marriage of Osiris with his sister Isis reflected a real social custom. The passing of the old world in Egypt.

541 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 121). The learned Valesius, in his note on this passage, informs us that the cubit was again transferred by the Emperor Julian to the Serapeum, where it was left in peace till the destruction of that temple.

542 Athanasius, _Oratio contra Gentes_, 10 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, xxv. 24).

543 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, v. 16 _sq._ (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 604 _sq._); Sozomenus, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, vii. 15 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 1152 _sq._). These events took place under the Emperor Theodosius in the year 391 A.D.

M189 Egyptian conservatism partly an effect of natural conditions and habits of life. M190 The old type of Osiris better preserved than those of Adonis and Attis. M191 Moloch perhaps the human king regarded as an incarnate deity.

544 See above, vol. i. pp. 17 sqq.

_ 545 The Dying God_, pp. 168 _sqq._; G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Molech.” The phrase translated “make pass through the fire to Molech” (2 Kings xxiii. 10) means properly, Professor Kennett tells me, “make to pass over by means of fire to Molech,” where the verb has the sense of “make over to,” “dedicate,” “devote,” as appears from its use in Exodus xiii. 12 (“set apart,” English Version) and Ezekiel xx. 26. That the children were not made simply to pass through the fire, but were burned in it, is shown by a comparison of 2 Kings xvi. 3, xxiii. 10, Jeremiah xxxii. 35, with 2 Chronicles xxviii. 3, Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5. As to the use of the verb העכיר in the sense of “dedicate,” “devote,” see G. F. Moore, _s.v._ “Molech,” _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3184; F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament_ (Oxford, 1906), p. 718. “The testimony of both the prophets and the laws is abundant and unambiguous that the victims were slain and burnt as a holocaust” (G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3184). Similarly Principal J. Skinner translates the phrase in 2 Kings xvi. 3 by “dedicated his son by fire,” and remarks that the expression, “whatever its primary sense may be, undoubtedly denoted actual burning” (commentary on Kings in _The Century Bible_). The practice would seem to have been very ancient at Jerusalem, for tradition placed the attempted burnt-sacrifice of Isaac by his father Abraham on Mount Moriah, which was no other than Mount Zion, the site of the king’s palace and of the temple of Jehovah. See Genesis xxii. 1-18; 2 Chronicles iii. 1; J. Benzinger, _Hebräische Archäologie_ (Freiburg i. Baden and Leipsic, 1894), pp. 45, 233; T. K. Cheyne, _s.v._ “Moriah,” _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3200 _sq._

546 Leviticus xviii. 21, xx. 2-5; 1 Kings xi. 7; 2 Kings xxiii. 10; Jeremiah xxxii. 35.

547 W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 372, note 1.

548 “It is plain, from various passages of the prophets, that the sacrifices of children among the Jews before the captivity, which are commonly known as sacrifices to Moloch, were regarded by the worshippers as oblations to Jehovah, under the title of king” (W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 372, referring to Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5, xxxii. 35; Ezekiel xxiii. 39; Micah vi. 7). The same view is taken by Prof. G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Molech,” vol. iii. 3187 _sq._

M192 The sacrifices to Moloch may have been intended to prolong the king’s life. Vicarious sacrifices for a king or queen in Sweden, Persia, and Madagascar.

_ 549 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 366 _sq._

550 “Ynglinga Saga,” 29, in _The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the Kings of Norway_, translated by S. Laing (London, 1844), i. 239 _sq._; H. M. Chadwick, _The Cult of Othin_ (London, 1899), pp. 4, 27; _The Dying God_, pp. 160 _sq._ Similarly in Peru, when a person of note was sick, he would sometimes sacrifice his son to the idol in order that his own life might be spared. See A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv. 347 _sq._

551 Micah vi. 6-8.

552 Herodotus, vii. 114; Plutarch, _De superstitione_, 13.

553 W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 344 _sq._

M193 Other sacrifices for prolonging the king’s life appear to be magical rather than religious. Custom in the Niger delta.

554 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), p. 457.

M194 Customs observed by the Zulus and Caffres to prolong the king’s life.

555 D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 91. This sacrifice may be the one described by J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 26. The reason for not stabbing the animal is perhaps a wish not to lose any of the blood, but to convey its life intact to the king. The same reason would explain the same rule which the Baganda observed in killing a human victim for the same purpose (see below, p. 224).

556 J. Dos Santos, _Eastern Ethiopia_, bk. ii. chap. 16 (G. M’Call Theal’s _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. 289).

M195 Customs observed by the Baganda to prolong the king’s life. Human victims killed in order to invigorate the king.

557 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 27 _sq._

558 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 200.

559 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 209 _sq._

M196 Chief’s son killed to provide the king with anklets.

560 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 210 _sq._

M197 The king’s game.

561 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 211 _sq._ I have abridged the account of the ceremonies.

M198 The whip of human skin.

562 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 213 _sq._

M199 Modes in which the strength of the human victims was thought to pass into the king. M200 Massacres perpetrated when a king of Uganda was ill.

563 From information furnished by my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe. Compare his book, _The Baganda_, pp. 331 _sqq._

M201 Yet the sacrifices of children to Moloch may be otherwise explained.

564 See _The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._

M202 Theory that the resignation of the widowed Flamen Dialis was caused by the pollution of death.

565 See above, vol. i. p. 45.

_ 566 The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 689.

567 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 53.

568 G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 725 _sqq._, Nos. 877, 878.

569 G. Dittenberger, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 429 _sq._, No. 633.

_ 570 Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, ed. Aug. Boeckh, etc. (Berlin, 1828-1877), vol. ii. pp. 481 _sqq._, No. 2715, οὔσης ἐξουσίας το[ῖς παισίν, ἐά]ν τινες αὐτῶν μὴ ὦσιν ὑγιεῖς ἤ πένθει οἰκείῳ κατέχωνται, where I understand ἐξουσία to mean “leave of absence.”

