Part ii. (London, 1901) pp. 8 _sq._, 16-19, with the frontispiece

and plates lx. lxi.; G. Maspero, _Études de Mythologie et d’Archéologie Égyptiennes_ (Paris, 1893-1912), vi. 167-173; J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 50 _sq._, 148; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 8-10, 13, 83-85. The tomb, with its interesting contents, was discovered and excavated by Monsieur E. Amélineau. The masses, almost the mountains, of broken pottery, under which the tomb was found to be buried, are probably remains of the vessels in which pious pilgrims presented their offerings at the shrine. See E. Amélineau, _op. cit._ pp. 85 _sq._; J. H. Breasted, _op. cit._ pp. 51, 148. The high White Crown, worn by Osiris, was the symbol of the king’s dominion over Upper Egypt; the flat Red Crown, with a high backpiece and a projecting spiral, was the symbol of his dominion over Lower Egypt. On the monuments the king is sometimes represented wearing a combination of the White and the Red Crown to symbolize his sovereignty over both the South and the North. White was the distinctive colour of Upper, as red was of Lower, Egypt. The treasury of Upper Egypt was called “the White House”; the treasury of Lower Egypt was called “the Red House.” See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 103 _sq._; J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 34 _sq._, 36, 41.

41 A. Moret, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), pp. 159-162, with plate iii. Compare Victor Loret, “L’Égypte au temps du totémisme,” _Conférences faites au Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque de Vulgarisation_, xix. (Paris, 1906) pp. 179-186. Both these writers regard the hawk as the totem of the royal clan. This view is rejected by Prof. Ed. Meyer, who, however, holds that Horus, whose emblem was the hawk, was the oldest national god of Egypt (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 102-106). He prefers to suppose that the hawk, or rather the falcon, was the emblem of a god of light because the bird flies high in the sky (_op. cit._ p. 73; according to him the bird is not the sparrow-hawk but the falcon, ib. p. 75). A similar view is adopted by Professor A. Wiedemann (_Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 26). Compare A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 10, 11. The native Egyptian name of Hawk-town was Nechen, in Greek it was Hieraconpolis (Ed. Meyer, _op. cit._ p. 103). Hawks were worshipped by the inhabitants (Strabo, xvii. 1. 47, p. 817).

42 According to the legend the four sons of Horus were set by Anubis to protect the burial of Osiris. They washed his dead body, they mourned over him, and they opened his cold lips with their fingers. But they disappeared, for Isis had caused them to grow out of a lotus flower in a pool of water. In that position they are sometimes represented in Egyptian art before the seated effigy of Osiris. See A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 p. 43; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 40, 41, 327.

M19 The association of Osiris with Byblus.

43 See above, pp. 9 _sq._

44 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 16 _sq._

45 Cyril of Alexandria, _In Isaiam_, lib. ii. Tomus iii. (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxx. 441).

M20 The date of a festival sometimes furnishes a clue to the nature of the god. M21 The year of the Egyptian calendar a vague or movable one.

46 As to the Egyptian calendar see L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 93 _sqq._; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 368 _sqq._; R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der Aegypter_, i. (Berlin, 1849) pp. 125 _sqq._; H. Brugsch, _Die Ägyptologie_ (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 347-366; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 468 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 207-210; Ed. Meyer, “Aegyptische Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1904, pp. 2 _sqq._; _id._, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907, pp. 3 _sqq._; _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98 _sqq._; F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. (Leipsic, 1906) pp. 150 _sqq._

47 Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann’s note; Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius (Leipsic, 1898); Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 10.

48 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, 8, pp. 106 _sqq._, ed. C. Manitius.

M22 Thus the official calendar was divorced from the natural calendar, which is marked by the course of the seasons.

49 Diodorus Siculus, i. 50. 2; Strabo, xvii. i. 46, p. 816. According to H. Brugsch (_Die Ägyptologie_, pp. 349 _sq._), the Egyptians would seem to have denoted the movable year of the calendar and the fixed year of the sun by different written symbols. For more evidence that they were acquainted with a four years’ period, corrected by intercalation, see R. Lepsius, _Chronologie der Aegypter_, i. 149 _sqq._

50 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius. The same writer further (p. 108) describes as a popular Greek error the opinion that the Egyptian festival of Isis coincided with the winter solstice. In his day, he tells us, the two events were separated by an interval of a full month, though they had coincided a hundred and twenty years before the time he was writing.

_ 51 Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea_, p. 409, ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt, in his edition of Martianus Capella (Leipsic, 1866).

M23 Attempt of Ptolemy III. to reform the Egyptian calendar by intercalation.

52 Copies of the decree in hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek have been found inscribed on stones in Egypt. See Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), pp. 415 _sqq._, No. 551; W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), vol. i. pp. 91 _sqq._, No. 56; J. P. Mahaffy, _The Empire of the Ptolemies_ (London, 1895), pp. 205 _sqq._, 226 _sqq._ The star mentioned in the decree is the Dog-star (Sirius). See below, pp. 34 _sqq._

53 W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. i. pp. 140 _sqq._, No. 90, with note 25 of the editor.

M24 Institution of the fixed Alexandrian year by the Romans.

54 On the Alexandrian year see L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 140 _sqq._ That admirable chronologer argued (pp. 153-161) that the innovation was introduced not, as had been commonly supposed, in 25 B.C., but in 30 B.C., the year in which Augustus defeated Mark Antony under the walls of Alexandria and captured the city. However, the question seems to be still unsettled. See F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 226 _sqq._, who thinks it probable that the change was made in 26 B.C. For the purposes of this study the precise date of the introduction of the Alexandrian year is not material.

55 In demotic the fixed Alexandrian year is called “the year of the Ionians,” while the old movable year is styled “the year of the Egyptians.” Documents have been found which are dated by the day and the month of both years. See H. Brugsch, _Die Ägyptologie_, pp. 354 _sq._

56 L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 149-152. Macrobius thought that the Egyptians had always employed a solar year of 365-¼ days (_Saturn._ i. 12. 2, i. 14. 3). The ancient calendar of the Mexicans resembled that of the Egyptians except that it was divided into eighteen months of twenty days each (instead of twelve months of thirty days each), with five supplementary days added at the end of the year. These supplementary days (_nemontemi_) were deemed unlucky: nothing was done on them: they were dedicated to no deity; and persons born on them were considered unfortunate. See B. de Sahagun, _Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 50, 164; F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_ (London, 1807), i. 290. Unlike the Egyptian calendar, however, the Mexican appears to have been regularly corrected by intercalation so as to bring it into harmony with the solar year. But as to the mode of intercalation our authorities differ. According to the positive statement of Sahagun, one of the earliest and best authorities, the Mexicans corrected the deficiency of their year by intercalating one day in every fourth year, which is precisely the correction adopted in the Alexandrian and the Julian calendar. See B. de Sahagun, _op. cit._ pp. 286 _sq._, where he expressly asserts the falsehood of the view that the bissextile year was unknown to the Mexicans. This weighty statement is confirmed by the practice of the Indians of Yucatan. Like the Aztecs, they reckoned a year to consist of 360 days divided into 18 months of 20 days each, with 5 days added so as to make a total of 365 days, but every fourth year they intercalated a day so as to make a total of 366 days. See Diego de Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp. 202 _sqq._ On the other hand the historian Clavigero, who lived in the eighteenth century, but used earlier authorities, tells us that the Mexicans “did not interpose a day every four years, but thirteen days (making use here even of this favourite number) every fifty-two years; which produces the same regulation of time” (_History of Mexico_, Second Edition, London, 1807, vol. i. p. 293). However, the view that the Mexicans corrected their year by intercalation is rejected by Professor E. Seler. See his “Mexican Chronology,” in _Bulletin 28_ of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1904), pp. 13 _sqq._; and on the other side Miss Zelia Nuttall, “The Periodical Adjustments of the Ancient Mexican Calendar,” _American Anthropologist_, N.S. vi. (1904) pp. 486-500.

M25 In Egypt the operations of husbandry are dependent on the annual rise and fall of the Nile.

57 Herodotus, ii. 36, with A. Wiedemann’s note; Diodorus Siculus, i. 14-1, i. 17. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 57 _sq._, xviii. 60; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 398, 399, 418, 426 _sq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 577 _sqq._; A. de Candolle, _Origin of Cultivated Plants_ (London, 1884), pp. 354 _sq._, 369, 381; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 66.

58 Herodotus, ii. 14; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36; Strabo, xvii. 1. 3, pp. 786-788; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 167-170; Seneca, _Natur. Quaest._ iv. 2. 1-10; E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 17 _sq._, 495 _sqq._; A. Erman, _op. cit._ pp. 21-25; G. Maspero, _op. cit._ i. 22 _sqq._ However, since the Suez Canal was cut, rain has been commoner in Lower Egypt (A. H. Sayce on Herodotus, ii. 14).

59 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 22-26; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 23. According to Lane (_op. cit._ pp. 17 _sq._) the Nile rises in Egypt about the summer solstice (June 21) and reaches its greatest height by the autumnal equinox (September 22). This agrees exactly with the statement of Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 2). Herodotus says (ii. 19) that the rise of the river lasted for a hundred days from the summer solstice. Compare Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 57, xviii. 167; Seneca, _Nat. Quaest._ iv. 2. 1. According to Prof. Ginzel the Nile does not rise in Egypt till the last week of June (_Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 154). For ancient descriptions of Egypt in time of flood see Herodotus, ii. 97; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36. 8 _sq._; Strabo, xvii. 1. 4, p. 788; Aelian, _De natura animalium_, x. 43; Achilles Tatius, iv. 12; Seneca, _Natur. Quaest._ iv. 2. 8 and 11.