M203 Apparent parallel among the Todas.

571 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 99 _sq._

572 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 24.

M204 But on inspection the analogy breaks down.

573 Aulus Gellius, _l.c._: “_funus tamen exequi non est religio._”

574 Gaius, _Instit._ i. 112, “_quod jus etiam nostris temporibus in usu est: nam flamines majores, id est Diales, Martiales, Quirinales, item reges sacrorum, nisi_ (qui) _ex farreatis nati_ sunt _non leguntur: ac ne ipsi quidem sine confarreatione sacerdotium habere possunt_”; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 103, “_quae res ad farreatas nuptias pertinet, quibus flaminem et flaminicam jure pontificio in matrimonium necesse est convenire_.” For a fuller description of the rite see Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 374. From the testimony of Gaius it appears that not only the Flamen Dialis but all the other principal Flamens were bound to be married. However, the text of Gaius in this passage is somewhat uncertain. I have quoted it from P. E. Huschke’s third edition (Leipsic, 1878).

575 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, p. 99. According to an old account, there was an important exception to the rule, but Dr. Rivers was not able to verify it; he understood that during the tenure of his office the dairyman is really celibate.

576 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 23, “_Matrimonium flaminis nisi morte dirimi jus non est_”; Festus, p. 89, ed. C. O. Müller, _s.v._ “Flammeo”; Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50. Plutarch mentions as an illegal exception that in his own time the Emperor Domitian allowed a Flamen to divorce his wife, but the ceremony of the divorce was attended by “many awful, strange, and gloomy rites” performed by the priests.

577 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50. That the wives of Roman priests aided their husbands in the performance of sacred rites is mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who attributes the institution of these joint priesthoods to Romulus (_Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 22).

578 The epithet Dialis, which was applied to the Flaminica as well as to the Flamen (Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 26; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 137), would of itself prove that husband and wife served the same god or pair of gods; and while the word was doubtfully derived by Varro from Jove (_De lingua Latina_, v. 84), we are expressly told that the Flamen was the priest and the Flaminica the priestess of that god (Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 109; Festus, p. 92, ed. C. O. Müller, _s.v._ “Flammeo”). There is therefore every reason to accept the statement of Plutarch (_Quaest. Rom._ 86) that the Flaminica was reputed to be sacred to Juno, the divine partner of Jupiter, in spite of the objections raised by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (“Was the Flaminica Dialis priestess of Juno?” _Classical Review_, ix. (1895) pp. 474 _sqq._).

M205 Customs of the Kota and Jewish priests.

579 E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909), iv. 10.

580 Leviticus, xxi. 1-3; Ezekiel, xliv. 25.

M206 The theory that the Roman gods were celibate is contradicted by Varro and Seneca.

_ 581 The Hibbert Journal_, iv. (1906) p. 932.

582 Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 67, “_Quod Jovis Juno conjux et is caelum._”

583 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, iv. 32, “_Dicit etiam [scil. Varro] de generationibus deorum magis ad poetas quam ad physicos fuisse populos inclinatos, et ideo et sexum et generationes deorum majores suos, id est veteres credidisse Romanos et eorum constituisse conjugia._”

584 Seneca, quoted by Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 10, “_Quid quod et matrimonia, inquit, deorum jungimus, et ne pie quidem, fratrum ac sororum? Bellonam Marti conlocamus, Vulcano Venerem, Neptuno Salaciam. Quosdam tamen caelibes relinquimus, quasi condicio defecerit, praesertim cum quaedam viduae sint, ut Populonia vel Fulgora et diva Rumina; quibus non miror petitorem defuisse._” In this passage the marriage of Venus to Vulcan is probably Greek; all the rest is pure Roman.

M207 The marriage of Orcus.

585 Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 344, “_Aliud est sacrum, aliud nuptias Cereri celebrare, in quibus re vera vinum adhiberi nefas fuerat, quae Orci nuptiae dicebantur, quas praesentia sua pontifices ingenti solemnitate celebrabant._”

586 Servius, on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 344, and on _Aen._ iv. 58. As to the prohibition of wine, compare Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 11. There seems to be no doubt that Orcus was a genuine old Italian god of death and the dead. See the evidence collected by R. Peter, _s.v._ “Orcus,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, iii. 940 _sqq._, who says that “Orcus was obviously one of those old Roman gods who occupied the thoughts of the people in the most lively manner.” On the other hand, Prof. G. Wissowa supposes that Orcus is merely a borrowed form of the Greek Horkos (_Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 p. 310). But Horkos was not a god of death and the dead; he was simply a personified oath (ὅρκος; see Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 804 Ὅρκον γεινόμενον, τὸν Ἔρις τέκε πῆμ᾽ ἐπιόρκοις), an abstract idea which makes no figure in Greek mythology and religion. That such a rare and thin Greek abstraction should through a gross misunderstanding be transformed into a highly popular Roman god of death, who not only passed muster with the people but was admitted by the pontiffs themselves to the national pantheon and honoured by them with a solemn ritual, is in the last degree improbable.

M208 Evidence of Aulus Gellius as to the marriage of the Roman gods. Paternity and maternity of Roman deities.

587 Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 1 _sq._, “_Conprecationes deum inmortalium, quae ritu Romano fiunt, expositae sunt in libris sacerdotum populi Romani et in plerisque antiquis orationibus. In his scribtum est: Luam Saturni, Salaciam Neptuni, Horam Quirini, Virites Quirini, Maiam Volcani, Heriem Junonis, Moles Martis Nerienemque Martis._” As to this list see Mr. W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_ (London, 1899), pp. 60-62; _id._, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_ (London, 1911), pp. 150 _sqq._, 481 _sqq._ He holds (p. 485) that the feminine names Salacia, etc., do not designate goddesses, the wives of the gods, but that they “indicate functions or attributes of the male deity to whom they are attached.”

588 Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 11-16.

589 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18, “_Cingius mensem [Maium] nominatum putat a Maia, quam Vulcani dicit uxorem, argumentoque utitur quod flamen Vulcanalis Kalendis Maiis huic deae rem divinam facit: sed Piso uxorem Vulcani Majestam, non Maiam, dicit vocari._” The work of Cincius (Cingius) is mentioned by Macrobius in the same chapter (§ 12, “_Cingius in eo libro quem de fastis reliquit_”). As to the life and writings of this old annalist and antiquary see M. Schanz, _Geschichte der römischen Litteratur_,2 i. (Munich, 1898), p. 128; G. Wissowa, Münzer, and Cichorius, _s.v._ “Cincius,” in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, iii. 2555 _sqq._ All these writers distinguish the old annalist from the antiquary, whom they take to have been a later writer of the same name. But the distinction appears to be purely arbitrary and destitute of any ancient authority.

590 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18. See the preceding note.

591 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18. See the passage cited above, p. 232, note 3.

592 Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 72, “_Salacia Neptuni a salo_.” This was probably one of the cases which Varro had in his mind when he stated that the ancient Roman gods were married.

593 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 22, “_Jam utique habebat Salaciam Neptunus uxorem_”; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ x. 76, “_Sane hanc Veniliam quidam Salaciam accipiunt, Neptuni uxorem_.” As for Seneca’s evidence see above, p. 231, note 3.

594 Nonius Marcellus, _De compendiosa doctrina_, p. 125, ed. L. Quicherat (Paris, 1872), “_Hora juventutis dea. Ennius Annali[um] lib. i. [Teque,] Quirine pater, veneror, Horamque Quirini._”

595 Livy, viii. 1. 6, xlv. 33. 2.

596 Festus, p. 186, ed. C. O. Müller, “_Opima spolia dicuntur originem quidem trahentia ab Ope Saturni uxore_”; _id._, p. 187, “_Opis dicta est conjux Saturni_”; Macrobius, _Saturnal._ i. 10. 19, “_Hanc autem deam Opem Saturni conjugem crediderunt, et ideo hoc mense Saturnalia itemque Opalia celebrari, quod Saturnus ejusque uxor tam frugum quam fructuum repertores esse creduntur._” Varro couples Saturn and Ops together (_De lingua Latina_, v. 57, “_Principes in Latio Saturnus et Ops_”; compare _id._, v. 64), but without expressly affirming them to be husband and wife. Professor G. Wissowa, however, argues that the male partner (he would not say husband) of Ops was not Saturn but Consus. See G. Wissowa, “_De feriis anni Romanorum vetustissimi observationes selectae_,” reprinted in his _Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur römischen Religions- und Stadtgeschichte_ (Munich, 1904), pp. 156 _sqq._ His view is accepted by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (_Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, p. 212; _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_, p. 482).

597 Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._ iv. 3, “_Itaque et Jupiter a precantibus pater vocatur, et Saturnus, et Janus, et Liber, et ceteri deinceps, quod Lucilius in deorum consilio irridet_:

_Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin aut pater optimus divum_ _ Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars,_ _ Janus, Quirinus pater nomen dicatur ad unum._”

Compare Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 5; Servius, on Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 4. Roman goddesses who received the title of Mother were Vesta, Earth, Ops, Matuta, and Lua. As to Mother Vesta see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 229; as to Mother Earth see H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 3950-3955, 3960; as to Mother Ops see Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 64; as to Mother Matuta see L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_,3 i. 322 _sqq._; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 pp. 110 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._ “Mater Matuta,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 2462 _sqq._ I cite these passages only to prove that the Romans commonly applied the titles “father” and “mother” to their deities. The inference that these titles implied paternity or maternity is my own, but in the text I have given some reasons for thinking that the Romans themselves accepted the implication. Mr. W. Warde Fowler, on the other hand, prefers to suppose that the titles were employed in a merely figurative sense to “imply the dependence of the human citizen upon his divine protector”; but he admits that what exactly the Romans understood by _pater_ and _mater_ applied to deities is not easy to determine (_The Religious Experience of the Roman People_, pp. 155-157). He makes at the same time the important observation that the Romans never, so far as he is aware, applied the terms Father and Mother to foreign gods, but “always to _di indigetes_, those on whom the original Roman stock looked as their fellow-citizens and guardians.” The limitation is significant and seems more naturally explicable on my hypothesis than on that of my learned friend.

598 See _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv. Nos. 2862, 2863; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 3684, 3685; R. Peter, _s.v._ “Fortuna,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie_, i. 1542; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 p. 259. I have to thank my learned and candid friend Mr. W. Warde Fowler for referring me to this good evidence of Jupiter’s paternal character.

599 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 379.

600 The epithet _Inuus_ applied to Faunus was so understood by the ancients, and this suffices to prove the conception they had of the god’s virility, whether the etymology was right or wrong. See Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 775, “_Dicitur autem Inuus ab ineundo passim cum omnibus animalibus._” As to the title see G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 p. 211, who, however, rejects the ancient etymology and the identification of Inuus with Faunus.

601 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 21-24; Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._ i. 22; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 314; Plutarch, _Caesar_, 9; _id._, _Quaest. Roman._ 20. According to Varro, the goddess was the daughter of Faunus (Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 27); according to Sextus Clodius she was his wife (Lactantius, _l.c._; compare Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v. 18).

602 Livy, i. 4. 2; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 4; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ i. 77.

603 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 195 _sq._

604 Plutarch, _Romulus_, 2. Plutarch’s authority was Promathion in his history of Italy. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 196.

605 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 678.

_ 606 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 230 _sq._

M209 We must conclude that the Roman gods were thought to be married and to beget children.