M26 Irrigation, sowing, and harvest in Egypt.

60 Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 365 _sq._; E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 498 _sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 23 _sq._, 69. The last-mentioned writer says (p. 24) that the dams are commonly cut between the first and sixteenth of July, but apparently he means August.

61 Sir J. D. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ ii. 398 _sq._; Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, cited above, vol. i. p. 231, note 3. According to Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xviii. 60) barley was reaped in Egypt in the sixth month from sowing, and wheat in the seventh month. Diodorus Siculus, on the other hand, says (i. 36. 4) that the corn was reaped after four or five months. Perhaps Pliny refers to Lower, and Diodorus to Upper Egypt. Elsewhere Pliny affirms (_Nat. Hist._ xviii. 169) that the corn was sown at the beginning of November, and that the reaping began at the end of March and was completed in May. This certainly applies better to Lower than to Upper Egypt.

M27 The events of the agricultural year were probably celebrated with religious rites. M28 Mourning for Osiris at midsummer when the Nile begins to rise.

62 Pausanias, x. 32. 18.

63 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 278.

64 N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, _De Bare’e-sprekende Toradjas van Midden-Celebes_ (Batavia, 1912), i. 273. The more civilized Indians of tropical America, who practised agriculture and had developed a barbaric art, appear to have commonly represented the rain-god in human form with tears streaming down from his eyes. See T. A. Joyce, “The Weeping God,” _Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway_ (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 365-374.

65 This we learn from inscriptions at Silsilis. See A. Moret, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), p. 180.

66 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 495 _sq._

M29 Sirius regarded as the star of Isis. The rising of Sirius marked the beginning of the sacred Egyptian year. The observation of the gradual displacement of Sirius in the calendar led to the determination of the true length of the solar year.

67 L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 124 _sqq._; R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der Aegypter_, i. 168 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 190 _sq._; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11 _sq._; _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 28 _sq._, 99 _sqq._ The coincidence of the rising of Sirius with the swelling of the Nile is mentioned by Tibullus (i. 7. 21 _sq._) and Aelian (_De natura animalium_, x. 45). In later times, as a consequence of the precession of the equinoxes, the rising of Sirius gradually diverged from the summer solstice, falling later and later in the solar year. In the sixteenth and fifteenth century B.C. Sirius rose seventeen days after the summer solstice, and at the date of the Canopic decree (238 B.C.) it rose a whole month after the first swelling of the Nile. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 130; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 190; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” pp. 11 _sq._ According to Censorinus (_De die natali_, xxi. 10), Sirius regularly rose in Egypt on the twentieth of July (Julian calendar); and this was true of latitude 30° in Egypt (the latitude nearly of Heliopolis and Memphis) for about three thousand years of Egyptian history. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 128-130. But the date of the rising of the star is not the same throughout Egypt; it varies with the latitude, and the variation within the limits of Egypt amounts to seven days or more. Roughly speaking, Sirius rises nearly a whole day earlier for each degree of latitude you go south. Thus, whereas near Alexandria in the north Sirius does not rise till the twenty-second of July, at Syene in the south it rises on the sixteenth of July. See R. Lepsius, _op. cit._ i. 168 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 182 _sq._ Now it is to be remembered that the rising of the Nile, as well as the rising of Sirius, is observed earlier and earlier the further south you go. The coincident variation of the two phenomena could hardly fail to confirm the Egyptians in their belief of a natural or supernatural connexion between them.

68 Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 4; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 21, 22, 38, 61; Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 24; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, ii. 517; Canopic decree, lines 36 _sq._, in W. Dittenberger’s _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. i. p. 102, No. 56 (lines 28 _sq._ in Ch. Michel’s _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 417, No. 551); R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, pp. 825 _sq._ On the ceiling of the Memnonium at Thebes the heliacal rising of Sirius is represented under the form and name of Isis (Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_, London, 1878, iii. 102).

69 Porphyry and the Canopic decree, _ll.cc._; Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 10, xxi. 10. In inscriptions on the temple at Syene, the modern Assuan, Isis is called “the mistress of the beginning of the year,” the goddess “who revolves about the world, near to the constellation of Orion, who rises in the eastern sky and passes to the west perpetually” (R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 826). According to some, the festival of the rising of Sirius and the beginning of the sacred year was held on the nineteenth, not the twentieth of July. See Ed. Meyer, “Ägyptische Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1904, pp. 22 _sqq._; _id._, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907, pp. 7 _sqq._; _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98 _sqq._

_ 70 Eudoxi ars astronomica, qualis in charta Aegyptiaca superest_, ed. F. Blass (Kiliae, 1887), p. 14, οἱ δὲ ἀσ[τρο]λ[ό]γοι καὶ οἱ ἱερογραμμ[ατεῖς] χ[ρῶν]ται ταῖς κατὰ σελή[ν]ἠ[ν] ἡμ[έ]ραις καὶ ἄγουσι πανδημ[ι]κὰς ἕ[ορ]τας τινὰς μὲν ὡς ἐνομί[σθ]ἠ τὰ δὲ καταχυτήρια καὶ κυνὸς ἀνατολὴν καὶ σεληναῖα κατὰ θεό[ν], ἀναλεγόμενοι τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. This statement of Eudoxus or of one of his pupils is important, since it definitely proves that, besides the shifting festivals of the shifting official year, the Egyptians celebrated other festivals, which were dated by direct observation of natural phenomena, namely, the annual inundation, the rise of Sirius, and the phases of the moon. The same distinction of the fixed from the movable festivals is indicated in one of the Hibeh papyri, but the passage is unfortunately mutilated. See _The Hibeh Papyri_, part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), pp. 145, 151 (pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse). The annual festival in honour of Ptolemy and Berenice was fixed on the day of the rising of Sirius. See the Canopic decree, in W. Dittenberger’s _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, No. 56 (vol. i. pp. 102 _sq._).

The rise of Sirius was carefully observed by the islanders of Ceos, in the Aegean. They watched for it with arms in their hands and sacrificed on the mountains to the star, drawing from its aspect omens of the salubrity or unhealthiness of the coming year. The sacrifice was believed to secure the advent of the cool North winds (the Etesian winds as the Greeks call them), which regularly begin to blow about this time of the year, and mitigate the oppressive heat of summer in the Aegean. See Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ ii. 516-527, with the notes of the Scholiast on vv. 498, 526; Theophrastus, _De ventis_, ii. 14; Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ vi. 3. 29, p. 753, ed. Potter; Nonnus, _Dionys._ v. 269-279; Hyginus, _Astronomica_, ii. 4; Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 57. 130; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 6-8; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 96 _sqq._ On the top of Mount Pelion in Thessaly there was a sanctuary of Zeus, where sacrifices were offered at the rising of Sirius, in the height of the summer, by men of rank, who were chosen by the priest and wore fresh sheep-skins. See [Dicaearchus,] “Descriptio Graeciae,” _Geographi Graeci Minores_, ed. C. Müller, i. 107; _Historicorum Graecorum Fragmenta_, ed. C. Müller, ii. 262.

71 Above, pp. 24 _sq._

72 We know from Censorinus (_De die natali_, xxi. 10) that the first of Thoth coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius on July 20 (Julian calendar) in the year 139 A.D. Hence reckoning backwards by Sothic periods of 1460 solar years we may infer that Sirius rose on July 20th (Julian calendar) in the years 1321 B.C., 2781 B.C., and 4241 B.C.; and accordingly that the civil or vague Egyptian year of 365 days was instituted in one of these years. In favour of supposing that it was instituted either in 2781 B.C. or 4241 B.C., it may be said that in both these years the rising of Sirius nearly coincided with the summer solstice and the rising of the Nile; whereas in the year 1321 B.C. the summer solstice, and with it the rising of the Nile, fell nineteen days before the rising of Sirius and the first of Thoth. Now when we consider the close causal connexion which the Egyptians traced between the rising of Sirius and the rising of the Nile, it seems probable that they started the new calendar on the first of Thoth in a year in which the two natural phenomena coincided rather than in one in which they diverged from each other by nineteen days. Prof. Ed. Meyer decides in favour of the year 4241 B.C. as the date of the introduction of the Egyptian calendar on the ground that the calendar was already well known in the Old Kingdom. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 125 _sqq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 192 _sqq._; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11 _sq._; _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98 _sqq._ When the fixed Alexandrian year was introduced in 30 B.C. (see above, pp. 27 _sq._) the first of Thoth fell on August 29, which accordingly was thenceforth reckoned the first day of the year in the Alexandrian calendar. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 153 _sqq._ The period of 1460 solar or 1461 movable Egyptian years was variously called a Sothic period (Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ i. 21. 136, p. 401 ed. Potter), a Canicular year (from _Canicula_, “the Dog-star,” that is, Sirius), a heliacal year, and a year of God (Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 10). But there is no evidence or probability that the period was recognized by the Egyptian astronomers who instituted the movable year of 365 days. Rather, as Ideler pointed out (_op. cit._ i. 132), it must have been a later discovery based on continued observations of the heliacal rising of Sirius and of its gradual displacement through the whole length of the official calendar. Brugsch, indeed, went so far as to suppose that the period was a discovery of astronomers of the second century A.D., to which they were led by the coincidence of the first of Thoth with the heliacal rising of Sirius in 139 A.D. (_Die Ägyptologie_, p. 357). But the discovery, based as it is on a very simple calculation (365 × 4 = 1460), could hardly fail to be made as soon as astronomers estimated the length of the solar year at 365-¼ days, and that they did so at least as early as 238 B.C. is proved conclusively by the Canopic decree. See above, pp. 25 _sq._, 27. As to the Sothic period see further R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der Aegypter_, i. 165 _sqq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 187 _sqq._

For the convenience of the reader I subjoin a table of the Egyptian months, with their dates, as these fell, (1) in a year when the first of Thoth coincided with July 20 of the Julian calendar, and (2) in the fixed Alexandrian year.