607 Such, for example, as the loves of Vertumnus for Pomona (Ovid, _Metam._ xiv. 623 _sqq._), of Jupiter for Juturna (Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 585 _sqq._), and of Janus for Carna (Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 101 _sqq._) and for Camasene (Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 330). The water-nymph Juturna beloved by Jupiter is said to have been the daughter of the river Vulturnus, the wife of Janus, and the mother of Fontus (Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iii. 29). Janus in particular would seem to have been the theme of many myths, and his claim to be a genuine Italian god has never been disputed.

608 The marriage of the Roman gods has been denied by E. Aust (_Die Religion der Römer_, Münster i. W. 1899, pp. 19 _sq._) and Professor G. Wissowa (_Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 pp. 26 _sq._), as well as by Mr. W. Warde Fowler. On the other hand, the evidence for it has been clearly and concisely stated by L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_,3 i. 55-57. It is with sincere diffidence that I venture to differ on a point of Roman religion from the eminent scholars I have named. But without for a moment pitting my superficial acquaintance with Roman religion against their deep learning, I cannot but think that the single positive testimony of Varro on a matter about which he could scarcely be ignorant ought to outweigh the opinion of any modern scholar, however learned and able.

M210 Rule of Greek and Roman ritual that certain offices could only be held by boys whose parents were both alive.

_ 609 The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 689. Such a boy was called a παῖς ἀμφιθαλής, “a boy blooming on both sides,” the metaphor being drawn from a tree which sends out branches on both sides. See Plato, _Laws_, xi. 8, p. 927 D; Julius Pollux, iii. 25; Hesychius and Suidas, _s.v._ ἀμφιθαλής.

610 Festus, p. 93, ed. C. O. Müller, _s.vv._ “Flaminius” and “Flaminia.” That certain Roman rites had to be performed by the children of living parents is mentioned in general terms by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (_Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 22).

M211 But the rule which excludes orphans from certain sacred offices cannot be based on a theory that they are ceremonially unclean through the death of their parents.

611 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50.

M212 Examples of the exclusion of orphans from sacred offices. M213 Boys and girls of living parents employed in Greek rites at the vintage, harvest-home, and sowing.

612 Proclus, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 322 A, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824); Athenaeus, xi. 92, pp. 495 _sq._; Scholiast on Nicander, _Alexipharmaca_, 109. Only the last of these writers mentions that the boys had to be ἀμφιθαλεῖς. As to this and the following custom see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 278 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, Antike _Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 214 _sqq._

613 Eustathius, on Homer, _Iliad_, xxii. 495, p. 1283; _Etymologicum Magnum_, p. 303. 18 _sqq._, _s.v._ Εἰρεσιώνη; Plutarch, _Theseus_, 22. According to a scholiast on Aristophanes (_Plutus_, 1054) the branch might be either of olive or laurel.

614 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 1054.

615 O. Kern, _Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander_ (Berlin, 1900), No. 98; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 246 _sqq._, No. 553. This inscription has been well expounded by Prof. M. P. Nilsson (_Griechische Feste_, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 23-27). I follow him and Dittenberger in regarding the month of Artemision, when the bull was sacrificed, as the harvest month corresponding to the Attic Thargelion.

616 J. H. Neumann, “Iets over den landbouw bij de Karo-Bataks,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p. 381.

M214 Boys of living parents employed in the rites of the Arval Brothers.

617 G. Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ (Berlin, 1874), pp. vi. _sq._, cix. cx. cxix. cliii. clix. clxxxvii. 12, 13, 15. As to the evergreen oaks and laurels of the grove, see _ib._, pp. 137, 138; as to the wreaths of corn-ears, see _ib._, pp. 26, 28; Aulus Gellius, vii. 7. 8. That the rites performed by the Arval Brothers were intended to make the fields bear corn is expressly stated by Varro (_De lingua Latina_, v. 85, “_Fratres Arvales dicti sunt, qui sacra publica faciunt propterea ut fruges ferant arva_”). On the Arval Brothers and their rites see also L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_,3 ii. 29 _sqq._; J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 447-462; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 pp. 561 _sqq._; J. B. Carter, _s.v._ “Arval Brothers,” in J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 7 _sqq._

M215 In fertility rites the employment of such children is intelligible on the principle of sympathetic magic. M216 Sons of living parents employed to cut the olive-wreath at Olympia and the laurel-wreath at Tempe.

618 Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ iii. 60.

619 Pausanias, v. 15. 3.

620 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 12; _id._, _De defectu oraculorum_, 15; Aelian, _Varia Historia_, iii. 1; Strabo, ix. 3. 12, p. 422. In a note on Pausanias (ii. 7. 7, vol. iii. pp. 53 _sqq._) I have described the festival more fully and adduced savage parallels. As to the Vale of Tempe see W. M. Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_ (London, 1835), iii. 390 _sqq._ The rhetoric of Livy (xliv. 6. 8) has lashed the smooth and silent current of the Peneus into a roaring torrent.

M217 Sons of living parents acted as Laurel-bearers at Thebes.

621 Proclus, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, ed. I. Bekker, p. 321.

622 O. Crusius, _s.v._ “Kadmos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 830, 838, 839. On an Etruscan mirror the scene of Cadmus’s combat with the dragon is surrounded with a wreath of laurel (O. Crusius, _op. cit._ ii. 862). My learned friend Mr. A. B. Cook was the first to call attention to these vase-paintings in confirmation of my view that the Festival of the Laurel-bearing celebrated the destruction of the dragon by Cadmus. See A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-God,” _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) p. 411, note 224; and my note on Pausanias, ix. 10. 4 (vol. v. pp. 41 _sqq._).