Egyptian Months, Sothic Year beginning July 20, Alexandrian Year. 1 Thoth, 20 July, 29 August 1 Phaophi, 19 August, 28 September 1 Atbyr, 18 September, 28 October 1 Khoiak, 18 October, 27 November 1 Tybi, 17 November, 27 December 1 Mechir, 17 December, 26 January 1 Phamenoth, 16 January, 25 February 1 Pharmuthi, 15 February, 27 March 1 Pachon, 17 March, 26 April 1 Payni, 16 April, 26 May 1 Epiphi, 16 May, 25 June 1 Mesori, 15 June, 25 July 1 Supplementary, 15 July, 24 August

See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 143 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 200.

73 The Canopic decree (above, p. 27) suffices to prove that the Egyptian astronomers, long before Caesar’s time, were well acquainted with the approximately exact length of the solar year, although they did not use their knowledge to correct the calendar except for a short time in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes. With regard to Caesar’s debt to the Egyptian astronomers see Dio Cassius, xliii. 26; Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 14. 3, i. 16. 39; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 166 _sqq._

M30 Ceremonies observed in Egypt at the cutting of the dams early in August. The Bride of the Nile. Sacrifices offered by savages at the cutting of dams.

74 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 499 _sq._

75 Bruno Gutmann, “Feldbausitten und Wachstumsbräuche der Wadschagga,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xlv. (1913) pp. 484 _sq._

76 Hon. K. R. Dundas, “Notes on the tribes inhabiting the Baringo District, East Africa Protectorate,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl. (1910) p. 54.

M31 Modern Egyptian ceremony at the cutting of the dams.

77 E. W. Lane, _op. cit._ pp. 500-504; Sir Auckland Colvin, _The Making of Modern Egypt_ (London, 1906), pp. 278 _sq._ According to the latter writer, a dressed dummy was thrown into the river at each cutting of the dam.

78 Seneca, _Naturales Quaestiones_, iv. 2. 7. The cutting of the dams is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 3), and the festival on that occasion (τὰ καταχυτήρια) is noticed by Eudoxus (or one of his pupils) in a passage which has already been quoted. See above, p. 35, note 2.

79 Sir Auckland Colvin, _l.c._

M32 The sowing of the seed in November. Plutarch on the mournful character of the rites of sowing. The sadness of autumn.

80 Τῆς Ἀχαίας. Plutarch derives the name from ἄχος, “pain,” “grief.” But the etymology is uncertain. It has lately been proposed to derive the epithet from ὀχή, “nourishment.” See M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), p. 326. As to the vaults (μέγαρα) of Demeter see Pausanias, ix. 8. 1; Scholiast on Lucian, _Dial. Meretr._ ii. pp. 275 _sq._, ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906).

81 In antiquity the Pleiades set at dawn about the end of October or early in November. See L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 242; Aug. Mommsen, _Chronologie_ (Leipsic, 1883), pp. 16, 27; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Iwan Müller’s _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, i.1 (Nördlingen, 1886) pp. 558, 585.

82 Τὰς παρουσίας τῶν ἀναγκαίων καί ἀποκρύψεις.

83 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69-71. With the sleep of the Phrygian gods we may compare the sleep of Vishnu. The toils and anxieties of the Indian farmer “are continuous, and his only period of comparative rest is in the heavy rain time, when, as he says, the god Vishnu goes to sleep, and does not wake till October is well advanced and the time has come to begin cutting and crushing the sugar-cane and boiling down the juice” (W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 159).

M33 Plutarch’s view that the worship of the fruits of the earth sprang from a verbal misunderstanding.

84 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 77.

M34 His theory is an inversion of the truth: for fetishism is the antecedent, not the corruption, of theism. Lamentations of the savage for the animals and plants which he kills and eats. M35 Respect shown by savages for the fruits and the animals which they eat.

_ 85 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 204 _sqq._

86 C. Hill Tout, “Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlum Indians of British Columbia,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp. 140 _sq._

M36 Thus the lamentations of the sower become intelligible.

87 Psalm cxxvi. 5 _sq._ Firmicus Maternus asks the Egyptians (_De errore profanarum religionum_, ii. 7), “_Cur plangitis fruges terrae et crescentia lugetis semina?_”

M37 Lamentations of the Egyptian corn-reapers.

88 As to the Egyptian modes of reaping and threshing see Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 419 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 572 _sqq._

89 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2.

90 Herodotus, ii. 79; Julius Pollux, iv. 54; Pausanias, ix. 29. 7; Athenaeus, xiv. 11 _sq._, pp. 618-620. As to these songs see _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 214 _sqq._

91 H. Brugsch, _Adonisklage und Linoslied_ (Berlin, 1852), p. 24, corrected by A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 336. As to the lamentations for Osiris see above, p. 12.

M38 Similar ceremonies observed by the Cherokee Indians in the cultivation of the corn. The Old Woman of the corn and the laments for her death.

92 J. Mooney, “Myths of the Cherokee,” _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1900), pp. 423 _sq._ I do not know what precisely the writer means by “the last working of the crop” and “the first working of the corn.”

_ 93 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 180 _sqq._

94 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 46.

M39 Lamentations of Indians at cutting sacred wood.

95 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 25.

M40 Arab ceremony of burying “the old man” at harvest.

96 A. Jaussen, “Coutumes Arabes,” _Revue Biblique_, 1er avril 1903, p. 258; _id._, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris 1908), pp. 252 _sq._

M41 With the adoption of the Alexandrian year in 30 B.C. the Egyptian festivals ceased to rotate through the natural year.

97 Thus with regard to the Egyptian month of Athyr he tells us that the sun was then in the sign of the Scorpion (_Isis et Osiris_, 13), that Athyr corresponded to the Athenian month Pyanepsion and the Boeotian month Damatrius (_op. cit._ 69), that it was the month of sowing (_ib._), that in it the Nile sank, the earth was laid bare by the retreat of the inundation, the leaves fell, and the nights grew longer than the days (_op. cit._ 39). These indications agree on the whole with the date of Athyr in the Alexandrian calendar, namely October 28-November 26. Again, he says (_op. cit._ 43) that the festival of the beginning of spring was held at the new moon of the month Phamenoth, which, in the Alexandrian calendar, corresponded to February 24-March 26. Further, he tells us that a festival was celebrated on the 23rd of Phaophi after the autumn equinox (_op. cit._ 52), and in the Alexandrian calendar Phaophi began on September 28, a few days after the autumn equinox. Once more, he observes that another festival was held after the spring equinox (_op. cit._ 65), which implies the use of a fixed solar year. See G. Parthey in his edition of Plutarch’s _Isis et Osiris_ (Berlin, 1850), pp. 165-169.

98 H. Brugsch, _Die Ägyptologie_, p. 355.

M42 The sufferings of Osiris displayed as a mystery at Sais. The illumination of houses throughout Egypt on the night of the festival suggests that the rite was a Feast of All Souls.

99 Herodotus, ii. 170.

100 Herodotus, ii. 129-132.

101 Herodotus, ii. 41, with Prof. A. Wiedemann’s note (_Herodots zweites Buch_, pp. 187 _sqq._); Diodorus Siculus, i. 11. 4; Aelian, _De natura animalium_, x. 27; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 19 and 39. According to Prof. Wiedemann “the Egyptian name of the cow of Isis was _ḥes-t_, and this is one of the rare cases in which the name of the sacred animal agrees with that of the deity.” _Hest_ was the usual Egyptian form of the name which the Greeks and Romans represented as Isis. See R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, pp. 813 _sqq._

102 In this form she is represented on a relief at Philae pouring a libation in honour of the soul of Osiris. See E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 8. She is similarly portrayed in a bronze statuette, which is now in the Louvre. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, i. (Paris, 1882) p. 60, fig. 40.

103 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 52. The interpretation is accepted by Prof. A. Wiedemann (_Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 482).

104 Herodotus, ii. 62. In one of the Hibeh papyri (No. 27, lines 165-167) mention is made of the festival and of the lights which were burned throughout the district. See _The Hibeh Papyri_, part i., ed. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), p. 149 (pointed out to me by Mr. W. Wyse). In the papyrus the festival is said to have been held in honour of Athena (_i.e._ Neith), the great goddess of Sais, who was there identified with Isis. See A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten Ägypter_, pp. 77 _sq._; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 140 _sq._

105 In the period of the Middle Kingdom the Egyptians of Siut used to light lamps for the dead on the last day and the first day of the year. See A. Erman, “Zehn Vorträge aus dem mittleren Reich,” _Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, xx. (1882) p. 164; _id._, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 434 _sq._

M43 Annual festival of the dead among the Esquimaux. The lighting of the lamps for the dead. Annual festivals of the dead among the Indians of California. Annual festivals of the dead among the Choctaws and Pueblo Indians.