623 I have examined both festivals more closely in a former part of this work (_The Dying God_, pp. 78 _sqq._), and have shown grounds for holding that the old octennial cycle in Greece, based on an attempt to harmonize solar and lunar time, gave rise to an octennial festival at which the mythical marriage of the sun and moon was celebrated by the dramatic marriage of human actors, who appear sometimes to have been the king and queen. In the Laurel-bearing at Thebes a clear reference to the astronomical character of the festival is contained in the emblems of the sun, moon, stars, and days of the year which were carried in procession (Proclus, _l.c._); and another reference to it may be detected in the legendary marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia. Dr. L. R. Farnell supposes that the festival of the Laurel-bearing “belongs to the maypole processions, universal in the peasant-religion of Europe, of which the object is to quicken the vitalizing powers of the year in the middle of spring or at the beginning of summer” (_The Cults of the Greek States_, iv. 285). But this explanation appears to be inconsistent with the octennial period of the festival.

624 We may conjecture that the Olympic, like the Delphic and the Theban, festival was at first octennial, though in historical times it was quadrennial. Certainly it seems to have been based on an octennial cycle. See the Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ iii. 35 (20); Aug. Boeckh on Pindar, _Explicationes_ (Leipsic, 1821), p. 138; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 366 _sq._; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Iwan Müller’s _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, i. (Nördlingen, 1886) pp. 605 _sq._; K. O. Müller, _Die Dorier_2 (Breslau, 1844), ii. 483. The Pythian games, which appear to have been at first identical with the Delphic Festival of Crowning, were held originally at intervals of eight instead of four years. See the Scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth. Argum._ p. 298, ed. A. Boeckh (Leipsic, 1819); Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 6; compare Eustathius on Homer, _Od._ iii. 267, p. 1466. 29. As to the original identity of the Pythian games and the Festival of Crowning see Th. Schreiber, _Apollon Pythoktonos_ (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 37 _sq._; A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-God,” _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) pp. 404 _sq._

M218 If wreaths were originally amulets, we could understand why children of living parents were chosen to cut and wear them.

625 Antonin Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris, 1908), p. 382.

626 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 150-152.

627 On the use of crowns and wreaths in classical antiquity see W. Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_,3 i. 545 _sqq._, _s.v._ “Corona”; E. Saglio, _s.v._ “Corona,” in Ch. Daremberg et E. Saglio’s _Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines_, iii. 1520 _sqq._ In time of mourning the ancients laid aside crowns (Athenaeus, xv. 16, p. 675 A); and so did the king at Athens when he tried a homicide (Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, 57). I mention these cases because they seem to conflict with the theory in the text, in accordance with which crowns might be regarded as amulets to protect the wearer against ghosts and the pollution of blood.

M219 Children of living parents acting as priest and priestess of Apollo and Artemis. At Rome the Vestals and the Salii must be the children of parents who were alive at the date of the election. Children of living parents employed in expiatory rites at Rome.

628 Heliodorus, _Aethiopica_, i. 22.

629 Aulus Gellius, i. 12. 2.

630 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 67; Plutarch, _Numa_, 10. We read of a Vestal who held office for fifty-seven years (Tacitus, _Annals_, ii. 86). It is unlikely that the parents of this venerable lady were both alive at the date of her decease.

631 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 71.

632 Macrobius, _Sat._ iii. 14. 14. That the rule as to their parents being both alive applied to the Vestals and Salii only at the time of their entrance on office is recognized by Marquardt (_Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 228, note 1).

633 Cicero, _De haruspicum responso_, 11.

634 Livy, xxxvii. 3; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 6. 13 _sq._; Vopiscus, _Aurelianus_, 19 (where the words “_patrimis matrimisque pueris carmen indicite_” are omitted from the text by H. Peter).

635 Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 53. For the sack and conflagration of the Capitol see _id._ iii. 71-75.

636 Flowing water in Hebrew is called “living water” (מים היים).

M220 Children of living parents employed at marriage ceremonies in Greece, Italy, Albania, Bulgaria, and Africa.

637 Festus, _De verborum significatione_, ed. C. O. Müller (Leipsic, 1839), pp. 244, 245, _s.v._ “Patrimi et matrimi pueri.”

638 Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 129 _sq._, 165-168.

639 Zenobius, _Proverb._ iii. 98; Plutarch, _Proverb._ i. 16; Apostolius, _Proverb._ viii. 16 (_Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 82, 323 _sq._, ii. 429); Eustathius, on Homer, _Od._ xii. 357, p. 1726; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ ἔφυγον κακόν.

640 C. Wachsmuth, _Das alte Griechenland im neuen_ (Bonn, 1864), pp. 83-85, 86, 87, 100 _sq._

641 J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 144, 146.

642 F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der Süd-Slaven_ (Vienna, 1885), pp. 438, 441.

643 Captain J. S. King, “Notes on the Folk-lore and some Social Customs of the Western Somali Tribes,” _The Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888) p. 124. Compare Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_ (Berlin, 1893), p. 200.

644 The _Grihya-Sûtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part ii. (Oxford, 1892) p. 50 (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxx.).

M221 Children of living parents apparently supposed to impart life and longevity. Child of living parents employed in funeral rites.

645 Rev. William Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 151 _sq._

646 Rev. W. Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 180.

647 J. Pearse, “Customs connected with Death and Burial among the Sihanaka,” _The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, vol. ii. (a reprint of the second four numbers, 1881-1884) (Antananarivo, 1896) p. 152.

M222 The use of children of living parents in ritual may be explained by a notion that they are fuller of life and therefore luckier than orphans.

648 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 299.

649 Lucian, _Hermotimus_, 57.

650 A fragmentary list of these youths is preserved in an Athenian inscription of the year 91 or 90 B.C. See Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, Supplément, i. (Paris, 1912) p. 104, No. 1544.

651 Aelius Lampridius, _Antoninus Heliogabalus_, viii. 1 _sq._ The historian thinks that the monster chose these victims merely for the pleasure of rending the hearts of both the parents.

M223 The Bechuanas use the hide of a sacrificial ox at founding a new town.

652 See above, vol. i. p. 184.

653 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp. 303 _sq._

654 For more evidence of the sanctity of cattle among the Bechuanas see the Rev. W. C. Willoughby, _op. cit._ pp. 301 _sqq._

M224 The custom may explain the legend of the foundation of Carthage and similar tales.

655 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d’Exploration au Nord-est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance_ (Paris, 1842), p. 49.

656 Virgil, _Aen._ i. 367 _sq._, with the commentary of Servius; Justin, xviii. 5. 9. Thongs cut from the hide of the ox sacrificed to the four-handed Apollo were given as prizes. See Hesychius, _s.v._ κυνακίας; compare _id._, πυρώλοφοι. Whether the Greek custom was related to those discussed in the text seems doubtful. I have to thank my colleague and friend Professor R. C. Bosanquet for calling my attention to these passages of Hesychius.

657 Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, ix. vol. i. pp. 462 _sq._ ed. P. E. Müller (Copenhagen, 1839-1858) (where the hide employed is that of a horse); J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_3 (Göttingen, 1881), pp. 90 _sq._ Compare R. Köhler, “Sage von Landerwerbung durch zerschnittene Häute,” _Orient und Occident_, iii. 185-187.

658 Lieutenant-Colonel James Tod, _Annals and Antiquities of Rajast’han_, ii. (London, 1832) p. 235; W. Radloff, _Proben der Volkslitteratur der türkischen Stämme Süd-Sibiriens_, iv. (St. Petersburg, 1872) p. 179; A. Bastian, _Die Voelker des oestlichen Asien_ (Berlin, 1884-1889), i. 25, iv. 367 _sq._; T. Stamford Raffles, _History of Java_ (London, 1817), ii. 153 _sq._; R. van Eck, “Schetsen van het eiland Bali,” _Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië_, Feb. 1880, p. 117. The substance of all these stories, except the first, was given by me in a note on “Hide-measured Lands,” _The Classical Review_, ii. (1888) p. 322.

659 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_, pp. 538 _sq._

M225 The ox whose hide is used is blinded in order that the new town may be invisible to its enemies.

660 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 304.

661 Rev. E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda, a Sketch of their History and Customs,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp. 368 _sq._

M226 This explanation of the use of a blinded ox is confirmed by a Caffre custom.

662 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Relation d’un Voyage d’Exploration_, pp. 561-565.

663 Above, pp. 204 _sqq._

M227 In the Pelew Islands a man who is inspired by a goddess wears female attire and is treated as a woman. This pretended change of sex under the inspiration of a female spirit may explain a widespread custom whereby men dress and live like women.

664 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 35.

665 C. A. L. M. Schwaner, _Borneo_ (Amsterdam, 1853), i. 186; M. T. H. Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_ (Zalt-Bommel, 1870), pp. 32-35; Captain Rodney Mundy, _Narrative of Events in Borneo and Celebes from the Journals of James Brooke, Esq., Rajah of Sarawak_ (London, 1848), ii. 65 _sq._; Charles Brooke, _Ten Years in Sarawak_ (London, 1866), ii. 280; H. Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848), pp. 174-177; The Bishop of Labuan, “On the Wild Tribes of the North-West Coast of Borneo,” _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S. ii. (1863) pp. 31 _sq._; Spenser St. John, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_2 (London, 1863), i. 73. In Sarawak these men are called _manangs_, in Dutch Borneo they are called _bazirs_ or _bassirs_.

666 Captain R. Mundy, _op. cit._ i. 82 _sq._; B. F. Matthes, _Over de Bissoes of heidensche Priesters en Priesteressen der Boeginezen_ (Amsterdam, 1872), pp. 1 _sq._

667 Th. Falkner, _Description of Patagonia_ (Hereford, 1774), p. 117; J. Hutchinson, “The Tehuelche Indians of Patagonia,” _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S. vii. (1869) p. 323. Among the Guaycurus of Southern Brazil there is a class of men who dress as women and do only women’s work, such as spinning, weaving, and making pottery. But so far as I know, they are not said to be sorcerers or priests. See C. F. Ph. v. Martius, _Zur Ethnographie Amerikas zumal Brasiliens_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 74 _sq._

668 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (Frankfort, 1812), ii. 43; H. J. Holmberg, “Über die Völker des Russischen Amerika,” _Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 400 _sq._; W. H. Dall, _Alaska_ (London, 1870), pp. 402 _sq._; Ross Cox, _The Columbia River_2 (London, 1832), i. 327 _sqq._; Father G. Boscana, “Chinigchinich,” in [A. Robinson’s] _Life in California_ (New York, 1846), pp. 283 _sq._; S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 132 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), i. 82, 92, 415, 585, 774; Hontan, _Mémoires de l’Amérique Septentrionale_ (Amsterdam, 1705), p. 144; J. F. Lafitau, _Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquains_ (Paris, 1724), i. 52-54; Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1744), vi. 4 _sq._; W. H. Keating, _Expedition to the Source of St. Peter’s River_ (London, 1825), i. 227 _sq._, 436; George Catlin, _North American Indians_4 (London, 1844), ii. 214 _sq._; Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_ (Coblentz, 1839-1841), ii. 132 _sq._; D. G. Brinton, _The Lenâpé and their Legends_ (Philadelphia, 1885), pp. 109 _sq._; J. G. Müller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_2 (Bâle, 167), pp. 44 _sq._, 418. Among the tribes which permitted the custom were the Illinois, Mandans, Dacotas (Sioux), Sauks, and Foxes, to the east of the Rocky Mountains, the Yukis, Pomos, and Pitt River Indians of California, and the Koniags of Alaska.

669 Lieut. W. Foley, “Journal of a Tour through the Island of Rambree,” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, iv. (Calcutta, 1835) p. 199.

670 Monier Williams, _Religious Life and Thought in India_ (London, 1883), p. 136. Compare J. A. Dubois, _Mœurs, Institutions, et Cérémonies des Peuples de l’Inde_ (Paris, 1825), i. 439.

671 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 467.