106 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1899) pp. 363 _sqq._

107 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 328, 355, 356, 384.

108 Kostromitonow, “Bemerkungen über die Indianer in Ober-Kalifornien,” in K. F. v. Baer and Gr. v. Helmersen’s _Beiträge zur Kenntniss des russischen Reiches_, i. (St. Petersburg, 1839) pp. 88 _sq._ The natives of the western islands of Torres Straits used to hold a great death-dance at which disguised men personated the ghosts of the lately deceased, mimicking their characteristic gait and gestures. Women and children were supposed to take these mummers for real ghosts. See A. C. Haddon, in _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 252-256; _The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead_, i. 176 _sqq._

109 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, pp. 437 _sq._

110 Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), ii. 95 _sq._

111 T. G. S. Ten Broeck, in H. R. Schoolcraft’s _Indian Tribes of the United States_ (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iv. 78. The Pueblo village to which the writer particularly refers is Laguna.

M44 Annual festival of the dead among the Miztecs of Mexico.

112 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 23 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), ii. 623. Similar customs are still practised by the Indians of a great part of Mexico and Central America (Brasseur de Bourbourg, _op. cit._ iii. 24, note 1).

113 “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan àson évêque,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) p. 179.

M45 Annual festival of the dead in Sumba.

114 S. Roos, “Bijdrage tot de kennis van taal, land en volk op het eiland Soemba,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. (1872) pp. 63-65.

M46 Annual festival of the dead in Kiriwina. Festival of the dead among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo.

115 Rev. S. B. Fellows, quoted by George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p. 237.

116 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_ (London, 1911), pp. 216-218. For another and briefer account of this festival see _The Scapegoat_, p. 154.

M47 Annual festival of the dead among the Nagas of Manipur.

117 Rev. Wm. Pettigrew, “Kathi Kasham, the ‘Soul Departure’ feast as practised by the Tangkkul Nagas, Manipur, Assam,” _Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, N.S. vol. v. 1909 (Calcutta, 1910), pp. 37-46; T. C. Hodson, _The Naga Tribes of Manipur_ (London, 1911), pp. 153-158.

M48 Annual festival of the dead among the Oraons of Bengal.

118 Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., “Religion and Customs of the Uraons,” _Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906), p. 136. Compare Rev. F. Hahn, “Some Notes on the Religion and Superstition of the Orāōs,” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii. (Calcutta, 1904) pp. 12 _sq._ According to the latter writer the pots containing the relics of the dead are buried, not in the sand of the river, but in a pit, generally covered with huge stones, which is dug for the purpose in some field or grove.

M49 Annual festival of the dead in Bilaspore.

119 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 18. According to Mr. W. Crooke, the Hindoo Feast of Lamps (_Diwálî_) seems to have been based on “the idea that on this night the spirits of the dead revisit their homes, which are cleaned and lighted for their reception.” See W. Crooke, _The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 295 _sq._

M50 Annual festival of the dead among the Bghais and Hkamies.

120 Rev. F. Mason, D.D., “Physical Character of the Karens,” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1866, Part ii. pp. 29 _sq._ Lights are not mentioned by the writer, but the festival being nocturnal we may assume that they are used for the convenience of the living as well as of the dead. In other respects the ceremonies are typical.

121 R. F. St. Andrew St. John, “A Short Account of the Hill Tribes of North Aracan,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, ii. (1873) p. 238. At this festival the dead are apparently not supposed to return to the houses.

M51 Annual festival of the dead in Cambodia.

122 E. Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_ (Paris, 1875), p. 59; A. Leclère, _Le Buddhisme au Cambodge_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 374-376. The departure of the souls is described only by the latter writer. Compare E. Aymonier, “Notes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,” _Cochinchine Française, Excursions et Reconnaissances_, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 205 _sq._

123 Mariny, _Relation nouvelle et curieuse des royaumes de Tunquin et de Lao_ (Paris, 1666), pp. 251-253.

M52 Annual festival of the dead in Annam.

124 Le R. P. Cadière, “Coutumes populaires de la vallée du Nguôn-So’n,” _Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient_, ii. (Hanoi, 1902) pp. 376-379; P. d’Enjoy, “Du droit successoral en Annam,” etc., _Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris_, Ve Série, iv. (1903) pp. 500-502; E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp. 372-375.

M53 Annual festival of friendless ghosts in Annam.

125 E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp. 254 _sq._; Paul Giran, _Magie et Religion Annamites_ (Paris, 1912), pp. 258 _sq._ According to the latter writer the offerings to the vagrant souls are made on the first and last days of the month, while sacrifices of a more domestic character are performed on the fifteenth.

M54 Annual festivals of the dead in Cochinchina, Siam and Japan.

126 L. E. Louvet, _La Cochinchine religieuse_ (Paris, 1885), pp. 149-151.

_ 127 The Scapegoat_, pp. 149 _sqq._

M55 Annual festivals of the dead among the Chewsurs and Armenians.

128 C. v. Hahn, “Religiöse Anschauungen und Totengedächtnisfeier der Chewsuren,” _Globus_, lxxvi. (1899) pp. 211 _sq._

129 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 23 _sq._

M56 Annual festivals of the dead in Africa.

130 Fred. E. Forbes, _Dahomey and the Dahomans_ (London, 1851), ii. 73. Compare John Duncan, _Travels in Western Africa_ (London, 1847), i. 125 _sq._; A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_ (London, 1890), p. 108. The Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast and Ashantee celebrate an annual festival of eight days in honour of the dead. It falls towards the end of August. The offerings are presented to the departed at their graves. See A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London, 1887), pp. 227 _sq._; E. Perregaux, _Chez les Achanti_ (Neuchâtel, 1908), pp. 136, 138. According to the latter writer the festival is celebrated at the time of the yam harvest.

131 W. Munzinger, _Ostafrikanische Studien_ (Schaffhausen, 1864), p. 473.

_ 132 The Scapegoat_, pp. 136 _sq._

M57 Annual festivals of the dead among peoples of the Aryan stock. Annual festival of the dead (the Fravashis) among the old Iranians. Annual festival of the dead among the Persians.

133 On the worship of the dead, and especially of ancestors, among Aryan peoples, see W. Caland, _Über Totenverehrung bei einigen der indo-germanischen Völker_ (Amsterdam, 1888); O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 21 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._ “Aryan Religion,” in Dr. J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 16 _sqq._

134 As to the Iranian calendar see W. Geiger, _Altiranische Kultur im Altertum_ (Erlangen, 1882), pp. 314 _sqq._; as to the Iranian worship of the sainted dead (the Fravashis) see _id._ pp. 286 _sqq._ As to the annual festival of the dead (Hamaspathmaedaya) see W. Caland, _Über Totenverehrung bei einigen der indo-germanischen Völker_ (Amsterdam, 1888), pp. 64 _sq._; N. Söderblom, _Les Fravashis_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 4 _sqq._; J. H. Moulton, _Early Zoroastrianism_ (London, 1913), pp. 256 _sqq._ All these writers agree that the Fravashis of the _Zend-Avesta_ were originally the souls of the dead. See also James Darmesteter, _Zend-Avesta_, Part ii. (Oxford, 1883) p. 179: “The Fravashi is the inner power in every being that maintains it and makes it grow and subsist. Originally the Fravashis were the same as the _Pitris_ of the Hindus or the _Manes_ of the Latins, that is to say, the everlasting and deified souls of the dead; but in course of time they gained a wider domain, and not only men, but gods and even physical objects, like the sky and the earth, etc., had each a Fravashi.” Compare _id._, _Ormazd et Ahriman_ (Paris, 1877), pp. 130 _sqq._; N. Söderblom, _La Vie Future d’après Le Mazdéisme_ (Paris, 1901), pp. 7 _sqq._ A different view of the original nature of the Fravashis was taken by C. P. Tiele, according to whom they were essentially guardian spirits. See C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), ii. 256 _sqq._

_ 135 The Zend-Avesta_, translated by James Darmesteter, Part ii. (Oxford, 1883) pp. 192 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxiii.).

136 Albiruni, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_, translated and edited by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), p. 210. In the _Dinkard_, a Pahlavi work which seems to have been composed in the first half of the ninth century A.D., the festival is spoken of as “those ten days which are the end of the winter and termination of the year, because the five Gathic days, among them, are for that purpose.” By “the five Gathic days” the writer means the five supplementary days added at the end of the twelfth month to complete the year of 365 days. See _Pahlavi Texts_ translated by E. W. West, Part iv. (Oxford, 1892) p. 17 (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxxvii.).

M58 Feast of All Souls in Brittany and other parts of France.

137 A. le Braz, _La Légende de la Morten Basse-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1893), pp. 280-287. Compare J. Lecœur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_ (Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 283 _sqq._

138 L. F. Sauvé, _Le folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), pp. 295 _sq._

139 J. L. M. Noguès, _Les mœurs d’autrefois en Saintonge et en Aunis_ (Saintes, 1891), p. 76. As to the observance of All Souls’ Day in other parts of France see A. Meyrac, _Traditions, coutumes, légendes et contes des Ardennes_ (Charleville, 1890), pp. 22-24; Ch. Beauquier, _Les mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 123-125.

M59 Feast of All Souls in Belgium.

140 Above, p. 52.

141 W. Crooke, _The Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 219.

142 Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_ (Brussels, 1861-1862), ii. 236-240; _id._, _Das festliche Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 229 _sq._

M60 Feast of All Souls in Lechrain.