672 J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale_ (Paris, 1732), ii. 195-199. Wherever men regularly dress as women, we may suspect that a superstitious motive underlies the custom even though our authorities do not mention it. The custom is thus reported among the Italmenes of Kamtschatka (G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka_, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1774, pp. 350 _sq._), the Lhoosais of South-Eastern India (Capt. T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races of South-Eastern India_, London, 1870, p. 255), and the Nogay or Mongutay of the Caucasus (J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des Kaukasus_, St. Petersburg, Gotha, and Hildesheim, 1796-1797, i. 270). Among the Lhoosais or Lushais not only do men sometimes dress like women and consort and work with them (T. H. Lewin, _l.c._), but, on the other hand, women sometimes dress and live like men, adopting masculine habits in all respects. When one of these unsexed women was asked her reasons for adopting a masculine mode of life, she at first denied that she was a woman, but finally confessed “that her _khuavang_ was not good, and so she became a man.” See the extract from the _Pioneer Mail_ of May 1890, quoted in _The Indian Antiquary_, xxxii. (1903) p. 413. The permanent transformation of women into men seems to be much rarer than the converse change of men into women.

M228 Such transformations seem to have been often carried out in obedience to intimations received in dreams or in ecstasy. Transformed medicine-men among the Sea Dyaks and Chukchees.

673 Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_, ii. 133.

674 W. H. Keating, _Expedition to the Source of St. Peter’s River_, i. 227 _sq._

675 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, “A Study of Siouan Cults,” _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 378.

676 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_ (London, 1911), p. 179; Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_ (London, 1912), ii. 116.

677 Waldemar Bogoras, _The Chukchee_ (Leyden and New York, 1904-1909), pp. 448-453 (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vii.; _Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History_).

678 Rev. A. L. Kitching, _On the Backwaters of the Nile_ (London, 1912), p. 239, with the plate.

M229 Women inspired by a god dress as men.

679 For this information I have to thank my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe. He tells me that according to tradition Mukasa used to give his oracles by the mouth of a man, not of a woman. To wear two bark cloths, one on each shoulder, is a privilege of royalty and of priests. The ordinary man wears a single bark cloth knotted on one shoulder only. With the single exception mentioned in the text, women in Uganda never wear bark cloths fastened over the shoulders.

680 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 297.

M230 The theory of inspiration by a female spirit perhaps explains the legends of the effeminate Sardanapalus and the effeminate Hercules, both of whom may have been thought to be possessed by the great Asiatic goddess Astarte or her equivalent.

_ 681 The Scapegoat_, pp. 387 _sqq._

682 Catullus, lxiii. This is in substance the explanation of the custom given by Dr. L. R. Farnell, who observes that “the mad worshipper endeavoured thus against nature to assimilate himself more closely to his goddess” (“Sociological hypotheses concerning the position of women in ancient religion,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904) p. 93). The theory is not necessarily inconsistent with my conjecture as to the magical use made of the severed parts. See above, vol. i. pp. 268 _sq._

683 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 58.

684 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, ii. 6. 2 _sq._; Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 F-516 B; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64; Lucian, _Dialogi deorum_, xiii. 2; Ovid, _Heroides_, ix. 55 _sqq._; Statius, _Theb._ x. 646-649.

685 On Semiramis in this character see above, vol. i. pp. 176 _sq._; _The Scapegoat_, pp. 369 _sqq._

686 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 46, p. 81, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1837). Yet at Rome, by an apparent contradiction, women might not be present at a sacrifice offered to Hercules (Propertius, v. 9. 67-70; see further above, vol. i. p. 113, note 1), and at Gades women might not enter the temple of Melcarth, the Tyrian Hercules (Silius Italicus, iii. 22). There was a Greek proverb, “A woman does not go to a temple of Hercules” (Macarius, _Cent._ iii. 11; _Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 392, ii. 154). Roman women did not swear by Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6).

687 Lucian, _Calumniae non temere credendum_, 16; Hesychius and Suidas, _s.v._ Ἰθύφαλλοι. At the Athenian vintage festival of the Oschophoria a chorus of singers was led in procession by two young men dressed exactly like girls; they carried branches of vines laden with ripe clusters. The procession was said to be in honour of Dionysus and Athena or Ariadne. See Proclus, quoted by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 322_a_, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824); Plutarch, _Theseus_, 23.

688 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 34, pp. 29 _sq._, ed. Potter; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 28; _Mythographi Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), p. 368; J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on Lycophron_, 212. As to the special association of the fig with Dionysus, see Athenaeus, iii. 14, p. 78. As to the artificial fertilization of the fig, see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 314 _sq._ On the type of the effeminate Dionysus in art see E. Thraemer, _s.v._ “Dionysos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 1135 _sqq._

689 Tacitus, _Germania_, 43. Perhaps, as Professor Chadwick thinks, this priest may have succeeded to a priestess when the change from mother-kin to father-kin took place. See H. M. Chadwick, _The Origin of the English Nation_ (Cambridge, 1907), p. 339.

690 In Cyprus there was a bearded and masculine image of Venus (probably Astarte) in female attire: according to Philochorus, the deity thus represented was the moon, and sacrifices were offered to him or her by men clad as women, and by women clad as men. See Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 7. 2 _sq._; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 632. A similar exchange of garments took place between Argive men and women at the festival of the Hybristica, which fell in the month of Hermes, either at the new moon or on the fourth of the month. See Plutarch, _De mulierum virtutibus_, 4; Polyaenus, viii. 33. On the thirteenth of January flute-players paraded the streets of Rome in the garb of women (Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 55).