143 Karl Freiherr von Leoprechting, _Aus dem Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855), pp. 198-200.

M61 Soul-cakes and All Souls’ Day in Southern Germany.

144 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), p. 330. As to these cakes (called “souls”) in Swabia see E. Meyer, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 452, § 174; Anton Birlinger, _Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1861-1862), ii. 167 _sq._ The cakes are baked of white flour, and are of a longish rounded shape with two small tips at each end.

145 Adalbert Kuhn, _Mythologische Studien_, ii. (Gütersloh, 1912) pp. 41 _sq._, citing F. Schönwerth, _Aus der Oberpfalz_, i. 283.

M62 Feast of All Souls in Bohemia.

146 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_ (Prague, N.D.), pp. 493-495.

147 Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), p. 97.

M63 Feast of All Souls in Moravia.

148 Willibald Müller, _Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren_ (Vienna and Olmütz, 1893), p. 330.

M64 Feast of All Souls in the Tyrol and Baden.

149 Ignaz V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meiningen des Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 176-178.

150 Christian Schneller, _Märchen und Sagen aus Wälschtirol_ (Innsbruck, 1867), p. 238.

151 Elard Hugo Meyer, _Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_ (Strasburg, 1900), p. 601.

M65 Annual festivals of the dead among the Letts and Samagitians.

152 P. Einhorn, “Historia Lettica,” in _Scriptores Rerum Livonicarum_, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 587, 598, 630 _sq._, 645 _sq._ See also the description of D. Fabricius in his “Livonicae Historiae compendiosa series,” _ib._ p. 441. Fabricius assigns the custom to All Souls’ Day.

153 J. Lasicius, “De diis Samagitarum caeterorumque Sarmatarum,” in _Magazin herausgegeben von der lettisch-literärischen Gesellschaft_, xiv. 1. (Mitau, 1868), p. 92.

154 F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und äussern Leben der Ehsten_ (St. Petersburg, 1876), pp. 366 _sq._; Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten_ (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 89.

M66 Festival of the dead in Russia.

155 W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_2 (London, 1872), pp. 321 _sq._ The date of the festival is not mentioned. Apparently it is celebrated at irregular intervals.

M67 Annual festivals of the dead among the Votiaks of Russia.

156 M. Buch, _Die Wotjäken_ (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 145.

157 J. Wasiljev, _Übersicht über die heidnischen Gebräuche, Aberglauben und Religion der Wotjäken_ (Helsingfors, 1902), pp. 34 _sq._ (_Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne_, xviii.). As to the Votiak clans see the same work, pp. 42-44.

M68 Feast of All Souls in the Abruzzi.

158 G. Finamore, _Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi_ (Palermo, 1890), pp. 180-182. Mr. W. R. Paton writes to me (12th December 1906): “You do not mention the practice[s] on the modern Greek feast τῶν ψυχῶν (in May) which quite correspond. The κόλυβα is made in every house and put on a table laid with a white tablecloth. A glass of water and a taper are put on the table, and all is left so for the whole night. Our Greek maid-servant says that when she was a child she remembers seeing the souls come and partake. Almost the same rite is practised for the κόλυβα made on the commemoration of particular dead.”

M69 Soul-cakes on All-Souls’ Day in England. “Souling Day” in Shropshire.

159 John Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), i. 393.

160 John Aubrey, _Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_ (London, 1881), p. 23.

161 Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_ (London, 1883), p. 381. The writers record (pp. 382 _sqq._) some of the ditties which were sung on this occasion by those who begged for soul-cakes.

162 J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, i. 392, 393; W. Hone, _Year Book_ (London, N.D.), col. 1288; T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), pp. 405, 406, 407, 409; J. Harland and T. T. Wilkinson, _Lancashire Folk-lore_ (London, 1882), p. 251; Elizabeth Mary Wright, _Rustic Speech and Folk-lore_ (Oxford, 1913), p. 300.

163 Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London, 1909), p. 255. See also T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p. 410, who, quoting Pennant as his authority, says that the poor people who received soul-cakes prayed God to bless the next crop of wheat.

_ 164 County Folk-lore_, vol. ii. _North Riding of Yorkshire, York, and the Ainsty_ (London, 1901), quoting George Young, _A History of Whitby and Streoneshalth Abbey_ (Whitby, 1817), ii. 882.

165 T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_, p. 410.

166 M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in John Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1808-1814), iii. 666.

M70 Feast of All Souls among the Indians of Ecuador.

167 Dr. Rivet, “Le Christianisme et les Indiens de la République de l’Équateur,” _L’Anthropologie_, xvii. (1906) pp. 93 _sq._

M71 The nominally Christian feast of All Souls on Nov. 2 appears to be an old Celtic festival of the dead adopted by the Church in 998 A.D. Institution of the Feast of All Souls by the Abbot of Clugny.

168 See above, pp. 53, 55, 62, 65.

169 Sir John Rhys, _Celtic Heathendom_ (London and Edinburgh, 1888), pp. 460, 514 _sq._; _id._, “Celtae and Galli,” _Proceedings of the British Academy, 1905-1906_ (London, N.D.), p. 78; _Balder the Beautiful_, i. 224 _sq._

170 K. Müllenhoff, _Deutsche Altertumskunde_, iv. (Berlin, 1900) pp. 379 _sq._ The first of October seems to have been a great festival among the Saxons and also the Samagitians. See Widukind, _Res gestae Saxonicae_, i. 12 (Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, cxxxvii. 135); M. A. Michov, “De Sarmatia Asiana atque Europea,” in S. Grynaeus’s _Novus Orbis Regionum ac Insularum veteribus incognitarum_ (Bâle, 1532), p. 520. I have to thank Professor H. M. Chadwick for pointing out these two passages to me. Mr. A. Tille prefers to date the Teutonic winter from Martinmas, the eleventh of November. See A. Tille, _Die Geschichte der deutschen Weihnacht_ (Leipsic, N.D.), pp. 23 _sqq._; O. Schrader, _Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901), p. 395.

171 A. J. Binterim, _Die vorzüglichsten Denkwürdigkeiten der Christ-Katholischen Kirche_, v. 1 (Mayence, 1829), pp. 493 _sq._; J. J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, _Real-Encyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche_,2 i. (Leipsic, 1877), pp. 303 _sq._; W. Smith and S. Cheetham, _Dictionary of Christian Antiquities_ (London, 1875-1880), i. 57 _sq._

M72 The feast of All Saints on Nov. 1 seems also to have displaced a heathen festival of the dead.

172 A. J. Binterim, _op. cit._ v. 1, pp. 487 _sqq._; J. J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, _op. cit._ i. p. 303; W. Smith and S. Cheetham, _Dictionary of Christian Antiquities_, i. 57. In the last of these works a passage from the _Martyrologium Romanum Vetus_ is quoted which states that a feast of Saints (_Festivitas Sanctorum_) on the first of November was celebrated at Rome. But the date of this particular Martyrology is disputed. See A. J. Binterim, _op. cit._ v. 1, pp. 52-54.

173 J. J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, _op. cit._ i. 304. A similar attempt to reform religion by diverting the devotion of the people from the spirits of their dead appears to have been made in antiquity by the doctors of the Persian faith. For that faith “in its most finished and purest form, in the _Gathas_, does not recognize the dead as objects worthy of worship and sacrifice. But the popular beliefs were too firmly rooted, and the Mazdeans, like the sectaries of many other ideal and lofty forms of religion, were forced to give way. As they could not suppress the worship and get rid of the primitive and crude ideas involved in it, they set about the reform in another way: they interpreted the worship in a new manner, and thus the worship of the dead became a worship of the gods or of a god in favour of the loved and lost ones, a pious commemoration of their names and their virtues.” See N. Söderblom, _Les Fravashis_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 6 _sq._ The _Gathas_ form the oldest part of the _Zend-Avesta_. James Darmesteter, indeed, in his later life startled the learned world by a theory that the _Gathas_ were a comparatively late work based on the teaching of Philo of Alexandria. But this attempt of a Jew to claim for his race the inspiration of the Persian scriptures has been coldly received by Gentile scholars. See J. H. Moulton, _Early Zoroastrianism_ (London, 1913), pp. 8 _sqq._

M73 Festival of the death and resurrection of Osiris in the month of Athyr. The finding of Osiris.

174 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 39. As to the death of Osiris on the seventeenth of Athyr see _ib._ 13 and 42. Plutarch’s statement on this subject is confirmed by the evidence of the papyrus Sallier IV., a document dating from the 19th dynasty, which places the lamentation for Osiris at Sais on the seventeenth day of Athyr. See A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 262; _id._, _Die Religion der alten Ägypter_, p. 112; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 211 _sq._

175 See above, p. 50.

176 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 39. The words which I have translated “vegetable mould” are γῆν κάρπιμον, literally, “fruitful earth.” The composition of the image was very important, as we shall see presently.

177 Lactantius, _Divin. Institut._, i. 21; _id._, _Epitome Inst. Divin._ 23 (18, ed. Brandt and Laubmann). The description of the ceremony which Minucius Felix gives (_Octavius_, xxii. 1) agrees closely with, and is probably copied from, that of Lactantius. We know from Appian (_Bell. Civ._ iv. 6. 47) that in the rites of Isis a priest personated Anubis, wearing a dog’s, or perhaps rather a jackal’s, mask on his head; for the historian tells how in the great proscription a certain Volusius, who was on the condemned list, escaped in the disguise of a priest of Isis, wearing a long linen garment and the mask of a dog over his head.