691 For traces of mother-kin in Lydia see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 281 _sq._ With regard to Cos we know from inscriptions that at Halasarna all who shared in the sacred rites of Apollo and Hercules had to register the names of their father, their mother, and of their mother’s father; from which it appears that maternal descent was counted more important than paternal descent. See H. Collitz und F. Bechtel, _Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften_, iii. 1 (Göttingen, 1899), pp. 382-393, Nos. 3705, 3706; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarnum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 396 _sqq._, No. 614; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 796 _sq._, No. 1003; J. Toepffer, _Attische Genealogie_ (Berlin, 1889), pp. 192 _sq._ On traces of mother-kin in the legend and ritual of Hercules see A. B. Cook, “Who was the wife of Hercules?” _The Classical Review_, xx. (1906) pp. 376 _sq._ Mr. Cook conjectures that a Sacred Marriage of Hercules and Hera was celebrated in Cos. We know in fact from a Coan inscription that a bed was made and a marriage celebrated beside the image of Hercules, and it seems probable that the rite was that of a Sacred Marriage, though some scholars interpret it merely of an ordinary human wedding. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 577 _sqq._, No. 734; R. Dareste, B. Haussoulier, Th. Reinach, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Juridiques Grecques_, Deuxième Série (Paris, 1898), No. xxiv. B, pp. 94 _sqq._; Fr. Back, _De Graecorum caerimoniis in quibus homines deorum vice fungebantur_ (Berlin, 1883), pp. 14-24.

M231 But the exchange of costume between men and women has probably been practised also from other motives, for example, from a wish to avert the Evil Eye. This motive seems to explain the interchange of male and female costume between bride and bridegroom at marriage.

_ 692 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. (1884) §§ 219, 869, 1007, 1029; _id._ ii. (1885) §§ 344, 561, 570; _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, i. (1886) p. 123; _North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii. (1893) § 99. Compare my notes, “The Youth of Achilles,” _The Classical Review_, vii. (1893) pp. 292 _sq._; and on Pausanias, i. 22. 6 (vol. ii. p. 266).

693 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 58.

694 Plutarch, _Lycurgus_, 15.

695 Plutarch, _De mulierum virtutibus_, 4.

696 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The Hague, 1875), p. 35. The marriage ceremonies here described are especially those of princes.

697 Sepp, _Altbayerischer Sagenschatz_ (Munich, 1876), p. 232, referring to Maimonides.

698 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906), p. 3. The pseudo-bridegroom is apparently the bride in masculine attire.

_ 699 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 31.

_ 700 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, i. _Draft Articles on Hindustani Castes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 48.

701 Elsewhere I have conjectured that the wearing of female attire by the bridegroom at marriage may mark a transition from mother-kin to father-kin, the intention of the custom being to transfer to the father those rights over the children which had previously been enjoyed by the mother alone. See _Totemism_ (Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 78 _sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 73. But I am now disposed to think that the other explanation suggested in the text is the more probable.

M232 The same explanation may account for the interchange of male and female costume between other persons at marriage.

_ 702 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 31.

_ 703 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 48.

_ 704 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, vi. _Draft Articles on Hindustani Castes_, Second Series (Allahabad, 1911), p. 50.

705 Compare W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 8, who proposes, with great probability, to explain on a similar principle, the European marriage custom known as the False Bride. For more instances of the interchange of male and female costume at marriage between persons other than the bridegroom see Capt. J. S. King, “Social Customs of the Western Somali Tribes,” _The Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888) p. 122; J. P. Farler, “The Usambara Country in East Africa,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. i. (1879) p. 92; Major J. Biddulph, _Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh_ (Calcutta, 1880), pp. 78, 80; G. A. Grierson, _Bihar Peasant Life_ (Calcutta, 1885), p. 365; A. de Gubernatis, _Usi Nuziali in Italia_2 (Milan, 1878), p. 190; P. Sébillot, _Coutumes Populaires de la Haute-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1886), p. 438.

706 L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 85.

707 J. Liorel, _Kabylie du Jurjura_ (Paris, N. D.), p. 406.

M233 Women’s dress assumed by men for the purpose of deceiving demons and ghosts.

708 Rev. J. H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 267. Compare _id._, “Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper Congo River,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl. (1910) pp. 370 _sq._

709 Lieut.-Colonel J. Shakespear, “The Kuki-Lushai Clans,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 380 _sq._

M234 Exchange of costume between the sexes at circumcision.

710 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 298.

711 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 53-58. Mr. Hollis informs me that among the Akikuyu, another tribe of British East Africa, the custom of boys dressing as girls at or after circumcision is also observed.

M235 Other cases of the interchange of male and female costume.

712 Plutarch, _Consolatio ad Apollonium_, 22; Valerius Maximus, ii. 6. 13.

713 Plutarch, _l.c._

714 J. Kreemer, “De Loeboes in Mandailing,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, lxvi. (1912) p. 317.

M236 Conclusion. M237 The systematic prostitution of unmarried girls for hire in the Pelew Islands seems to be a form of sexual communism and of group-marriage.

715 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 50 _sq._

716 J. Kubary, _op. cit._ p. 51.

717 J. Kubary, _op. cit._ pp. 51-53, 91-98.

M238 The custom supports by analogy the derivation of the similar Asiatic custom from a similar state of society.

718 See above, vol. i. pp. 39 _sqq._

M239 Somewhat similar custom observed in Yap, one of the Caroline Islands.

719 F. W. Christian, _The Caroline Islands_ (London, 1899), pp. 290 _sq._ Compare W. H. Furness, _The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines_ (Philadelphia and London, 1910), pp. 46 _sqq._

720 W. H. Furness, _op. cit._ pp. 46 _sq._

721 W. H. Furness, _op. cit._ pp. 49 _sq._

M240 In the Pelew Islands the heir to the chieftainship of a clan has a formal right to slay his predecessor.

722 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, p. 43. The writer does not translate the word _tobolbel_, but the context sufficiently explains its meaning.

M241 The plot of death and its execution. M242 Ceremonies observed before the assassin is recognized as chief in room of his victim. M243 But the formalities which a chief has to observe at his accession are much more complicated and tedious if he has not murdered his predecessor.

723 J. Kubary, _Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer_, pp. 43-45, 75-78.

M244 The Pelew custom shows how regicide may be regarded as an ordinary incident of constitutional government.