178 The suggestion is due to Prof. A. Wiedemann (_Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 261).

179 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 2. Herodotus tells (ii. 61) how the Carians cut their foreheads with knives at the mourning for Osiris.

180 In addition to the writers who have been already cited see Juvenal, viii. 29 _sq._; Athenagoras, _Supplicatio pro Christianis_, 22, pp. 112, 114, ed. J. C. T. Otto (Jena, 1857); Tertullian, _Adversus Marcionem_, i. 13; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 10.

M74 The great Osirian inscription at Denderah.

181 W. Smith, _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, ii. 1127.

182 For complete translations of the inscription see H. Brugsch, “Das Osiris-Mysterium von Tentyra,” _Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, 1881, pp. 77-111; V. Loret, “Les fêtes d’Osiris au mois de Khoiak,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, iii. (1882) pp. 43-57, iv. (1883) pp. 21-33, v. (1884) pp. 85-103. On the document and the festivals described in it see further A. Mariette-Pacha, _Dendérah_ (Paris, 1880), pp. 334-347; J. Dümichen, “Die dem Osiris im Denderatempel geweihten Räume,” _Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, 1882, pp. 88-101; H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_ (Leipsic, 1885-1888), pp. 616-618; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, pp. 725-744; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 262; _id._, “Osiris végétant,” _Le Muséon_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 113; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 128 _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 21 _sqq._; Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904), pp. 27 _sq._

M75 The rites of Osiris in the month of Khoiak represented the god as dead, dismembered, and then reconstituted by the union of his scattered limbs.

183 R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 727.

184 H. Brugsch, in _Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, 1881, pp. 80-82; A. Wiedemann, in _Le Muséon_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 113. The corn used in the making of the images is called barley by Brugsch and Miss M. A. Murray (_l.c._), but wheat (_blé_) by Mr. V. Loret.

185 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 99, 101.

186 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 82 _sq._; R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 728; Miss Margaret A. Murray, _op. cit._ p. 27.

187 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 90 _sq._, 96 _sq._, 98; R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ pp. 743 _sq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 128. According to Lanzone, the ploughing took place, not on the first, but on the last day of the festival, namely, on the thirtieth of Khoiak; and that certainly appears to have been the date of the ploughing at Busiris, for the inscription directs that there “the ploughing of the earth shall take place in the Serapeum of _Aa-n-beḥ_ under the fine Persea trees on the last day of the month Khoiak” (H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ p. 84).

188 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, p. 28; H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 83, 92. The headless human image in the cow may have stood for Isis, who is said to have been decapitated by her son Horus, and to have received from Thoth a cow’s head as a substitute. See Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 20; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 177; Ed. Meyer, _s.v._ “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 366.

189 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 92 _sq._; R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ pp. 738-740; A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 262; Miss M. A. Murray, _op. cit._ p. 35. An Egyptian calendar, written at Sais about 300 B.C., has under the date 26 Khoiak the following entry: “Osiris goes about and the golden boat is brought forth.” See _The Hibeh Papyri_, Part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), pp. 146, 153. In the Canopic decree “the voyage of the sacred boat of Osiris” is said to take place on the 29th of Khoiak from “the sanctuary in the Heracleum” to the Canopic sanctuary. See W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, No. 56 (vol. i. pp. 105, 108). Hence it would seem that the date of this part of the festival varied somewhat in different places or at different times.

190 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ p. 99; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 129; compare Miss Margaret A. Murray, _op. cit._ p. 28, who refers the ceremony to the twenty-fifth of Khoiak.

191 H. Brugsch, _op. cit._ pp. 94, 99; A. Mariette-Pacha, _Dendérah_, pp. 336 _sq._; R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 744. Mariette supposed that after depositing the new image in the sepulchre they carried out the old one of the preceding year, thus setting forth the resurrection as well as the death of the god. But this view is apparently not shared by Brugsch and Lanzone.

M76 The resurrection of Osiris represented on the monuments.

192 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dendérah_, iv. (Paris, 1873) plates 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 88, 89, 90; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, pp. 757 _sqq._, with plates cclxviii.-ccxcii.; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 131-138; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 31 _sqq._

193 H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 621; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, plate cclxi.; A. Wiedemann, “L’Osiris végétant,” _Le Muséon_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 112; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 58. According to Prof. Wiedemann, the corn springing from the god’s body is barley. Similarly in a papyrus of the Louvre (No. 3377) Osiris is represented swathed as a mummy and lying on his back, while stalks of corn sprout from his body. See R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ pp. 801 _sq._, with plate ccciii. 2; A. Wiedemann, “L’Osiris végétant,” _Le Muséon_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 112.

194 Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 8, p. 162 ed. L. Duncker and F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859). See _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 38 _sq._

195 Prof. A. Erman rightly assumes (_Die ägyptische Religion_,2 p. 234) that the images made in the month of Khoiak were intended to germinate as a symbol of the divine resurrection.

M77 Corn-stuffed effigies of Osiris buried with the dead to ensure their resurrection.

196 A. Wiedemann, “L’Osiris végétant,” _Le Muséon_, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 111; _Egyptian Exploration Fund Archaeological Report, 1898-1899_, pp. 24 _sq._; A. Moret, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and London, 1912), p. 94, with plate xi.; _id._, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), p. 41.

197 B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, in _Egyptian Exploration Fund Archaeological Report, 1902-1903_, p. 5.

198 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, pp. 28 _sq._

199 Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _A Second Series of the Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1841), ii. 300, note §. The writer seems to have doubted whether these effigies represented Osiris. But the doubt has been entirely removed by subsequent discoveries. Wilkinson’s important note on the subject is omitted by his editor, S. Birch (vol. iii. p. 375, ed. 1878).

200 A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 209 _sq._

M78 The festivals of Osiris in the months of Athyr and Khoiak seem to have been substantially the same.

201 See above, pp. 24 _sq._, 27 _sq._, 49 _sq._

M79 The old festival of Khoiak may have been transferred to Athyr when the Egyptians adopted the fixed Alexandrian year in 30 B.C. M80 The transference would be intelligible if we suppose that in 30 B.C. the dates of all the Egyptian festivals were shifted backward by about a month in order to restore them to their natural places in the calendar.

202 So it was reckoned at the time. But, strictly speaking, Thoth in that year began on August 31. The miscalculation originated in a blunder of the ignorant Roman pontiffs who, being charged with the management of the new Julian calendar, at first intercalated a day every third, instead of every fourth, year. See Solinus, _Collectanea_, i. 45-47 (p. 15, ed. Th. Mommsen, Berlin, 1864); Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 14. 13 _sq._; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 157-161.

203 Theoretically the shift should have been 40, or rather 42 days, that being the interval between July 20 and August 29 or 31 (see the preceding note). If that shift was actually made, the calendar date of any festival in the old vague Egyptian year could be found by adding 40 or 42 days to its date in the Alexandrian year. Thus if the death of Osiris fell on the 17th of Athyr in the Alexandrian year, it should have fallen on the 27th or 29th of Khoiak in the old vague year; and if his resurrection fell on the 19th of Athyr in the Alexandrian year, it should have fallen on the 29th of Khoiak or the 1st of Tybi in the old vague year. These calculations agree nearly, but not exactly, with the somewhat uncertain indications of the Denderah calendar (above, p. 88), and also with the independent evidence which we possess that the resurrection of Osiris was celebrated on the 30th of Khoiak (below, pp. 108 _sq._). These approximate agreements to some extent confirm my theory that, with the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year, the dates of the official Egyptian festivals were shifted from their accidental places in the calendar to their proper places in the natural year.

Since I published in the first edition of this book (1906) my theory that with the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year in 30 B.C. the Egyptian festivals were shifted about a month backward in the year, Professor Ed. Meyer has shown independent grounds for holding “that the festivals which gave rise to the later names of the (Egyptian) months were demonstrably held a month later in earlier ages, under the twentieth, eighteenth, indeed partly under the twelfth dynasty; in other words, that after the end of the New Kingdom the festivals and the corresponding names of the months were displaced one month backwards. It is true that this displacement can as yet be proved for only five months; but as the names of these months and the festivals keep their relative position towards each other, the assumption is inevitable that the displacement affected not merely particular festivals but the whole system equally.” See Ed. Meyer, _Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1908), pp. 3 _sqq._ (_Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften vom Jahre 1907_). Thus it is possible that the displacement of the festivals by a month backward in the calendar took place a good deal earlier than I had supposed. In the uncertainty of the whole question I leave my theory as it stood.

204 If the results of the foregoing inquiry be accepted, the resurrection of Osiris was regularly celebrated in Egypt on the 15th of November from the year 30 B.C. onward, since the 15th of November corresponded to the 19th of Athyr (the resurrection day) in the fixed Alexandrian year. This agrees with the indications of the Roman Rustic Calendars, which place the resurrection (_heuresis_, that is, the discovery of Osiris) between the 14th and the 30th of November. Yet according to the calendar of Philocalus, the official Roman celebration of the resurrection seems to have been held on the 1st of November, not on the 15th. How is the discrepancy to be explained? Th. Mommsen supposed that the festival was officially adopted at Rome at a time when the 19th of Athyr of the vague Egyptian year corresponded to the 31st of October or the 1st of November of the Julian calendar, and that the Romans, overlooking the vague or shifting character of the Egyptian year, fixed the resurrection of Osiris permanently on the 1st of November. Now the 19th of Athyr of the vague year corresponded to the 1st of November in the years 32-35 A.D. and to the 31st of October in the years 36-39; and it appears that the festival was officially adopted at Rome some time before 65 A.D. (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, viii. 831 _sqq._). It is unlikely that the adoption took place in the reign of Tiberius, who died in 37 A.D.; for he is known to have persecuted the Egyptian religion (Tacitus, _Annals_, ii. 85; Suetonius, _Tiberius_, 36; Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xviii. 3. 4); hence Mommsen concluded that the great festival of Osiris was officially adopted at Rome in the early years of the reign of Caligula, that is, in 37, 38, or 39 A.D. See Th. Mommsen, _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), pp. 333 _sq._; H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. p. 995, No. 8745. This theory of Mommsen’s assumes that in Egypt the festivals were still regulated by the old vague year in the first century of our era. It cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the conclusion reached in the text that the Egyptian festivals ceased to be regulated by the old vague year from 30 B.C. onward. How the difference of date between the official Roman and the Egyptian festival of the resurrection is to be explained, I do not pretend to say.

M81 Osiris in one of his aspects a personification of the corn. Osiris a child of Sky and Earth. The legend of the dismemberment of Osiris points to the dismemberment of human beings, perhaps of the kings, in the character of the corn-spirit.

205 See above, p. 48.

206 See above, p. 6.

207 See above, p. 7.

208 Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 166.

_ 209 The Dying God_, p. 250.

_ 210 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 236 _sqq._

211 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 73, compare 33.

212 Diodorus Siculus, i. 88. 5. The slaughter may have been performed by the king with his own hand. On Egyptian monuments the king is often represented in the act of slaying prisoners before a god. See A. Moret, _Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 179, 224; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 197 _sqq._ Similarly the kings of Ashantee and Dahomey used often themselves to cut the throats of the human victims. See A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London, 1887), p. 162; _id._, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_ (London, 1890), pp. 125, 129.

M82 Roman and Greek traditions of the dismemberment of kings. Modern Thracian pretence of killing a man, who is sometimes called a king, for the good of the crops.

_ 213 Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea_, in F. Eyssenhardt’s edition of Martianus Capella, p. 408 (Leipsic, 1866).

214 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 56. 4. Compare Livy, i. 16. 4; Florus, i. 1. 16 _sq._; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 27. Mr. A. B. Cook was, I believe, the first to interpret the story as a reminiscence of the sacrifice of a king. See his article “The European Sky-God,” _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 324 _sq._ However, the acute historian A. Schwegler long ago maintained that the tradition rested on some very ancient religious rite, which was afterwards abolished or misunderstood, and he rightly compared the legendary deaths of Pentheus and Orpheus (_Römische Geschichte_, Tübingen, 1853-1858, vol. i. pp. 534 _sq._). See further W. Otto, “Juno,” _Philologus_, lxiv. (1905) pp. 187 _sqq._

_ 215 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 313 _sqq._

216 Euripides, _Bacchae_, 43 _sqq._, 1043 _sqq._; Theocritus, xxvi.; Pausanias, ii. 2. 7; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 1 _sq._; Hyginus, _Fab._ 132 and 184. The destruction of Lycurgus by horses seems to be mentioned only by Apollodorus. As to Pentheus see especially A. G. Bather, “The Problem of the Bacchae,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xiv. (1904) pp. 244-263.

217 Nonnus, _Dionys._ vi. 165-205; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 17 _sq._, p. 15 ed. Potter; Justin Martyr, _Apology_, i. 54; Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 6; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 19. According to the Clementine _Recognitiones_, x. 24 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, i. 1434) Dionysus was torn in pieces at Thebes, the very place of which Pentheus was king. The description of Euripides (_Bacchae_, 1058 _sqq._) suggests that the human victim was tied or hung to a pine-tree before being rent to pieces. We are reminded of the effigy of Attis which hung on the sacred pine (above, vol. i. p. 267), and of the image of Osiris which was made out of a pine-tree and then buried in the hollow of the trunk (below, p. 108). The pine-tree on which Pentheus was pelted by the Bacchanals before they tore him limb from limb is said to have been worshipped as if it were the god himself by the Corinthians, who made two images of Dionysus out of it (Pausanias, ii. 2. 7). The tradition points to an intimate connexion between the tree, the god, and the human victim.

218 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 55. At Potniae in Boeotia a priest of Dionysus is said to have been killed by the drunken worshippers (Pausanias, ix. 8. 2). He may have been sacrificed in the character of the god.

219 Lucian, _De saltatione_, 51; Plato, _Symposium_, 7, p. 179 D, E; Pausanias, ix. 30. 5; Ovid, _Metam._ xi. 1-43; O. Gruppe, _s.v._ “Orpheus,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, iii. 1165 _sq._ That Orpheus died the death of the god has been observed both in ancient and modern times. See E. Rohde, _Psyche_3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903) ii. 118, note 2, quoting Proclus on Plato; S. Reinach, “La mort d’Orphée,” _Cultes, Mythes et Religions_, ii. (1906) pp. 85 _sqq._ According to Ovid, the Bacchanals killed him with hoes, rakes, and mattocks. Similarly in West Africa human victims used to be killed with spades and hoes and then buried in a field which had just been tilled (J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l’Ethiopie occidentale_, Paris, 1732, i. 380). Such a mode of sacrifice points to the identification of the human victim with the fruits of the earth.

220 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 1.

221 R. M. Dawkins, “The Modern Carnival in Thrace and the Cult of Dionysus,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxvi. (1906) pp. 191-206. See further _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 25 _sqq._

M83 Norwegian tradition of the dismemberment of a king, Halfdan the Black. Frey, the Scandinavian god of fertility, buried at Upsala.

222 Snorri Sturluson, _Heimskringla, Saga Halfdanar Svarta_, ch. 9. I have to thank Professor H. M. Chadwick for referring me to this passage and translating it for me. See also _The Stories of the Kings of Norway (Heimskringla)_, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon (London, 1893-1905), i. 86 _sq._ Halfdan the Black was the father of Harold the Fair-haired, king of Norway (860-933 A.D.). Professor Chadwick tells me that, though the tradition as to the death and mutilation of Halfdan was not committed to writing for three hundred years, he sees no reason to doubt its truth. He also informs me that the word translated “abundance” means literally “the produce of the season.” “Plenteous years” is the rendering of Morris and Magnússon.

223 As to the descent of Halfdan and the Ynglings from Frey, see _Heimskringla_, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon, i. 23-71 (_The Saga Library_, vol. iii.). With regard to Frey, the god of fertility, both animal and vegetable, see E. H. Meyer, _Mythologie der Germanen_ (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 366 _sq._; P. Hermann, _Nordische Mythologie_ (Leipsic, 1903), pp. 206 _sqq._

_ 224 Heimskringla_, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon, i. 4, 22-24 (_The Saga Library_, vol. iii.).

M84 Segera, a magician of Kiwai, said to have been cut up after death and the pieces buried in gardens to fertilize them.

_ 225 Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 32 _sq._, from information supplied by Dr. C. G. Seligmann.

M85 Apparently widespread custom of dismembering a king or magician and burying the pieces in different parts of the kingdom. M86 In this dismemberment a special virtue seems to have been ascribed to the genital organs.

226 See above, p. 10.

227 Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 291.

228 Above, p. 97.

229 Above, pp. 268 _sq._

M87 The Egyptian kings probably opposed the custom and succeeded in abolishing it. Precautions taken to preserve the bodies of kings from mutilation.

230 See my notes on Pausanias, i. 28. 7 and viii. 47. 5 (vol. ii. pp. 366 _sq._, vol. iv. pp. 433 _sq._).

231 R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901), p. 116; C. Fossey, _La Magie Assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp. 34 _sq._

232 Amos ii. 1.

233 Pausanias, i. 9. 7 _sq._

M88 Graves of kings and chiefs in Africa kept secret. Burial-place of chiefs in Fiji kept secret. Graves of Melanesian magicians kept secret.

234 P. B. du Chaillu, _Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa_ (London, 1861), pp. 18 _sq._

235 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 107.

236 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), pp. 449 _sq._ In West African jargon the word ju-ju means fetish or magic.

237 Father Porte, “Les reminiscences d’un missionnaire du Basutoland,” _Missions Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) pp. 311 _sq._ As to the _Baloi_, see A. Merensky, _Beiträge zur Kenntniss Süd-Afrikas_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 138 _sq._; E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 375. For these two references I have to thank Mr. E. S. Hartland.

238 Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuchâtel, 1912-1913), i. 387 _sq._

239 Lorimer Fison, “Notes on Fijian Burial Customs,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, x. (1881) pp. 141 _sq._

240 R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), p. 269.

M89 Among the Koniags of Alaska the bodies of dead whalers were cut up and used as talismans.

241 Ivan Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska_, p. 142. The account seems to be borrowed from H. J. Holmberg, who adds that pains were taken to preserve the flesh from decay, “because they believed that their own life depended on it.” See H. J. Holmberg, “Über die Völker des russischen Amerika,” _Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) p. 391.

M90 Assimilation of human victims to the corn.

242 Above, p. 97.

243 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 31; Herodotus, ii. 38.

244 Herrera, quoted by A. Bastian, _Die Culturländer des alten Amerika_ (Berlin, 1878), ii. 639; _id._, _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-26), ii. 379 _sq._ (whose version of the passage is inadequate). Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amérique Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-59), i. 327, iii. 525.

245 E. Lefébure, _Le mythe Osirien_ (Paris, 1874-75), p. 188.

246 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 2, “_Defensores eorum volunt addere physicam rationem, frugum semina Osirim dicentes esse, Isim terram, Tyfonem calorem: et quia maturatae fruges calore ad vitam hominum colliguntur et divisae a terrae consortio separantur et rursus adpropinquante hieme seminantur, hanc volunt esse mortem Osiridis, cum fruges recondunt, inventionem vero, cum fruges genitali terrae fomento conceptae annua rursus coeperint procreatione generari._” Tertullian, _Adversus Marcionem_, i. 13, “_Sic et Osiris quod semper sepelitur et in vivido quaeritur et cum gaudio invenitur, reciprocarum frugum et vividorum elementorum et recidivi anni fidem argumentantur_.” Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 65, οὕτω δὲ καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ φορτικοῖς ἐπιχειρήσομεν, εἴτε ταῖς καθ᾽ ὤραν μεταβολαῖς τοῦ περιέχοντος εἴτε ταῖς καρπῶν γενέσεσι καὶ σποραῖς καὶ ἀρότοις χαίρουσι τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους συνοικειοῦντες, καὶ λέγοντες θάπτεσθαι μὲν Ὄσιριν ὅτε κρύπτεται τῇ γῇ σπειρόμενος ὁ καρπός, αὖθις δ᾽ ἀναβιοῦσθαι καὶ ἀναφαίνεσφαι ὅτε βλαστήσεως ἀρχή. Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iii. 11. 31, ὁ δὲ Ὄσιρις παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις τὴν κάρπιμον παρίστησι δύναμιν, ἢν θρήνοις ἀπομειλίσσονται εἰς γὴν ἀφανιζομένην ἐν τῷ σπόρῳ καὶ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν καταναλισκομένην εἰς τὰς τροφάς. Athenagoras, _Supplicatio pro Christianis_, 22, pp. 112, 114 ed. J. C. T. Otto, τὰ δὲ στοιχεῖα καὶ τὰ μόρια αὐτῶν θεοποιοῦσιν, ἄλλοτε ἄλλα ὀνόματα αὐτοῖς τιθέμενοι, τὴν μὲν τοῦ σίτου σπορὰν Ὄσιριν (ὄφεν φασὶ μυστικῶς ἐπὶ τῇ ἀνευρέσει τῶν μελῶν ἢ τῶν καρπῶν ἐπιλεχθῆναι τῇ Ἴσιδι. Εὐρήκαμεν, συγχαίρομεν). See also the passage of Cornutus quoted above, vol. i. p. 229, note 2.

M91 Osiris as a tree-spirit. His image enclosed in a pine-tree.

_ 247 De errore profanarum religionum_, 27.

248 See above, vol. i. pp. 267, 277.

249 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 21, αἰνῶ δὲ τομὴν ξύλου καὶ σχίσιν λίνου καὶ χοὰς χεομένας, διὰ τὸ πολλὰ τῶν μυστικῶν ἀναμεμίχθαι τούτοις. Again, _ibid._ 42, τὸ δὲ ξύλον ἐν ταῖς λεγομέναις Ὀσίριδος ταφαῖς τέμνοντες κατασκευάζουσι λάρνακα μηνοειδῆ.

250 See above, p. 9.

M92 The setting up of the _ded_ pillar at the great festival of Osiris in the month of Khoiak. The setting up of the pillar may have been an emblem of the god’s resurrection.

251 As to the _tet_ or _ded_ pillar and its erection at the festival see H. Brugsch in _Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, 1881, pp. 84, 96; _id._, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 618; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 377 _sq._; _id._, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 22, 64; C. P. Tiele, _History of the Egyptian Religion_ (London, 1882), pp. 46 _sq._; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), iii. pp. 67, note 3, and 82; A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 289 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 130 _sq._; A. Moret, _Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique_, p. 153, note 1; _id._, _Mystères Égyptiens_, pp. 12-16; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 122, 124, _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 6, 37, 48, 51 _sqq._; Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, pp. 27, 28; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2, p. 70. In a letter to me (dated 8th December, 1910) my colleague Professor P. E. Newberry tells me that he believes Osiris to have been originally a cedar-tree god imported into Egypt from the Lebanon, and he regards the _ded_ pillar as a lopped cedar-tree. The flail, as a symbol of Osiris, he believes to be the instrument used to collect incense. A similar flail is used by peasants in Crete to extract the ladanum gum from the shrubs. See P. de Tournefort, _Relation d’un Voyage du Levant_ (Amsterdam, 1718), i. 29, with the plate. For this reference I am indebted to Professor Newberry.

252 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 15. See above, p. 9.

_ 253 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 88-90.

M93 Osiris associated with the pine, the sycamore, the tamarisk, and the acacia.

254 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dendérah_, iv. pl. 66.

255 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dendérah_, iv. pl. 72. Compare E. Lefébure, _Le mythe Osirien_, pp. 194, 196, who regards the tree as a conifer. But it is perhaps a tamarisk.

256 E. Lefébure, _op. cit._ pp. 195, 197.

257 S. Birch, in Sir J. G. Wilkinson’s _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1878), iii. 84.

258 Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ iii. 62-64; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 106 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 185.

259 J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_ (London, 1912), p. 28.

260 A. Moret, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and London, 1912), p. 83.

261 Above, vol. i. pp. 227 _sq._

262 Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ iii. 349 _sq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 368; H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 621.

263 We may compare a belief of some of the Californian Indians that the owl is the guardian spirit and deity of the “California big tree,” and that it is equally unlucky to fell the tree or to shoot the bird. See S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 398. When a Maori priest desires to protect the life or soul (_hau_) of a tree against the insidious arts of magicians, he sets a bird-snare in the tree, and the first bird caught in the snare, or its right wing, embodies the life or soul of the tree. Accordingly the priest recites appropriate spells over the bird or its wing and hides it away in the forest. After that no evil-disposed magician can hurt the tree, since its life or soul is not in it but hidden away in the forest. See Elsdon Best, “Spiritual Concepts of the Maori,” _Journal of the Polynesian Society_, ix. (1900) p. 195. Thus the bird or its wing is the depository of the external soul of the tree. Compare _Balder the Beautiful_, i. 95 _sqq._

264 Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ iii. 349 _sq._; H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 621; R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, tav. cclxiii.; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 20. In this passage of Plutarch it has been proposed by G. Parthey to read μυρίκης (tamarisk) for μηθίδης (_methide_), and the conjecture appears to be accepted by Wilkinson, _loc. cit._

265 E. Lefébure, _Le mythe Osirien_, p. 191.

266 E. Lefébure, _op. cit._ p. 188.

267 R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, tav. ccciv.; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. 570, fig.

M94 Osiris in relation to fruit-trees, wells, the vine, and ivy.

268 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35. One of the points in which the myths of Isis and Demeter agree is that both goddesses in the search for the loved and lost one are said to have sat down, sad at heart and weary, on the edge of a well. Hence those who had been initiated at Eleusis were forbidden to sit on a well. See Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 15; Homer, _Hymn to Demeter_, 98 _sq._; Pausanias, i. 39. 1; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 5. 1; Nicander, _Theriaca_, 486; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 20, p. 16 ed. Potter.

269 Tibullus, i. 7. 33-36; Diodorus Siculus, i. 17. 1, i. 20. 4.

270 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 38, 39.

271 E. A. Wallis Budge, _op. cit._ i. 19, 45, with frontispiece.

272 Diodorus Siculus, i. 17. 4 _sq._

M95 Osiris perhaps conceived as a god of fertility in general.

273 Herodotus, ii. 48; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 12, 18, 36, 51; Diodorus Siculus, i. 21. 5, i. 22. 6 _sq._, iv. 6. 3.

274 Hippolytus, _Refutatio omnium haeresium_, v. 7, p. 144 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin.

275 A. Mariette-Bey, _Dendérah_, iv. plates 66, 68, 69, 70, 88, 89, 90. Compare R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_, tavv. cclxxi., cclxxii., cclxxvi., cclxxxv., cclxxxvi., cclxxxvii., cclxxxix., ccxc.; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 132, 136, 137.

276 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_, p. 27.

277 That the Greek Dionysus was nothing but a slightly disguised form of the Egyptian Osiris has been held by Herodotus in ancient and by Mr. P. Foucart in modern times. See Herodotus, ii. 49; P. Foucart, _Le culte de Dionysos en Attique_ (Paris, 1904) (_Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xxxvii.).

M96 As god of the corn Osiris came to be viewed as the god of the resurrection.

278 Above, pp. 13 _sq._

279 Above, pp. 90 _sq._

280 1 Corinthians xv. 36-38, 42-44.

M97 Great popularity of the worship of Osiris.

281 Herodotus, ii. 42. Compare E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 115 _sq._, 203 _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 22 _sq._

M98 Multifarious attributes of Isis.

282 H. Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter_, p. 645; W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. ii. p. 433, No. 695; _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, iii. p. 1232, No. 4941. Compare H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. p. 179, No. 4376 A. In Egyptian her name is _Hest_ or _Ast_, but the derivation and meaning of the name are unknown. See A. Wiedemann, _The Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 218 _sq._

283 C. P. Tiele, _History of Egyptian Religion_ (London, 1882), p. 57.

284 E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 203 _sq._

M99 How Isis resembled yet differed from the Mother Goddesses of Asia. Isis perhaps originally a goddess of the corn.

285 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 1 _sq._ Eusebius (_Praeparatio Evangelii_,